BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
AND THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION
(1760-1801)

BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
Scope of the Series and Arrangement of Volumes

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
AND THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION
(1760-1801)
COMPILED BY
S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.
(CHRIST’S HOSPITAL)

LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1912

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME
(1760-1801)

The difficulty which an editor of period 1760-1801 has to face is the wealth of contemporary sources available. I have drawn largely, as will be seen, on the series of Home Office Papers in the Calendar of State Papers, the series of the Acts of the Privy Council, the Gentleman’s Magazine, and Annual Register. I trust that the foreign relations of England are proportionately represented, though want of space has been against the inclusion of much that naturally suggests itself. In spite of defects, my hope is that teachers and pupils in public schools and universities will find these pages useful.

S. E. W.

Christ’s Hospital,
April, 1912.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
AND THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION
(1760-1801)

BRITISH VICTORIES—“A YOUNG MR. BURKE” (1761).
Source.—Letters of Horace Walpole. Edited by P. Cunningham London: Bentley. Vol. iii., pp. 419-421. 1891.

To George Montagu, Esq., Strawberry Hill, July 22, 1761.

For my part, I believe Mademoiselle Scuderi drew the plan of this year. It is all royal marriages, coronations and victories; they come tumbling so over one another from distant parts of the globe, that it looks just like the handy-work of a lady romance writer, whom it costs nothing but a little false geography to make the great Mogul in love with a princess of ——, and defeat two marshals of France as he rides post on an elephant to his nuptials. I don’t know where I am. I had scarce found Mecklenburgh Strelitz with a magnifying glass, before I am whisked to Pondicherri—well, I take it, and raze it. I begin to grow acquainted with Colonel Coote, and to figure him packing up chests of diamonds, and sending them to his wife against the King’s wedding—thunder go the Tower guns, and behold Broglio and Soubise are totally defeated; if the mob have not much stronger heads and quicker conceptions than I have, they will conclude my lord Granby is become nabob. How the deuce in two days can one digest all this? Why is not Pondicherri in Westphalia? I don’t know how the Romans did, but I cannot support two victories every week. Well, but you will want to know the particulars. Broglio and Soubise, united, attacked our army on the fifteenth, but were repulsed; the next day, the prince Mahomet Alli Cawn—no, no, I mean prince Ferdinand, returned the attack, and the French threw down their arms, and fled, run over my lord Harcourt, who was going to fetch the new queen; in short, I don’t know how it was, but Mr. Conway is safe, and I am as happy as Mr. Pitt himself. We have only lost a lieutenant-colonel Keith; colonel Marlay and Harry Townshend are wounded.... I dined with your secretary yesterday; there were Garrick and a young Mr. Burke, who wrote a book in the style of lord Bolingbroke, that was much admired. He is a sensible man, but has not worn off his authorism yet, and thinks there is nothing so charming as writers, and to be one. He will know better one of these days. I like Hamilton’s little Marly; we walked in the great allée, and drank tea in the arbour of treillage; they talked of Shakspeare and Booth, of Swift and my lord Bath, and I was thinking of Madame Sévigné. Good night! I have a dozen other letters to write; I must tell my friends how happy I am—not as an Englishman, but as a cousin.

Yours ever.

HONOURS FOR MR. PITT (1761).
Source.—Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Vol. ii., pp. 146 et seq. London, 1838-1840.

The Earl of Bute to Mr. Pitt, October 6, 1761.

Sir,

I take up the pen with more than ordinary desire to succeed in the business I am, by the King’s command, to write to you upon. I earnestly wished to have carried to his Majesty some little opening of your mind; something that might have pointed towards that mark of his royal favour he seems impatient to bestow upon you.[1]

As that was not in my power, the King has desired me to mention two ideas; wishing to have the one most agreeable to you carried into immediate execution: but, if neither should be suitable to your inclinations, it is hoped that you will not be averse to give his Majesty a little insight into your own thoughts upon this subject. The government of the province of Canada, with a salary of five thousand pounds, seemed to strike the King most; and that for two reasons: the first, as you would preside over a province acquired by your own ability and firmness; secondly, as it would convey to all the world his Majesty’s intentions of never parting with that great and important conquest. The objection of its not being tenable with a seat in parliament is foreseen; but a short bill might remedy that in this new case; in the preamble of which the King’s reasons for this appointment would be set forth. If, however, this should not strike you in the same light it does his Majesty, the next thing I am ordered to mention is the chancellor of the duchy, with the salary annexed to it as before mentioned.

You will please, Sir, to consider these as proofs of the King’s earnest desire to show this country the high opinion he has of your merit. If they do not entirely please, impute it to the want of information I before hinted at; and do me the justice to believe, that I never shall execute any commission with more pleasure than I have done this.

I am, Sir, with the highest regard,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Bute.[2]

Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bute, October 7, 1761.
[From a rough draught in Mr. Pitt’s handwriting.]

My Lord,

Overwhelmed with the extent of his Majesty’s gracious goodness towards me, I desire the favour of your Lordship to lay me at the royal feet, with the humble tribute of the most unfeigned and respectful gratitude. Penetrated with the bounteous favour of a most benign sovereign and master, I am confounded with his condescension in deigning to bestow one thought about any inclination of his servant, with regard to the modes of extending to me marks of his royal beneficence.

Any public mark of his Majesty’s approbation, flowing from such a spontaneous source of clemency, will be my comfort and my glory; and I cannot but be highly sensible of all those circumstances, so peculiarly honourable, which, attending the first of the two ideas suggested to me by his Majesty’s direction, have been mentioned. Commanded, however, as I am by the King, in a manner so infinitely gracious, not to suppress my thoughts on a subject of this extreme delicacy, I trust it will be judged obedience, not presumption, if I express the doubts I have as to the propriety of my going into either of the offices mentioned, or indeed, considering that which I have resigned, going again into any whatever.

Thus much in general I have presumed, not without pain and fear, to submit to his Majesty’s consideration; too proud to receive any mark of the King’s countenance and favour, but above all doubly happy could I see those dearer to me than myself comprehended in that monument of royal approbation and goodness, with which his Majesty shall condescend to distinguish me.

I cannot conclude this letter, already much too long, without expressing my warm thanks to your Lordship for the most obliging manner in which you have conveyed to me his Majesty’s gracious intentions, and assuring your Lordship, that I shall always set a high value on the favourable sentiments which you are pleased to express on my subject. I have the honour to be, with great truth and respect,

Yours, &c.
W. Pitt.

The Earl of Bute to Mr. Pitt, October 8, 1761.

Sir,

I laid the contents of your letter before his Majesty; who was graciously pleased to admit of the reasons you gave for not accepting office, and to approve of the respectful openings some part of the letter afforded.

Having received the King’s commands to consider of the most becoming method of carrying his intentions into execution, I have lost no time in my researches. The English civil list would by no means answer; the Irish had objections: one only thing remained, that could possibly serve the King’s generous purpose. This his Majesty approves of, and has directed me accordingly to acquaint you, that as you declined accepting any office, his Majesty will confer the dignity of peerage on Lady Hester Pitt, to descend through her ladyship to your sons, with a grant of three thousand pounds per annum, on the plantation duties, to yourself and any two other lives you shall name. These unusual marks of the royal approbation cannot fail to be agreeable to a mind like yours. Permit me to assure you, that the communicating of them gives me the greatest pleasure.

I am, Sir, with unfeigned regard, Your most obedient humble servant, Bute.

Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bute, October 8, 1761.
[From a draught in Mr. Pitt’s handwriting.]

I have not words to express the sentiments of veneration and gratitude with which I receive the unbounded effects of beneficence and grace, which the most benign of sovereigns has condescended to bestow on me, and on those most dear to me.

Your Lordship will not wonder if the sensations which possess my whole breast refuse me the power of describing their extent, and leave me only to beg your Lordship will be so good as to lay me and Lady Hester at the King’s feet, and to offer for us to his Majesty the genuine tribute of the truly feeling heart; which I will dare to hope, the same royal benevolence which showers on the unmeritorious such unlimited benefits may deign to accept with equal condescension and goodness.

I am, &c.
W. Pitt.

THE STATE OF THE PRISONS.
Source.—Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wakefield (Chap. XXVII.).

The next morning I communicated to my wife and children the scheme I had planned of reforming the prisoners, which they received with universal disapprobation, alleging the impossibility and impropriety of it; adding that my endeavours would no way contribute to their amendment, but might probably disgrace my calling.

“Excuse me,” returned I, “these people, however fallen, are still men; and that is a very good title to my affections. Good counsel rejected returns to enrich the giver’s bosom; and though the instruction I communicate may not mend them, yet it will assuredly mend myself. If these wretches, my children, were princes, there would be thousands ready to offer their ministry; but in my opinion the heart that is buried in a dungeon is as precious as that seated upon a throne. Yes, my treasures, if I can mend them I will; perhaps they will not all despise me; perhaps I may catch up even one from the gulf, and there will be great gain; for is there upon earth a gem so precious as the human soul?”

Thus saying, I left them and descended to the common prison, where I found the prisoners very merry, expecting my arrival; and each prepared with some gaol-trick to play upon the doctor. Thus, as I was going to begin, one turned my wig awry; as if by accident, and then asked my pardon. A second, who stood at some distance, had a knack of spitting through his teeth, which fell in showers upon my book. A third would cry, “Amen!” in such an affected tone as gave the rest great delight. A fourth had slily picked my pocket of my spectacles. But there was one whose trick gave more universal pleasure than all the rest; for observing the manner in which I had disposed my books on the table before me, he very dexterously displaced one of them, and put an obscene jest-book of his own in the place. However, I took no notice of all that this mischievous group of little beings could do, but went on, perfectly sensible that what was ridiculous in my attempt would excite mirth only the first or second time, while what was serious would be permanent. My design succeeded, and in less than six days some were penitent, and all attentive.

It was now that I applauded my perseverance and address, at thus giving sensibility to wretches divested of every moral feeling, and now began to think of doing them temporal service also, by rendering their situation somewhat more comfortable. Their time had hitherto been divided between famine and excess, tumultuous riot and bitter repining. Their only employment was quarrelling among each other, playing at cribbage, and cutting tobacco-stoppers. From this last mode of idle industry I took the hint of setting such as chose to work at cutting pegs for tobacconists and shoemakers, the proper wood being bought by a general subscription, and, when manufactured, sold by my appointment; so that each earned something every day—a trifle, indeed, but sufficient to maintain him.

I did not stop here, but instituted fines for the punishment of immorality, and rewards for peculiar industry. Thus in less than a fortnight I had formed them into something social and humane, and had the pleasure of regarding myself as a legislator, who had brought men from their native ferocity into friendship and obedience.

And it were highly to be wished that legislative power would thus direct the law rather to reformation than to severity; that it would seem convinced that the work of eradicating crimes is not by making punishments familiar, but formidable. Then, instead of our present prisons, which find or make men guilty, which enclose wretches for the commission of one crime, and return them, if returned alive, fitted for the perpetration of thousands, we should see, as in other parts of Europe, places of penitence and solitude, where the accused might be attended by such as could give them repentance if guilty, or new motives to virtue if innocent. And this, but not the increasing punishments, is the way to mend a State: nor can I avoid even questioning the validity of that right which social combinations have assumed of capitally punishing offences of a slight nature. In cases of murder, their right is obvious, as it is the duty of us all, from the law of self-defence, to cut off that man who has shown a disregard for the life of another. Against such all nature rises in arms, but it is not so against him who steals my property. Natural law gives me no right to take away his life, as by that the horse he steals is as much his property as mine. If, then, I have any right, it must be from a compact made between us, that he who deprives the other of his horse shall die. But this is a false compact; because no man has a right to barter his life, any more than to take it away, as it is not his own. And, besides, the compact is inadequate, and would be set aside even in a court of modern equity, as there is a great penalty for a very trifling inconvenience, since it is far better that two men should live than that one man should ride. But a compact that is false between two men is equally so between a hundred and a hundred thousand; for as ten millions of circles can never make a square, so the united voice of myriads cannot lend the smallest foundation to falsehood. It is thus that reason speaks, and untutored nature says the same thing. Savages that are directed by natural law alone are very tender of the lives of each other; they seldom shed blood but to retaliate former cruelty.

