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THE
WRITINGS
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON:

BEING HIS

AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL
AND PRIVATE.

PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY,
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS,
DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.

WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX
TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE,
BY THE EDITOR
H. A. WASHINGTON.

VOL. IX.

NEW YORK:
H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY.
1861.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
TAYLOR & MAURY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia.

STEREOTYPED BY
THOMAS R. SMITH.
82 & 84 Beekman Street.

CONTENTS OF VOL. IX.

BOOK IV.—Continued.
MISCELLANEOUS.

PART IV.
A MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE.

PREFACE.

The Constitution of the United States, establishing a Legislature for the Union under certain forms, authorizes each branch of it "to determine the rules of its own proceedings." The Senate have accordingly formed some rules for its own government: but those going only to few cases, they have referred to the decision of their President, without debate and without appeal, all questions of order arising either under their own rules, or where they have provided none. This places under the discretion of the President a very extensive field of decision, and one which, irregularly exercised, would have a powerful effect on the proceedings and determinations of the House. The President must feel, weightily and seriously, this confidence in his discretion: and the necessity of recurring, for its government, to some known system of rules, that he may neither leave himself free to indulge caprice or passion, nor open to the imputation of them. But to what system of rules is he to recur, as supplementary to those of the Senate? To this there can be but one answer: to the systems of regulations adopted by the government of some one of the parliamentary bodies within these States, or of that which has served as a prototype to most of them. This last is the model which we have studied; while we are little acquainted with the modifications of it in our several States. It is deposited, too, in publications possessed by many, and open to all. Its rules are probably as wisely constructed for governing the debates of a considerative body, and obtaining its true sense, as any which can become known to us; and the acquiescence of the Senate hitherto under the references to them, has given them the sanction of their approbation.

Considering, therefore, the law of proceedings in the Senate as composed of the precepts of the Constitution, the regulations of the Senate, and where these are silent, of the rules of Parliament, I have here endeavored to collect and digest so much of these as is called for in ordinary practice, collating the parliamentary with the senatorial rules, both where they agree and where they vary. I have done this, as well to have them at hand for my own government, as to deposit with the Senate the standard by which I judge and am willing to be judged. I could not doubt the necessity of quoting the sources of my information; among which Mr. Hatsel's most valuable book is pre-eminent; but as he has only treated some general heads, I have been obliged to recur to other authorities, in support of a number of common rules of practice to which his plan did not descend. Sometimes each authority cited supports the whole passage. Sometimes it rests on all taken together. Sometimes the authority goes only to a part of the text, the residue being inferred from known rules and principles. For some of the most familiar forms, no written authority is or can be quoted; no writer having supposed it necessary to repeat what all were presumed to know. The statement of these must rest on their notoriety.

I am aware, that authorities can often be produced in opposition to the rules which I lay down as parliamentary. An attention to dates will generally remove their weight. The proceedings of Parliament in ancient times, and for a long while, were crude, multiform, and embarrassing. They have been, however, constantly advancing towards uniformity and accuracy; and have now obtained a degree of aptitude to their object, beyond which little is to be desired or expected.

Yet I am far from the presumption of believing, that I may not have mistaken the parliamentary practice in some cases; and especially in those minor forms, which, being practised daily, are supposed known to everybody, and therefore have not been committed to writing. Our resources in this quarter of the globe, for obtaining information on that part of the subject, are not perfect. But I have begun a sketch, which those who come after me will successively correct and fill up, till a code of rules shall be formed for the use of the Senate, the effects of which may be accuracy in business, economy of time, order, uniformity, and impartiality.

NOTE.

The rules and practices peculiar to the Senate are printed in small type. Those of Parliament are in large.

A MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE.[1]
IMPORTANCE OF RULES.

SECTION I.
THE IMPORTANCE OF ADHERING TO RULES.

Mr. Onslow, the ablest among the Speakers of the House of Commons, used to say, "It was a maxim he had often heard when he was a young man, from old and experienced members, that nothing tended more to throw power into the hands of administration and those who acted with the majority of the House of Commons, than a neglect of, or departure from, the rules of proceeding; that these forms, as instituted by our ancestors, operated as a check, and control, on the actions of the majority; and that they were, in many instances, a shelter and protection to the minority, against the attempts of power."

So far the maxim is certainly true, and is founded in good sense, that as it is always in the power of the majority, by their numbers, to stop any improper measures proposed on the part of their opponents, the only weapons by which the minority can defend themselves against similar attempts from those in power, are the forms and rules of proceeding, which have been adopted as they were found necessary from time to time, and are become the law of the house; by a strict adherence to which, the weaker party can only be protected from those irregularities and abuses which these forms were intended to check, and which the wantonness of power is but too often apt to suggest to large and successful majorities.—2 Hats. 171, 172.

And whether these forms be in all cases the most rational or not, is really not of so great importance. It is much more material that there should be a rule to go by, than what that rule is; that there may be a uniformity of proceeding in business, not subject to the caprice of the Speaker, or captiousness of the members. It is very material that order, decency, and regularity be preserved in a dignified public body.—2 Hats. 149. And in 1698 the Lords say the reasonableness of what is desired is never considered by us, for we are bound to consider nothing but what is usual. Matters of form are essential to government, and 'tis of consequence to be in the right. All the reason for forms is custom, and the law of forms is practice; the reason is quite out of doors. Some particular customs may not be grounded on reason, and no good account can be given of them; and yet many nations are zealous for them; and Englishmen are as zealous as any others to pursue their old forms and methods.—4 Hats. 258.

SECTION II.
LEGISLATURE.

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.—Constitution of the United States, Article I., Section 1.

The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. Const. U. S., Art. I. Sect. 6.

For the powers of Congress, see the following Articles and Sections of the Constitution of the United States:—Art. I., Sec. 4, 7, 8, 9.—Art. II., Sect. 1, 2.—Art. III., Sec. 3.—Art. IV., Sec. 1, 3, 5.—And all the Amendments.

SECTION III.
PRIVILEGE.

The privileges of the members of Parliament, from small and obscure beginnings, have been advancing for centuries, with a firm and never-yielding pace. Claims seem to have been brought forward from time to time, and repeated till some example of their admission enabled them to build law on that example. We can only, therefore, state the point of progression at which they now are. It is now acknowledged, 1st. That they are at all times exempted from question elsewhere, for anything said in their own house: that during the time of privilege, 2d. Neither a member himself, his wife,[2] or his servants, [familiares sui] for any matter of their own, may be[3] arrested on mesne process, in any civil suit: 3d. Nor be detained under execution, though levied before the time of privilege: 4th. Nor impleaded, cited or subpœnaed, in any court: 5th. Nor summoned as a witness or juror: 6th. Nor may their lands or goods be distrained: 7th. Nor their persons assaulted, or characters traduced. And the period of time, covered by privilege, before and after the session, with the practice of short prorogations under the connivance of the Crown, amounts in fact to a perpetual protection against the course of justice. In one instance, indeed, it has been relaxed by 10 G. 3, c. 50, which permits judiciary proceedings to go on against them. That these privileges must be continually progressive, seems to result from their rejecting all definition of them; the doctrine being, that "their dignity and independence are preserved by keeping their privileges indefinite;" and that "the maxims upon which they proceed, together with the method of proceeding, rest entirely in their own breast, and are not defined and ascertained by any particular stated laws."—1 Blackstone, 163, 164.

It was probably from this view of the encroaching character of privilege, that the framers of our Constitution, in their care to provide that the laws shall bind equally on all, and especially that those who make them shall not be exempt themselves from their operation, have only privileged "Senators and Representatives" themselves from the single act of arrest in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same, and from being questioned in any other place for any speech or debate in either House.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 6. Under the general authority "to makes all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers given them," Const. U. S. Art II. Sec. 8, they may provide by law the details which may be necessary for giving full effect to the enjoyment of this privilege. No such law being as yet made, it seems to stand at present on the following ground:—1. The act of arrest is void, ab initio, 2 Stra. 989.—2. The member arrested may be discharged on motion, 1 BI. 166. 2. Stra. 990; or by Habeas Corpus under the Federal or State authority, as the case may be; or by a writ of privilege out of the Chancery, 2 Stra. 989, in those States which have adopted that part of the laws of England.—Orders of the House of Com. 1550, Feb. 20.—3. The arrest being unlawful, is a trespass for which the officer and others concerned are liable to action or indictment in the ordinary courts of justice, as in other cases of unauthorized arrest.—4. The court before which the process is returnable, is bound to act as in other cases of unauthorized proceeding, and liable also, as in other similar cases, to have their proceedings stayed or corrected by the Superior Courts.

The time necessary for going to and returning from Congress not being defined, it will of course be judged of in every particular case by those who will have to decide the case.

While privilege was understood in England to extend, as it does here, only to exemption from arrest eundo, morando et redeundo, the House of Commons themselves decided that "a convenient time was to be understood."—1580—1 Hats. 99, 100. Nor is the law so strict in point of time as to require the party to set out immediately on his return, but allows him time to settle his private affairs, and to prepare for his journey; and does not even scan his road very nicely, nor forfeit his protection for a little deviation from that which is most direct; some necessity perhaps constraining him to it.—2 Stra. 986, 987.

