AN
ENGLISH GARNER
INGATHERINGS FROM OUR
HISTORY AND LITERATURE
BY EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A.
'Yea, history hath triumphed over time—which
besides it, nothing but eternity hath triumphed
over.'
Sir W. Raleigh, Hist. of the World.
'Airs and madrigals that whisper softness in
chambers.' J. Milton, Areopagitica.
* * * *
* * * *
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO.
2 WHITEHALL GARDENS, WESTMINSTER
MDCCCXCVII
Contents of the Eighth Volume.
| PAGE | ||
| John Lydgate. | The Siege of Harfleur and the Battle of Agincourt. (1415.) [Printed c. 1530.] | [13] |
| John Fox. | How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop | |
| Cranmer's Secretary. (July 1539.) | [25] | |
| John Proctor. | The History of Sir Thomas Wyat's Rebellion. (Jan.-Feb. 1544.) | |
| [Printed Jan. 1555.] | [37] | |
| ---- | The True Report of the burning of the Steeple and Church of Paul's in London. (4 June 1561.) | [109] |
| R. W[itc]. | Against the wilful inconstancy of his dear foe E. T. (? 1566.) | [32] |
| Is. W. | To her unconstant Lover. (? 1566.) | [227] |
| W. G. | A Love Letter to an unconstant Maiden. (? 1566.) | [239] |
| [George Gascoigne.] | The Spoil of Antwerp.It is better known as | |
| The Spanish Fury at Antwerp. (Nov. 1576.) | [141] | |
| George Elliot. | A very true Report of the apprehension of that arch-Priest | |
| Edmund Campion and three other Jesuit Priests. (July 1581.) | [203] | |
| [Mary.] | The Scottish Queen's Burial at Peterborough. | |
| (1 August 1587.) [Printed 1589.] | [341] | |
| Theocritus. | Six Idillia. Translated by E. D. [? Sir Edward Dyer]. (1588.) | [117] |
| Rev. Richard Hakluyt | The Destruction, Capture, &c., of Portuguese Carracks | |
| and Captain | [Santa Cruz, Madre de Dios, Las Cinque Llagas,] | |
| Nicholas Downton. | by English seamen. (1592-1594.) | [245] |
| [Giles Fletcher, LL.D.] | Licia, or Poems of Love—The Rising to the Crown of Richard III. (Sept. 1593.) | [413] |
| Richard Hasleton. | Strange and wonderful things that happened to him in his Ten Years' | |
| Travels in many foreign countries. (1582-1592.) [Printed 1595.] | [367] | |
| William Smith. | Chloris, or the Complaint of the passionate despised Shepherd. (1596.) | [171] |
| R[obert] T[ofte]. | Laura [i.e., Mistress E. Caril]. | |
| The Toys of a Traveller, or The Feast of Fancy. (1597.) | [267] | |
| ----- | The Merchant's Daughter of Bristow [Bristol]. (? 1600.) | [399] |
| [? Thomas Deloney.] | The Spanish Lady's Love. (? 1600.) | [200] |
| Sir Robert Carey, | Account of the Death of QueenElizabeth; and of his ride to King James | |
| afterwards Earl of | at Edinburgh. (25th-27th March 1603.) [Printed 1759.] | [476] |
| Monmouth. | ||
| T. M. | The true Narration of the Entertainment of his Royal Majesty [James I.] | |
| from the time of his departure from Edinburgh till his receiving at London. | ||
| (April-May 1603.) | [485] | |
| Michael Drayton. | Odes. (1606, and 1619.) | [527] |
| ---- | Love's Garland, or Posies for Rings, &c.(1624.) | [97] |
| Thomas, third Lord | ['Black Tom']. Short Memorials of some things to be cleared during | |
| Fairfax | my Command in the Army. (1645-1650.) | [564] |
| ---- | A Short Memorial of the Northern Actions, during the War there. (1642-1645.) | [577] |
| ---- | Cupid's Posies for Bracelets, Handkerchers, and Rings. (1674.) | [351] |
| George Villiers, | An Epitaph on Thomas, third Lord Fairfax. (? 1677) | [611] |
| second Duke of | ||
| Buckingham. | ||
| W. P. | Posies for Rings, or Mottoes fit for Presents. (1677.) | [410] |
| [Bishop Edward Coplestone.] | Advice to a young Reviewer: with a Specimen of the Art | |
| [i.e., a Mock Criticism of Milton's L'Allegro.] (1807.) | [615] | |
| W. Hunneman. | Old King Cole, his life and death. (? 1830-? 1837.) | [633] |
FIRST LINES OF POEMS AND STANZAS.
| PAGE | |
| Accept in gree | [273] |
| After that Harflete | [20] |
| A gallant Master | [401] |
| A gallant Whistle | [121] |
| A gallant Youth | [399] |
| A gentle tame | [326] |
| A' [=Ah] LICIA sigh! | [449] |
| "A King I was | [466] |
| Alas, wilt thou | [242] |
| All that this earth | [556] |
| All youthful wights | [32] |
| Also I find that | [230] |
| A Lucrece for | [232] |
| A maiden | [360] |
| Am I a Gorgon? | [179] |
| Amongst the | [311] |
| And, after many | [404] |
| And arm in arm | [408] |
| And as there | [547] |
| And by these | [560] |
| And cast me into | [33] |
| And cheerfully | [546] |
| And diversely | [530] |
| And ere her | [402] |
| And fain I would | [401] |
| And feeds him | [536 ] |
| "And for myself | [549] |
| "And if they crown | [470] |
| And if ye list to | [558] |
| And if you cannot | [229] |
| And in her heart | [400] |
| And in my choice | [533] |
| And in regions | [547] |
| "And I a Whistle | [121] |
| "'And I protest' | [471] |
| "And I," quoth he | [404] |
| And I, who was | [238] |
| "And me, not long ago | [123] |
| And now, "Farewell!" | [234] |
| And now he pries | [238] |
| And now to take | [399] |
| And raised my | [415] |
| And since doomed | [535] |
| And since the Feast | [557] |
| And since the fish | [238] |
| And taking many | [548] |
| And that great | [562] |
| And the ambitious | [547] |
| And this whereso | [229] |
| And Thou, the Genius | [174] |
| And though the | [273] |
| And thus I end | [36] |
| And thyself such | [241] |
| And turning to | [549] |
| And unto me | [231] |
| "And wantonly | [535] |
| And what's | [544] |
| And when he to our | [19] |
| And when they | [409] |
| And when you | [233] |
| And whether Nature | [415] |
| And why not I? | [529] |
| "An English Friar | [407] |
| An ocean Sea of | [315] |
| A painter drew | [429] |
| Apollo and the | [529] |
| Are those two stars? | [446] |
| As are the sands | [433] |
| As Britons that | [531] |
| As burnished | [289] |
| As by Eneas, first | [230] |
| As close as you | [229] |
| As duty wills | [240] |
| As his prisoner | [200] |
| As rocks become, | [300] |
| As sacrifice | [335] |
| A she there was | [462] |
| As those | [530] |
| "A tempest | [122] |
| A wise man poor | [108] |
| Beauty is like | [362] |
| Behold the | [399] |
| Being likewise | [185] |
| Believe it, he | [552] |
| Between [South]hampton | [16] |
| Beware of fair and | [234] |
| "Blest be the land | [404] |
| "Blest be the time | [201] |
| "Blood and Revenge | [474] |
| Bold are her (bis) | [459] |
| Both gems, and | [312] |
| Bright matchless | [424] |
| Bring forth your | [557] |
| Britans, you stay | [546] |
| But, all in vain | [233] |
| "But as the wolf | [468] |
| But, at last, there | [200] |
| But did declare | [407] |
| But ere the | [402] |
| But heaven shall | [464] |
| But heavens | [463] |
| But here, good | [35] |
| But how shall we | [555] |
| But if his falsehood | [231] |
| But if I cannot | [232] |
| But if I seem as yet | [127] |
| But if that every | [32] |
| But if that thou | [35] |
| But I'll not | [560] |
| But let that pass | [233] |
| But let the Poets | [133] |
| But like Leander | [237] |
| But, lo, in happy | [553] |
| "But most of all | [405] |
| But now, alas | [405] |
| But now let Venus | [35] |
| But now the harvest | [33] |
| But now what | [242] |
| But of thy | [238] |
| But of thy heart | [198] |
| But Plaints and | [463] |
| But rather than | [232] |
| But She, good Sir! | [559] |
| But sith thy | [238] |
| But such as I can | [234] |
| But 'tis dissolved | [555] |
| But wavering | [243] |
| "But well I know | [126] |
| But when the | [408] |
| But will ye not | [235] |
| By her a kiss | [462] |
| Can plighted | [240] |
| Can they that sit | [240] |
| Cease eyes to weep | [180] |
| Changed is my | [291] |
| Clip me no more | [561] |
| "Clusters of | [468] |
| Cold are her lips | [459] |
| Colin, I know that | [199] |
| Colin, my dear and | [173] |
| Come forth, fair | [127] |
| Come, my Love | [359] |
| "Commend me to that | [202] |
| Condemned he was | [405] |
| Conflicts as | [543] |
| Consider these | [243] |
| Courteous Calliope | [175] |
| Courteous Lady | [202] |
| Coventry that | [561] |
| Cruel fair Love | [446] |
| Cupid's Posies | [366] |
| Dear City! | [563] |
| Death, in a rage | [428] |
| Diana shineth | [288] |
| Die, die, my Hopes | [196] |
| Distance of | [462] |
| Do not too | [363] |
| Doris, I love not | [454] |
| Down from the | [278] |
| Down in a bed | [461] |
| "Do you resolve | [464] |
| Drawn, cunning | [302] |
| Each beast in | [193] |
| Each frown of | [364] |
| "Each little bird | [553] |
| Ease by Disease | [56] |
| Elstred I pity | [466] |
| Eunica scorned | [137] |
| Even as the lamp | [293] |
| "Fair Bridegroom | [134] |