Our Saxon ancestors, fierce as they were in war, had but few executions in times of peace; and in all commencing governments, that have the print of nature still strong upon them, scarcely any crime is held capital.

It is among the citizens of a refined community that penal laws, which are in the hands of the rich, are laid upon the poor. Government, while it grows older, seems to acquire the moroseness of age; and as if our property were become dearer in proportion as it increased—as if the more enormous our wealth, the more extensive our fears—all our possessions are paled up with new edicts every day, and hung round with gibbets to scare every invader.

I cannot tell whether it is from the number of our penal laws, or the licentiousness of our people, that this country should show more convicts in a year than half the dominions of Europe united. Perhaps it is owing to both; for they mutually produce each other. When by indiscriminate penal laws a nation beholds the same punishment affixed to dissimilar degrees of guilt, from perceiving no distinction in the penalty, the people are led to lose all sense of distinction in the crime; and this distinction is the bulwark of all morality: thus the multitude of laws produce new vices, and new vices call for fresh restraints.

It were to be wished, then, that power, instead of contriving new laws to punish vice, instead of drawing hard the cords of society till a convulsion come to burst them, instead of cutting away wretches as useless before we have tried their utility, instead of converting correction into vengeance; it were to be wished that we tried the restrictive arts of government, and made law the protector, but not the tyrant, of the people. We should then find that creatures, whose souls are held as dross, only wanted the hand of a refiner; we should then find that wretches, now stuck up for long tortures, lest luxury should feel a momentary pang, might, if properly treated, serve to sinew the State in times of danger; that as their faces are like ours, their hearts are so too; that few minds are so base as that perseverance cannot amend; that a man may see his last crime without dying for it; and that very little blood will serve to cement our security.

TOWNSHEND’S CONTUMACY (1767).
Source.—Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Vol. iii., pp. 233 et seq. London, 1838-1840.

Mr. Townshend then mentioned the extraordinaries of America, and the necessity of voting a particular sum; which he said he neither could nor would move, unless the cabinet previously took the whole state of America into consideration, and enabled him to declare to the House the opinion of administration as to the forts, the Indian trade, the disposition of the troops, in short the whole arrangements, considered with a view to a general reduction of expense, and a duty which he undertook should be laid to defray what remained: that he had promised this to the House, and upon the authority of what passed in the cabinet; and if he could not make it good, he should be obliged to consider the best means, by what he should say or by his conduct, to make it appear that it was not his fault, and against his opinion.[3]

I acquainted your Lordship of this the last time I had the honour of waiting on you from Lord Barrington; the difficulty greatly arising from several conjectural estimates being laid by him before the House. I was surprised at Mr. Townshend’s conduct, which really continues excessive on every occasion, till I afterwards understood in conversation, that he declared he knew of Lord North’s refusal, and from himself. The Duke of Grafton told me, and I suppose may tell your Lordship, that he sent to Lord North to ask him. It appears to me quite impossible that Mr. Townshend can mean to go on in the King’s service; but of this your Lordship will judge much better than I can, after the Duke of Grafton has given you a farther account.

I have the honour to be, with great respect, Your Lordship’s most obliged humble servant, Shelburne.

WILKES RIOTS (1768).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1766-1769. Pp. 322, 323. London, 1879.

Robert Wood to Sir J. Fielding.

5 and 6 April.—Lord Weymouth has been informed that Mr. Stuart, the wine merchant, upon application to you for assistance against the mob on the night of the illumination, had not met with that support which he had reason to expect from the civil magistrate. Though this account does not agree with what his Lordship had conceived of your vigilance and activity, yet he has ordered me to acquaint you with it, and to add that though, on the one hand, he relies much on your zeal, and is ready to do justice to your diligence at the time of the late riotous proceedings, yet, on the other, he thinks it his indispensable duty to take notice of any remissness in a magistrate upon whom so much of the public order and tranquillity depends; and if Mr. Stuart’s account of this matter be founded, his Lordship desires that I will let you know it will very much change that favourable opinion which he wishes to preserve of you. His Lordship thinks it would be unfair towards you as well as to the public to keep this matter from you, though Mr. Stuart has not given it in as matter of formal complaint, but merely for the Secretary of State’s information. Lord Weymouth is willing to suppose there must be some mistake in what he has heard.

P.S.—As Lord Weymouth had taken every precaution that could be imagined in order to support magistracy and give weight to your proceedings, he is disappointed to find that there should be any complaint; and though he despises clamour, he must pay attention to facts urged by a citizen of character; and I heartily wish you may put it in his power to set you clear of imputation, which is his wish also.

The reply to this letter is dated the 5th.

Sir John Fielding gives a history of the transactions of the night, and says that, to the best of his knowledge, and to the best of his abilities, with unwearied attention, diligence, and application, he has done everything in his power to preserve peace and good order, and to detect offenders and bring them to justice, from the beginning to the conclusion of the late unhappy disturbances. Is sincerely concerned if in any respect Mr. Steward mistook his meaning, and more so that Lord Weymouth should be dissatisfied with his conduct as a magistrate. Unfortunate he has always been; at present particularly so, when his warmest endeavours to discharge a public trust with loyalty to his Sovereign, fidelity to his country, and obedience to his superiors, have been so far ineffectual as not to secure him the confidence of those by whom he would wish to be approved.—Bow Street.

RIOTS IN THE NORTH (1768).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1766-1769. Pp. 839, 840. London, 1879.

Duke of Northumberland to H.M.’s Principal Secretaries of State.

12 and 14 April.—Has received within these few days several letters from Newcastle, giving an account of a very riotous spirit having broken out among the sailors and other persons in that place and its neighbourhood, who have committed many outrages, a continuance of which is still greatly to be apprehended. His Grace enters into full particulars. The Mayor and other magistrates of Newcastle, and the justices of Northumberland and Durham, have been very vigilant and active on this occasion, but it is their united request, in which his Grace joins, that a regiment might be quartered and continued in Newcastle and the neighbourhood.—Northumberland House, 12 April.

Reply from Lord Weymouth, dated the 14th, enclosing a copy of the letter written in consequence to the Secretary-at-War, directing him to give orders for detaining the troops at Newcastle and the neighbourhood which are now there, and to report whether the present disposition of the troops in that part of the world may not admit of an alteration which may answer the purposes of support to the civil magistrate.

The Same to the Same.

13 and 14 April.—Submitting whether it may not be expedient that certain arms belonging to the Middlesex militia, deposited in the vestry rooms and other places of little security in Westminster and the neighbourhood of London, should be removed to the Tower, in case there should be reason to fear a renewal of the mobs and riotous assemblies.

Lord Weymouth’s Reply, dated the 14th.

It is highly improper that arms should at any time be deposited in places of little security, and particularly at present when so riotous a disposition appears among the populace. But as there are objections to depositing those arms now in the Tower, his Grace is to take all possible precautions for the present by giving the necessary orders for particular attention and vigilance upon this occasion; and in case of an attempt by the populace to possess themselves of the arms, is to call out the military, orders having been issued to the Secretary-at-War to support the civil magistrate upon every necessary occasion.

A PETITION TO GEORGE III. FROM THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE COUNTY OF MIDDLESEX (1769).
Source.—Letters of Junius. London: G. Bell and Sons. Vol. ii. 1911.

To the King’s Most Excellent Majesty.
The humble petition of the Freeholders of the County of Middlesex.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

We, your Majesty’s dutiful and loyal subjects, the Freeholders of the County of Middlesex, beg leave, with all affectionate submission and humility, to throw ourselves at your royal feet, and humbly to implore your paternal attention to those grievances of which this county and the whole nation complain, and those fearful apprehensions with which the whole British Empire is most justly alarmed.

With great grief and sorrow we have long beheld the endeavours of certain evil-minded persons, who attempt to infuse into your royal mind notions and opinions of the most dangerous and pernicious tendency, and who promote and counsel such measures as cannot fail to destroy that harmony and confidence which should ever subsist between a just and virtuous prince and a free and loyal people.

For this disaffected purpose they have introduced into every part of the administration of our happy legal constitution a certain unlimited and indefinite discretionary power, to prevent which is the sole aim of all our laws, and was the sole cause of all those disturbances and revolutions which formerly distracted this unhappy country; for our ancestors, by their own fatal experience, well knew that in a state where discretion begins, law, liberty, and safety end. Under the pretence of this discretion, or, as it was formerly, and has been lately, called, Law of state, we have seen

English subjects, and even a member of the British Legislature, arrested by virtue of a general warrant issued by a secretary of state, contrary to the law of the land.

Their houses rifled and plundered, their papers seized, and used as evidence upon trial.

Their bodies committed to close imprisonment.

The Habeas Corpus eluded.

Trial by jury discountenanced, and the first law officer of the crown publicly insinuating that juries are not to be trusted.

Printers punished by the ministry in the supreme court without a trial by their equals, without any trial at all.

The remedy of the law for false imprisonment debarred and defeated.

The plaintiff and his attorney, for their appeal to the law of the land, punished by expenses and imprisonment, and made, by forced engagements, to desist from their legal claim.

A writing determined to be a libel by a court where it was not cognizable in the first instance; contrary to law, because all appeal is thereby cut off, and inferior courts and juries influenced by such predetermination.

A person condemned in the said courts as the author of the supposed libel, unheard, without defence or trial.

Unjust treatment of petitions, by selecting only such parts as might be wrested to criminate the petitioner, and refusing to hear those which might procure him redress.

The thanks of one branch of the Legislature proposed by a minister to be given to an acknowledged offender for his offence, with the declared intention of screening him from the law.

Attachments wrested from their original intent of removing obstructions to the proceedings of law, to punish by sentence of arbitrary fine and imprisonment, without trial or appeal, supposed offences committed out of court.

Perpetual imprisonment of an Englishman without trial, conviction, or sentence, by the same mode of attachment, wherein the same person is at once party, accuser, judge, and jury.

Instead of the ancient and legal civil police, the military introduced at every opportunity, unnecessarily and unlawfully patrolling the streets, to the alarm and terror of the inhabitants.

The lives of many of your Majesty’s innocent subjects destroyed by military execution.

Such military execution solemnly adjudged to be legal.

Murder abetted, encouraged, and rewarded.

The civil magistracy rendered contemptible by the appointment of improper and incapable persons.

The civil magistrates tampered with by administration, and neglecting and refusing to discharge their duty.

Mobs and riots hired and raised by the ministry, in order to justify and recommend their own illegal proceedings, and to prejudice your Majesty’s mind by false insinuations against the loyalty of your Majesty’s subjects.

The freedom of election violated by corrupt and undue influence, by unpunished violence and murder.

The just verdicts of juries and the opinion of the judges overruled by false representations to your Majesty; and the determinations of the law set aside, by new, unprecedented, and dangerous means; thereby leaving the guilty without restraint, and the injured without redress, and the lives of your Majesty’s subjects at the mercy of every ruffian protected by administration.

Obsolete and vexatious claims of the crown set on foot for partial and election purposes.

Partial attacks on the liberty of the press, the most daring and pernicious libels against the constitution and against the liberty of the subject being allowed to pass unnoticed, whilst the slightest libel against a minister is punished with the utmost rigour.

Wicked attempts to increase and establish a standing army, by endeavouring to vest in the crown an unlimited power over the militia, which, should they succeed, must, sooner or later, subvert the constitution, by augmenting the power of administration in proportion to their delinquency.

Repeated endeavours to diminish the importance of members of parliament individually, in order to render them more dependent on administration collectively. Even threats having been employed by ministers to suppress the freedom of debate; and the wrath of parliament denounced against measures authorized by the law of the land.

Resolutions of one branch of the legislature set up as the law of the land, being a direct usurpation of the rights of the two other branches, and therefore a manifest infringement of the constitution.

Public money shamefully squandered and unaccounted for, and all inquiry into the cause of arrears in the civil list prevented by the ministry.

Inquiry into a paymaster’s public accounts stopped in the exchequer, though the sums accounted for by that paymaster amount to above forty millions sterling.

Public loans perverted to private ministerial purposes.

Prostitution of public honours and rewards to men who can neither plead public virtue nor services.

Irreligion and immorality, so eminently discountenanced by your Majesty’s royal example, encouraged by administration, both by example and precept.