This privilege from arrest, privileges of course against all process, the disobedience is punishable by an attachment of the person; as a subpoena ad respondendum, or testificandum, or a summons on a jury; and with reason, because a member has superior duties to perform in another place.

When a Representative is withdrawn from his seat by summons, the 47,700 people whom he represents lose their voice in debate and vote, as they do in his voluntary absence: when a Senator is withdrawn by summons, his State loses half its voice in debate and vote, as it does in his voluntary absence. The enormous disparity of evil admits no comparison.

So far there will probably be no difference of opinion as to the privileges of the two Houses of Congress; but in the following cases it is otherwise. In Dec. 1795, the House of Representatives committed two persons of the names of Randall and Whitney, for attempting to corrupt the integrity of certain members which they considered as a contempt and breach of the privileges of the House and the facts being proved, Whitney was detained in confinement a fortnight, and Randall three weeks, and was reprimanded by the Speaker. In March, 1796, the House of Representatives voted a challenge given to a member of their House, to be a breach of the privileges of the House; but satisfactory apologies and acknowledgments being made, no further proceedings were had. The Editor of the Aurora having in his paper of Feb. 19, 1800, inserted some paragraphs defamatory to the Senate, and failed in his appearance, he was ordered to be committed. In debating the legality of this order, it was insisted in support of it, that every man, by the law of nature, and every body of men, possesses the right of self-defence; that all public functionaries are essentially invested with the powers of self-preservation; that they have an inherent right to do all acts necessary to keep themselves in a condition to discharge the trusts confided to them; that whenever authorities are given, the means of carrying them into execution are given by necessary implication; that thus we see the British Parliament exercise the right of punishing contempts; all the State Legislatures exercise the same power; and every Court does the same; that if we have it not, we sit at the mercy of every intruder who may enter our doors or gallery, and by noise and tumult render proceeding in business impracticable; that if our tranquillity is to be perpetually disturbed by newspaper defamation, it will not be possible to exercise our functions with the requisite coolness and deliberation; and that we must therefore have a power to punish these disturbers of our peace and proceedings. To this it was answered, that the Parliament and Courts of England have cognizance of contempts by the express provisions of their law; that the State Legislatures have equal authority, because their powers are plenary; they represent their constituents completely, and possess all their powers, except such as their Constitutions have expressly denied them; that the Courts of the several States have the same powers by the laws of their States, and those of the Federal Government by the same State laws, adopted in each State by a law of Congress; that none of these bodies, therefore, derive those powers from natural or necessary right, but from express law; that Congress have no such natural or necessary power, nor any powers but such as are given them by the Constitution; that that has given them directly exemption from personal arrest, exemption from question elsewhere for what is said in the House, and power over their own members and proceedings; for these, no further law is necessary, the Constitution being the law; that, moreover, by that article of the Constitution which authorizes them "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in them," they may provide by law for an undisturbed exercise of their functions, e. g. for the punishment of contempts, of affrays or tumults in their presence, &c; but, till the law be made, it does not exist; and does not exist, from their own neglect; that in the meantime, however, they are not unprotected, the ordinary magistrates and courts of law being open and competent to punish all unjustifiable disturbances or defamations, and even their own sergeant, who may appoint deputies ad libitum to aid him, 3 Grey, 59, 147, 255, is equal to the smallest disturbances; that, in requiring a previous law, the Constitution had regard to the inviolability of the citizen as well as of the member; as, should one House, in the regular form of a bill, aim at too broad privileges, it may be cheeked by the other, and both by the President; and also as, the law being promulgated, the citizen will know how to avoid offence. But if one branch may assume its own privileges without control; if it may do it on the spur of the occasion, conceal the law in its own breast, and after the fact committed make its sentence both the law and the judgment on that fact; if the offence is to be kept undefined, and to be declared only ex re nata, and according to the passions of the moment, and there be no limitation either in the manner or measure of the punishment, the condition of the citizen will be perilous indeed. Which of these doctrines is to prevail, time will decide. Where there is no fixed law, the judgment on any particular case is the law of that single case only, and dies with it. When a new and even a similar case arises, the judgment which is to make, and at the same time apply, the law, is open to question and consideration, as are all new laws. Perhaps Congress, in the meantime, in their care for the safety of the citizens, as well as that for their own protection, may declare by law what is necessary and proper to enable them to carry into execution the powers vested in them, and thereby hang up a rule for the inspection of all, which may direct the conduct of the citizen, and at the same time test the judgments they shall themselves pronounce in their own case.

Privilege from arrest takes place by force of the election; and before a return be made, a member elected may be named of a committee, and is to every intent a member, except that he cannot vote until he is sworn.—Memor. 107, 108.—D'Ewes, 642. col. 2. 653. col. 1.—Pet. Miscel. Parl. 119; Lex. Parl. c. 23; 2 Hats. 22. 62.

Every man must, at his peril, take notice who are members of either House returned of record.—Lex. Parl. 23, 4—Inst. 24.

On complaint of a breach of privilege, the party may either be summoned, or sent for in custody of the sergeant.—1 Grey, 88, 95.

The privilege of a member is the privilege of the House. If the member waive it without leave, it is a ground for punishing him, but cannot in effect waive the privilege of the House.—Grey, 140. 222.

For any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.—Const. U. S., Art. I. Sec. 6. S. P. protest of Commons to James I. 1621. 2 Rapin. No. 54 p. 211, 212. But this is restrained to things done in the House in a Parliamentary course, 1 Rush, 663.—For he is not to have privilege contra morem parliamentarium, to exceed the bounds and limits of his place and duty.—Com. p.

If an offence be committed by a member in the House, of which the House has cognizance, it is an infringement of their right for any person or court to take notice of it, till the House has punished the offender, or referred him to a due course.—Lex. Parl. 63.

Privilege is in the power of the House, and is a restraint to the proceeding of inferior courts; but not of the House itself.—2 Nalson, 450; 2 Grey, 399. For whatever is spoken in the House, is subject to the censure of the House; and offences of this kind have been severely punished, by calling the person to the bar to make submission, committing him to the Tower, expelling the House, &c.—Scob. 72; Lex. Parl.c. 22.

It is a breach of order, for the Speaker to refuse to put a question which is in order.—Hats. 175, 176; 5 Grey, 133.

And even in cases of treason, felony, and breach of the peace, to which privilege does not extend as to substance; yet, in Parliament, a member is privileged as to the mode of proceeding. The case is first to be laid before the House, that it may judge of the fact, and of the grounds of the accusation, and how far forth the manner of the trial may concern their privilege. Otherwise it would be in the power of other branches of the government, and even of every private man, under pretences of treason, &c., to take any man from his service in the House; and so as many, one after another, as would make the House what he pleaseth.—Decision of the Commons on the King's declaring Sir John Hotham a traitor—4 Rushw. 586. So when a member stood indicted of felony, it was adjudged that he ought to remain of the House till conviction. For it may be any man's case, who is guiltless, to be accused and indicted of felony, or the like crime.—23 El. 1580.—D'Ewes, 283, col. 1.—Lex. Parl. 133.

When it is found necessary for the public service to put a member under arrest, or when, on any public inquiry, matter comes out which may lead to affect the person of a member, it is the practice immediately to acquaint the House, that they may know the reasons for such a proceeding, and take such steps as they think proper.—2 Hats. 259. Of which, see many examples.—2 Hats. 256, 257, 258. But the communication is subsequent to the arrest.—1 Blackst. 167.

It is highly expedient, says Hatsell, for the due preservation of the privileges of the separate branches of the Legislature, that neither should encroach on the other, or interfere in any matter depending before them, so as to preclude, or even influence, that freedom of debate, which is essential to a free council. They are, therefore, not to take notice of any bills or other matters depending, or of votes that have been given, or of speeches that have been held, by the members of either of the other branches of the Legislature, until the same have been communicated to them in the usual Parliamentary manner.—2 Hats. 252; 4 Inst. 15; Seld. Jud. 63. Thus the King's taking notice of the bill for suppressing soldiers depending before the House, his proposing a provisional clause for a bill before it was presented to him by the two Houses, his expressing displeasure against some persons for matters moved in Parliament during the debate and preparation of a bill, were breaches of privilege.—2 Nalson, 743. And in 1783, December 17, it was declared a breach of fundamental privileges, &c. to report any opinion or pretended opinion of the King, on any bill or proceeding depending in either House of Parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members.—2 Hats. 251, 6.

SECTION IV.
ELECTIONS.

The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing Senators.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sect. 4.

Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 5.

SECTION V.
QUALIFICATIONS.

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the end of the second year; of the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year; and of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments, until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

No person shall be a Senator, who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 3.

The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand; but each State shall have at least one Representative. Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 2.

The provisional apportionments of Representatives made in the Constitution in 1787, and afterwards by Congress, were as follows:—

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 2.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 6.

SECTION VI.
QUORUM.

A majority of each House shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 5.

In general, the chair is not to be taken till a quorum for business is present; unless, after due waiting, such a quorum be despaired of, when the chair may be taken, and the House adjourned. And whenever, during business, it is observed that a quorum is not present, any member may call for the House to be counted; and being found deficient, business is suspended.—2 Hats. 125, 126.

The President having taken the chair, and a quorum being present, the journal of the preceding day shall be read to the end, that any mistake may be corrected that shall have been made in the entries.—Rules of the Senate, 1.

SECTION VII.
CALL OF THE HOUSE.