| Fair Bristow | [400] |
| Fairfax the | [611] |
| "Fair Maid," quoth | [402] |
| Fair Maids, my | [366] |
| Fair matchless | [443] |
| Fair Maudlin | [400] |
| Fair Shepherdess | [195] |
| Fair stood the | [548] |
| Fairest, wear | [365] |
| Far better had | [292] |
| Farewell! Adieu! | [243] |
| "Farewell," quoth | [399] |
| Far more's my | [317] |
| Fearing of harm | [542] |
| Feed, silly sheep! | [176] |
| First did I fear | [434] |
| "For certainty it | [555] |
| "For ere I will | [407] |
| For every great gun | [17] |
| For God's sake | [560] |
| For he always did | [237] |
| For help the | [19] |
| For I, by suit | [32] |
| For if alone | [445] |
| For, lo, my careful | [33] |
| "For, look, what | [408] |
| For only Thee | [274] |
| For she that | [232] |
| For to behold my | [286] |
| For they be such | [529] |
| For they, for | [231] |
| For trial shall | [235] |
| For we, her peers | [135] |
| For when he, by | [230] |
| "Fortune and I | [466] |
| Fortune, cross | [275] |
| Frequent not | [35] |
| From milk of | [304] |
| "Gallant Captain | [200] |
| Give her th' Eoan | [532] |
| Give warmth to | [173] |
| Glad was her | [460] |
| Gloucester that Duke | [551] |
| "'GOD bless thee' | [472] |
| GOD that all this | [14] |
| Gold upon gold | [331] |
| Good folk, for | [560] |
| "Grammercy, Sirs! | [15] |
| "Grant, fairest | [432] |
| Grant me my | [407] |
| Grant me, thy | [406] |
| Great Janus, I | [532] |
| Great ordnance | [15] |
| Great sickness | [20] |
| Great semptuous | [317] |
| Great was the | [277] |
| Had she been | [562] |
| Half this is of | [555] |
| Hard are the | [428] |
| Hark, Lovers! | [300] |
| Hear how my Sighs | [442] |
| He ne'er seemed | [612] |
| Henry the Sixth | [467] |
| Her bosom full | [533] |
| Her canopy I'll | [553] |
| "Here is no place | [407] |
| Her father, he | [409] |
| Her gentle | [409] |
| Her loved I | [558] |
| Her Master | [407] |
| Her mother takes | [403] |
| Hero did try | [236] |
| He sighs, and sobs | [405] |
| He shipped there | [23] |
| He thinks his hap | [237] |
| "He then replied | [470] |
| He took his ship | [230] |
| How did my Heart | [556] |
| How doth fair | [405] |
| How durst he | [231] |
| How should'st thou | [201] |
| "How well were I | [405] |
| "I and the Council | [472] |
| "I called the | [471] |
| Idea, in which | [562] |
| I doubtless cannot | [34] |
| I grant an honour | [454] |
| I had the vow | [559] |
| "I have a brother | [401,] [406] |
| "I have neither | [201] |
| I have no Love | [456] |
| If, aged Charon | [445] |
| If April fresh | [302] |
| If case such hap | [240] |
| If cruel, thou | [327] |
| If every woman | [35] |
| If he be dead in | [447] |
| "If his shafts | [535] |
| If in the midst | [285] |
| If I, poor wretch | [34] |
| If I somewhile | [297] |
| If Laura, thou | [279] |
| If lovely Lass | [282] |
| If love, wherein | [313] |
| If poor thou art | [108] |
| If sad Complaint | [463] |
| If scalding | [337] |
| If Scylla had not | [235] |
| If Sea, no other | [283] |
| If that I die, fair | [449] |
| If those, by hope | [464] |
| If thou art cold | [321] |
| If thou intend'st | [365] |
| If thus we needs | [555] |
| If what is heavy | [299] |
| If whilom, in times | [298] |
| If white's the | [293] |
| If you so would | [229] |
| I live, sweet Love | [437] |
| "I'll pawn a calf | [120] |
| "I'll pawn no lamb | [120] |
| "I might have died | [435] |
| I never spent one | [34] |
| I paid for love | [35] |
| I pray the leave! | [561] |
| I rather wish | [232] |
| I saw, sweet Licia | [448] |
| I send you here | [363] |
| I sowed both pure | [33] |
| I speak, fair Licia | [442] |
| I stood amazed | [432] |
| I swear, fair | [433] |
| I that Cupid | [354] |
| "I then began to | [126] |
| I think King | [231] |
| I thrust my hand | [34] |
| "I will both see | [120] |
| "I will spend my | [202] |
| I will, yea, and | [529] |
| I wish sometimes | [430] |
| I wrote my sighs | [440] |
| Immortal fame to | [131] |
| Inamoured Jove | [431] |
| In Ida Vale | [430] |
| In kenning of | [547] |
| In King Antiochus | [130] |
| In Love his | [322] |
| In places far, or | [541] |
| In silver stream | [324] |
| In Sparta, long | [134] |
| In such a height | [556] |
| In tears she | [400] |
| In the Egean | [276] |
| In time the | [438] |
| Into a pleasant | [401] |
| Into despair it | [34] |
| "Into the land | [400] |
| In vasty sea | [338] |
| It came to me | [555] |
| It cannot two | [555] |
| It is a pity you | [361] |
| It shall suffice | [232] |
| It told me, "In | [555] |
| "It would be a | [201] |
| Jason, that came | [230] |
| Joy of my soul! My | [324] |
| Justly of thee | [288] |
| King Nisus had a | [236] |
| Lady, the sun | [284] |
| Lady, thou | [290] |
| Lady, what time | [299] |
| Laura is fair and | [329] |
| "Leave me not | [201] |
| Leave off, sweet | [455] |
| Lest for a heart | [360] |
| Let Theseus be! | [231] |
| "Let us conspire | [464] |
| "Let's laugh at | [554] |
| Let your Jests fly | [557] |
| Licia, my Love | [435] |
| Like Memnon's | [448] |
| Like to the blacksome | [276] |
| Like to the shipman | [192] |
| Little fish, what | [237] |
| "London's Lord | [473] |
| Long since the | [540] |
| Loose humour nor | [537] |
| Lo, thus our | [23] |
| Loud are my sighs | [458] |
| Love and my Love | [426] |
| Love, being blind | [279] |
| Love, I repent me | [451] |
| Love is like a | [358] |
| Love, ope my | [311] |
| "Love this fair | [332] |
| Love was laid | [429] |
| Love, with her hair | [427] |
| Madam, two hearts | [555] |
| Madmen, what gain | [130] |
| "Maidens, why | [534] |
| Marvel I do not, | [297] |
| "Maudlin", quoth | [406] |
| Meet are my | [458] |
| Messengers went | [18] |
| Most good, most | [538] |
| Mother, your | [353] |
| Mournful Amyntas | [182] |
| Muse, bid the Morn | [553] |
| My brother (bis) | [467] |
| My brother Clarence | [17] |
| My brother died | [468] |
| My Debtor hath | [33] |
| "My father | [467] |
| My fixed faith | [191] |
| My grief began | [444] |
| My lips I'll | [553] |
| My Laura wonders | [305] |
| "My Lord," she said | [470] |
| My Love, amazed | [427] |
| My Love, I cannot | [184] |
| My Love lay | [431] |
| My Love was | [436] |
| My Mistress | [332] |
| "My Mistress | [334] |
| My mourning | [301] |
| "My thoughts | [463,] [ 468] |
| Nay, just are they | [241] |
| Nay, then I see | [454] |
| "Nay," then said our | [15] |
| Never, I think, had | [556] |
| New is my love | [457] |
| Non convitia | [415] |
| None dares now | [333] |
| None stands so | [559] |
| No art nor force | [105] |
| No gifts, no gold | [241] |
| No man can be so | [537] |
| No more a man, as | [294] |
| No more I, for | [552] |
| No, No; not so, for | [241] |
| No pain like this | [464] |
| No sooner do I | [308] |
| No sooner had fair | [178] |
| No sooner Laura | [323] |
| Nor adamant | [534] |
| Nor bravery doth | [537] |
| Nor is he foul | [454] |
| Nor is't the Verse | [531] |
| "Nor Pelops' kingdom | [122] |
| Nor speak I now | [474] |
| Nor think the | [317] |
| "Nor weep I now | [466] |
| Not I, but many | [34] |
| "Not long this | [469] |
| Not vouching | [243] |
| "Now as the sea | [473] |
| "Now in the Spring | [534] |
| Now may you hear | [231] |
| "Now two there were | [473] |
| Now were their | [408] |
| "Now will I walk | [404] |
| "O Cyclops! | [128] |
| "O Daphnis, what a | [123] |
| "O fair, O lovely | [135] |
| O fairest Fair, to | [186] |
| O Faith, think not | [241] |
| "O Galatea fair | [126] |
| "O happy Bridegroom | [135] |
| "O how happy is | [202] |
| "O husband of the | [122] |
| O Jupiter, and thou | [132] |
| O Love leave off | [188] |
| O Nicias, there is | [125] |
| O rapture great | [533] |
| O should a | [243] |
| "O Sir," she said | [405] |
| "O Sir," the gentle | [408] |
| O sugared talk! | [450] |
| O that I were sly | [309] |
| O thou self-little | [533] |
| O what a wound | [193] |
| O wretched | [545] |
| O yes! O yes! | [560] |
| Of all that living | [130] |
| Of constant love, I | [305] |
| Of the Siege of | [24] |
| Of thy streets | [562] |
| Old King Cole | [633-636] |
| On quicksedge | [330] |
| "On the seas are | [202] |
| "One kiss in two | [554] |
| One lovely | [307] |
| Or him that Rome | [531] |
| Or if Demophoon's | [236] |
| Or if she had | [235] |
| Or if strewed | [542] |
| Or if such | [236] |
| Or if the deeds | [557] |
| Or if you mind | [228] |
| Or made posies | [542] |
| Our King fully | [16] |
| Our King himself | [20] |
| Our King landed | [17] |
| Our King rode forth | [21] |
| Our King sent into | [14] |
| Our King went up | [22] |
| Ovid, within his | [235] |