The same discretion has been extended by the same evil counsellors to your Majesty’s dominions in America, and has produced to our suffering fellow-subjects in that part of the world grievances and apprehensions similar to those which we complain of at home.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

Such are the grievances and apprehensions which have long discontented and disturbed the greatest and best part of your Majesty’s loyal subjects. Unwilling, however, to interrupt your royal repose, though ready to lay down our lives and fortunes for your Majesty’s service, and for the constitution as by law established, we have waited patiently, expecting a constitutional remedy by the means of our own representatives, but our legal and free choice having been repeatedly rejected, and the right of election now finally taken from us by the unprecedented seating of a candidate who was never chosen by the county, and who, even to become a candidate, was obliged fraudulently to vacate his seat in parliament, under the pretence of an insignificant place, invited thereto by the prior declaration of a minister, that whoever opposed our choice, though but with four votes, should be declared member for the county. We see ourselves, by this last act, deprived even of the franchises of Englishmen, reduced to the most abject state of slavery, and left without hopes or means of redress but from your Majesty or God.

Deign then, most gracious Sovereign, to listen to the prayer of the most faithful of your Majesty’s subjects; and to banish from your royal favour, trust, and confidence, for ever, those evil and pernicious counsellors who have endeavoured to alienate the affection of your Majesty’s most sincere and dutiful subjects, and whose suggestions tend to deprive your people of their dearest and most essential rights, and who have traitorously dared to depart from the spirit and letter of those laws which have secured the crown of these realms to the House of Brunswick, in which we make our most earnest prayers to God that it may continue untarnished to the latest posterity.

Signed by 1565 Freeholders.

THE CITY OF LONDON AND THE EARL OF CHATHAM ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM (1770).
Source.—Letters of Junius. London: G. Bell and Sons. 1910. Vol. i.

At a Common Council holden on the 14th of May, 1770, it was resolved: “That the grateful thanks of this court be presented to the Right Hon. William Earl of Chatham, for the zeal he has shown in support of those most valuable and sacred privileges, the right of election, and the right of petition; and for his wishes and declaration, that his endeavours shall hereafter be used that parliaments may be restored to their original purity, by shortening their duration, and introducing a more full and equal representation, an act which will render his name more honoured by posterity than the memorable successes of the glorious war he conducted.”

To this vote of thanks the Earl of Chatham made the following reply to the committee deputed to present it to his Lordship:

Gentlemen,

It is not easy for me to give expression to all I feel on the extraordinary honour done to my public conduct by the city of London; a body so highly respectable on every account, but above all, for their constant assertion of the birthrights of Englishmen in every great crisis of the constitution.

In our present unhappy situation my duty shall be, on all proper occasions, to add the zealous endeavours of an individual to those legal exertions of constitutional rights, which, to their everlasting honour, the city of London has made in defence of freedom of election and freedom of petition, and for obtaining effectual reparation to the electors of Great Britain.

As to the point among the declarations which I am understood to have made, of my wishes for the public, permit me to say there has been some misapprehension, for with all my deference to the sentiments of the city, I am bound to declare, that I cannot recommend triennial parliaments[4] as a remedy against that canker of the constitution, venality in elections; but I am ready to submit my opinion to better judgment if the wish for that measure shall become prevalent in the kingdom. Purity of parliament is the corner-stone in the commonwealth; and as one obvious means towards this necessary end is to strengthen and extend the natural relation between the constituents and the elected, I have, in this view, publicly expressed my earnest wishes for a more full and equal representation by the addition of one knight of the shire in a county, as a further balance to the mercenary boroughs.

I have thrown out this idea with the just diffidence of a private man when he presumes to suggest anything new on a high matter. Animated by your approbation, I shall with better hope continue humbly to submit it to the public wisdom, as an object most deliberately to be weighed, accurately examined, and maturely digested.

Having many times, when in the service of the crown, and when retired from it, experienced, with gratitude, the favour of my fellow-citizens, I am now particularly fortunate, that, with their good liking, I can offer anything towards upholding this wisely-combined frame of mixed government against the decays of time, and the deviations incident to all human institutions; and I shall esteem my life honoured indeed, if the city of London can vouchsafe to think that my endeavours have not been wanting to maintain the national honour, to defend the colonies, and extend the commercial greatness of my country, as well as to preserve from violation the law of the land, and the essential rights of the constitution.

COMMENTS ON PARLIAMENTARY HAPPENINGS (DECEMBER, 1770).
Source.—Letters of Junius (Letter LXXXI.). London: G. Bell and Sons. 1911. Vol. ii.

For the “Public Advertiser,” December 14, 1770.

SECOND CHAPTER OF FACTS, OR MATERIALS FOR HISTORY.

1. The Earl of Chatham having asserted, on Tuesday last, in the House of Lords, that Gibraltar was open to an attack from the sea, and that, if the enemy were masters of the bay, the place could not make any long resistance, he was answered in the following words by that great statesman the Earl of Sandwich:—“Supposing the noble Lord’s argument to be well founded, and supposing Gibraltar to be now unluckily taken, still, according to the noble Lord’s own doctrine, it would be no great matter. For although we are not masters of the sea at present, we probably shall be so some time or other, and then, my Lords, there will be no difficulty in retaking Gibraltar.” N.B. This Earl is a privy counsellor, and appeared to have concerted this satisfactory answer with Peg Trentham at the fire-side.

2. Sir Edward Hawke, on Wednesday last, gave the House of Commons a very pompous account of the fleet. Being asked why, if our navy was so numerous and ready for service, a squadron was not sent to Gibraltar and the West Indies? his answer was candid:—“That for his part he did not understand sending ships abroad when, for aught he knew, they might be wanted to defend our own coast.” Such is the care taken of our possessions abroad! One great minister tells us they may be easily retaken; another assures us that they cannot be defended. Will that man who sleepeth never awake until destruction comes upon him? Has he no friend, no servant, to draw his curtain, until Troy is actually in flames?

3. Lord North informed the House of Commons on Wednesday that, although he wished for an honourable accommodation, he thought it his duty to tell the House, that he feared war was too probable; that he intended to move for a further augmentation of ten thousand seamen, and that, at any rate, he should advise the keeping up the naval and military force upon the augmented establishment, for that, notwithstanding the language held by the French and Spanish ministers, there was, all over France and Spain, the greatest appearance of hostile preparations.

4. The riot in the House of Lords has shocked the delicacy of Sir Fletcher Norton. Upon occasion of some clamour yesterday, he called to them, with all the softness of a bassoon, Pray, gentlemen, be orderly; you are almost as bad as the other House.

5. On Tuesday last, Lord Camden delivered into the House of Lords a paper containing three questions, relative to the doctrine laid down in Lord Mansfield’s paper, which he desired that Lord would answer, if he could. Lord Mansfield was very angry at being taken by surprise upon a subject he had never had an opportunity of considering, and said that he valued the constitutional liberty of the subject too much to answer interrogatories.

THOMAS HUTCHINSON TO LORD HILLSBOROUGH (1771).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1770-1772. Pp. 191-193.

Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to Lord [Hillsborough].

22 Jan.—The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause, common to all the colonies,—a loose, false, and absurd notion of the nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey or disobey accordingly. These principles prevailing, there can be no interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect; and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority, the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under these circumstances measures for reforming the constitution of any people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it, and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures. In this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear. He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation, though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute. There was also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself, and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust; or, if they should do it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

The change in the temper of the people has been brought about sooner, and to a greater degree, than anybody could expect; and they seem now to be as well prepared to receive such a change in the constitution as at any future time; or, if it should be deferred, they will probably remain in tolerably good order until such time as may be judged convenient, provided something is done in the meantime to discover the resentment of the kingdom against their avowed principles and practices, which shall give them cause to imagine that further measures are to be taken with them. Such resentment has been everywhere expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may, however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in; as they now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly from what has been done at the Castle, &c., would be very dangerous. Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it. If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia, might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately, would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and authority of Parliament. Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.

Makes application in behalf of Capt. Phillips, the late commanding officer, who is by far the greatest sufferer of any belonging to the late garrison.

Is taking every measure, consistent with the honour of Government, to reconcile civil and military, whigs and tories. They begin to be sensible that it must be a very bad constitution indeed which is not preferable to the savage state they have been in for some years past.—Boston. Private. R. 30th March.

Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to [Lord Hillsborough].

25 Aug.—Mr. Henry Barnes, who lately arrived from England, has requested him, the Governor, to cover a letter from him to his Lordship, and to represent his sufferings and services in the cause of Government. Has not been made acquainted with the contents of the letter. Mr. Barnes has certainly suffered greatly by refusing to comply with the scheme of non-importation, and by his endeavours to support the authority of the magistrate; but in his solicitations for compensation he shows more impatience than could be wished. Is willing to attribute it to a mind chafed with his troubles, and impressed with a strong sense of his merit, which he supposes to exceed that of many others who have received the favours of Government. He complains of his, the Governor’s, neglecting him, in not particularly recommending his case when he went to England. Though he did not ask it, he yet concluded it had been done in the course of public correspondence. He, the Governor, transmitted an account of the incendiary letters, and would have been more particular had he been requested. Thought that for his general character, which is very good, he depended on Sir Francis Barnard, who held him in esteem, and to whom he was more particularly known. If there were anything in the province in his, the Governor’s, disposal worth accepting, would give it him, but there is not.

Makes his grateful acknowledgments to his Lordship for H.M.’s warrant to the Commissioners of the Customs for the payment of his salary. The fund on which the warrant is charged would rise to a very large sum if the illicit trade with Holland could be prevented.

The consumption of tea in America exceeds what anybody in England imagines. Some suppose five-sixths of the consumption in the last two years has been smuggled, and in Philadelphia and New York it is judged nine-tenths. The traders make such an extravagant profit that it will require more frequent seizures to discourage them than there is any reason to hope for. If the India Company had continued the sale of their teas at 2s. 2d. to 2s. 4d., as they sold them two years ago, the Dutch trade would have been over by this time; but now that teas are 3s. and upwards in England, the illicit trader can afford to lose one chest in three, whereas not one in a hundred has been seized. The custom-house officers on shore have strong inducements to do their duty, being entitled to a proportion of one-third or more, but they are really afraid of the rage of the people. The sea officers have of late been more active, and Admiral Montague appears disposed to keep out his cruisers. Doubts, however, whether this trade will ever be discouraged in any other way than by reducing the price in England to the exporter very near the price it is at in Holland. For want of this, the revenue has lost, the last and present years, at least 60,000l. sterling, from the 3d. duty only. Believes the cruisers are capable of doing more. Suggests that a greater proportion is necessary for the particular officer who makes the seizure under a commission from the Customs than what he is now entitled to. Has discovered, when he has sworn some of the Navy officers to qualify them for their commissions from the Customs, a great indifference and disinclination to make themselves obnoxious to the people without any great advantage to themselves.—Boston. R. 29th Oct.

Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to Lord [Hillsborough].

10 Sept.—In reply to his Lordship’s private letter of 30 May, not received till he had closed his letter of the 25th August. Now submits an estimate of the consumption of Bohea tea in America. The two towns of Boston and Charlestown consume a chest, or about 340 lbs., per day. The towns are not more than one-eighth, perhaps not more than one-tenth of the province. Suppose they consume only 300 chests in the year, and allow that they are one-eighth, it will make 2,400 chests for the whole province. This is much short, for in the country towns there is much more tea drunk in proportion than at Boston. This province is not one-eighth part of the colonies; and in other Governments, New York especially, they consume tea in much greater proportion. If it be one-eighth, the whole continent consumes 19,200 chests, which at 4l. per chest, the 3d. duty only, amounts to 76,800l. But the computation is short in every part. In New York they import scarce any other than Dutch teas. In Rhode Island and Pennsylvania it is little better. In this province the Dutch traders are increasing. Has frequent information of large quantities when too late; and sometimes such persons are concerned as he thought could not have been capable of countenancing perjury or fraud. Cannot help repeating that unless the East India Company bring the price of tea so near to the price in Holland as to make the profit of importing from thence not equal to the risk, there will scarce be any imported from England. The acting collector at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, acknowledged it to be true that the Acts of Trade were broken every day in his district, but said the officers on shore could not prevent it. He suggested that the only way to prevent it was to increase the number of small schooners, and to keep one or more constantly cruising in the bay, rigged and fitted like schooners. “We have not virtue enough to become obnoxious to the people merely from a sense of duty.” It seems, therefore, best to have one officer only in each vessel with a commission from the Customs, and he to have the command, and to be entitled to all but the King’s half of the forfeiture; which would give him a good chance of making a small fortune. There does not seem to be the same reason for sharing any part among the crew or other officers as in cases of prizes taken in war, where all their lives are exposed; for in the present case there is no danger of resistance to an armed vessel, seeing that all the smugglers are themselves unarmed and depend entirely on concealment.—Boston. R. 29 October.