On a call of the House, each person rises up as he is called, and answereth; the absentees are then only noted, but no excuse to be made till the House be fully called over. Then the absentees are called a second time, and if still absent, excuses are to be heard.—Ord H. of C. 92.

They rise that their persons may be recognized; the voice, in such a crowd, being an inefficient verification of their presence. But in so small a body as the Senate of the United States, the trouble of rising cannot be necessary.

Orders for calls on different days may subsist at the same time.—2 Hats. 72.

SECTION VIII.
ABSENCE.

No member shall absent himself from the service of the Senate without leave of the Senate first obtained. And in case a less number than a quorum of the Senate shall convene, they are hereby authorized to send the sergeant-at-arms, or any other person or persons by them authorized, for any or all absent members, as the majority of such members present shall agree, at the expense of such absent members respectively, unless such excuse for non-attendance shall be made, as the Senate, when a quorum is convened, shall judge sufficient, and in that case the expense shall be paid out of the contingent fund. And this rule shall apply as well to the first convention of the Senate, at the legal time of meeting, as to each day of the session, after the hour is arrived to which the Senate stood adjourned.—Rule 19.

SECTION IX.
SPEAKER.

The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided.—Const. U. S. Art I. Sec. 3.

The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 3.

The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers.—Const. U. S. Art. I. Sec. 3.

When but one person is proposed, and no objection made, it has not been usual in Parliament to put any question to the House; but without a question, the members proposing him, conduct him to the chair. But if there be objection, or another proposed, a question is put by the clerk.—2 Hats. 168. As are also questions of adjournment.—6 Grey, 406. Where the House debated and exchanged messages and answers with the King for a week, without a Speaker, till they were prorogued. They have done it de die in diem for 14 days.—1 Chand. 331, 335.

In the Senate, a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, is proposed and chosen by ballot. His office is understood to be determined on the Vice-President's appearing and taking the chair, or at the meeting of the Senate after the first recess.—Vide Rule 23.

Where the Speaker has been ill, other Speakers pro tempore have been appointed. Instances of this are, 1 H. 4, Sir John Cheney, and for Sir William Sturton, and in 15 H. 6, Sir John Tyrrell, in 1656, Jan.27; 1658, Mar. 9; 1659, Jan. 13.

Thorpe in execution, a new Speaker chosen—31 H. VI.—3 Grey, 11; and March 14, 1694, Sir John Trevor chosen. There have been no later instances.—2 Hats. 161.—4 Inst.—8 Lex. Parl. 263.

A Speaker may be removed at the will of the House, and a Speaker pro tempore appointed.—2 Grey, 186; 5 Grey, 134.

SECTION X.
ADDRESS.

The President shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.—Const. U. S. Art. II. Sec. 3.

A joint address from both Houses of Parliament is read by the Speaker of the House of Lords. It may be attended by both Houses in a body, or by a committee from each House, or by the two Speakers only. An address of the House of Commons only may be presented by the whole House, or by the Speaker,—9 Grey, 473; 1 Chandler, 298, 301; or by such particular members as are of the Privy Council.—2 Hats. 278.

SECTION XI.
COMMITTEES.

Standing committees, as of privileges and elections, &c., are usually appointed at the first meeting, to continue through the session. The person first named is generally permitted to act as chairman. But this is a matter of courtesy; every committee having a right to elect their own chairman, who presides over them, puts questions, and reports their proceedings to the House.—4 Inst. 11, 12; Scob. 7; 1 Grey, 112.

At these committees the members are to speak standing, and not sitting, though there is reason to conjecture it was formerly otherwise.—D'Ewes, 630, col. 1; 4 Parl. Hist. 440; 2 Hats. 77.

Their proceedings are not to be published, as they are of no force till confirmed by the House.—Rushw. part 3, vol. 2, 74; 3 Grey, 401; Scob. 39. Nor can they receive a petition but through the House.—9 Grey, 412.

When a committee is charged with an inquiry, if a member prove to be involved, they cannot proceed against him, but must make a special report to the House; whereupon the member is heard in his place, or at the bar, or a special authority is given to the committee to inquire concerning him.—9 Grey, 523.

So soon as the House sits, and a committee is notified of it, the chairman is in duty bound to rise instantly, and the members to attend the service of the House.—2 Nals. 19.

It appears, that on joint committee of the Lords and Commons, each committee acted integrally in the following instances;—7 Grey, 261, 278, 286, 338; 1 Chandler, 357, 462. In the following instances it does not appear whether they did or not:—6 Grey, 129; 7 Grey, 213, 229, 321.

SECTION XII.
COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE.

The speech, messages, and other matters of great concernment, are usually referred to a committee of the whole House—6 Grey, 311, where general principles are digested in the form of resolutions, which are debated and amended till they get into a shape which meets the approbation of a majority. These being reported and confirmed by the House, are then referred to one or more select committees, according as the subject divides itself into one or more bills.—Scob. 36, 44. Propositions for any charge on the people are especially to be first made in a committee of the whole.—3 Hats. 127. The sense of the whole is better taken in committee, because in all committees every one speaks as often as he pleases.—Scob. 49. They generally acquiesce in the chairman named by the Speaker; but, as well as all other committees, have a right to elect one, some member, by consent, putting the question.—Scob. 36; 3 Grey, 301. The form of going from the House into committee, is for the Speaker on motion, to put the question that the House do now resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take under consideration such a matter, naming it. If determined in the affirmative, he leaves the chair, and takes a seat elsewhere, as any other member; and the person appointed chairman seats himself at the clerk's table.—Scob. 36. Their quorum is the same as that of the House; and if a defect happens, the chairman, on a motion and question, rises, the Speaker resumes the chair, and the chairman can make no other report than to inform the House of the cause of their dissolution. If a message is announced during a committee, the Speaker takes the chair, and receives it, because the committee cannot.—2 Hats. 125, 126.

In a committee of the whole, the tellers, on a division, differing as to numbers, great heats and confusion arose, and dangers of a decision by the sword. The Speaker took the chair, the mace was forcibly laid on the table; whereupon, the members retiring to their places, the Speaker told the House "he had taken the chair without an order, to bring the House into order." Some excepted against it; but it was generally approved as the only expedient to suppress the disorder. And every member was required, standing up in his place, to engage that he would proceed no further, in consequence of what had happened in the grand committee, which was done.—3 Grey, 139.

A committee of the whole being broken up in disorder, and the chair resumed by the Speaker without an order, the House was adjourned. The next day the committee was considered as thereby dissolved, and the subject again before the House; and it was decided in the House, without returning into committee.—3 Grey, 130.

No previous question can be put in a committee; nor can this committee adjourn as others may; but if their business is unfinished, they rise on a question, the House is resumed, and the chairman reports that the committee of the whole have, according to order, had under their consideration such a matter, and have made progress therein; but not having time to go through the same, have directed him to ask leave to sit again. Whereupon, a question is put on their having leave, and on the time when the House will again resolve itself into a committee.—Scob. 38. But if they have gone through the matter referred to them, a member moves that the committee may rise, and the chairman report their proceedings to the House; which being resolved, the chairman rises, the Speaker resumes the chair, the chairman informs him that the committee have gone through the business referred to them, and that he is ready to make report when the House shall think proper to receive it. If the House have time to receive it, there is usually a cry of "Now, Now," whereupon he makes the report; but if it be late, the cry is, "To-morrow, To-morrow," or, "On Monday," &c., or a motion is made to that effect, and a question put, that it be received to-morrow, &c.—Scob. 38.

In other things the rules of proceedings are to be the same as in the House.—Scob. 39.

SECTION XIII.
EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.

Common fame is a good ground for the House to proceed by inquiry, and even to accusation.—Resolution of the House of Commons, 1 Car. 1, 1625; Rush. Lex. Parl. 115; 1 Grey, 16. 22. 92; 8 Grey, 21, 23, 27, 45.

Witnesses are not to be produced but where the House has previously instituted an inquiry, 2 Hats. 102, nor then are orders for their attendance given blank.—3 Grey, 51. The process is a summons from the House.—4 Hats. 255, 258.

When any person is examined before a committee, or at the bar of the House, any member wishing to ask the person a question, must address it to the Speaker or chairman, who repeats the question to the person, or says to him, "You hear the question, answer it." But if the propriety of the question be objected to, the Speaker directs the witness, counsel, and parties to withdraw; for no question can be moved, or put, or debated, while they are there.—2 Hats. 108. Sometimes the questions are previously settled in writing before the witness enters.—2 Hats. 106, 107; 8 Grey, 64. The questions asked must be entered in the journals.—3 Grey, 81. But the testimony given in answer before the House is never written down; but before a committee it must be for the information of the House, who are not present to hear it.—7 Grey, 52, 334.

If either House have occasion for the presence of a person in custody of the other, they ask the other their leave that he may be brought up to them in custody.—3 Hats. 52.

A member, in his place, gives information to the House of what he knows of any matter under hearing at the bar.—Jour. H. of C., Jan. 22, 1744, 5.

Either House may request, but not command, the attendance of a member of the other. They are to make the request by message to the other House, and to express clearly the purpose of attendance, that no improper subject of examination may be tendered to him. The House then gives leave to the member to attend, if he choose it; waiting first to know from the member himself whether he chooses to attend, till which they do not take the message into consideration. But when the Peers are sitting as a court of Criminal Judicature, they may order attendance; unless where it be a case of impeachment by the Commons. There it is to be a request.—3 Hats. 17; 9 Grey, 306, 406; 10 Grey, 133.