| Painter, in lively | [325] |
| Pale are my looks | [441] |
| Pardened of | [320] |
| Perchance, my words | [228] |
| Perchance, ye | [232] |
| Phœbus had once | [323] |
| Poets did feign | [444] |
| Poets have still | [129] |
| Poitiers and | [549] |
| "Possessed with | [469] |
| Priests of Apollo | [556] |
| Proud is her (bis) | [458] |
| Rankle the wound | [285] |
| Remember thou the | [242] |
| "Rest you still | [201] |
| Revoke and call | [242] |
| Rich Damask | [315] |
| Rich is the | [306] |
| Rich statue | [532] |
| "Rivers and Grey | [469] |
| Rivers unto the | [313] |
| "Rivers was wise | [469] |
| Rocked in a cradle | [283] |
| "Rosamond was fair | [465] |
| Sad, all alone, not | [425] |
| "Sad Muse! set down | [467] |
| Sad was her joy (bis) | [460] |
| St. George was seen | [22] |
| Say, Cupid, since | [330] |
| "Say, gentle friend | [309] |
| Scorn not my | [456] |
| Seated on marble | [294] |
| Seven are the | [437] |
| She did her duty | [406] |
| She falls upon | [401] |
| She feigned a | [461] |
| She hath no | [559] |
| She kindly takes | [401] |
| She scrat[ched] | [237] |
| She walks under | [405] |
| Shoot forth no | [298] |
| Shore's Wife, a | [465] |
| Should faith to | [240] |
| Should hate his guerdon | [240] |
| Should I envy | [455] |
| Show me no more | [561] |
| Si cœlum patria | [416] |
| S' impossibly I | [539] |
| Since then among | [124] |
| Since thou hast | [291] |
| Sing Hymns to | [558] |
| Sing me the Rose! | [541] |
| "Sith you repose | [401] |
| Small was her (bis) | [459] |
| Smile not, fair | [453] |
| Some in their | [189] |
| Some shipboys' | [402] |
| Some use the | [234] |
| "So did I live | [474] |
| So his, which | [530] |
| So, Lady, boldly | [295] |
| So, Lady, I finding | [339] |
| So shall the | [230] |
| So that I silly | [33] |
| So then was Daphnis | [124] |
| Soowthern, I long | [531] |
| Strange is this | [335] |
| Such is the | [314] |
| Sweet are my | [457,] [458] |
| Sweet Bride, good | [136] |
| Sweetheart, my | [361] |
| Sweet, I protest | [443] |
| "Sweet Laura | [327] |
| "Sweet, love me | [462] |
| Sweet sang thy | [292] |
| "Sweet Youth," | [403] |
| Take heed, for thou | [36] |
| Take thou not | [36] |
| Tall was her | [460] |
| "Telling what he | [535] |
| Tell me, my dear, | [180] |
| Thanked be Jesu! | [19] |
| Thanks, gentle | [404] |
| That by the | [530] |
| That crimson | [319] |
| That day wherein | [194] |
| That divided | [542] |
| That early | [537] |
| That have a sore | [32] |
| That I myself | [545] |
| That instrument | [530] |
| That ivory hand | [328] |
| That most | [542] |
| That Princess, to | [562] |
| That spray to | [533] |
| That time, fair | [434] |
| That whilst she | [545] |
| The beast thus | [140] |
| The beauty, that | [280] |
| The bird of Thrace | [192] |
| "The Bishop came | [470] |
| "The Bishop home | [471] |
| The Blazing Star | [310] |
| The blood of fair | [314] |
| The Card'nal went | [471] |
| The Crow makes | [310] |
| The cruel Nero | [321] |
| The crystal | [438] |
| The Druids | [530] |
| The Duke of York | [549] |
| The dusky cloud | [304] |
| "The elder son | [469] |
| The flaming torch | [320] |
| The freedom of | [539] |
| The Frenchmen threw | [21] |
| The Gentiles used | [286] |
| The golden | [326] |
| The great guns | [20] |
| The Grecians | [307] |
| The hapless | [337] |
| The heavens | [316,] [426] |
| The heavens begin | [331] |
| The heavens yet | [132] |
| The Hound, by | [184] |
| Th' immortal | [316] |
| The Irish I | [531] |
| The King at | [15] |
| The King to | [16] |
| "The Laws do | [472] |
| "The lion | [468] |
| The little fish | [237] |
| The Macedonian | [295] |
| The matter of | [228] |
| The Merchant | [402] |
| The Muse should | [543] |
| The night drew | [461] |
| The night is | [400] |
| The Normands | [18] |
| Th' old British | [552] |
| The old man | [563] |
| The perils which | [183] |
| The Phœnix fair | [186] |
| The Phocean it | [529] |
| The price that I | [35] |
| The Primrose | [543] |
| "The Queen was | [472] |
| The raging sea | [190] |
| The red, or white | [542] |
| The Ryme nor mars | [543] |
| The Sea Nymphs | [453] |
| The ship full | [558] |
| The silly | [464] |
| The snakes | [328] |
| The snow-white | [329] |
| "The sparrow | [554] |
| "The Stage is set | [465] |
| The stately lion | [194] |
| The stranger, that | [236] |
| The swift | [281] |
| The toiling | [464] |
| The wildest of | [530] |
| The World's a City | [108] |
| The young man | [399] |
| Their course | [16] |
| Then as the sun | [295] |
| "Then as the wolf | [473] |
| "Then, at the | [473] |
| Then bethought | [14] |
| Then blew the | [22] |
| Then cast she | [406] |
| Then doubt me not | [274] |
| Then gives she | [402] |
| Then hadst thou | [238] |
| Then more | [470] |
| Then said our | [19] |
| "Then send me | [463] |
| Then she, who | [236] |
| Then should my | [463] |
| "Then stay, sweet | [461] |
| Then though a | [339] |
| "Then wilt thou | [120] |
| There are no | [34] |
| "There both the | [122] |
| Therefore boast | [559] |
| Therefore buy | [228] |
| There shone a | [447] |
| Thereto I wish | [233] |
| These are no | [241] |
| These bracelets | [362] |
| These Lyric | [552] |
| These waves no | [190] |
| These weeping | [182] |
| These words I | [233] |
| They now to fight | [550] |
| They see thy conscience | [241] |
| Things of most | [364] |
| This done, as they | [402] |
| This from the | [613] |
| This girdle | [363] |
| This heart so | [534] |
| This little | [363] |
| This modest she | [462] |
| This scarf will | [361] |
| This Scylla stole | [236] |
| This while we are | [540] |
| This while our | [550] |
| Those ceaseless | [532] |
| Those grim and | [541] |
| Those parallels | [533] |
| Thou didst | [237] |
| Thou glorious Sun | [196] |
| Thou, merry | [290] |
| Thou stranger | [282] |
| Though I do part | [275] |
| Though in the | [540] |
| Though pale my | [455] |
| Though they | [187] |
| Though we be all | [531] |
| Though you be | [188] |
| Through his | [612] |
| Through thee, not | [273] |
| "Thus Farewell, | [202] |
| "Thus have I told | [474] |
| Thus is the | [317] |
| Thus of all as | [24] |
| Thus of this | [23] |
| Thus Polyphemus | [128] |
| Thus sang these | [122] |
| Thus still You | [539] |
| Thus, through | [403] |
| Thus to the sea | [403] |
| "Thus tyrant | [471] |
| Thy ancient | [532] |
| Thy beauty | [175] |
| Thy friend in | [244] |
| Thy Love, fair | [453] |
| Thy Voyages | [548] |
| Till to that | [556] |
| TIMANTES, when he | [339] |
| "Time-tyrant Fate | [466] |
| "'Tis ever Spring | [122] |
| To give that life | [278] |
| To hear this talk | [456] |
| To him deserving | [537] |
| To raise his mean | [536] |
| To those that | [531] |
| "To Vulcan | [535] |
| To whose, the | [547] |
| To you, I speak! | [234] |
| Tread you the | [460] |
| True are my (bis) | [457] |
| Trust not a man | [235] |
| Turned to a stone | [277] |
| Two winds, one | [308] |
| Unbare that | [333] |
| Under this | [611] |
| Unto an Image | [312] |
| Unto the fountain | [179] |
| Unto thy favour | [289] |
| Upon Saint | [551] |
| Upon this sinful | [536] |
| Upon triumphant | [280] |
| Warwick in blood | [551] |
| Weary was Love | [425] |
| "Welcome, sweet | [404] |
| Well it thine age | [550] |
| Were it cemented | [555] |
| Wer't granted me | [539] |
| What cruel star | [189] |
| "What if we call | [121] |
| What lack you? | [228] |
| What need I mourn? | [178] |
| What now is | [559] |
| What should I | [360] |
| "What then? What | [120] |
| "What therefore shall | [120] |
| What though | [541] |
| What time fair | [181] |
| What time, with | [284] |
| When all the | [613] |
| When as her lute | [439] |
| When as I wish | [441] |
| When as my Licia | [439] |
| When as my Love | [436] |
| When as the | [547] |
| When Chloris first | [198] |
| When down their | [550] |
| When first the | [303,] [ 450] |
| When first the sun | [303] |
| When GOD made all | [108] |
| When he had read | [407] |
| When I did part from | [301] |
| When I did part, my | [338] |
| When I more large | [197] |
| When I, of my | [336] |
| When M. heard her | [406] |
| When no | [408] |
| When she had | [408] |
| When She was | [322] |
| When she was born | [197] |
| When Venus first | [139] |
| When you appear | [287] |
| Where be the Graces? | [557] |
| Whereby I see that | [33] |
| Wherefore I pray | [233] |
| Where Nature hath | [546] |
| Which, in his | [548] |
| Which heart I let | [32] |
| Which I pour forth | [183] |
| Which life, I pray | [233] |
| Which, six long | [242] |
| Which unto gods | [242] |
| "Which we have | [55] |