REFORMERS IN PARLIAMENT RECOMMENDED TO SINK DIFFERENCES AND PROMOTE UNION (1771).
Source.—Letters of Junius (Letter LIX.). London: G. Bell and Sons. 1910. Vol. i.

To the Printer of the “Public Advertiser,” October 5, 1771.

Sir,

No man laments more sincerely than I do the unhappy differences which have arisen among the friends of the people, and divided them from each other. The cause undoubtedly suffers as well by the diminution of that strength which union carries with it as by the separate loss of personal reputation, which every man sustains when his character and conduct are frequently held forth in odious or contemptible colours. These differences are only advantageous to the common enemy of the country; the hearty friends of the cause are provoked and disgusted; the lukewarm advocate avails himself of any pretence to relapse into that indolent indifference about everything that ought to interest an Englishman, so unjustly dignified with the title of moderation; the false, insidious partisan, who creates or foments the disorder, sees the fruit of his dishonest industry ripen beyond his hopes, and rejoices in the promise of a banquet, only delicious to such an appetite as his own. It is time for those who really mean the cause and the people, who have no view to private advantage, and who have virtue enough to prefer the general good of the community to the gratification of personal animosities,—it is time for such men to interpose; let us try whether these fatal dissensions may not yet be reconciled; or, if that be impracticable, let us guard at least against the worst effects of division, and endeavour to persuade these furious partisans, if they will not consent to draw together, to be separately useful to that cause which they all pretend to be attached to. Honour and honesty must not be renounced, although a thousand modes of right and wrong were to occupy the degrees of morality between Zeno and Epicurus. The fundamental principles of Christianity may still be preserved, though every zealous sectary adheres to his own exclusive doctrine, and pious ecclesiastics make it part of their religion to persecute one another. The civil constitution, too, that legal liberty, that general creed, which every Englishman professes, may still be supported, though Wilkes and Horne, Townshend and Sawbridge, should obstinately refuse to communicate; and even if the fathers of the church, if Savile, Richmond, Camden, Rockingham, and Chatham, should disagree in the ceremonies of their political worship, and even in the interpretation of twenty texts in Magna Charta. I speak to the people as one of the people. Let us employ these men in whatever departments their various abilities are best suited to, and as much to the advantage of the common cause as their different inclinations will permit. They cannot serve us without essentially serving themselves.

If Mr. Nash be elected, he will hardly venture, after so recent a mark of the personal esteem of his fellow-citizens, to declare himself immediately a courtier. The spirit and activity of the sheriffs will, I hope, be sufficient to counteract any sinister intentions of the lord mayor; in collision with their virtue, perhaps he may take fire.

It is not necessary to exact from Mr. Wilkes the virtues of a Stoic. They were inconsistent with themselves who, almost at the same moment, represented him as the basest of mankind, yet seemed to expect from him such instances of fortitude and self-denial as would do honour to an apostle; it is not, however, flattery to say, that he is obstinate, intrepid, and fertile in expedients; that he has no possible resource but in the public favour, is, in my judgment, a considerable recommendation of him. I wish that every man who pretended to popularity were in the same predicament; I wish that a retreat to St. James’s were not so easy and open as patriots have found it. To Mr. Wilkes there is no access. However he may be misled by passion or imprudence, I think he cannot be guilty of a deliberate treachery to the public; the favour of his country constitutes the shield which defends him against a thousand daggers, desertion would disarm him....

I have too much respect for the abilities of Mr. Horne to flatter myself that these gentlemen will ever be cordially reunited; it is not, however, unreasonable to expect that each of them should act his separate part with honour and integrity to the public. As for differences of opinion upon speculative questions, if we wait until they are reconciled, the action of human affairs must be suspended for ever. But neither are we to look for perfection in any one man, nor for agreement among many. When Lord Chatham affirms that the authority of the British legislature is not supreme over the colonies in the same sense in which it is supreme over Great Britain; when Lord Camden supposes a necessity (which the king is to judge of), and, founded upon that necessity, attributes to the crown a legal power (not given by the Act itself) to suspend the operation of an act of the legislature, I listen to them both with diffidence and respect, but without the smallest degree of conviction or assent; yet I doubt not they delivered their real sentiments, nor ought they to be hastily condemned. I, too, have a claim to the candid interpretation of my country, when I acknowledge an involuntary compulsive assent to one very unpopular opinion. I lament the unhappy necessity, whenever it arises, of providing for the safety of the state by a temporary invasion of the personal liberty of the subject. Would to God it were practicable to reconcile these important objects in every possible situation of public affairs! I regard the legal liberty of the meanest man in Britain as much as my own, and would defend it with the same zeal. I know we must stand or fall together. But I never can doubt that the community has a right to command, as well as to purchase, the service of its members. I see that right founded originally upon a necessity which supersedes all argument; I see it established by usage immemorial, and admitted by more than a tacit assent of the legislature. I conclude there is no remedy in the nature of things for the grievance complained of; for if there were, it must long since have been redressed. Though numberless opportunities have presented themselves highly favourable to public liberty, no successful attempt has ever been made for the relief of the subject in this article. Yet it has been felt and complained of ever since England had a navy. The conditions which constitute this right must be taken together; separately, they have little weight. It is not fair to argue from any abuse in the execution to the illegality of the power, much less is a conclusion to be drawn from the navy to the land service. A seaman can never be employed but against the enemies of his country. The only case in which the king can have a right to arm his subjects in general is that of a foreign force being actually landed upon our coast. Whenever that case happens, no true Englishman will inquire whether the king’s right to compel him to defend his country be the custom of England or a grant of the legislature. With regard to the press for seamen, it does not follow that the symptoms may not be softened, although the distemper cannot be cured. Let bounties be increased as far as the public purse can support them.[5] Still they have a limit, and when every reasonable expense is incurred, it will be found, in fact, that the spur of the press is wanted to give operation to the bounty.

Upon the whole, I never had a doubt about the strict right of pressing, until I heard that Lord Mansfield had applauded Lord Chatham for delivering something like this doctrine in the House of Lords. That consideration staggered me not a little. But, upon reflection, his conduct accounts naturally for itself. He knew the doctrine was unpopular, and was eager to fix it upon the man who is the first object of his fear and detestation. The cunning Scotchman never speaks truth without a fraudulent design. In council he generally affects to take a moderate part. Besides his natural timidity, it makes part of his political plan never to be known to recommend violent measures. When the guards are called forth to murder their fellow-subjects, it is not by the ostensible advice of Lord Mansfield. That odious office, his prudence tells him, is better left to such men as Gower and Weymouth, as Barrington and Grafton. Lord Hillsborough wisely confines his firmness to the distant Americans. The designs of Mansfield are more subtle, more effectual, and secure.—Who attacks the liberty of the press?—Lord Mansfield. Who invades the constitutional power of juries?—Lord Mansfield. What judge ever challenged a juryman, but Lord Mansfield? Who was that judge, who, to save the king’s brother, affirmed that a man of the first rank and quality, who obtains a verdict in a suit for criminal conversation, is entitled to no greater damages than the meanest mechanic?—Lord Mansfield? Who is it makes commissioners of the great seal?—Lord Mansfield? Who is it forms a decree for those commissioners, deciding against Lord Chatham,[6] and afterwards (finding himself opposed by the judges) declares in Parliament that he never had a doubt that the law was in direct opposition to that decree?—Lord Mansfield. Who is he that has made it the study and practice of his life to undermine and alter the whole system of jurisprudence in the Court of King’s Bench?—Lord Mansfield. There never existed a man but himself who answered exactly to so complicated a description. Compared to these enormities, his original attachment to the Pretender (to whom his dearest brother was confidential secretary) is a virtue of the first magnitude. But the hour of impeachment will come, and neither he nor Grafton shall escape me. Now let them make common cause against England and the House of Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray should sympathize with each other.

When I refer to signal instances of unpopular opinions delivered and maintained by men who may well be supposed to have no view but the public good, I do not mean to renew the discussion of such opinions. I should be sorry to revive the dormant questions of Stamp Act, Corn Bill, or Press Warrant. I mean only to illustrate one useful proposition, which it is the intention of this paper to inculcate:—That we should not generally reject the friendship or services of any man because he differs from us in a particular opinion. This will not appear a superfluous caution if we observe the ordinary conduct of mankind. In public affairs, there is the least chance of a perfect concurrence of sentiment or inclination. Yet every man is able to contribute something to the common stock, and no man’s contribution should be rejected. If individuals have no virtues, their vices may be of use to us. I care not with what principle the new-born patriot is animated, if the measures he supports are beneficial to the community. The nation is interested in his conduct. His motives are his own. The properties of a patriot are perishable in the individual, but there is a quick succession of subjects, and the breed is worth preserving. The spirit of the Americans may be an useful example to us. Our dogs and horses are English only upon English ground; but patriotism, it seems, may be improved by transplanting. I will not reject a bill which tends to confine parliamentary privilege within reasonable bounds, though it should be stolen from the House of Cavendish, and introduced by Mr. Onslow. The features of the infant are a proof of the descent, and vindicate the noble birth from the baseness of the adoption. I willingly accept of a sarcasm from Colonel Barré, or a simile from Mr. Burke. Even the silent vote of Mr. Calcraft is worth reckoning in a division. What though he riots in the plunder of the army, and has only determined to be a patriot when he could not be a peer? Let us profit by the assistance of such men while they are with us, and place them, if it be possible, in the post of danger, to prevent desertion. The wary Wedderburne, the pompous Suffolk, never threw away the scabbard, nor ever went upon a forlorn hope. They always treated the king’s servants as men with whom, some time or other, they might possibly be in friendship. When a man who stands forth for the public has gone that length from which there is no practicable retreat, when he has given that kind of personal offence, which a pious monarch never pardons, I then begin to think him in earnest, and that he never will have occasion to solicit the forgiveness of his country. But instances of a determination so entire and unreserved are rarely met with. Let us take mankind as they are. Let us distribute the virtues and abilities of individuals according to the offices they affect, and, when they quit the service, let us endeavour to supply their places with better men than we have lost. In this country there are always candidates enough for popular favour. The temple of fame is the shortest passage to riches and preferment.

Above all things, let me guard my countrymen against the meanness and folly of accepting of a trifling or moderate compensation for extraordinary and essential injuries. Our enemies treat us as the cunning trader does the unskilful Indian. They magnify their generosity when they give us baubles, of little proportionate value, for ivory and gold. The same House of Commons, who robbed the constituent body of their right of free election; who presumed to make a law under pretence of declaring it; who paid our good king’s debts, without once inquiring how they were incurred; who gave thanks for repeated murders committed at home, and for national infamy incurred abroad; who screened Lord Mansfield; who imprisoned the magistrates of the metropolis for asserting the subject’s right to the protection of the laws; who erased a judicial record, and ordered all proceedings in a criminal suit to be suspended;—this very House of Commons have graciously consented that their own members may be compelled to pay their debts, and that contested elections shall for the future be determined with some decent regard to the merits of the case. The event of the suit is of no consequence to the crown. While parliaments are septennial, the purchase of the sitting member or of the petitioner makes but the difference of a day. Concessions such as these are of little moment to the sum of things; unless it be to prove that the worst of men are sensible of the injuries they have done us, and perhaps to demonstrate to us the imminent danger of our situation. In the shipwreck of the state, trifles float and are preserved, while everything solid and valuable sinks to the bottom, and is lost for ever.

Junius.

DISTRESS CAUSED BY HIGH PRICES (1772).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1770-1772. P. 479.

Forestalling and Engrossing.