Counsel are to be heard only on private, not on public bills; and on such points of law only as the House shall direct.—19 Grey, 61.

SECTION XIV.
ARRANGEMENT OF BUSINESS.

The Speaker is not precisely bound to any rules as to what bills or other matter shall be first taken up, but is left to his own discretion, unless the House on a question decide to take up a particular subject.—Hakew. 136.

A settled order of business is, however, necessary for the government of the presiding person, and to restrain individual members from calling up favorite measures, or matters under their special patronage, out of their just turn. It is useful also for directing the discretion of the House, when they are moved to take up a particular matter, to the prejudice of others having a priority of right to their attention in the general order of business.

In Senate, the bills and other papers which are in possession of the House, and in a state to be acted upon, are arranged every morning, and brought on in the following order:

1. Bills ready for a second reading are read, that they may be referred to committees, and so be put under way. But if, on their being read, no motion is made for commitment, they are then laid on the table in the general file, to be taken up in their just turn.

2. After twelve o'clock, bills ready for it are put on their passage.

3. Reports in possession of the House which offer grounds for a bill, are to be taken up, that the bill may be ordered in.

4. Bills or other matters before the House, and unfinished on the preceding day, whether taken up in turn, or on special order, are entitled to be resumed and passed on through their present stage.

5. These matters being despatched, for preparing and expediting business, the general file of bills and other papers is then taken up, and each article of it is brought on according to its seniority, reckoned by the date of its first introduction to the House. Reports on bills belong to the dates of their bills.

In this way we do not waste our time in debating what shall be taken up: we do one thing at a time, follow up a subject while it is fresh, and till it is done with; clear the House of business, gradatim as it is brought on, and prevent, to a certain degree, its immense accumulation towards the close of the session.

Arrangement, however, can only take hold of matters in possession of the House. New matter may be moved at any time, when no question is before the House. Such are original motions, and reports on bills. Such are, bills from the other House, which are received at all times, and receive their first reading as soon as the question then before the House is disposed of; and bills brought in on leave, which are read first whenever presented. So, messages from the other House respecting amendments to bills, are taken up as soon as the House is clear of a question, unless they require to be printed for better consideration. Orders of the day may be called for, even when another question is before the House.

SECTION XV.
ORDER.

Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings; punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.—Const. I. 5.

In Parliament, "instances make order," per Speaker Onslow, 2 Hats. 144; but what is done only by one Parliament, cannot be called custom of Parliament: by Prynne, 1 Grey, 52.

SECTION XVI.
ORDER RESPECTING PAPERS.

The Clerk is to let no journals, records, accounts, or papers, be taken from the table, or out of his custody.—2 Hats. 193, 194.

Mr. Prynne having, at a committee of the whole, amended a mistake in a bill, without order or knowledge of the committee, was reprimanded. 1 Chand. 77.

A bill being missing, the House resolved, that a protestation should be made and subscribed by the members, "before Almighty God and this honorable House, that neither myself nor any other, to my knowledge, have taken away, or do at this present conceal a bill entitled," &c.—5 Grey, 202.

After a bill is engrossed, it is put into the Speaker's hands, and he is not to let any one have it to look into.—Town. col. 209.

SECTION XVII.
ORDER IN DEBATE.

When the Speaker is seated in his chair, every member is to sit in his place.—Scob. 6; Grey, 403.

When any member means to speak, he is to stand up in his place, uncovered, and to address himself, not to the House, or any particular member, but to the Speaker, who calls him by his name, that the House may take notice who it is that speaks.—Scob. 6; D'Ewes, 487, col. 1; 2 Hats. 77; 4 Grey, 66; 8 Grey, 108. But members who are indisposed may be indulged to speak sitting.—3 Hats. 75, 77; 1 Grey, 195.

In Senate, every member, when he speaks, shall address the chair, standing in his place; and when he has finished, shall sit down.—Rule 3.

When a member stands up to speak, no question is to be put; but he is to be heard, unless the House overrule him.—4 Grey, 390; 5 Grey, 6, 143.

If two or more rise to speak nearly together, the Speaker determines who was first up, and calls him by name; whereupon he proceeds, unless he voluntarily sits down, and gives way to the other. But sometimes the House does not acquiesce in the Speaker's decision; in which case, the question is put, "which member was first up?"—2 Hats. 76; Scob. 7; D'Ewes, 434, col. 1, 2.

In the Senate of the United States, the President's decision is without appeal. Their rule is in these words:—When two members rise at the same time, the President shall name the person to speak; but in all cases, the member who shall first rise and address the chair, shall speak first.—Rule 5.

No man can speak more than once to the same bill, on the same day; or even on another day, if the debate be adjourned. But if it be read more than once, in the same day, he may speak once at every reading.—Co. 12, 116; Hakew. 148; Scob. 58; 2 Hats. 75. Even a change of opinion does not give a right to be heard a second time.—Smyth. Comw. L. 2. c. 3; Arcan. Parl. 17.

The corresponding rule of the Senate is in these words:—No member shall speak more than twice in any one debate on the same day, without leave of the Senate.—Rule 4.

But he may be permitted to speak again to clear a matter of fact.—3 Grey, 357, 416. Or merely to explain himself, 3 Hats. 73, in some material part of his speech, ib. 75; or to the manner or words of the question, keeping himself to that only, and not travelling into the merits of it, Memorials in Hakew. 29; or to the orders of the House, if they be transgressed, keeping within that line, and falling into the matter itself.—Mem. Hakew. 30, 31.

But if the Speaker rises to speak, the member standing up ought to sit down, that he may be first heard. Town. col. 205; Hale. Parl. 133; Mem. in Hakew. 30, 31. Nevertheless, though the Speaker may of right speak to matters of order, and be first heard, he is restrained from speaking on any other subject, except where the House have occasion for facts within his knowledge: then he may, with their leave, state the matter of fact.—3 Grey, 38.

No one is to speak impertinently or beside the question, superfluously or tediously.—Scob. 31, 33; 2 Hats. 166, 168; Hale, Parl. 133.

No person is to use indecent language against the proceedings of the House, no prior determination of which is to be reflected on by any member unless he means to conclude with a motion to rescind it.—2 Hats. 169, 170; Rushw. p. 3. v. 1. fol. 42. But while a proposition is under consideration, is still in fieri, though it has even been reported by a committee, reflections on it are no reflections on the House.—9 Grey, 308.

No person in speaking, is to mention a member then present by his name; but to describe him by his seat in the House, or who spoke last or on the other side of the question, &c. Mem. in Hawk.—3 Smyth's Comw., L. 2. c. 3; nor to digress from the matter to fall upon the person.—Scob. 31; Hale, Parl. 133; 2 Hats. 166, by speaking, reviling, nipping, or unmannerly words against a particular member. Smyth's Comw.L. 2. c. 3. The consequence of a measure may be reprobated in strong terms; but to arraign the motives of those who propose or advocate it, is a personality, and against order. Qui digreditur a materia ad personam, Mr. Speaker ought to suppress.—Ord. Com. 1604, Apr. 19.

When a member shall be called to order he shall sit down, until the President shall have determined whether he is in order or not.—Rule 16.

No member shall speak to another, or otherwise interrupt the business of the Senate, or read any printed paper while the Journals or public papers are reading, or when any member is speaking in any debate.—Rule 2.

No one is to disturb another in his speech, by hissing, coughing, spitting,—6 Grey, 332; Scob. 8; D'Ewes, 332, col. 1; nor stand up to interrupt him,—Town. col. 205; Mem. in Hakew. 31; nor to pass between the Speaker and the speaking member; nor to go across the House,—Scob. 6; or to walk up and down it; or to take books or papers from the table, or write there.—2 Hats. 171.

Nevertheless, if a member finds it is not the inclination of the House to hear him, and that, by conversation or any other noise, they endeavor to drown his voice, it is the most prudent way to submit to the pleasure of the House, and sit down; for it scarcely ever happens that they are guilty of this piece of ill manners without sufficient reason, or inattentive to a member who says any thing worth their hearing.—2 Hats. 77, 78.

If repeated calls do not produce order, the Speaker may call by his name any member obstinately persisting in irregularity; whereupon the House may require the member to withdraw. He is then to be heard in exculpation and to withdraw. Then the Speaker states the offence committed, and the House considers the degree of punishment they will inflict.—2 Hats. 169, 7, 8, 172.

For instances of assaults and affrays in the House of Commons, and the proceedings thereon, see 1 Pet. Misc. 82; 3 Grey, 128; 4 Grey, 328; 5 Grey, 38; 26 Grey, 204; 10 Grey, 8. Whenever warm words or an assault have passed between the members, the House, for the protection of their members, requires them to declare in their place not to prosecute any quarrel,—3 Grey, 128, 293; 5 Grey, 289; or orders them to attend the Speaker, who is to accommodate their differences, and to report to the House,—3 Grey, 419; and they are put under restraint, if they refuse, or until they do.—9 Grey, 234, 312.