| Which vow gave | [242] |
| Whilst angry Juno | [281] |
| Whilst foaming | [306] |
| Whilst this | [545] |
| "Whistler Menalcas | [120] |
| White art thou | [334] |
| White was the | [287] |
| Who do not know | [187] |
| Who joys in love? | [319] |
| Who would a [have] | [243] |
| Whole showers of | [176] |
| Whom promise | [536] |
| Whom the base | [537] |
| Whose constancy | [537] |
| Whose constantness | [229] |
| Whose heart hath | [243] |
| Whose trade if | [230] |
| Why have ye such | [235] |
| Will you hear a | [200] |
| "Wilt thou in singing | [120] |
| With gold and | [325] |
| With lovely | [119] |
| With patience | [191] |
| With Spanish yew | [550] |
| With that bespake | [403] |
| With thousand | [336] |
| With trickling | [400] |
| "Wolf, spare my | [123] |
| "Ye groves and | [121] |
| "Ye pleasant | [121] |
| "Ye Shepherds tell | [136] |
| Ye Virgins, that | [234] |
| Ye wasteful | [185] |
| Years, months | [440] |
| Yet do I hope | [339] |
| Yet, if I be | [534] |
| Yet if thou chance | [36] |
| Yet (if you shall | [205] |
| Yet in a fine | [536] |
| Yet many rivers | [541] |
| "'Yet take my son | [472] |
| Yet these me not | [545] |
| Yet this Critic | [545] |
| Yet will you | [540] |
| You brave heroic | [546] |
| You Fauns and | [177] |
| You know I | [229] |
| You lofty Pines | [177] |
| You that embrace | [199] |
| You whom the | [174] |
| You whose deep wits | [174] |
| Your course | [546] |
| Yours was so | [556] |
AN
ENGLISH GARNER
INGATHERINGS
FROM OUR
HISTORY AND LITERATURE
Vol. VIII.
John Lydgate.
The Siege of Harfleur and the Battle
of Agincourt, 1415.
Hereafter followeth the Battle of Agincourt and the great Siege of
Rouen, by King Henry of Monmouth, the Fifth of the name; that
won Gascony, and Guienne, and Normandy.
[See Sir Harris Nicolas's History of the Battle of Agincourt, p. 301,
2nd Ed. 1832, 8vo.
GOD, that all this world did make And died for us upon a tree, Save England, for Mary thy Mother's sake! As Thou art steadfast GOD in Trinity. And save King Henry's soul, I beseech thee! That was full gracious and good withal; A courteous Knight and King royal. Of Henry the Fifth, noble man of war, Thy deeds may never forgotten be! Of Knighthood thou wert the very Loadstar! In thy time England flowered in prosperity, Thou mortal Mirror of all Chivalry! Though thou be not set among the Worthies Nine; Yet wast thou a Conqueror in thy time!
Our King sent into France full rath, His Herald that was good and sure. He desired his heritage for to have: That is Gascony and Guienne and Normandy. He bade the Dolphin [Dauphin] deliver. It should be his: All that belonged to the first Edward "And if he say me, Nay!; iwis I will get it with dint of sword!" But then answered the Dolphin bold, By our ambassadors sending again, "Methinks that your King is not so old, Wars great for to maintain. Greet well," he said, "your comely King That is both gentle and small; A ton full of tennis balls I will him send, For to play him therewithal."
Then bethought our Lords all, In France they would no longer abide: They took their leave both great and small, And home to England gan they ride. To our King they told their tale to the end; What that the Dolphin did to them say. "I will him thank," then said the King, "By the grace of GOD, if I may!" Yet, by his own mind, this Dolphin bold, To our King he sent again hastily; And prayed him truce for to hold, For Jesus' love that died on a tree.
"Nay," then said our comely King, "For into France will I wind! The Dolphin, anger I trust I shall: And such a tennis ball I shall him send, That shall bear down the high roof of his hall.
The King at Westminster lay that time, And all his Lords every each one; And they did set them down to dine: "Lordings," he saith, "by St. John! To France I think to take my way: Of good counsel I you pray, What is your will that I shall do? Shew me shortly without delay!" The Duke of Clarence answered soon, And said, "My Liege, I counsel you so!" And other Lords said, "We think it for the best With you to be ready for to go; Whiles that our lives may endure and last."
"Grammercy, Sirs!" the King gan say, "Our right, I trust, then shall be won; And I will 'quite you if I may: Therefore I warn you, both old and young, To make you ready without delay To Southampton to take your way 1st August 1415. At St. Peter's tide at Lammas; For by the grace of GOD, and if I may, Over the salt sea I think to pass!"
Great ordnance of guns the King let make, And shipped them at London all at once; Bows and arrows in chests were take, Spears and bills with iren [iron] gunstones; And arming daggers made for the nonce: With swords and bucklers that were full sure. And harness [armour] bright that strokes would endure.
The King to Southampton then did ride With his Lords; for no longer would he dwell Fifteen hundred fair ships there did him abide, With good sails and top-castle. Lords of France our King they sold For a myllyant [million] of gold as I heard say. By England little price they told [reckoned], Therefore their song was "Well a way!"
Between [South]hampton and the Isle of Wight, These goodly ships lay there at road, With mastyards across, full seemly of sight. Over the haven spread abroad: On every pavis [target] a cross red; The waists decked with serpentines [cannon] strong. St. George's streamers spread overhead, With the Arms of England hanging all along.
Our King fully hastily to his ship yede, And all other Lords of every degree: Every ship weighed his anchor in deed, With the tide to haste them to the sea. They hoisted their sails, sailed aloft: A goodly sight it was to see. The wind was good, and blew but soft: 7th August 1415. And forth they went in the name of the Trinity.
Their course they took toward Normandy, And passed over in a day and a night. So in the second morning early, Of that country they had a sight: And ever [as] they drew near the coast, Of the day glad were they all; And when they were at the shore almost, Every ship his anchor let fall, With their tackles they launched many a long boat And over ha[t]ch threw them into the stream; A thousand shortly they saw afloat, With men of arms that lyth did leme [? pleasantly did shine].
It should be Clef de Caus. Our king landed at Cottaunses [Contances] without delay, 14th August 1415. On our Lady's Even [of] the Assumption; And to Harflete [Harfleur] they took the way And mustered fair before the town. Our King his banner there did 'splay, With standards bright and many [a] pennon: And there he pitched his tent adown; Full well broidered with armory gay. First our comely King's tent with the crown, And all other Lords in good array.
"My brother Clarence," the King did say, "The towers of the town will I keep With her daughters and her maidens gay, To wake the Frenchmen of their sleep." "'London'," he said, "shall with him meet; And my guns that lieth fair upon the green; For they shall play with Harflete A game of tennis as I ween. Go we to game, for God's grace! My children be ready every each one."
For every great gun that there was, In his mouth he had a stone. The Captain of Harflete soon anon Unto our King he sent hastily To know what his will was to be done, For to come thither with such a meiny? "Deliver me the town!" the King said. "Nay!" said the Captain, "by God and St Denis!" "Then shall I win it," said our King, "By the grace of GOD and his goodness, Some hard tennis balls I have hither brought Of marble and iren made full round. I swear, by Jesu that me dear bought, They shall beat the walls to the ground."
Then said the great gun, "Hold fellows, we go to game!" Thanked be Mary and Jesu her son, They did the Frenchmen much shame. "Fifteen afore," said "London" then; Her balls full fair she gan outthrow. "Thirty" said the second gun, "I will win and I may." There as the wall was most sure, They bare it down without nay. The "King's Daughter" said "Hearken this play! Hearken Maidens now this tide! Five and forty we have, it is no nay." They beat down the walls on every side.
The Normands said, "Let us not abide! But go we in haste, by one assent! Wheresoever the gunstones do glide, Our houses in Harfleet are all to rent: The Englishmen our bulwarks have brent." And women cried, "Alas that ever they were born!" The Frenchmen said, "Now be we shent! By us now the town is forlorn [utterly lost]: It is best now therefore That we beseech this English King of grace, For to assail us no more; Lest he destroy us in this place. Then will we bid the Dolphin make him ready, Or else this town delivered must be."