11 April.—A paper signed “near Dorchester,” addressed to the King (the newspapers taking notice of His Majesty’s desire to see the price of provisions lowered), to lay before him the evils of forestalling and engrossing. As examples of engrossing in the neighbourhood of Dorchester, the writer instances the manors of Came, Whitcomb, Muncton, and Bockhampton. The first, he says, about thirty years before, had many inhabitants, many holding leasehold estates under the lord of the manor for three lives. Some of these had estates of 15l., 20l., and 30l. a year, being for the most part careful, industrious people, obliged to be careful to keep a little cash in order to keep the estate in the family if a life should drop. Their corn was brought to market, and they were content with the market price. Their cattle were sold in the same manner. Their children when of proper age were married, and children begotten, without fear of poverty. But the lord had since turned out all the people, and the whole place was in his own hands, while not half the quantity of corn was sown that formerly had been. The writer also gives an account how one Wm. Taunton, though only a tenant of the Dean and Chapter of Exon, was gradually getting the whole parish into his own hands. He says, comparing his own with past times, that formerly a farmer that occupied 100l. a year was thought a tolerable one, and he that occupied four or five hundred pounds a very great one indeed; but now they had farmers that occupied from one thousand to two thousand per annum, who did not want money to pay their rent, as did the little farmers, who were obliged to sell their corn, &c. The writer gives it as the general opinion that the kingdom had become greatly depopulated, some averring the population to have decreased by a fourth within the preceding hundred years. He further says: “Your Majesty must put a stop to inclosures, or oblige yᵉ lord of yᵉ manor to keep up yᵉ antient custom of it, and not suffer him to buy his tenant’s interest; to have all the houses pulled down, and yᵉ whole parish turn’d into a farm: this is a fashionable practice, and by none more yⁿ Jnᵒ Damer, Esq., yᵉ owner of Came, and his brother Lord Milton.”

MEETINGS OF WEAVERS AND OTHERS TO PETITION THE KING (1773).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1773-1775. Pp. 39-42, and 65.

13-27 April.—A series of letters and other papers about meetings of weavers, coalheavers, &c. A printed handbill, calling them together, was first dispersed in Spitalfields on the 12th April. Next day notice of it was given to Lord Rochford by Sir John Fielding. The handbill to the weavers is signed “Ten Thousand,” and exhorts them “to stand up and carry the truth to the King.” “Let us rise up as one man and wait humbly upon the King at St. James’ every day. He will then grant the humble petition of the worthy Lord Mayor and liverymen of London, who have begged him to have pity upon the poor, and to remove those evil ministers who will not lower the price of provisions to relieve us, and who will take no care of our trade. Let us go daily and repeat our prayer to the King, and he will at length hearken to us, and remove his evil counsellors. Then shall we and our poor families be able to gain an honest and comfortable livelihood by a reasonable industry; if not, our trade will be lost for ever. We all remember that some years ago more than 20,000 of our trade waited on the King for several days together, and he was convinced of their distress. N.B.—Do not be guilty of any disorder; only show yourselves to the King, that he may see your distress every day.”

The magistrates in Bethnal Green granted a privy search-warrant, to “set aside all tumults and riots which might happen,” and next day reported that everything had been quiet the night before.

On the 16th April it was reported that printed handbills, verbatim the same as those to the weavers, except the address [and the signature, “One of Two Thousand”] had been distributed among the coalheavers in Shadwell. Everything was quiet, but (say the justices) “we greatly fear some evil agents are abroad sowing sedition.”

On the 17th April Mr. Justice Wilmot acquainted Lord Suffolk that everything was quiet among the Spitalfields weavers, but that he was afraid the City Marshal was making himself “too busy” among them. Their intention then was to rise in a body on the 26th and proceed to the House of Commons. The sworn information of a victualler in Bethnal Green states that the City Marshal came to his house to inquire into the grievances of the weavers, that it was agreed that eight or ten men should meet at the informant’s house to present a petition to the Lord Mayor; but on his objecting to this proposal, the City Marshal desired them to meet at any place they thought proper, or come into the city, and he would protect them, and assured them my Lord Mayor would serve them so long as they kept peace and good order. The Lord Mayor’s account is that he sent the City Marshal with the Sheriffs into Spitalfields, and that the former got himself introduced the same evening to about 50 weavers, when, the handbill distributed the day before becoming the subject of conversation, he expostulated with them on the imprudence and danger of such a proceeding, and convinced them it must have been some enemy to their well-being who had suggested it. The City Marshal’s account convinced the Lord Mayor that the intention of assembling did not originate with the weavers. The Lord Mayor encloses a letter from “A Citizen,” in a disguised hand, in which the hope is expressed that his Lordship, now that the people had become the “messengers of their own distress,” would not use his authority to interpose “any unnecessary obstruction to the miserable people,” the success of his own endeavours for the service of his country not having proved equal to the “honourable part” he had acted, and the “late remonstrance” having been “treated with a contempt which nothing but a persuasion of its falsity could justify.” In order to discover the origin of the hand-bills, Sir John Fielding suggested that they should be shown to printers who might learn something from the type, he himself having once been very successful in discovering the forgery of a banknote by an application to the copper-plate printers, who detected it to have been done by a gun engraver. He also advised the offer of a reward from the justices at Hicks’ Hall.

On the 23rd April Mr. Justice Wilmot wrote from the Globe Tavern in Moorfields that he had just received the handbill which he enclosed, in consequence of which he had come to Moorfields. He found 300 or 400 weavers gathered, “and by their coming in it’s likely there will be thousands.” The body of the handbill is in the same terms as those already referred to, but addressed in this case to the “poor watermen, porters, and carmen, and their families, &c.,” and signed “Two Thousand.” There is the same postscript deprecating disorder. A similar handbill was also distributed, addressed to the weavers as before. On this occasion the Lord Mayor, being applied to, quitted his chair at the Old Bailey, took a hackney coach, and went to the scene to disperse the mob. Before he reached the spot, however, the “three or four hundred weavers” who had assembled had quietly dispersed. It was Mr. Justice Sherwood who succeeded in getting the crowd to disperse on this occasion. He went alone to Moorfields. The weavers could not tell him what they had come together for. Their only complaint was that they had a bill before the House of Commons which they were afraid would not pass. He promised to convey any application they had to make to the King or the Ministry, a promise which they cheerfully accepted, and then immediately dispersed.

The night before Mr. Alderman Oliver had received a letter in a large feigned hand from “A Citizen,” intimating that nothing was intended but that the poor people should go in large bodies to convey that conviction which every gentler method had been so repeatedly yet so vainly tried to produce, and asking him “if a body of starving people” should be found assembling in Moorfields, in order to be under the protection of the city magistrates to consult how to make their sorrows known to their Sovereign, not to let them be hunted by the ill-timed zeal of the neighbouring justices who might apply for his assistance in suppressing a disturbance when the only design was to excite the emotions of humanity in favour of the wretched. For the discovery of the writer of this letter and of the one to the Lord Mayor, already referred to, a reward of 100l. was offered, with a pardon to an accomplice.

On the same day (23rd April) Mr. Robert Pell, chairman of the Tower Sessions, wrote that after diligent secret inquiry after the printed handbills said to have been distributed among the coalheavers in the Tower division, he had been induced to believe that their distribution, if real, had not been general. He had within the last few days, however, noticed a person (for some time in the commission of the peace for the county, but whose name had been struck out on account of certain transactions with the riotous coalheavers) in better plight as to garb and outward appearances than he had been seen in since his disgrace, and in close familiar conference with labouring people in the streets of the neighbourhood. Upon this man he said he had set a watch. In this letter is a printed petition signed by several persons, whose places of residence are also given, addressed “To the nobility, gentry, &c. who are real lovers of the King and country’s prosperity,” attributing the distresses of the silkweavers to the great encouragement given to the importation and wearing of foreign wrought silks, and imploring their assistance to discountenance such “impolitic and unnatural” practices by refusing to wear or purchase such goods.

On 24th April Sir John Fielding proposed that the magistrates of each division should sit for a week every morning from 8 till 11, having the high constable and all the petty constables stationed near them with proper messengers to reconnoitre and inquire. He thought that nothing else would counteract the endeavours which were being made to disturb the public peace by inviting ignorant and illiterate bodies to assemble. He mentioned the plan to “avoid different opinions in the magistrates, and that the whole might be uniform and the force united.” Monday, Thursday, and Friday were the particular days of apprehension. As the general constables were men of business, and must necessarily lose much time in the execution of this plan, he suggested that Sir John Hawkins should be authorised to make them amends.

The weavers were summoned to meet again on Monday, 26th April, when they were promised they should “absolutely see a petition to be delivered to His Majesty’s person by the hands of people who have no reason to be ashamed or afraid to appear in behalf of such distress.” Mr. Wilmot, Mr. Sherwood, and Mr. Pell proceeded to Moorfields, the place of meeting. After a conference with a posse of about 200 weavers they succeeded in getting possession of the proposed petition, which was “artfully drawn up,” and then retired to a public-house while the weavers elected a committee of six or eight to meet them. These made certain proposals to the magistrates, who gave an answer next day which thoroughly satisfied the committee, who sincerely promised on behalf of their body to have no more irregular meetings on the magistrates’ engaging to consider of some mode of subjecting their wages to the decision of the magistrates in their quarter sessions.

Sir John Fielding to the Earl of Suffolk.

9 July.—Assisted yesterday at the Middlesex General Quarter Sessions to carry into execution the late Act of Parliament for regulating the wages of journeymen weavers in Spitalfields, &c.; and the wages were then settled by a numerous and unanimous Bench to the entire satisfaction of those masters and journeymen weavers who appeared there. I sincerely hope this step will prove a radical cure for all tumultuous assemblies from that quarter. By this statute your Lordship has conveyed contentment to the minds of thousands of His Majesty’s subjects. The Act for appointing clergymen with proper salaries to attend the gaols, according to my proposals, was also carried into execution. This preventive step will, I am persuaded be attended with very salutary effects. I hope your Lordship will take advantage of my Lord North’s leisure to settle the affair regarding my preventive plan now lying before him for His Majesty’s approbation.

DESTRUCTION OF TEA (CARGOES) AT BOSTON (DECEMBER, 1773).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers (1773-1775). Pp. 175 et seq.

Lords of the Admiralty to the Earl of Dartmouth.

27 Jan.—Enclosing a copy of another letter from Rear-Admiral Montague, dated at Boston, the 17th Dec. last, give an account of a mob having assembled and destroyed the tea exported from England by the East India Company.—Admiralty Office.

The enclosure. On the evening of 16 Dec., between 6 and 7 o’clock, a large mob assembled with axes, &c., encouraged by Mr. John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and others, and marched in a body to where the ships lay, and there destroyed the whole by starting it into the sea. During the whole of this transaction neither the Governor, Magistrates, owners, nor Revenue officers ever called for the Admiral’s assistance. If they had, he could easily have prevented the execution of the plan, but must have endangered the lives of many innocent people by firing on the town.

Lord Viscount Barrington to the Earl of Dartmouth.

28 Jan.—Enclosing copies of two letters from Lieut.-Col. Leslie, commanding the 64th Regiment at Castle William, Boston.—War Office.

The enclosures, dated respectively the 6th and 17th Dec., 1773. In the first Col. Leslie says that the four Commissioners of the Custom-house and the five tea agents had taken refuge with him that day week, and were likely to continue some time. The Governor had not mentioned any desire of marching the regiment to town. Only two of the tea ships had then arrived, and Mr. Hancock, “the Governor’s Captain of his Cadet Company,” was mounting guard on board them, to prevent the landing of that part of the cargo, “a most daring insult to his Excellency.” In the second letter he states that the Sons of Liberty had destroyed 340 chests of tea that lay altogether at one of the wharfs. The fourth vessel was stranded near to Cape Cod; but the tea was got safe on shore, and it was expected it had shared the same fate as the last. The regiment was ready, had it been called upon. The Council would not agree to the troops going to town. “However, it must end in that. Lenity won’t do now with the people here.” The gentlemen who had taken refuge in Castle William still continued there.

Chairman of the East India Company to Lord Dartmouth.

? 29 Jan.—Transmitting copies of several papers lately received relative to the tea affair in America.—East India House, Saturday night.