Disorderly words are not to be noticed till the member has finished his speech.—5 Grey, 356; 6 Grey, 60. Then the person objecting to them, and desiring them to be taken down by the clerk at the table, must repeat them. The Speaker then may direct the clerk to take them down in his minutes. But if he thinks them not disorderly, he delays the direction. If the call becomes pretty general, he orders the clerk to take them down, as stated by the objecting member. They are then part of his minutes, and when read to the offending member, he may deny they were his words, and the House must then decide by a question, whether they are his words or not. Then the member may justify them, or explain the sense in which he used them, or apologize. If the House is satisfied, no further proceeding is necessary. But if two members still insist to take the sense of the House, the member must withdraw before that question is stated, and then the sense of the House is to be taken.—2 Hats. 199; 4 Grey, 170; 6 Grey, 59. When any member has spoken, or other business intervened, after offensive words spoken, they cannot be taken notice of for censure. And this is for the common security of all, and to prevent mistakes, which must happen, if words are not taken down immediately. Formerly, they might be taken down at any time the same day.—2 Hats. 196; Mem. in Hakew. 71; 3 Grey, 48; 9 Grey, 514.

Disorderly words spoken in a committee, must be written down as in the House; but the committee can only report them to the House for animadversion.—6 Grey, 46.

The rule of the Senate says,—If a member be called to order for words spoken, the exceptionable words shall be immediately taken down in writing, that the President may be better enabled to judge.—Rule 17.

In Parliament, to speak irreverently or seditiously against the King, is against order.—Smyth's Comw. L. 2, c. 3; 2 Hats. 170.

It is a breach of order in debate to notice what has been said on the same subject in the other House, or the particular votes or majorities on it there; because the opinion of each House should be left to its own independency, not to be influenced by the proceedings of the other; and the quoting them might beget reflections leading to a misunderstanding between the two Houses.—8 Grey, 22.

Neither House can exercise any authority over a member or officer of the other, but should complain to the House of which he is, and leave the punishment to them. Where the complaint is of words disrespectfully spoken by a member of another House, it is difficult to obtain punishment, because of the rules supposed necessary to be observed (as to the immediate noting down of words) for the security of members. Therefore it is the duty of the House, and more particularly of the Speaker, to interfere immediately, and not to permit expressions to go unnoticed, which may give a ground of complaint to the other House, and introduce proceedings and mutual accusations between the two Houses, which can hardly be terminated without difficulty and disorder.—3 Hats. 51.

No member may be present when a bill, or any business concerning himself, is debating; nor is any member to speak to the merits of it till he withdraws.—2 Hats. 219. The rule is, that if a charge against a member arise out of a report of a committee, or examination of witnesses in the House, as the member knows from that to what points he is to direct his exculpation, he may be heard to those points before any question is moved or stated against them. He is then to be heard, and withdraw before any question is moved. But if the question itself is the charge, as for breach of order, or matter arising in debate, there the matter must be stated, that is, the question must be moved, himself heard, and then to withdraw.—2 Hats. 121, 122.

Where the private interests of a member are concerned in a bill or question, he is to withdraw. And where such an interest has appeared, his voice has been disallowed, even after a division. In a case so contrary not only to the laws of decency, but to the fundamental principles of the social compact, which denies to any man to be a judge in his own cause, it is for the honor of the House that this rule of immemorial observance should be strictly adhered to.—2 Hats. 119, 121; 6 Grey, 368.

No member is to come into the House with his head covered, nor to remove from one place to the other with his hat on, nor is to put on his hat in coming in, or removing, until he be sit down in his place.—Scob. 6.

A question of order may be adjourned to give time to look into precedents.—2 Hats. 118.

In the Senate of the United States, every question of order is to be decided by the President, without debate; but if there be a doubt in his mind, he may call for the sense of the Senate.—Rule 16.

In Parliament, all decisions of the Speaker may be controlled by the House.—3 Grey, 319.

SECTION XVIII.
ORDERS OF THE HOUSE.

Of right, the door of the House ought not to be shut, but to be kept by porters, or sergeants-at-arms, assigned for that purpose.—Mod. ten. Parl. 23.

By the rule of the Senate, on motion made and seconded to shut the doors of the Senate, on the discussion of any business which may in the opinion of a member, require secrecy, the President shall direct the gallery to be cleared; and during the discussion of such motion the door shall remain shut.—Rule 28.

No motion shall be deemed in order, to admit any person or persons whatever within the doors of the Senate-chamber, to present any petition, memorial, or address, or to hear any such read.—Rule 29.

The only case where a member has a right to insist on anything, is where he calls for the execution of a subsisting order of the House. Here, there having been already a resolution, any member has a right to insist that the Speaker, or any other whose duty it is, shall carry it into execution; and no debate or delay can be had on it. Thus any member has a right to have the House or gallery cleared of strangers, an order existing for that purpose; or to have the House told when there is not a quorum present.—2 Hats. 87, 129. How far an order of the House is binding, see Hakew. 392.

But where an order is made that any particular matter be taken up on a particular day, there a question is to be put when it is called for, Whether the House will now proceed to that matter? Where orders of the day are on important or interesting matter, they ought not to be proceeded on till an hour at which the House is usually full—(which in Senate is at noon.)

Orders of the day may be discharged at any time, and a new one made for a different day.—3 Grey, 48, 313.

When a session is drawing to a close, and the important bills are all brought in, the House, in order to prevent interruption by further unimportant bills, sometimes come to a resolution, that no new bill be brought in, except it be sent from the other House.—3 Grey, 156.

All orders of the House determine with the session; and one taken under such an order may, after the session is ended, be discharged on a Habeas Corpus.—Raym. 120; Jacob's L. D. by Ruffhead; Parliament, 1 Lev. 165, Prichard's case.

Where the Constitution authorizes each House to determine the rule of its proceedings, it must mean in those cases, legislative, executive, or judiciary, submitted to them by the Constitution, or in something relating to these, and necessary towards their execution. But orders and resolutions are sometimes entered in their journals, having no relation to these, such as acceptances of invitations to attend orations, to take part in processions, &c. These must be understood to be merely conventional among those who are willing to participate in the ceremony, and are therefore, perhaps, improperly placed among the records of the House.

SECTION XIX.
PETITIONS.

A petition prays something. A remonstrance has no prayer.—1 Grey, 58.

Petitions must be subscribed by the petitioners, Scob. 87; L. Parl. c. 22; 9 Grey, 362, unless they are attending, 1 Grey, 401, or unable to sign, and averred by a member.—3 Grey, 418. But a petition not subscribed, but which the member presenting it affirmed to be all in the handwriting of the petitioner, and his name written in the beginning, was, on the question, (March 14, 1800,) received by the Senate. The averment of a member, or somebody without doors, that they know the handwriting of the petitioners, is necessary, if it be questioned.—6 Grey, 36. It must be presented by a member, not by the petitioners, and must be opened by him, holding it in his hand.—10 Grey, 57.

Before any petition or memorial, addressed to the Senate, shall be received and read at the table, whether the same shall be introduced by the President or a member, a brief statement of the contents of the petition or memorial shall verbally be made by the introducer.—Rule 21.

Regularly a motion for receiving it must be made and seconded, and a question put, Whether it shall be received? But a cry from the House of "Received," or even its silence, dispenses with the formality of this question: it is then to be read at the table, and disposed of.

SECTION XX.
MOTIONS.

When a motion has been made, it is not to be put to the question, or debated, until it is seconded.—Scob. 21.

The Senate say, No motion shall be debated until the same shall be seconded.—Rule 6.

It is then, and not till then, in possession of the House. It is to be put into writing, if the House or Speaker require it, and must be read to the House by the Speaker, as often as any member desires it for his information.—2 Hats. 82.

The rule of the Senate is, When a motion shall be made and seconded, it shall be reduced to writing, if desired by the President or any member, delivered in at the table, and read by the President before the same shall be debated.—Rule 7.

It might be asked, whether a motion for adjournment, or for the orders of the day, can be made by one member while another is speaking? It cannot. When two members offer to speak, he who rose first is to be heard, and it is a breach of order in another to interrupt him, unless by calling him to order if he departs from it. And the question of order being decided, he is still to be heard through. A call for adjournment, or for the order of the day, or for the question, by gentlemen from their seats, is not a motion. No motion can be made without arising and addressing the chair. Such calls are themselves breaches of order, which, though the member who has risen may respect as an expression of impatience of the House against farther debate, yet, if he chooses, he has a right to go on.

SECTION XXI.
RESOLUTIONS.

When the House commands, it is by an "order." But facts, principles, their own opinions and purposes, are expressed in the form of resolutions.

A resolution for an allowance of money to the clerks being moved, it was objected to as not in order, and so ruled by the chair. But on appeal to the Senate, (i. e., a call for their sense by the President, on account of doubt in his mind, according to Rule 16,) the decision was overruled.—Journ. Sen., June 1, 1796. I presume the doubt was, whether an allowance of money could be made otherwise than by bill.

SECTION XXII.
BILLS.

Every bill shall receive three readings previous to its being passed; and the President shall give notice at each, whether it be the first, second, or third; which readings shall be on three different days, unless the Senate unanimously direct otherwise, or unless by a joint vote of both Houses, or the expiration of their term, the session is to be closed within three days.—Rule 13.

SECTION XXIII.
BILLS, LEAVE TO BRING IN.

One day's notice, at least, shall be given of an intended motion for leave to bring in a bill.—Rule 12.