10th September 1415. It should be Sir Lionel Braquemont. Messengers went forth by and bye, And to our King came they: The Lord Corgraunt certainly, For he was Captain of the place, And Gelam Bowser with him did hie, With other Lords more and less. And when they to our King come where, Full lowly set them on their knee: "Hail, comely King!" gan they say "Christ save thee from adversity! Of truce we will beseech thee 22nd September 1415. Until that it be Sunday noon: And if we may not recovered be, We will deliver the town."
Then said our King full soon, "I grant you grace in this tide [time]; One of you shall forth anon, And the remnant shall with me abide!" Their Captain took his next way, And to Rouen fast gan he ride. The Dolphin he had thought there to find But he was gone; he durst not abide.
For help the Captain besought that tide "Harflete is lost for ever and aye; The walls be beaten down on every side, That we no longer keep it may." Of counsel all he did them pray. "What is your will that I may do? We must ordain the King battle by Sunday, Or else deliver him the town!" The Lords of Rouen together did rown [whisper]; And bade the town should openly yield. The King of England fareth as a lion: We will not meet with him in the field! The Captain would then no longer abide, And towards Harflete came he right; For so fast did he ride That he was there the same night.
22nd September
1415. And when he to our King did come, Lowly he set him on his knee: "Hail, comely Prince!" then did he say, "The grace of GOD is with thee! Here have I brought the keys all Of Harflete that is so royal a city. All is yours, both chamber and hall; And at your will for to be."
"Thanked be Jesu!" said our King, "And Mary his mother truly!
My uncle Dorset, without letting, Captain of Harflete shall he be. And all that is within the city Awhile yet they shall abide, To amend the walls in every degree That are beaten down on every side: And after that, they shall out ride To other towns over all. Wife nor child shall not there abide: But have them forth, both great and small!" One and twenty thousand, men might see, When they went out, full sore did weep.
The great guns and ordnance truly Were brought into Harflete.
Great sickness among our host was, in good fay [faith], Which killed many of our Englishmen: There died beyond seven score upon a day; Alive there was left but thousands ten.
Our King himself into the Castle yede, And rest him there as long as his will was: At the last he said, "Lords, so God me speed! Towards Calais I think to pass."
After that Harflete was gotten, that royal city, Through the grace of GOD omnipotent; Our comely King made him ready soon, And towards Calais forth he went. "My brother Gloucester veramente Here will we no longer abide! And Cousin of York, this is our intent: With us forth ye shall, this tide! My Cousin Huntingdon with us shall ride; And the Earl of Oxenford with you three! The Duke of Southfolk [Suffolk] by our side He shall come forth with his meiny! And the Earl of Devonshire sikerly! It should be Sir Thomas Erpingham. It should be Sir Gilbert Umfreville. It should be Sir William Bourchier. Sir Thomas Harping that never did fail; The Lord Broke that came heartily And Sir John of Cornwall: Sir Gilbert Umfrey that would us avail; And the Lord Clifford, so GOD me speed! Sir William Bowser, that will not fail; For all they will help, if it be need."
?8th October 1415. It should be Somme. Our King rode forth, blessed might he be! He spared neither dale nor down; By waters great fast rode he, Till he came to the water of [the] Seine.
The Frenchmen threw the bridge adown That over the water they might not pass. Our King made him ready then; And to the town of Turreyn went more and less. The Frenchmen, our King about becast With Battles strong on every side; The Duke of Orleans said in haste "The King of England shall abide. Who gave him leave this way to pass? I trust that I shall him beguile Full long ere he come to Calais." The Duke of Bourbon answered soon And swore by God and by St. Denis "We will play them every each one, These Lords of England at the tennis; Their gentlemen, I swear by St. John! And archers we will sell them [in] great plenty: And so will we rid [of] them soon, Six for a penny of our money." Then answered the Duke of Bar, Words that were of great pride: "By God!" he said, "I will not spare Over all the Englishmen for to ride, If that they dare us abide: We will overthrow them in fere [company], And take them prisoners in this tide: Then come home again to our dinner!"
Henry our King that was so good; He prepared there full royally: Stakes he let [caused to] hew in a wood, And then set them before his archers verily. The Frenchmen our ordnance gan espy. They that we ordained for to ride Lighted adown, with sorrow truly; So on their feet fast gan abide.
Our King went up upon a hill high And looked down to the valleys low: He saw where the Frenchmen came hastily As thick as ever did hail or snow. Then kneeled our King down, in that stound, And all his men on every side: Every man made a cross and kissed the ground, And on their feet fast gan abide. Our King said, "Sirs, what time of the day?" "My Liege," they said, "it is nigh Prime [9 a.m.]" "Then go we to our journey, By the grace of Jesu, it is good time: For saints that lie in their shrine, To GOD for us be praying. All the Religious of England, in this time, Ora pro nobis for us they sing."
St. George was seen over the host: Of very truth this sight men did see. Down was he sent by the HOLY GHOST, To give our King the victory.
25th October 1415. Then blew the trumpets merrily, These two Battles [Armies] together yede. Our archers stood up full heartily, And made the Frenchmen fast to bleed. Their arrows went fast, without any let, And many shot they throughout; Through habergeon, breastplate, and bassinet. An eleven thousand were slain in that rout [company].
Our gracious King, as I well know, That day he fought with his own hand. He spared neither high ne low. There was never King in no land, That ever did better on a day. Wherefore England may sing a song: Laus DEO! may we say; And other prayers ever among. The Duke of Orleans, without nay, That day was taken prisoner. The Duke of Bourbon also in fere [company]: And also the Duke of Bar truly. Sir Bergygaunte he gan him yield; And other Lords of France many.
Lo, thus our comely King conquered the field, By the grace of God omnipotent, He took his prisoners, both old and young, And towards Calais forth he went.
[16th November 1415.] He shipped there with good intent: To Canterbury full fair he passed, And offered to St. Thomas's shrine. And through Kent he rode in haste; 22nd November 1415. 23rd November 1415. To Eltham he came all in good time. And over Blackheath, as he was riding, Of the city of London he was ware. "Hail, royal city!" said our King, "Christ keep thee ever from sorrow and care!" And then he gave that noble city his blessing He prayed Jesu it might well fare! To Westminster did he ride, And the French prisoners with him also: He ransomed them in that tide, And again to their country he let them go.
Thus of this matter I make an end, To th'effect of the Battle have I gone: For in this book I cannot comprehend The greatest battle of all, called the Siege of Rouen. For that Siege lasted three years and more, And there a rat was [sold] at forty pence For in the city the people hungered sore. Women and children, for [de]falt of meat, were lore [lost]; And some for pain, bare bones were gnawing, That at their breasts had two children sucking.
Of the Siege of Rouen it to write were pity, It is a thing so lamentable: Yet every High Feast, our King, of his charity, Gave them meat to their bodies comfortable; And at the last the town wan, without fable.
Thus of all as now I make an end: To the bliss of heaven, GOD our souls send!
Thus endeth the Battle of Agincourt.
Imprinted at London in Foster lane,
in Saint Leonard's parish,
by me John Skot.
FINIS
John Fox, the Martyrologist.
[The Ecclesiastical History, containing the
Acts and Monuments, &c. 2nd Ed., II.,
pp. 1355-6, 1570.]
How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop
Cranmer's Secretary.
[July 1539.]
MEntion was made before how King Henry, in the 31st year [1539-1540] of The Archbishop Cranmer disputeth three days in Parliament against the Six Articles. his reign, caused the Six Articles [31. Hen. VIII., c. 14. An Act abolishing diversity in opinions] to pass [in June 1539]; much against the mind, and contrary to the consent of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer: who had disputed three days against the same in the Parliament House, with great reasons and authorities. Which Articles, after they were granted and passed by the Parliament, the King, for the singular favour which he ever bare to Cranmer and reverence to his learning (being desirous to know what he had said and objected in the Parliament against these Articles; or what could be alleged by Learning against the same) required a Note of the Archbishop's doings, what he had said and opposed in the Parliament touching that matter. And this word was sent to him from the King by Cromwell and other Lords of the Parliament, whom the King then sent to dine with him at Lambeth: somewhat to comfort again his grieved mind and troubled spirits: as hath been above recited at page 1,298.
[The passage referred to runs thus:
After the Parliament was finished and that matter concluded; the King (considering the constant zeal of the Archbishop in defence of his cause; and partly also weighing the many authorities and reasons whereby he had substantially confirmed the same) sent [in July 1539] the Lord Cromwell (which within a few days after [or rather on 10th June 1540] was apprehended), the two Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the Lords of the Parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth: where they signified to him, That it was the King's pleasure that they all should, in His Highness's behalf, cherish comfort and animate him as one that, for his travail in that Parliament, had declared himself both greatly learned, and also a man discreet and wise: and therefore they willed him not to be discouraged in anything that was passed in that Parliament contrary to his allegations.
He most humbly thanked, first the King's Highness of his singular good affection towards him; and them, for all their pains: adding moreover that he so hoped in GOD that hereafter his allegations and authorities should take place, to the glory of GOD and commodity of the realm.]
Whereupon, when this dinner was finished [in July 1539], the next day after the Archbishop (collecting both his arguments, authorities of Scripture, and Doctors [i.e. the Fathers of the Church] together) The name of this Secretary was Master Ralph Morice, being yet alive [i.e., in 1570]. caused his Secretary to write a fair Book thereof for the King, after this order:
First, the Scriptures were alleged.
Then, the Doctors.