The enclosures; viz., (b) Petition from the Company’s agents in Boston (Richard Clarke and Sons, Benjamin Faneuil, jun., and Thos. and Elisha Hutchinson) to the Governor and Council; and minutes of the meetings of the Council held thereupon.

(c) Letters from the agents to the Directors of the East India Company, dated Castle William, near Boston, respectively the 2nd and 9th Dec. 1773.

(d) Letters from the Company’s agents (Roger Smith and Leger and Greenwood) at Charlestown, South Carolina, dated respectively 4 and 18 Dec. 1773.

(e) Letter from the Boston agents to the Directors, dated Castle William, 17 Dec. 1773.

The Boston agents petitioned the Governor and Council to take charge of the tea on its arrival. The meetings of the Council when this petition was taken into consideration were several times adjourned between 19 and 29 Nov. Finally, on the latter date a committee of Council, consisting of James Bowdoin, Samuel Dexter, and John Winthrop, Esq., having been previously appointed to draw up a report of the debate, to be presented to the Governor, their report was discussed and accepted. It described the origin of the disturbances to be the Act laying a duty upon tea in America, and, in regard to the petition, referred the petitioners for personal protection to the justices of the peace, and declared they had no authority to take the tea, or any other merchandise, out of the agent’s care, while, if they advised the landing of it, the duty would have to be paid or secured, and they would therefore be advising a measure inconsistent with the declared sentiments of both Houses in the last winter session of the General Court, advice which they considered to be altogether inexpedient and improper. They said they had seen with regret some late disturbances, and had advised the prosecution of their authors. The letters of the agents give an account of the people’s proceedings, and that they themselves had been obliged to take refuge in Castle William. The letter of 17 Dec. announces the destruction of the tea.

In Charlestown, after several meetings of the townspeople, it was decided that the teas should not be allowed to be landed, whilst six months was allowed to consume the teas then on hand, after which time no teas were to be used on any pretence whilst the duty payable in America continued.

WAR MATERIAL FOR AMERICA (1774).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers (1773-1775). Pp. 240 et seq.

Earl of Suffolk to the Earl of Dartmouth.

31 Aug.—Sends extracts from two letters from Sir Joseph Yorke relative to large quantities of gunpowder said to be purchased in Holland and shipped for some of the ports in North America.—St. James’s.

The enclosures. It was the house of Crommelin at Amsterdam which was chiefly concerned in this trade. A great quantity of war material was exported by the Dutch to St. Eustatia, the centre of all contraband in that part of the world.

Earl of Suffolk to the Earl of Dartmouth.

24 Sept.—Giving notice of intelligence received from Sir Joseph Yorke that it was being confirmed to his Excellency more and more every day that North America is largely supplied by way of St. Eustatia with what it does not choose to take from England, or to export directly from Holland, in which the Dutch find their account and will not let the market want.—St. James’s.

Earl of Suffolk to the Earl of Dartmouth.

25 Oct.—Enclosing an extract from a letter from Sir Joseph Yorke, stating the steps taken by him in consequence of the instructions transmitted to him by messenger on the 17th instant.—St. James’s.

The enclosure. Sir Joseph found the Pensionary as well disposed to satisfy the King as the most zealous wishes could expect. He said that whatever depended upon him to stop such a dangerous traffic should be done, though the manner of doing it could not be immediately determined, because it might not be advisable to exert an extraordinary power which might occasion both a clamour and alarm. He explained, in conversation, that in the present temper of the magistracy of Amsterdam it would be difficult for the Ministry at the Hague to work at all through that channel. He imagined that the channel of the Admiralty at Amsterdam, which is at the same time charged with the department of the Customs, might be preferred. Afterwards saw M. Fagel, whose attachment and zeal are too well known to require any new assurances. He soon brought a letter to M. Boreel, Fiscal of the Admiralty, and said the Prince did not think it necessary or advisable to use any extraordinary methods, but that he had desired M. Boreel to examine strictly into the affair, to prevent in every way the departure of any vessel with such a cargo, &c. Calling on the Prince to thank him in the King’s name, the Prince said he should always contribute with joy to the ease and welfare of His Majesty and his dominions, but that he, Sir Joseph, knew the merchants well enough to be convinced they would sell arms and ammunition to besiege Amsterdam itself.

Lords of the Admiralty to the Earl of Dartmouth.

9 Dec.—Send copies of letters of 1st and 11 Nov. and 6th inst. from Lieut. Walton, of the Wells cutter, giving an account of his proceedings consequent on Lord Dartmouth’s letter of 18 Oct.—Admiralty Office.

The enclosures. The vessel Lieut. Walton was sent to watch at Amsterdam, after one attempt to sail, was finally unladen of her cargo and partly unrigged. Information was also obtained that if she attempted to go down the river she would certainly be searched at the Texel by the Dutch Admiralty.

AMERICAN EXPEDITION TO CANADA (1775).
Source.—Calendar of Home Office Papers (1773-1775). Pp. 407-409.

Hugh Finlay to ? Anthony Todd.

19 and 20 Sept.—The army under General Gage at Boston cannot be of much service there; it would require a very great force to penetrate any way into the country. Every American able to bear arms will take the field; they will avoid meeting the King’s troops openly, will harass and pick them off from behind trees, hedges, or any cover, and will ever take possession of the ground left by the King’s troops. The provincials, by handling arms, will become soldiers. They seem not to foresee the great misery that their non-importation and non-exportation will occasion among them. I am inclined to think that they entered into this association more with a design to cause troubles and commotions in England than from a conception that they can subsist for any time without our manufactures. The agreement not to export their produce will of itself bring them to implore Britain to permit them to send it out; thousands must starve else. As long as the King’s troops act against the rebellious colonists, they will hang together, and be obedient to their leaders. If the troops shall be withdrawn, the people will have nothing to divert their attention from their situation; they will more forcibly feel the sad distress that non-exportation will inevitably spread in every province: every man will think for himself, they will become discontented, and will insist on making up the affair with the mother country. I am persuaded that after they are left to reflect coolly on their conduct they will return to their duty. They, no doubt, at present imagine that they will be supplied from Holland and France; indeed, it will hardly be possible wholly to hinder this; yet it will be as impossible for the Americans to get a twentieth part of what they’ll want. A few ships of war can block up all their principal harbours, and a chain of small cruisers can do the rest. Necessity is the mother of invention. They will become expert in many manufactures, but without money in the country the manufacturer will find but little encouragement. Without foreign trade they’ll have no money.

Every soldier on the continent would be well employed to drive the rebels from this province. The provincial troops have executed their plan so far. A body of them have gone round our works at St. John’s, and have taken post on Sorrel River. By this means they cut off all communication with our little army by water, and they are now endeavouring to cut off the communication between St. John’s and Montreal. If they succeed, our troops at St. John’s can have no supply of provisions from any quarter, as the rebels are posted also at Isle aux Noix. We are not above 500 strong at Quebec. We lately had 900 Indian warriors in our interest; they have made their peace with the provincials, and are about returning to their homes. The rebels have nothing to fear from the Canadians; nine in ten are in their interests, and heartily wish them success. How have we been deceived in the Canadians! Many Englishmen in this province have taken infinite pains to set the Quebec Act in a most horrid light to the Canadians, and they have succeeded but too well. The Canadians look upon the rebels as their best friends. I shall not be surprised if many join them. We are in a bad situation in this place. The walls are in bad repair; in many places an enemy may easily enter the town. We have no cannon mounted. We have not a single armed vessel in our harbour. General Carleton, in whose military abilities we have great confidence, is at Montreal. Our Lieut.-Governor (Mr. Cramahé) and Col. McLean are doing everything in their power to put the town in a proper posture of defence. The British militia amount to 300, many of them well-wishers to the rebels. The Canadians muster about 600; few of them, I fear, willing to use their arms in defence of Quebec. I cannot suppose the provincials can bring artillery against this place. They know our strength, and I imagine they intend to take the town by assault. If they cannot effect it this fall, they will quarter themselves in the parishes round the town, and intercept all our supplies. If they cannot take us by assault nor starve us out, we hope to be reinforced from England very early in spring, for we can expect no assistance from the Canadian peasantry. Many of them have told me that they look on this rebellion only as a quarrel among Englishmen, in which they are no way immediately concerned, but that hereafter they’ll reap great benefit if the colonists shall succeed in their plans. They have the notion that if the rebels get entire possession of the country, they’ll be for ever exempted from paying taxes. If one asks them what will become of them when the British forces re-take the town in the spring, they answer that everything will be settled before that time; for that when the Ministry find Quebec in the hands of the Americans, they’ll readily comply with every American demand. My opinion on the whole is this: Unless our troops at St. John’s can join us here, the rebels will starve us; and even if they do, the flying parties of our enemies will intimidate the Canadians so much that no provisions will be brought to town. If the 500 at St. John’s shall be able to join us, the rebels will not be able to enter the town unless hunger shall force us to abandon it. We are about 6,000 souls in Quebec. Perhaps the Canadians may return to their duty; in that case we have nothing to fear from the combined force of North America with such a General as our Governor at our head.

20 Sept.—There is advice from Montreal that the party on the Sorrel consists of 150 Canadians, headed by one Duggan, formerly a hairdresser of this place, and one James Livingstone, son of an Albany Dutchman, who resided long in Montreal. It is not known whether there are any provincials with them; it is supposed there are. It is imagined that it was this band of villains who fired on an artillery batteau loaded with stores for St. John’s; they killed the men, 11 in number, and took her. Since the Governor’s proclamation offering pardon to the Canadians of Duggan’s party, many of them have deserted him, and they hourly expect to see Duggan and Livingstone brought dead or alive into Montreal. General Schuyler, commanding the expedition against this country, has commanded the parishes on the Sorrel or Richlieu River &c. to send 50 men from each, armed and properly provided, under pain of having fire and sword carried among them on refusal. I hope this mandate will open the eyes of the Canadians. The rebels could not have done us greater service.

Extract of a letter I received to-day from Montreal:—“The behaviour and appearance of our militia surpasses my most sanguine expectations, both as to numbers and conduct. Courage, loyalty, and cheerfulness are conspicuous in their countenances, and they do their duty cheerfully. I cannot help likewise expressing the pleasure I feel at the appearance of the peasantry returning to their duty.”—Quebec.

RESOLUTIONS FAVOURING THE AMERICAN COLONIES (1775).
Source.—“Speech on Conciliation with America,” Edmund Burke. Vol. i. of his Collected Works. London: G. Bell and Sons. 1909.

I wish, Sir, to repeal the Boston Port Bill, because (independently of the dangerous precedent of suspending the rights of the subject during the king’s pleasure) it was passed, as I apprehend, with less regularity, and on more partial principles, than it ought. The corporation of Boston was not heard before it was condemned. Other towns, full as guilty as she was, have not had their ports blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the present session does not go to the length of the Boston Port Act. The same ideas of prudence, which induced you not to extend equal punishment to equal guilt, even when you were punishing, induced me, who mean not to chastise, but to reconcile, to be satisfied with the punishment already partially inflicted.

Ideas of prudence and accommodation to circumstances, prevent you from taking away the charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, as you have taken away that of Massachusetts colony, though the crown has far less power in the two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter; and though the abuses have been full as great, and as flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. The same reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with me in restoring the charter of Massachusetts Bay. Besides, Sir, the act which changes the charter of Massachusetts is in many particulars so exceptionable, that if I did not wish absolutely to repeal, I would by all means desire to alter it; as several of its provisions tend to the subversion of all public and private justice. Such, among others, is the power in the governor to change the sheriff at his pleasure; and to make a new returning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to behold such a regulation standing among English laws.

The act for bringing persons accused of committing murder under the orders of government to England for trial is but temporary. That act has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel with the colonies; and is accommodated to that supposed duration. I would hasten the happy moment of reconciliation; and therefore must, on my principle, get rid of that most justly obnoxious act.

The act of Henry the Eighth, for the trial of treasons, I do not mean to take away, but to confine it to its proper bounds and original intention; to make it expressly for trial of treasons (and the greatest treasons may be committed) in places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend.