When a member desires to bring a bill on any subject, he states to the House, in general terms, the causes for doing it, and concludes by moving for leave to bring in a bill, entitled, &c. Leave being given, on the question, a committee is appointed to prepare and bring in the bill. The mover and seconder are always appointed on this committee, and one or more in addition.—Hakew. 132; Scob. 40.

It is to be presented fairly written, without any erasure or interlineation; or the Speaker may refuse it.—Scob. 31; 1 Grey, 82, 84.

SECTION XXIV.
BILLS, FIRST READING.

When a bill is first presented, the clerk reads it at the table, and hands it to the Speaker, who, rising, states to the House the title of the bill; that this is the first time of reading it; and the question will be, Whether it shall be read a second time? Then, sitting down, to give an opening for objections; if none be made, he rises again, and puts the question, Whether it shall be read a second time?—Hakew. 137, 141. A bill cannot be amended at the first reading,—6 Grey, 286; nor is it usual for it to be opposed then, but it may be done and rejected.—D'Ewes, 335, col. 1; 3 Hats. 198.

SECTION XXV.
BILLS, SECOND READING.

The second reading must regularly be on another day.—Hakew. 143. It is done by the clerk at the table, who then hands it to the Speaker. The Speaker, rising, states to the House the title of the bill, that this is the second time of reading it, and that the question will be, Whether it shall be committed, or engrossed and read a third time? But if the bill came from the other House, as it always comes engrossed, he states that the question will be, Whether it shall be read a third time? And before he has so reported the state of the bill, no one is to speak to it.—Hakew. 143, 146.

In the Senate of the United States, the President reports the title of the bill, that this is the second time of reading it, that it is now to be considered as in a committee of the whole, and the question will be, Whether it shall be read a third time? or, that it may be referred to a special committee.

SECTION XXVI.
BILLS, COMMITMENT.

If, on motion and question, it be decided that the bill shall be committed, it may then be moved to be referred to a committee of the whole House, or to a special committee. If the latter, the Speaker proceeds to name the committee. Any member also may name a single person, and the clerk is to write him down as of the committee. But the House have a controlling power over the names and number, if a question be moved against any one; and may in any case put in and put out whom they please.

Those who take exceptions to some particulars in the bill, are to be of the committee. But none who speak directly against the body of the bill. For he that would totally destroy, would not amend it.—Hakew. 146; Town. col. 208; D'Ewes, 634, col. 2; Scob. 47; or, as is said, 5 Grey, 145, the child is not to be put to a nurse that cares not for it.—6 Grey, 373. It is therefore a constant rule, "that no man is to be employed in any matter who has declared himself against it." And when any member who is against the bill, hears himself named of its committee, he ought to ask to be excused. Thus, March 6, 1606, Mr. Hadley was, on the question being put, excused from being of a committee, declaring himself to be against the matter itself.—Scob. 48.

No bill shall be committed or amended until it shall have been twice read, after which it may be referred to a committee.—Rule 14.

All committees shall be appointed by ballot, and a plurality of voices shall make a choice.—Rule 15.

The clerk may deliver the bill to any member of the committee.—Town. col. 138. But it is usual to deliver it to him who is first named.

In some cases, the House has ordered the committee to withdraw immediately into the committee-chamber, and act on and bring back the bill, sitting the House.—Scob. 48.

A committee meets when and where they please, if the House has not ordered time and place for them.—6 Grey, 370. But they can only act when together, and not by separate consultation and consent; nothing being the report of the committee, but what has been agreed to in committee, actually assembled.

A majority of the committee constitutes a quorum for business.—Elsynge's method of passing bills, 11.

Any member of the House may be present at any select committee, but cannot vote, and must give place to all of the committee, and must sit below them.—Elsynge, 12; Scob. 49.

But in 1626, April 24th, the House of Commons resolved that though any members may be present at the examination of witnesses, they may not be at the debate, disposition, or penning of the business by the select committee.—4 Hats. 124.

The committee have full power over the bill or other paper committed to them, except that they cannot change the title or subject.—8 Grey, 228.

The paper before a committee, whether select or of the whole, may be a bill, resolutions, draught of an address, &c., and it may either originate with them, or be referred to them. In every case, the whole paper is read first by the clerk, and then by the chairman, by paragraphs, Scob. 49, pausing at the end of each paragraph, and putting questions, for amending, if proposed. In the case of resolutions on distinct subjects, originating with themselves, a question is put on each separately, as amended, or unamended, and no final question on the whole.—3 Hats. 276. But if they relate to the same subject, a question is put on the whole. If it be a bill, draught of an address, or other paper originating with them, they proceed by paragraphs, putting questions for amending, either by inserting or striking out, if proposed; but no question on agreeing to the paragraphs separately. This is reserved to the close, when a question is put on the whole for agreeing to it as amended or unamended. But if it be a paper referred to them, they proceed to put questions of amendment, if proposed, but no final question on the whole; because all parts of the paper having been adopted by the House, stand, of course, unless altered, or struck out by a vote. Even if they are opposed to the whole paper, and think it cannot be made good by amendments, they cannot reject it, but must report it back to the House without amendments, and there make their opposition.

The natural order in considering and amending any paper is, to begin at the beginning, and proceed through it by paragraphs; and this order is so strictly adhered to in Parliament, that, when a latter part has been amended, you cannot recur back and make any alteration in a former part.—2 Hats. 90. In numerous assemblies, this restraint is, doubtless, important.

But in the Senate of the United States, though in the main we consider and amend the paragraphs in their natural order, yet recurrences are indulged; and they seem, on the whole, in that small body, to produce advantages overweighing their inconveniences.

To this natural order of beginning at the beginning, there is a single exception found in Parliamentary usage. When a bill is taken up in committee, or on its second reading, they postpone the preamble, till the other parts of the bill are gone through. The reason is, that on consideration of the body of the bill, such alterations may therein be made, as may also occasion the alteration of the preamble.—Scob. 50; 7 Grey, 431.

On this head, the following case occurred in the Senate, March 6, 1800. A resolution which had no preamble, having been already amended by the House, so that a few words only of the original remained in it, a motion was made to prefix a preamble, which, having an aspect very different from the resolution, the mover intimated that he should afterwards propose a correspondent amendment in the body of the resolution. It was objected that a preamble could not be taken up till the body of the resolution is done with. But the preamble was received; because we are in fact through the body of the resolution, we have amended that as far as amendments have been offered, and indeed till little of the original is left. It is the proper time, therefore, to consider a preamble; and whether the one offered be consistent with the resolution, is for the House to determine. The mover, indeed, has intimated that he shall offer a subsequent proposition for the body of the resolution; but the House is not in possession of it; it remains in his breast, and may be withheld. The rules of the House can only operate on what is before them. The practice of the Senate, too, allows recurrences backwards and forwards for the purpose of amendments, not permitting amendments in a subsequent, to preclude those in a prior part, or a converso.

When the committee is through the whole, a member moves that the committee may rise, and the chairman report the paper to the House, with or without amendments, as the case may be. —2 Hats. 289, 292; Scob. 53; 2 Hats. 290; 8 Scob. 50.

When a vote is once passed in a committee, it cannot be altered but by the House, their votes being binding on themselves.—1607, June 4.

The committee may not erase, interline, or blot the bill itself; but must, in a paper by itself, set down the amendments, stating the words that are to be inserted or omitted, Scob. 50; and where, by reference to the page, line, and word of the bill.—Scob. 50.

SECTION XXVII.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE.

The chairman of the committee, standing in his place, informs the House that the committee, to whom was referred such a bill, have, according to order, had the same under consideration, and have directed him to report the same without any amendment, or with sundry amendments, (as the case may be,) which he is ready to do when the House pleases to receive it. And he, or any other, may move that it be now received. But the cry of "now, now," from the House, generally dispenses with the formality of a motion and question. He then reads the amendments, with the coherence in the bill, and opens the alterations, and the reasons of the committee for such amendment, until he has gone through the whole. He then delivers it at the clerk's table, where the amendments reported are read by the clerk, without the coherence; whereupon the papers lie upon the table, till the House, at his convenience, shall take up the report.—Scob. 52; Hakew. 148.

The report being made, the committee is dissolved, and can act no more without a new power.—Scob. 51. But it may be revived by a vote, and the same matter recommitted to them.—4 Grey, 361.

SECTION XXVIII.
BILL, RECOMMITMENT.

After a bill has been committed and reported, it ought not, in an ordinary course, to be recommitted. But in cases of importance, and for special reasons, it is sometimes recommitted, and usually to the same committee. Hakew. 151. If a report be committed before agreed to in the House, what has passed in the committee is of no validity; the whole question is again before the committee, and a new resolution must be again moved, as if nothing had passed.—3 Hats. 131, note.

In Senate, January, 1800, the salvage bill was recommitted three times after the commitment.

A particular clause of a bill may be committed without the whole bill,—3 Hats. 131; or so much of a paper to one, and so much to another committee.

SECTION XXIX.
BILL, REPORT TAKEN UP.

When the report of a paper, originating with a committee, is taken up by the House, they proceed exactly as in committee. Here, as in committee, when the paragraphs have, on distinct questions, been agreed to seriatim,—5 Grey, 365; 6 Grey, 368; 8 Grey, 47, 104, 360; 1 Torbuck's deb. 124; 3 Hats. 348,—no question need be put on the whole report.—5 Grey, 381.