Thirdly, followed the arguments deduced from those Authorities.
This book was written in his Secretary's Chamber [at Lambeth Palace]; where, in a by-chamber, lay the Archbishop's Almoner.
When this Book was fair written, and while the Secretary was gone to deliver the same unto the Archbishop his Master, who was, as it chanced, ridden to Croydon; returning back to his chamber, he found his door shut, and the key carried away to London by the Almoner.
At this season also [it] chanced the father of the said Secretary to come to the city; by whose occasion it so fell out, that he [Ralph Morice] must needs go to London. The Book he could not lay in his chamber, neither durst he commit it to any other person to keep; being straitly charged, in any condition, by the Archbishop his master, to be circumspect thereof: so he determined to go to his father, and to keep the Book about him.
And so, thrusting the Book under his girdle, he went over [the Thames] unto Westminster Bridge, with a sculler; where he entered into a wherry that went to London: wherein were four of the Guard, who meant to land at Paul's Wharf; and to pass by the King's Highness who was then in his barge, with a great number of barges and boats about him, then baiting of bears in the water, over against the Bank [Side in Southwark].
The aforesaid Yeomen of the Guard, when they came against the King's barge, they durst not pass by towards Paul's Wharf, lest they should be espied: and therefore entreated the Secretary to go with them to the Bearbaiting; and they would find the means, being of the Guard, to make room and to see all the pastime.
The Secretary perceiving no other remedy, assented thereto.
When the wherry came nigh the multitude of boats; they with poleaxes got the wherry so far that, being encompassed with many other wherries and boats, there was no refuge if the bear should break loose and come upon them: as, in very deed, within one Paternoster while, the bear brake loose; and came into the boat where the Yeomen of the Guard were, and the said Secretary.
Tall Yeomen, but ill Keepers.
The Guard forsook the wherry, and went into another barge; one or two of them leaping short, so fell into the water.
A Bearbaiting upon [the] Thames before the King.
The bear and the dogs so shaked the wherry wherein the Secretary was, that the boat being full of water sank to the ground; and being also, as it chanced, an ebbing tide, he sat there in the end of the wherry up to the middle in water. To whom came the bear and all the dogs. The bear, seeking as it were aid and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts The Book of Dr Cranmer against the Six Articles lost in the Thames. upon him; and so, rushing upon him, the Book was loosed from the Secretary's girdle, and so fell into the Thames out of his reach.
The flying of the people, after that the bear was loose, from one boat to another, was so cumbrous that divers persons were thrown into the Thames: the King commanding certain men, that could swim, to strip themselves naked; and to help to save them that were in danger.
This pastime so displeased the King, that he bade, "Away, away with the bear! and let us go all hence!"
The Secretary, perceiving his Book to fleet away in the Thames, called to the Bearward to take up the Book.
This Bearward was Princess Elizabeth's servant.
Dr Cranmer's Book against the Six Articles delivered to a Popish Priest.
When the Bearward had the Book in his custody, being an arrant Papist, far from the religion of his Mistress (for he was the Lady Elizabeth's Bearward, now the Queen's Majesty), ere that the Secretary could come to land, he had delivered the Book to a Priest of his own affinity in religion standing on the bank: who, reading in the Book, and perceiving that it was a manifest Refutation of the Six Articles, made much ado; and told the Bearward that whosoever claimed the Book, should surely be hanged.
Anon, the Secretary came to the Bearward for his Book.
"What," quoth the Bearward, "dare you challenge this Book? Whose servant be you?"
"I am servant to one of the [Privy] Council," said the Secretary, "and my Lord of Canterbury is my master."
"Yea, marry," quoth the Bearward, "I thought as much. You be like, I trust, to be both hanged for this Book."
"Well," said he "it is not so evil as you take it: and, I warrant you, my Lord will avouch the book to the King's Majesty. But I pray you let me have my Book, and I will give you a crown [6s., or in present value about £2] to drink."
"If you will give me 500 crowns, you shall not have it," quoth the Bearward.
With that the Secretary departed from him: and, understanding the malicious forwardness of the Bearward, he learned that Blage the Grocer in Cheapside might do much with him. To whom the Secretary brake this matter, requiring him to send for the Bearward to supper; and he would pay for the whole charge thereof: and besides that, rather than he would forego his Book after this sort, the Bearward should have 20s. [in present value about £6] to drink.
The supper was prepared. The Bearward was sent for, and came. After supper, the matter was intreated; and 20s. offered for the Book.
But do what could be done; neither friendship, acquaintance, nor yet reward of money, could obtain the Book out of his hands: but that the same should be delivered unto some of the [Privy] Council, that would not so slightly look on so weighty a matter as to have it redeemed for a supper, or a piece of money. The honest man, Master Blage, with many good reasons would have persuaded him not to be stiff in his own conceit: declaring that in the end he should nothing at all prevail of his purpose, but be laughed to scorn; getting neither penny nor praise for his travail. He, hearing that, rushed suddenly out of the doors from his friend Master Blage; without any manner of thanksgiving for his supper: more like a Bearward than like an honest man.
When the Secretary saw the matter so extremely to be used against him; he then thought it expedient to fall from any farther practising of entreaty with the Bearward, as with him that seemed rather to be a bear himself than master of the beast: determining the next morning to make the Lord Cromwell privy of the chance that happened.
So, on the next day, as the Lord Cromwell went to the Court, the Secretary declared the whole matter unto him; and how he had offered the Bearward 20s. for the finding thereof.
"Where is the fellow?" quoth the Lord Cromwell.
"I suppose," said the Secretary, "that he is now in the Court, attending to deliver the book unto some of the Council."
"Well," said the Lord Cromwell, "it maketh no matter. Go with me thither, and I shall get you your book again!"
The Bearward waiting to give Cranmer's Book to the Council.
When the Lord Cromwell came into the Hall of the Court, there stood the Bearward with the Book in his hand; waiting to have delivered the same unto Sir Anthony Browne or unto [Stephen Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, as it was reported.
The Lord Cromwell getteth the Book from the Bearward.
To whom the Lord Cromwell said, "Come hither, fellow! What Book hast thou there in thy hand?" and with that snatched the Book out of his hand: and looking in the Book, said, "I know this hand well enough. This is your hand," said he to the Secretary.
"But where hadst thou this Book?" quoth the Lord Cromwell to the Bearward.
"This Gentleman lost it two days ago in the Thames," said the Bearward.
"Dost thou know whose servant he is?" said the Lord Cromwell.
"He saith," quoth the Bearward, "that he is my Lord of Canterbury's servant."
"Why then didst thou not deliver to him the Book when he required it?" said the Lord Cromwell. "Who made thee so bold as to detain or withhold any Book or writing from a Councillor's servant, especially being his Secretary? It is more meet for thee to meddle with thy bears, than with such writing: and were it not for thy Mistress's sake, I would set thee fast by the feet, to teach such malapert knaves to meddle with Councillors' matters. Had not money been well bestowed upon such a good fellow as this is, that knoweth not a Councillor's man from a cobbler's man!"
And with those words, the Lord Cromwell went up into the King's Chamber of Presence, and the Archbishop's Secretary with him: where he found, in the Chamber, the Lord of Canterbury.
The words of the Lord Cromwell to the Archbishop Cranmer.
To whom he said, "My Lord, I have here found good stuff for you," showing to him the paper book that he had in his hand, "ready to bring both you, and this good fellow your man, to the halter: namely [especially] if the knave Bearward, now in the Hall, might have well compassed it."
At these words, the Archbishop smiled, and said, "He that lost the Book is like[ly] to have the worst bargain: for, besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he must write the Book fair again."
And, at these words, the Lord Cromwell cast the Book unto the Secretary, saying, "I pray thee, Morice, go in hand therewith, by and bye, with all expedition: for it must serve a turn."
"Surely, my Lord, it somewhat rejoiceth me," quoth the Lord Cromwell, "that the varlet might have had of your man 20s. for the Book: and now I have discharged the matter with never a penny; and shaken him well up for his overmuch malapertness."
"I know the fellow well enough," quoth the Archbishop, "there is not a ranker Papist within this realm than he is; most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a Princess."
And so, after humble thanks given to the Lord Cromwell, the said Morice departed with his Book: which, when he again had fair written it, was delivered to the King's Majesty by the said Lord Cromwell, within four days after.
R. W[itc].
Against the wilful inconstancy of
his dear foe E. T.
Which example may justly be a sufficient warning
for all young Men to beware the feigned
fidelity of unconstant Maidens.
ALl youthful wights at liberty, whom Love did never thrall; I wish that my decay may be a warning to you all!
That have a sore, bred in my breast, although it be not strange; Yet will it bring me to the grave, without some sudden change.
For I, by suit, have servèd one two years and somewhat more, And now I can no longer serve; my heart it is so sore.
Which heart I let to Usury, through greedy fond desire; Not doubting to receive home twain, when I would them require.
But if that every Usurer had such good hap as I, There would not be so many men would use this usury.
My Debtor hath deceivèd me; for she is from me fled: And I am left among the briars to bring a fool to bed.
So that I silly [innocent] man remain each day in doubtful case: For Death doth daily lie in wait to 'rest me with his mace.
And cast me into prison strong, the door is made of grass: And I might bless my hour of birth, if it were come to pass.
For, lo, my careful choice doth choose to keep me still in thrall; And doth regard my love no more than stone that lies in wall.
Whereby I see that women's hearts are made of marble stone: I see how careless they can be, when pensive men do moan.