Having guarded the privileges of local legislature, I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiassed judicature; for which purpose, Sir, I propose the following resolution: “That, from the time when the general assembly or general court of any colony or plantation in North America, shall have appointed by act of assembly, duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior court, it may be proper that the said chief justice and other judges of the superior courts of such colony, shall hold his and their office and offices during their good behaviour; and shall not be removed therefrom, but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the general assembly, or on a complaint from the governor, or council, or the house of representatives severally, or of the colony in which the said chief justice and other judges have exercised the said offices.”

The next resolution relates to the courts of admiralty.

It is this:—“That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty, or vice-admiralty, authorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George the Third, in such a manner as to make the same more commodious to those who sue, or are sued, in the said courts, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges in the same.”

These courts I do not wish to take away; they are in themselves proper establishments. This court is one of the capital securities of the act of navigation. The extent of its jurisdiction, indeed, has been increased; but this is altogether as proper, and is indeed on many accounts more eligible, where new powers were wanted, than a court absolutely new. But courts incommodiously situated, in effect, deny justice; and a court, partaking in the fruits of its own condemnation, is a robber. The congress complain, and complain justly, of this grievance.[7]

These are the three consequential propositions. I have thought of two or three more; but they come rather too near detail, and to the province of executive government; which I wish parliament always to superintend, never to assume. If the first six are granted, congruity will carry the latter three. If not, the things that remain unrepealed will be, I hope, rather unseemly encumbrances on the building, than very materially detrimental to its strength and stability.

THE ARMIES UNDER HOWE AND CLINTON (1777).
Source.—Gentleman’s Magazine. Vol. xlvii. (1777), pp. 573 et seq.

An Historical Account of the Proceedings of the Armies under General Howe and Maj. Gen. Clinton, extracted from the Gazette Extraordinary, dated Tuesday, December 2.

These advices were brought by Maj. Cuyler, first aide-de-camp to General Sir William Howe, and are dated German Town, Oct. 10, 1777.

On the 30th of August the army under Gen. Howe landed on the West side of Elk river, and divided into two columns; one under the command of Lord Cornwallis, the other commanded by Lieut. Gen. Knyphausen.

On Sept. 3 (Major-General Grant, with six battalions, remaining at the head of Elk to preserve the communication with the fleet) the two columns joined on the road to Christien bridge. The Hessian and Anspach chasseurs defeated on their march a chosen corps of one thousand men from the enemy’s army, with the loss of only 2 officers wounded, 3 men killed, and 19 wounded, when that of the enemy was not less than 50 killed, and many more wounded.

On the 6th Major-General Grant joined the army.

The whole marched on the 8th by Newark, and encamped that evening within four miles of the enemy, who moved early in the night, taking post on the heights on the eastern side of Brandywine creek.

On the 9th Lieut. Gen. Knyphausen marched with the left, as did Lord Cornwallis with the right, and both joined the next morning at Kennett’s-square.

On the 11th the army advanced in two columns, that under Gen. Knyphausen to Chad’s Ford, and arrived in front of the enemy about 10 o’clock; while the other column, under Lord Cornwallis &c., having marched 12 miles round to the forks of the Brandywine, crossed both branches, taking from thence the road to Dilworth in order to turn the enemy’s right at Chad’s Ford.

Gen. Washington, having intelligence of this movement, detached Gen. Sullivan to his right, with near 10,000 men, who took a strong position, with his left near to the Brandywine, both flanks being covered by very thick woods, and his artillery advantageously disposed.

About 4 o’clock the King’s troops advanced, and Ld. Cornwallis having formed the line, the light infantry and chasseurs began the attack; the guards and grenadiers instantly advanced from the right, the whole under a heavy fire of artillery and musquetry: but they pushed on with an impetuosity not to be sustained by the enemy, who falling back into the woods in their rear, the King’s troops entered with them, and pursued closely for near two miles.

After this success, a part of the enemy’s right took a second position in a wood, from whence the 2d light infantry and chasseurs soon dislodged them; and from this time they did not rally again in force.

The 2d light infantry, 2d grenadiers and 4th brigade, moved forward a mile beyond Dilworth, where they attacked a corps of the enemy, strongly posted to cover the retreat of their army, which corps not being forced until after it was dark, the enemy’s army escaped a total overthrow.

From the most correct accounts, the strength of the enemy’s army was not less than 15,000 men, a part of which retired to Chester, and remained there that night; but the greater body did not stop until they reached Philadelphia. They had about 300 men killed, 600 wounded, and near 400 made prisoners.

The loss on the side of his Majesty’s troops amounted to about 100 killed, and 488 wounded. Eight pieces of cannon, and a great quantity of military stores were taken from the enemy.

The army lay this night on the field of battle, and on the 12th Maj. Gen. Grant, with the first and second brigades, marched to Concord. Lord Cornwallis, with the light infantry and British grenadiers, joined him next day, and proceeded to Ash-Town within five miles of Chester.

On the same day Major M’Donell made Mr. McKinley, the new appointed President of the Lower Counties on Delaware, his prisoner.

Lieut. Col. Loos, with the combined battalion of Rhall’s brigade, escorted the wounded and sick to Wilmington on the 14th.

On the 16th intelligence being received that the enemy were advancing on the Lancaster road, it was immediately determined to push forward and attack them; but a most violent fall of rain setting in, the intended attack became impracticable.

The enemy, apprised of the approach of the army, marched the whole night, and got to Yellow Springs, having, as is since known, all their small ammunition damaged by the rain. In their retreat they lost about 18 men killed, and some wounded.

On the 18th a detachment of light infantry was sent to the Valley Forge upon Schuylkill, where the enemy had a variety of stores, and a considerable magazine of flour, and were joined on the 20th by the guards.

Upon intelligence that Gen. Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of 1,500 men, and four pieces of cannon, Maj. Gen. Grey was detached on the 20th to surprize him; and having, by the bayonet only, forced his pickets, he rushed in upon his encampment, killed and wounded not less than 300 on the spot, taking between 70 and 80 prisoners, including officers, their arms, and eight waggons loaded with baggage and stores. One captain of light infantry and three men were killed in the attack, and four men wounded. Gallantry in the troops, and good conduct in the General, were fully manifested upon this critical service.

On the 22d the army crossed the Schuylkill, at Fat Land Ford, without opposition; and on the 25th marched in two columns to German Town. Lord Cornwallis, with the British grenadiers, and two battalions of Hessian grenadiers, took possession of Philadelphia the next morning.

In the evening of the 26th, three batteries were begun, to act against the enemy’s shipping that might approach the town. These batteries were unfinished when they were attacked by a number of gallies, gondolas, and other armed vessels; and the largest frigate, the Delaware, mounting 30 guns, anchored within 500 yards of the town. About ten in the morning they began a heavy cannonade; but the tide falling, the Delaware grounded, and was taken possession of by the marine company of grenadiers, commanded by Capt. Averne.

The smaller frigates and armed vessels were forced (except a schooner that was driven on shore) to return under the protection of a fort, where there were two floating batteries, with three range of sunken machines, to obstruct the passage of the river, the lowest row being three miles below the fort.

The enemy had a redoubt upon the Jersey shore at Billing’s Point, with heavy guns in it, to prevent these machines from being weighed up, which 300 men posted there evacuated on the 1st of October; and Capt. Hammond immediately opened the navigation at that place, by removing a part of the chevaux de frize.

The enemy having received a reinforcement of 1,500 men from Peek’s Kill, and 1,000 from Virginia, and presuming on the army being much weakened by the detachments to Philadelphia and Jersey, thought it a favourable time for them to risk an action. They accordingly marched at six in the evening of the 3d from their camp near Skippach-creek to German-Town, (about 16 miles,) where the bulk of the army was posted.

At three in the morning of the 4th the patrols discovered the enemy’s approach, and the army was immediately ordered under arms.

About break of day the enemy began their attack; but the light infantry, being well supported, sustained the same with such determined bravery, that they could not make the least impression on them; and Major-Gen. Grant advancing with the right wing, the enemy’s left gave way, and was pursued through a strong country between four and five miles: but such was the expedition with which they fled, that it was not possible to overtake them.

The enemy retired near twenty miles by several roads to Perkiomy-creek, and encamped upon Skippach-creek.

They saved all their cannon by withdrawing them early in the day.

By the best accounts, their loss was between two and three hundred killed, about 600 wounded, and upwards of 400 taken. Among the killed was Gen. Nash, with many other officers of all ranks, and 54 officers among the prisoners.

Since the battle of Brandywine 72 of their officers have been taken, exclusive of 10 belonging to the Delaware frigate.

On the 19th the army removed from German-Town to Philadelphia, as a more convenient situation for the reduction of Fort Island, which at present is an obstruction to the passage of the river, as the upper chevaux de frize cannot be removed until we have possession of that post; near which the enemy having intrenched about 800 men upon the Jersey shore, Col. Donop, with three battalions of Hessian grenadiers, the regiment of Mirback, and the infantry chasseurs, crossed the Delaware on the 21st instant, with directions to proceed to the attack of that post. Col. Donop led on the troops in the most gallant manner to the assault. They carried an extensive out-work, from whence the enemy were driven into an interior intrenchment, which could not be forced without ladders. The detachment, in moving up and returning from the attack, was much galled by the enemy’s gallies and floating batteries.

Col. Donop and Lieut. Col. Minningerode being both wounded, the command devolved upon Lieut. Col. Linsing, who, after collecting all the wounded that could be brought off, returned with the detachment to camp.

There were several brave officers lost upon this occasion, in which the utmost ardour and courage were displayed by both officers and soldiers.

On the 23d, the Augusta, in coming up the river with some other ships of war, to engage the enemy’s gallies near the fort, got aground, and, by some accident taking fire in the action, was unavoidably consumed. The Merlin sloop also grounded, and the other ships being obliged to remove to a distance from the explosion of the Augusta, it became expedient to evacuate and burn her also.

His Excellency concludes his letters with requesting additional cloathing for 5,000 Provincials, which, by including the new levies expected to be raised in that and the neighbouring countries, will certainly be wanting.

While these important services were transacting in Pennsylvania, Lieut. Gen. Clinton meditated an incursion into Jersey: his principal motive was to attempt a stroke against any detached corps of the enemy, if one offered; or, if not, to collect a considerable number of cattle, which would at the same time prove a seasonable refreshment to the troops, and deprive the enemy of resources which they much depended on.

The result of this expedition, after a little skirmishing with small parties of the enemy, was the collecting about 400 head of cattle, including 20 milch cows for the use of the hospital, 400 sheep, and a few horses, with the loss of about 40 men, killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing.

By a letter from Brig.-Gen. Campbell to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Staten Island, Aug. 23, it appears, that the enemy effected almost a total surprize of two battalions of the Jersey Provincials on that island; but that they had suffered severely for their temerity in making the descent, Col. Dongan having come up with their rear at the very instant when the rebels were using the greatest diligence in transporting their troops to the Jersey shore; and being joined by Brig.-Gen. Campbell with cannon, who took them in flank, about 150 surrendered themselves prisoners of war; and the remainder, of nearly the same number, retreating towards the extremity of the island, found means to cross over near Amboy.

Col. Buskirk’s battalion being ordered to attack a party left to cover the enemy’s boats, they did it with charge of bayonet, and obliged the party to retreat to the Jersey shore.

It further appears, that this descent was carried on by select and chosen troops, formed from three brigades, Sullivan’s, Smallwood’s, and De Bore’s, and headed by their respective Generals, besides Drayton’s and Ogden’s battalions. There were taken in all 259 prisoners, among whom are 1 Lieut.-Colonel, 3 Majors, 2 Captains, and 15 inferior officers. Their loss in killed cannot be ascertained, but must have been considerable.[8]

In a letter from Lieut.-Gen. Sir Henry Clinton to Gen. Sir William Howe, dated Fort Montgomery, Oct. 9, an account is given of an attack upon Fort Clinton, Montgomery, &c. which reflects the greatest military honour on the conquerors.