On taking up a bill reported with amendments, the amendments only are read by the clerk. The Speaker then reads the first, and puts it to the question, and so on till the whole are adopted or rejected, before any other amendment be admitted, except it be an amendment to an amendment.—Elsynge's Mem. 23. When through the amendments of the committee, the Speaker pauses, and gives time for amendments to be proposed in the House to the body of the bill; as he does also if it has been reported without amendments; putting no question but on amendments proposed; and when through the whole, he puts the question, Whether the bill shall be read the third time?

SECTION XXX.
QUASI-COMMITTEE.

If, on the motion and question, the bill be not committed, or if no proposition for commitment be made, then the proceedings in the Senate of United States and in Parliament are totally different. The former shall be first stated.

The 20th rule of the Senate says, "All bills, on a second reading, shall first be considered by the Senate in the same manner as if the Senate were in a committee of the whole, before they shall be taken up and proceeded on by the Senate agreeably to the standing rules, unless otherwise ordered;" that is to say, unless ordered to be referred to a special committee.

The proceeding of the Senate, as in committee of the whole, or in quasi-committee, are precisely as in a real committee of the whole, taking no questions but on amendments. When through the whole, they consider the quasi-committee as risen, the House resumed, without any motion, question, or resolution to that effect, and the President reports, that "the House, acting as in committee of the whole, have had under consideration the bill entitled, &c., and have made sundry amendments, which he will now report to the House." The bill is then before them, as it would have been if reported from a committee, and questions are regularly to be put again on every amendment: which being gone through, the President pauses to give time to the House to propose amendments to the body of the bill, and when through, puts the question, whether it shall be read a third time?

After progress in amending a bill in quasi-committee, a motion may be made to refer it to a special committee. If the motion prevails, it is equivalent in effect to the several votes that the committee rise, the House resume itself, discharge the committee of the whole, and refer the bill to a special committee. In that case, the amendments already made fall. But if the motion fails, the quasi-committee stands in statu quo.

How far does this 20th rule subject the House, when in quasi-committee, to the laws which regulate the proceedings of a committee of the whole? The particulars, in which these differ from proceedings in the House, are the following:—1. In a committee, every member may speak as often as he pleases.—2. The votes of a committee may be rejected or altered when reported to the House.—3. A committee, even of the whole, cannot refer any matter to another committee.—4. In a committee, no previous question can be taken: the only means to avoid an improper discussion, is to move that the committee rise; and if it be apprehended that the same discussion will be attempted on returning into committee, the House can discharge them, and proceed itself on the business, keeping down the improper discussion by the previous question.—5. A committee cannot punish a breach of order, in the House, or in the gallery,—9 Grey, 113; it can only rise and report it to the House, who may proceed to punish.

The 1st and 2d of these peculiarities attach to the quasi-committee of the Senate, as every day's practice proves; and seem to be the only ones to which the 20th rule meant to subject them: for it continues to be a House, and therefore, though it acts in some respects as a committee, in others it preserves its character as a House.—Thus, 3d, It is in the daily habit of referring its business to a special committee—4th. It admits the previous question: if it did not, it would have no means of preventing an improper discussion; not being able, as the committee is, to avoid it by returning into the House: for the moment it would resume the same subject there, the 20th rule declares it again a quasi-committee.—5th. It would doubtless exercise its powers as a House on any breach of order.—6th. It takes a question by Yea and Nay, as the House does.—7th. It receives messages from the President and the other House.—8th. In the midst of a debate, it receives a motion to adjourn, and adjourns as a House, not as a committee.

SECTION XXXI.
BILL, SECOND READING IN THE HOUSE.

In Parliament, after the bill has been read a second time, if, on the motion and question, it be not committed, or if no proposition for commitment be made, the Speaker reads it by paragraphs, pausing between each, but putting no questions but on amendments proposed; and when through the whole, he puts the question, Whether it shall be read the third time? if it came from the other House. Or, if originating with themselves, Whether it shall be engrossed and read a third time? The Speaker reads sitting, but rises to put a question. The clerk stands while he reads.

But the Senate of the United States is so much in the habit of making many and material amendments at the third reading, that it has become the practice not to engross a bill till it has passed. An irregular and dangerous practice; because, in this way, the paper which passes the Senate is not that which goes to the other House; and that which goes to the other House as the act of the Senate, has never been seen in Senate. In reducing numerous, difficult, and illegible amendments into the text, the secretary may, with the most innocent intentions, commit errors which can never again be corrected.

The bill being now as perfect as its friends can make it, this is the proper stage for those, fundamentally opposed, to make their own attack. All attempts at other periods are with disjointed efforts; because many who do not expect to be in favor of the bill, ultimately, are willing to let it go on to its perfect state, to take time to examine it themselves, and to hear what can be said for it; knowing that, after all, they have sufficient opportunities of giving it their veto. Its two last stages, therefore, are reserved for this, that is to say, on the question, Whether it shall be engrossed and read a third time? and, lastly, Whether it shall pass? The first of these is usually the most interesting contest; because then the whole subject is new and engaging, and the minds of the members having not yet been declared by any trying vote, the issue is the more doubtful. In this stage, therefore, is the main trial of strength between its friends and opponents; and it behooves every one to make up his mind decisively for this question, or he loses the main battle; and accident and management may, and often do, prevent a successful rallying on the next and last question, Whether it shall pass?

When the bill is engrossed, the title is to be endorsed on the back, and not within the bill.—Hakew. 250.

SECTION XXXII.
READING PAPERS.

Where papers are laid before the House, or referred to a committee, every member has a right to have them once read at the table, before he can be compelled to vote on them. But it is a great, though common error, to suppose that he has a right, toties quoties, to have acts, journals, accounts, or papers, on the table, read independently of the will of the House. The delay and interruption which this might be made to produce, evince the impossibility of the existence of such a right. There is indeed so manifest a propriety of permitting every member to have as much information as possible on every question on which he is to vote, that when he desires the reading, if it be seen that it is really for information, and not for delay, the Speaker directs it to be read without putting a question, if no one objects. But if objected to, a question must be put.—2 Hats. 117, 118.

It is equally an error to suppose, that any member has a right, without a question put, to lay a book or paper on the table, and have it read, on suggesting that it contains matter infringing on the privileges of the House.—2 Hats. 117, 118.

For the same reason, a member has not a right to read a paper in his place, if it be objected to, without leave of the House. But this rigor is never exercised but where there is an intentional or gross abuse of the time and patience of the House.

A member has not a right even to read his own speech, committed to writing, without leave. This also is to prevent an abuse of time; and therefore is not refused, but where that is intended.—2 Grey, 227.

A report of a committee of the Senate on a bill from the House of Representatives being under consideration, on motion that the report of the committee of the House of Representatives on the same bill be read in the Senate, it passed in the negative.—Feb. 28, 1793.

Formerly, when papers were referred to a committee, they used to be first read; but of late, only the titles; unless a member insists they shall be read, and then nobody can oppose it.—2 Hats. 117.

SECTION XXXIII.
PRIVILEGED QUESTIONS.

While a question is before the Senate, no motion shall be received unless for an amendment, for the previous question, or for postponing the main question, or to commit it, or to adjourn.—Rule 8.

It is no possession of a bill, unless it be delivered to the clerk to be read, or the Speaker reads the title.—Lex. Parl. 274; Elsynge, Mem. 85; Ord. House Commons, 64.

It is a general rule, that the question first moved and seconded shall be first put.—Scob. 28, 22; 2 Hats. 81. But this rule gives way to what may be called privileged questions; and the privileged questions are of different grades among themselves.

A motion to adjourn, simply takes place of all others; for otherwise the House might be kept sitting against its will, and indefinitely. Yet this motion cannot be received after another question is actually put, and while the House is engaged in voting.

Orders of the day take place of all other questions, except for adjournment. That is to say, the question which is the subject of an order, is made a privileged one, pro hac vice. The order is a repeal of the general rule as to this special case. When any member moves, therefore, for the orders of the day to be read, no further debate is permitted on the question which was before the House; for if the debate might proceed, it might continue through the day, and defeat the order. This motion, to entitle it to precedence, must be for the orders generally, and not for any particular one; and if it be carried on the question, "Whether the House will now proceed to the orders of the day?" they must be read and proceeded on in the course in which they stand.—2 Hats. 83. For priority of order gives priority of right, which cannot be taken away but by another special order.

After these there are other privileged questions, which will require considerable explanation.

It is proper that every Parliamentary assembly should have certain forms of questions, so adapted as to enable them fitly to dispose of every proposition which can be made to them. Such are, 1. The previous question: 2. To postpone indefinitely: 3. To adjourn to a definite day: 4. To lie on the table: 5. To commit: 6. To amend. The proper occasion for each of these questions should be understood.

1. When a proposition is moved, which it is useless or inexpedient now to express or discuss, the previous question has been introduced for suppressing, for that time, the motion and its discussion.—3 Hats. 188, 189.

2. But as the previous question gets rid of it only for that day, and the same proposition may recur the next day, if they wish to suppress it for the whole of that session, they postpone it indefinitely.—3 Hats. 183. This quashes the proposition for that session, as an indefinite adjournment is a dissolution, or the continuance of a suit sine die is a discontinuance of it.