I sowed both pure and perfect seed on fair and pleasant ground; In hope, though harvest brought some pain, some profit might be found.
But now the harvest ended is; and for my faithful seeds, And all my pain and labour past, I have nought else but weeds.
I thrust my hand among the thorns, in hope the rose to find: I pricked my hand, and eke my heart; yet left the rose behind.
Not I, but many more I know in love do lack relief: But I, as cause doth me compel, do wail my pain and grief.
I doubtless cannot be the first that Love hath put to pain: Nor yet I shall not be the last that Women will disdain.
If I, poor wretch, should think upon the pains that I have past; Or if I could recount the cares that she hath made me taste:
Into despair it would me drive, and cleave my heart in twain; Or else bereave me of my wits, to think upon the pain.
I never spent one day in joy, my careful heart doth know; Since first I lent my love to her, by whom my grief doth grow.
There are no greater pains assigned for damnèd ghosts in hell, Than I do suffer for her sake, that I do love so well.
The price that I have paid for love, not many men would give: But I my bargain shall repent as long as I do live.
I paid for love, and that full dear: yet I received right nought. I never was so much deceived in anything I bought.
If every woman on her friend such pity used to take; Then shortly men will run to love, as bears unto a stake.
But now let Venus fire her forge! Let Cupid's shaft be sent! They can no more increase my woe: for all my love is spent.
But here, good Reader, thou mayst see how Love hath paid my hire! To leave me burning in the flame; compelled to blow the fire.
But if that thou, good friend, desire to live in happy state: Then seek in time to shun mishap! Repentance comes too late!
Frequent not women's company; but see thou from them swerve! For thy reward shall be but small whatever thou deserve.
Take heed, for thou mayst come in thrall before that thou beware: And when thou art entanglèd once, thou canst not fly the snare.
Take thou not this to be a jest; but think it to be true! Before thou prove, as I have done: lest proof do make thee rue.
Yet if thou chance to place thy love; take heed What thou dost say! And see thou place thy talk in print, or else beware a fray!
And thus I end: not doubting but these words may well suffice To warn thy greedy heart of harm, and ease thy roving eyes.
Ease by Disease hath made me to halt: Time hath so turned my sugar to salt.
R. WITC
FINIS.
Imprinted at London, by
Richard Jones.
The History of Wyat's
Rebellion:
With the order and manner
of resisting the same.
Whereunto, in the end, is added
An earnest Conference with
the degenerate and seditious
rebels for the search of
the Cause of their
daily disorder.
Made and compiled by
John Proctor.
[Second Edition.]
Mense Januarii, anno 1555.
[In Wyat's Rebellion, there was as much a social strife as a political conflict. Like the Rebellions of the previous reign, it was largely a rising of the Masses against the Classes. The Kentish Gentlemen and their dependents were mostly Horsemen, and went for Queen Mary. The Kentish commons were chiefly Footmen, and many of them went for Wyat.
This Rebellion was nipped in the bud, because the Kentish commons were prevented from joining hands with the lower classes of London. Had they been able to do so, it would have been the days of Wat Tyler over again.
It is clear that, as stated at page [66], Wyat thought that the Footmen opposed to him would come over to his side. This is probably the reason why the action at Hyde Park Corner was so indecisive, see pages [87] to 89. Lord Pembroke could not trust his Footmen; so only the Horsemen fought there against Wyat.
Proctor was undoubtedly an affectionately loyal subject of Queen Mary, and magnifies her herein upon every possible occasion. He says himself at p. [44], that he has "not fully set forth the whole case, all as it was." He wrote too soon after the event to do so in print.
At Vol. IV., pp. 88-93, of this Series, we have given a Protestant account of this Rising by Edward Underhill, the "Hot Gospeller": and at pp. 112-142 of the same Volume will be found Fox's account of the Imprisonment of the Princess Elizabeth, which was occasioned by this Rebellion; though Wyat, with his dying breath, cleared her of all knowledge of it.
All these narratives should be compared with the account in Professor Froude's History.
To the most excellent and most virtuous Lady, our most
gracious Sovereign, Mary, by the grace of GOD,
Queen of England, France, Naples, Hierusalem, and
Ireland; Defender of the Faith; Princess of Spain,
and Sicily; Archduchess of Austria; Duchess of
Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Countess of Hapsburg,
Flanders, and Tyrol;
your Majesty's most faithful, loving, and
obedient subject, John Proctor, wisheth
all grace, long peace, quiet reign,
from GOD the Father,
the Son, and the
HOLY GHOST.
IT hath been allowed, most gracious Sovereign, for a necessary policy in all Ages, as stories do witness, that the flagitious enterprises of the wicked, which have at any time attempted with traitorous force to subvert or alter the Public State of their countries, as also the wise and virtuous policies of the good practised to preserve the Common Weal and to repel the enemies of the same, should by writing be committed to eternal memory. Partly that they of that Age in whose time such things happened might by the oft reading conceive a certain gladness in considering with themselves, and beholding as it were in a glass, from what calamity and extreme ruin, by what policy and wisdom, their native countries were delivered; besides the great misery and peril they themselves have escaped: partly for a doctrine and a monition serving both for the present and future time. But chiefly and principally that the traitors themselves (who, through hatred to their Prince or country, shall, either of their own malicious disposition be stirred; or else by other perverse counsel thereunto induced) may always have before their eyes the miserable end that happeneth as just reward to all such caytives [caitiffs] as, either of ambition not satisfied with their own state will seek preposterously to aspire to honour; or of malice to their Prince, will enter into that horrible crime of Privy Conspiracy or Open Rebellion.
The industry of Writers doth sufficiently declare in a number of stories that conspiracy and treason hath always turned to the authors a wretched and miserable end: and if their persons happen at any time to escape temporal punishment, as rarely they have done; yet their names, specially of the notorious and principal offenders, have been always had in such vile and odible detestation in all Ages and among all nations as, for the same, they have been ever after abhorred of all good men.
These general considerations, moving others to indict [endite] and pen stories, moved me also to gather together and to register for memory the marvellous practice of Wyat his detestable Rebellion; little inferior to the most dangerous reported in any history, either for desperate courage in the author, or for the monstrous end purposed by his Rebellion.
Yet I thought nothing less at the beginning than to publish the same at this time, or at this Age: minding only to gather notes thereof, where the truth might be best known, for the which I made earnest and diligent investigation; and to leave them to be published by others hereafter, to the behoof of our posterity.
But hearing the sundry tales thereof, far dissonant in the utterance, and many of them as far wide from truth, fashioned from the speakers to advance, or deprave, as they fantased [favoured] the parties; and understanding besides what notable infamy sprang of this Rebellion to the whole country of Kent, and to every member of the same, where sundry and many of them, to mine own knowledge, shewed themselves most faithful and worthy subjects, as by the story [it]self shall evidently appear, which either of haste or of purpose were omitted in a printed book late[ly] set forth at Canterbury. [1] I thought these to be special considerations whereby I ought, of duty to my country [County], to compile and digest such notes as I had gathered concerning that Rebellion, in some form or fashion of History; and to publish the same in this Age, and at this present, contrary to my first intent: as well that the very truth of that rebellious enterprise might be thoroughly known, as that also the Shire where that vile Rebellion was practised might, by opening the full truth in some part, be delivered from the infamy which, as by report I hear, is made so general in other Shires as though very few of Kent were free from Wyat's conspiracy.
Most humbly beseeching your Highness to take this my travail in so good and gracious part; as of your Grace's benign and gentle nature it hath pleased you to accept my former books dedicated unto your Highness. Whereby I mind nothing less than to excuse, or accuse, any affectionately [partially]; but to set forth each man's doings truly according to their demerits: that by the contemplation hereof both the good may be encouraged in the execution of perfect obedience and unspotted loyalty; and the wicked restrained from the hateful practice of such detestable purposes.
The Blessed Trinity preserve your Highness!
To the Loving Reader.
THe safe and sure recordation of pains and perils past hath present delectation, saith Tully. For things, were they never so bitter and unpleasant in the execution, being after in peace and security renewed by report or chronicle, are both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, whether they touched ourselves or others.
Being thus in this point persuaded, loving Reader, I thought it a travail neither unpleasant for thee, nor unthankful for me, to contrive the late Rebellion practised by Wyat in form of a Chronicle, as thou seest. Whereby as I mean not to please the evil, nor displease the good; so I much desire to amend the one by setting before his eye the lamentable Image of hateful Rebellion, for the increase of obedience; and to help the other by setting forth the unspotted loyalty of such as adventurously and faithfully served in this dangerous time, for the increase of knowledge and policy the better to repress the like dangers, if any hereafter happen.
And further, although hereby I covet not to renew a fear of a danger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and study in every good man's heart to avoid a like danger that may happen, and most times happeneth; when a danger with much difficulty avoided is not sufficient warning to beware of the next.
I have forborne to touch any man by name, Wyat only except; and a few others which the story would not permit to be left out. Yet take me not that I mean to excuse any man's fault thereby. For what, should I shew myself so ungrate or unnatural unto my natural countrymen; as namely to blaze them to the World whom, either their own good hap or the Queen's surpassing mercy, would to be covered at this time?
And although I touch some by name, terming them in certain places "traitors and rebels," just titles of their deserts: yet, GOD is my witness!, I do it not of malice or envy to any of their persons. I never hated any of them; no, not Wyat himself! whom, although he was utterly unknown unto me, yet for the sundry and singular gifts wherewith he was largely endued, I had him in great admiration. And now I rather pity his unhappy case than malice his person: and do much lament that so many good and commendable qualities were abused in the service of cursed Heresy; whose reward was never other than shameful confusion, by one way or other, to all that followed her ways.