The difficulties of the march over mountains, every natural obstruction, and all that art could invent to add to them, being surmounted, General Vaughan’s corps was ordered to begin the attack on Fort Clinton, and dislodge, if possible, the enemy from their advanced station behind a stone breastwork, having in front, for half a mile, a most impenetrable abbatis. This the General, by his good disposition, obliged the enemy to quit, tho’ supported by cannon, got possession of the wall, and there waited till Lieut.-Col. Campbell began his attack. The Colonel waited a favourable moment to attack Fort Clinton, which was a circular height, defended by a line for musquetry, with a barbet battery of three guns in the center, and flanked by two redoubts; the approaches to it thro’ a continued abbatis of 400 yards, defensive every inch, and exposed to the fire of ten pieces of cannon. A brisk attack on the Montgomery side; the gallies with their oars approaching, firing, and even striking the fort; the men of war that moment appearing; the extreme ardour of the troops; in short, all determined the General to order the attack: Gen. Vaughan’s spirited behaviour and good conduct did the rest. Having no time to lose, he particularly ordered that not a shot should be fired; in this he was strictly obeyed, and both redoubts &c. were stormed. Gen. Tryon advanced with one battalion to support Gen. Vaughan in case it might be necessary, and he arrived in time to join the cry of Victory!

A summons was sent to Fort Constitution; but the flag meeting with an insolent reception, unknown in any war, the General determined to chastise, and therefore an embarkation was ordered; but they found the fort evacuated in the greatest confusion, the storehouses burnt, but the cannon left unspiked.

Major-Gen. Tryon was detached to destroy the rebel settlement called the Continental Village, who burnt barracks for 1,500 men, several storehouses, and loaded waggons, this being the only establishment of the rebels in that part of the highlands, and the place from whence any neighbouring body of troops drew their supplies.

Sir James Wallace was ordered up the river at the same time, to find a passage through the chevaux de frize between Polypus Island and the Main, having under his protection a large detachment from the army, headed by Major Gen. Vaughan, from whose report, dated on board the Friendship off Esopus, Oct. 17, Gen. Howe takes occasion to applaud a very spirited piece of service performed by those two officers, who attacked the batteries, drove the rebels from their works, spiked and destroyed their guns; and Esopus “being a nursery for almost every villain in the country,” the General landed and reduced every house to ashes, while Sir James Wallace burnt their shipping and small craft.

Return of Cannon, Stores, Ammunition, etc., taken and destroyed on this Expedition.

Cannon 67, from six to two pounders. Two frigates built for 30 and 36 guns were burnt by the rebels on the forts being taken. The guns aboard them, and two gallies, which were likewise burnt, amounted to above 30. One sloop with 10 guns fell into our hands. The whole loss above 100 pieces.

Powder, cartridges fitted, cannon and musquet shot, immense quantities.

Every article belonging to the laboratory in the greatest perfection. Other stores, such as portfires, match, harness, spare gun-carriages, tools, instruments, &c. &c. in great plenty. A large quantity of provisions. The boom and chain which ran across the river from Fort Montgomery to St. Anthony’s Nose is supposed to have cost 70,000l. Another boom which was destroyed near Fort Constitution must likewise have cost the rebels much money and labour. Barracks for 1,500 men were destroyed by Major-Gen. Tryon at Continental Village, besides several storehouses and loaded waggons, of the articles contained in which no accounts could be taken.

CHATHAM’S LAST LETTER AND SPEECH (1778).
Source.—Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Vol. iv., pp. 518 et seq.
[From a draught in the handwriting of Lord Pitt.]

The Earl of Chatham to the Duke of Richmond, April 6, 1778.

Lord Chatham presents his respects to the Duke of Richmond, and desires to express his best thanks for the great honour of the communication of the motion intended by his Grace on Tuesday.

It is an unspeakable concern to him, to find himself under so very wide a difference with the Duke of Richmond, as between the sovereignty and allegiance of America, that he despairs of bringing about successfully any honourable issue. He is inclined to try it, before this bad grows worse. Some weakness still continues in his hands; but he hopes to be in town to-morrow.[9]

[Report of the Earl of Chatham’s Last Speech, from the “London Magazine.”]

The Earl of Chatham followed Lord Weymouth.—

He appeared to be extremely feeble, and spoke with that difficulty of utterance which is the characteristic of severe indisposition. His Lordship began with declaring that his ill health had for some time obliged him to absent himself from the performance of his parliamentary duty; he rejoiced, however, that he was yet alive to give his vote against so impolitic, so inglorious a measure as the acknowledgment of the independency of America; and declared he would much rather be in his grave than see the lustre of the British throne tarnished, the dignity of the empire disgraced, the glory of the nation sunk to such a degree as it must be, when the dependency of America on the sovereignty of Great Britain was given up. The Earl next adverted to the conduct of the court of France, and observed, that at a crisis like the present, he would openly speak his sentiments, although they might turn out to be dangerous. As a reason for throwing off reserve, he said he did not approve of halting between two opinions, when there was no middle path; that it was necessary absolutely to declare either for peace or war, and when the former could not be preserved with honour, the latter ought to be declared without hesitation. Having made this remark, he asked, where was the ancient spirit of the nation, that a foreign power was suffered to bargain for that commerce which was her natural right, and enter into a treaty with her own subjects, without instantly resenting it? Could it be possible that we were the same people who but fifteen years ago were the envy and admiration of all the world? How were we altered! and what had made the alteration? He feared there was something in the dark, something lurking near the throne, which gave motion to administration—something unseen, which caused such pusillanimous, such timid, such dastardly councils. What! were we to sit down in an ignominious tameness? to say, “Take from us what you will, but in God’s name let us be at peace?” Were we blinded by despair? Could we forget that we were Englishmen? Could we forget that the nation had stood the Danish irruptions? had stood the irruptions of other nations! had stood the inroads of the Scotch! had stood the Norman conquests! had stood the threatened invasion by the famous Spanish armada, and the various efforts of the Bourbon compacts! Why, then, should we now give up all, without endeavouring to prevent our losses, without a blow, without an attempt to resent the insults offered us? If France and Spain were for war, why not try an issue with them? If we fell afterwards, we should fall decently, and like men.

Having spoken with some enthusiasm upon these points, his Lordship said he waged war against no set of men, neither did he wish for any of their employments: he then reverted to the subject of American independency; and after recalling the attention of their lordships to the extent and revenue of the estate of the crown of England, when the present King came into the possession of it, asked what right the Houses of Parliament had to deprive the Prince of Wales, the Bishop of Osnaburgh, and the other rising hopes of the beloved royal family, of the inheritance of the thirteen American provinces? Sooner than consent to take away from any of the heirs of the Princess Sophia what they had a legal and natural right to expect to possess, he declared he would see the Prince of Wales, the Bishop of Osnaburgh, and the rest of the young princes, brought down to the committee, and hear them consent to lose their inheritance. The Earl declared he was exceedingly ill; but as long as he could crawl down to that House, and had strength to raise himself on his crutches, or to lift his hand, he would vote against the giving up the dependency of America on the sovereignty of Great Britain; and if no other lord was of opinion with him, he would singly protest against the measure.

With regard to our power to carry on the war, or commence a new one with France, there were, he said, means, though he knew not what; if, however, he was called upon to give his advice, he would give it honestly; and though, from his exceeding ill state of health, he feared he had not abilities to insure to the execution of his measures the wished-for success, he would make some amends by his sincerity.

KING GEORGE’S MESSAGE AND THE SPANISH MANIFESTO (1779).
Source.—Gentleman’s Magazine. Vol. xlix., pp. 324 et seq.

Ld. Weymouth, principal secretary of state for the southern departments, presented the following message from his Majesty to the H. of Lords. At the same time Ld. North laid the same message before the H. of C.

Copy of the King’s Message.
“George R.

“The ambassador of the King of Spain having delivered a paper to Lord Viscount Weymouth, and signified that he has received orders from his court immediately to withdraw from this country; his Majesty has judged it necessary to direct a copy of that paper to be laid before the House of Commons as a matter of the highest importance to the crown and people; and his Majesty acquaints them, at the same time, that he has found himself obliged, in consequence of this hostile declaration, to recal his ambassador from Madrid.

“His Majesty declares, in the most solemn manner, that his desire to preserve and to cultivate peace and friendly intercourse with the court of Spain has been uniform and sincere; and that his conduct towards that power has been guided by no other motives or principles than those of good faith, honour, and justice; and his Majesty sees with the greatest surprize the pretences on which this declaration is grounded, as some of the grievances enumerated in that paper have never come to the knowledge of his Majesty, either by representation on the part of the Catholic King, or by intelligence from any other quarter; and in all those cases where applications have been received, the matter of complaint has been treated with the utmost attention, and put into a course of enquiry and redress.

“His Majesty has the firmest confidence that his faithful Commons will, with that zeal and public spirit which he has so often experienced, support his Majesty in his resolution to exert all the power and the resources of the Nation, to resist and repel any hostile attempts of the court of Spain; and that, by the blessing of God on the rectitude of his intentions, and the equity of his cause, his Majesty will be able to withstand and defeat the unjust and dangerous enterprizes of his enemies, against the honour of his crown, and the Commerce, the Rights, and the common interests, of all his subjects.”

The manifesto above alluded to, which the Spanish ambassador presented to Ld. Weymouth, was as follows:

Copy of the Spanish Manifesto.

“All the world has been witness to the noble impartiality of the King in the midst of the disputes of the court of London with its American Colonies and with France. Besides which his Majesty, having learned that his powerful mediation was desired, generously made an offer of it, which was accepted by the Belligerent Powers, and for this motive only a ship of war was sent on the part of his Britannic Majesty to one of the ports of Spain. The King has taken the most energetic steps, and such as ought to have produced the most happy effect, to bring those powers to an accommodation equally honourable to both parties; proposing for this end wise expedients for smoothing difficulties, and preventing the calamities of war. But although his Majesty’s propositions, and particularly those of his ultimatum, have been conformable to those which at other times the court of London itself had appeared to judge proper for an accommodation, and which were also quite as moderate, they have been rejected in a manner that fully proves the little desire which the British cabinet has to restore peace to Europe, and to preserve the King’s Friendship. In effect, the conduct of that cabinet, with regard to his Majesty, during the whole course of the negociation, has had for its object, to prolong it for more than eight months, either by vain pretences, or by answers which could not be more inconclusive; whilst, in this interval, the insults on the Spanish flag, and the violation of the King’s Territories, were carried on to an incredible excess; prizes have been made, ships have been searched and plundered, and a great number of them have been fired upon, which have been obliged to defend themselves; the registers have been opened and torn in pieces, and even the packets of the court found on board the King’s packet boats.

“The dominions of the crown in America have been threatened, and they have gone to the dreadful extremity of raising the Indian nations called the Chatcas, Cheroquies, and Chicachas, against the innocent inhabitants of Louisiana, who would have been the victims of the rage of these barbarians, if the Chatcas themselves had not repented and revealed all that the seduction of the English had planned. The sovereignty of his Majesty in the province of Darien, and on the coast of St. Blas, has been usurped; the governor of Jamaica having granted to a rebel Indian the commission of Captain-General of those Provinces.

“In short the territory of the Bay of Honduras has been recently violated by exercising acts of hostility, and other excesses against the Spaniards, who have been imprisoned and whose houses have been invaded; besides which, the court of London has hitherto neglected to accomplish what the 16th article of the last Treaty of Paris stipulated relative to that Coast.

“Grievances so numerous, so weighty, and recent, have been at different times the object of complaints made in the King’s name, and stated in memorials which were delivered either to the British ministers at London, or transmitted to them through the channel of the English ambassador at Madrid; but although the answers which were received have been friendly, his Majesty has hitherto obtained no other satisfaction than to see the insults repeated, which lately have amounted to the number of one hundred.

“The King, proceeding with the sincerity and candour which characterize him, has formally declared to the court of London, from the commencement of its disputes with France, that the court of England should be the rule of that which Spain would hold.

“His Majesty likewise declared to that court, that at the time their differences with that of Paris might be accommodated, it would be absolutely necessary to regulate those which had arisen, or might still arise, with Spain; and with the plan of mediation which was sent to the underwritten ambassador the 28th of last September, and which was by him delivered to the British ministry in the beginning of October, a plan of which Lord Grantham was apprized, and of which he received a copy, his Majesty declared in positive terms to the Belligerent Powers, that in consideration of the insults which his subjects and dominions had suffered, and likewise of the attempts levelled against his rights, he should be under the necessity of taking his part, in case the negociation, instead of being continued with sincerity, should be broken off, or should produce no effect.