3. When a motion is made which it will be proper to act on, but information is wanted, or something more pressing claims the present time, the question or debate is adjourned to such a day within the session as will answer the views of the House.—2 Hats. 81. And those who have spoken before, may not speak again when the adjourned debate is resumed.—2 Hats. 73. Sometimes, however, this has been abusively used, by adjourning it to a day beyond the session, to get rid of it altogether, as would be done by an indefinite postponement.

4. When the House has something else which claims its present attention, but would be willing to reserve in their power to take up a proposition whenever it shall suit them, they order it to lie on their table. It may then be called for at any time.

5. If the proposition will want more amendment and digestion than the formalities of the House will conveniently admit, they refer it to a committee.

6. But if the proposition be well digested, and may need but few and simple amendments, and especially if these be of leading consequence, they then proceed to consider and amend it themselves.

The Senate, in their practice, vary from this regular gradation of forms. Their practice, comparatively with that of Parliament, stands thus:

In their 8th Rule, therefore, which declares, that while a question is before the Senate, no motion shall be received, unless it be for the previous question, or to postpone, commit or amend the main question, the term postponement must be understood according to their broad use of it, and not in its Parliamentary sense. Their rule then establishes as privileged questions, the previous question, postponement, commitment, and amendment.

But it may be asked, Have these questions any privilege among themselves? or are they so equal that the common principle of the "first moved, first put," takes place among them? This will need explanation. Their competitions may be as follows:

In the 1st class, where the previous question is first moved, the effect is peculiar; for it not only prevents the after motion to postpone or commit from being put to question before it, but also from being put after it. For if the previous question be decided affirmatively, to wit, that the main question shall now be put, it would of course be against the decision to postpone or commit. And if it be decided negatively, to wit, that the main question shall not now be put, this puts the House out of possession of the main question, and consequently there is nothing before them to postpone or commit. So that neither voting for nor against the previous question will enable the advocates for postponing or committing to get at their object. Whether it may be amended, shall be examined hereafter.

2d class.—If postponement be decided affirmatively, the proposition is removed from before the House, and consequently there is no ground for the previous question, commitment, or amendment. But if decided negatively, that it shall not be postponed, the main question may then be suppressed by the previous question, or may be committed or amended.

The 3d class is subject to the same observations as the 2d.

The 4th class.—Amendment of the main question first moved, and afterwards the previous question, the question of amendment shall be first put.

Amendment and postponement competing, postponement is first put, as the equivalent proposition to adjourn the main question would be in Parliament. The reason is, that the question for amendment is not suppressed by postponing or adjourning the main question, but remains before the House whenever the main question is resumed; and it might be that the occasion for other urgent business might go by, and be lost by length of debate on the amendment, if the House had it not in their power to postpone the whole subject.

Amendment and commitment. The question for committing, though last moved, shall be first put; because in truth it facilitates and befriends the motion to amend. Scobell is express:—"On a motion to amend a bill, any one may, notwithstanding, move to commit it, and the question for commitment shall be first put."—Scob. 46.

We have hitherto considered the case of two or more of the privileged questions contending for privilege between themselves, when both were moved on the original or main question; but now let us suppose one of them to be moved, not on the original primary question, but on the secondary one, e. g.

Suppose a motion to postpone, commit, or amend the main question, and that it be moved to suppress that motion by putting the previous question on it. This is not allowed, because it would embarrass questions too much to allow them to be piled on one another several stories high; and the same result may be had in a more simple way, by deciding against the postponement, commitment, or amendment.—2 Hats. 81, 2, 3, 4.

Suppose a motion for the previous question, or commitment or amendment of the main question, and that it be then moved to postpone the motion for the previous question, or for commitment or amendment of the main question: 1. It would be absurd to postpone the previous question, commitment, or amendment, alone, and thus separate the appendage from its principal; yet it must be postponed separately from the original, if at all, because the 8th rule of the Senate says, that when a main question is before the House, no motion shall be received but to commit, amend, or pre-question the original question, which is the parliamentary doctrine; therefore, the motion to postpone the secondary motion for the previous question, or for committing or amending, cannot be received: 2. This is a piling of questions one on another, which, to avoid embarrassment, is not allowed: 3. The same result may be had more simply, by voting against the previous question, commitment, or amendment.

Suppose a commitment moved, of a motion for the previous question, or to postpone, or amend.

The 1st, 2d, and 3d reasons before stated, all hold good against this.

Suppose an amendment moved to a motion for the previous question? Answer: The previous question cannot be amended. Parliamentary usage, as well as the 9th rule of the Senate, has fixed its form to be, "Shall the main question be now put?" i. e., at this instant. And as the present instant is but one, it can admit of no modification. To change it to to-morrow, or any other moment, is without example and without utility. But suppose a motion to amend a motion for postponement, as to one day instead of another, or to a special instead of indefinite time. The useful character of amendment gives it a privilege of attaching itself to a secondary privileged motion. That is, we may amend a postponement of a main question. So we may amend a commitment of a main question, as by adding, for example, "with instruction to inquire," &c. In like manner, if an amendment be moved to an amendment, it is admitted. But it would not be admitted in another degree, to wit, to amend an amendment to an amendment of a main question. This would lead to too much embarrassment. The line must be drawn somewhere; and usage has drawn it after the amendment to the amendment. The same result must be sought by deciding against the amendment to the amendment, and then moving it again as it was wished to be amended. In this form it becomes only an amendment to an amendment.

In filling a blank with a sum, the largest sum shall be first put to the question, by the 18th Rule of the Senate, contrary to the rule of Parliament, which privileges the smallest sum and longest time.—5 Grey, 179; 2 Hats. 8, 83; 3 Hats. 132, 133. And this is considered to be not in the form of an amendment to the question, but as alternative or successive originals. In all cases of time or number, we must consider whether the larger comprehends the lesser, as in a question to what day a postponement shall be, the number of a committee, amount of a fine, term of an imprisonment, term of irredeemability of a loan, or the terminus in quem in any other case. Then the question must begin a maximo. Or whether the lesser includes the greater, as in question on the limitation of the rate of interest, on what day the session shall be closed by adjournment, on what day the next shall commence, when an act shall commence, or the terminus a quo in any other case, where the question must begin a minimo. The object being not to begin at that extreme, which, and more, being within every man's wish, no one could negative it, and yet, if we should vote in the affirmative, every question for more would be precluded; but at that extreme which would unite few, and then to advance or recede till you get to a number which will unite a bare majority.—3 Grey, 376, 384, 385. "The fair question in this case is not that to which and more all will agree, whether there shall be addition to the question."—1 Grey, 365.

Another exception to the rule of priority is, when a motion has been made to strike out or agree to a paragraph. Motions to amend it are to be put to the question, before a vote is taken on striking out, or agreeing to the whole paragraph.

But there are several questions, which, being incidental to every one, will take place of every one, privileged or not; to wit, a question of order arising out of any other question, must be decided before that question.—2 Hats. 88.

A matter of privilege arising out of any question, or from a quarrel between two members, or any other cause, supersedes the consideration of the original question, and must first be disposed of.—2 Hats. 88.

Reading papers relative to the question before the House. This question must be put before the principal one.—2 Hats. 88.

Leave asked to withdraw a motion. The rule of Parliament being, that a motion made and seconded is in possession of the House, and cannot be withdrawn without leave, the very terms of the rule imply that leave may be given, and, consequently, may be asked and put to the question.

SECTION XXXIV.
THE PREVIOUS QUESTION.

When any question is before the House, any member may move a previous question, "Whether that question (called the main question) shall now be put?" If it pass in the affirmative, then the main question is to be put immediately, and no man may speak anything further to it, either to add or alter.—Memor. in Hakew. 28; 4 Grey, 27.

The previous question being moved and seconded, the question from the chair shall be, "Shall the main question be now put?" and if the nays prevail, the main question shall not then be put—Rule 9.

This kind of question is understood by Mr. Hatsell to have been introduced in 1604.—2 Hats. 80. Sir Henry Vane introduced it.—2 Grey, 113, 114; 3 Grey, 384. When the question was put in this form, "Shall the main question be put?" a determination in the negative suppressed the main question during the session; but since the words "now put" are used, they exclude it for the present only. Formerly, indeed, only till the present debate was over; 4 Grey, 43; but now for that day and no longer.—2 Grey, 113, 114.

Before the question, "Whether the main question shall now be put?" any person might formerly have spoken to the main question, because otherwise he would be precluded from speaking to it at all.—Mem. in Hakew. 28.

The proper occasion for the previous question is, when a subject is brought forward of a delicate nature as to high personages, &c., or the discussion of which may call forth observations which might be of injurious consequences. Then the previous question is proposed, and, in the modern usage, the discussion of the main question is suspended, and the debate confined to the previous question. The use of it has been extended abusively to other cases; but in these, it is an embarrassing procedure: its uses would be as well answered by other more simple Parliamentary forms, and therefore it should not be favored, but restricted within as narrow limits as possible.

Whether a main question may be amended after the previous question on it has been moved and seconded? 2 Hatsell, 88, says, If the previous question had been moved and seconded, and also proposed from the chair, (by which he means, stated by the Speaker for debate,) it has been doubted whether an amendment can be admitted to the main question. He thinks it may, after the previous question moved and seconded; but not after it has been proposed from the chair.