Finally, if thou suppose I have not fully set forth the whole case, all as it was, I shall not againsay it; neither thought I it necessary so to do; but rather so much as for this time might be both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, and should satisfy such points as in the Dedicatory Epistle to the Queen's Majesty are expressed.
Hereafter it may be that further be said touching this matter. In mean time thou hast no just cause, I trust, to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for the manner of handling or for the matter herein handled: the one having sufficient perspicuity and plainness, the other full truth; for which I have made such diligent investigation, as I have found it and have herein expressed the same, especially so much as concerneth Kent.
Vale!
Wyat's Rebellion:
with the order and manner of
resisting the same.
WHat a restless evil Heresy is! ever travailing The dangerous nature of Heresy. to bring forth mischief! never ceasing to protrude all those in whose hearts she is received to confusion! By what plausible allurements at her entry, she catcheth favourable entertainment! With what ways of craft and subtilty she dilateth her dominion! and finally how, of course, she toileth to be supported by Faction, Sedition, and Rebellion! to the great peril of subversion of that State where, as a plague, she happeneth to find habitation: as well the lamentable history of the Bohemians and Germans, with all others treating of like enterprises by heretics, as also Wyat's late conspiracy practised with open force, doth plenteously declare. Who, Heresy the special ground of Wyat's Rebellion. as it should evidently seem by the trade of his life and the late disclosing of himself, was so fervently affected to heresy, although he laboured by false persuasion otherwise to have coloured it; that, burning inwardly with a prepensed treason in his breast for the continuance of the same within the realm, he persuaded to himself such an impossibility therein (the Queen's Highness prospering and bearing the sceptre of high governance) as could by no means be brought about without rebellion: the Rebellion, the only refuge of heretics. only refuge, as I said, that indurate heretics have always sought, for maintenance of their heresy; living under a Catholic Prince.
Wyat persuaded that the Queen and Heresy could not reign together.
Wyat's repair to London to stir others to his Rebellion.
He therefore, being thus inflamed, could no longer contain, but immediately upon the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, forsaking his habitation in the country, went to London of purpose to stir [Henry Grey], the Duke of Suffolk and his brethren, with others of power in further countries [Counties], whom he knew to be like affected to heresies and consequently to burn in sembable desire for continuance of the same: leaving nevertheless such behind him in Kent, to solicit his and their unhappy case; whom he knew so much addicted thereunto as, in his absence, for their diligence in such a ministry needed no overseer.
He remained in London till he thought himself thoroughly furnished every way, and everywhere within the realm, to attempt his determined enterprise; when apt time should Wyat's return into Kent. serve. Which done, he returned into Kent: not of purpose then to proceed; but, understanding his strength, practised there by his agents to set things in order, and so to return to London; abiding the time appointed therefore by him and his complices.
But, so it befell, in the mean time, that, at his being in the country, the [Privy] Council committed a Gentleman of that Shire to ward, one to Wyat above all others most dear: whereby the common bruit grew that he, (suspecting his secrets to be revealed, and upon that occasion to be sent for Wyat preventeth the time. by the Council) felt himself, as it were for his own surety, compelled to anticipate his time. But whether that were the cause or no, doubtful it is.
But certain it was that Wyat, then proceeding in his detestable purpose, armed himself and as many as he could: and, giving intelligence of his determination to his complices, as well at London as elsewhere, the The first day of Wyat's stir, at Maidstone. Thursday after, at Maidstone, in the market time, being the 25th day of January [1554], in the first year of the Queen's reign, by Proclamation in writing, published his devilish pretence.
The cause why Wyat made not Religion the outward pretence of his Rebellion.
And considering with himself that to make the pretence of his Rebellion to be the restoring or continuance of the new and newly-forged Religion was neither agreeable to the nature of Heresy (which always defendeth itself by the name and countenance of other matter more plausible); neither so apt to further his wicked purpose, being not a case so general to allure all sorts to take part with him: he determined to speak no The colour of Wyat's Rebellion. word of Religion, but to make the only colour [pretence] of his commotion, only to withstand Strangers [i.e. the Spaniards], and to advance Liberty.
For as he made his full reckoning that such as accorded with him in religion would wholly join with him in that rebellion; so he trusted that the Catholics for the most part would gladly embrace that quarrel against the Strangers; whose name he took to become odible to all sorts by the seditious and malicious report which he and his had maliciously imagined and blown abroad against Wyat's preparative to his Rebellion. that nation, as a preparative to their abominable treason.
His Proclamation therefore published at Maidstone, and so in other places, persuaded that quarrel to be taken in hand in the defence of the realm from overrunning by Strangers and for the advancement of Liberty: where, in very deed, his only and very matter was the continuance of heresy: as by his own words at sundry times shall hereafter appear.
Wyat's untrue persuasions to further his Rebellion.
And to the end the people should not think that he alone, with a few other mean Gentlemen, had taken that traitorous enterprise in hand without comfort or aid of higher powers, he untruly and maliciously added further to his Proclamation, by persuasion to the people:
That all the Nobility of the realm and the whole [Privy] Council (one or two only except) were agreeable to his pretensed treason, and would with all their power and strength further the same; (which he found most untrue, to his subversion): and That the Lord Abergavenny, [Sir Thomas Cheyney,] the Lord Warden [of the Cinque Ports], Sir Robert Southwell, High Sheriff, with all other Gentlemen would join with him in this enterprise, and set their foot by his, to repel the Strangers.
How Wyat's untrue persuasions abused the people.
This Proclamation and such annexed persuasions made at Maidstone on the market day, and in other parts of the Shire, had so wrought in the hearts of the people that divers (which before hated him, and he them) were now, as it seemed, upon this occasion, mutually reconciled; and said unto him, "Sir, is your quarrel only to defend us from overrunning by Strangers and to advance Liberty; and not against the Queen?"
The nature of a heretic is to say one thing and think another.
"No," quod Wyat, "we mind nothing less than any wise to touch her Grace; but to serve her and honour her, according to our duties."
"Well," quod they, "give us then your hand. We will stick to you to death in this quarrel!"
That done, there came to him one other, of good wealth, saying, "Sir," quod he, "they say I love potage well. I will sell all my spoons, and all the plate in my house rather than your purpose shall quail; and sup my potage with my mouth [see p. [72]]. I trust," quod he, "you will restore the right religion again."
Wyat's own words to prove Heresy to be the ground of his Rebellion.
"Whist!" quod Wyat, "you may not so much as name religion, for that will withdraw from us the hearts of many. You must only make your quarrel for overrunning by Strangers. And yet to thee, be it said in counsel, as unto my friend, we mind only the restitution of GOD's Word. But no words!"
By these his words it appeared that his principal intent was not to keep out Strangers, which commonly do not invade to our hindrance but by rebellion amongst ourselves; nor to advance Liberty, which ever decayeth through treason: but to advance Heresy, the Lady Regent of his life and doings.
This same Thursday [25th January 1554] as Wyat, Thomas Isley, and others were occupied at Maidstone with Proclamations to stir the people and such like; so were others his confederates occupied in like manner by Proclamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the east parts of the Shire. Through whose allurements, the multitude were grown so earnestly affected to Wyat's purpose that they suffered Master Christopher Roper, a man of good worship and so esteemed of them, to be taken of Wyat's ministers, and carried out of the market place, without any manner of rescue: for that he, The apprehension of Master Christopher Roper by the rebels. having his heart and eye full fixed upon the Queen, not only withstood the reading of Wyat's traitorous Proclamation at Milton; but also in the same place proclaimed him and all his, traitors. And being roughly charged therewith by Wyat and others his gallants, Master Christopher Roper's words to Wyat. when he was brought to Rochester, he answered, "This tongue spake it, and doth now avow it."
The apprehension of Master Tucke and Master Dorrel.
They suffered Master Tucke also, and Master Dorrel of Calehill, being Gentlemen of good worship and Justices of Peace, to be taken out of their houses by the rebels; and conveyed, without any manner of rescue, in the day time, to Rochester, being twenty miles distant: where they, with Master Roper, were kept as prisoners in great danger of life.
In like manner, Sir Henry Isley, Anthony Knevet, William Knevet, with others, were at Tonbridge, Sevenoaks, and other towns in the west parts of the Shire, stirring the people by alarms, drums, and Proclamations.
Now ye shall understand that the evening afore [24th January 1554] the publishing his pretence at How Wyat wrote to the Sheriff of his intent to stir. Maidstone, Wyat sent a letter, by one Thomas Monde, a man of much honesty, to Sir Robert Southwell, being Sheriff of the Shire: unto whom long before, as I can understand, he had neither spoken nor written other than in defiance; they being in contention for matters of religion as it was said. Nevertheless to serve his purpose, dissembling his great malice and haughty courage, he wrote a letter to him of such effect as followeth:
The effect of Wyat's letter to
Sir Robert Southwell, Sheriff of Kent.
AFter hearty commendations. There hath been between you and me many quarrels and grudges, and I ever the sufferer; and yet have you sought the end which is now friendly offered unto you, if you be willing to receive it.
But whatsoever private quarrel you have to me, I doubt not but your wisdom is too much, seeing so many perils at hand to us both (this pretensed Marriage [of King Philip to Queen Mary] taking effect), to dissent from us in so necessary a purpose as wherein we now determine to enter for the common wealth of the whole realm. And that you may the better understand our pretence, I send you the copy of our Proclamation comprehending the sum and effect of our meaning: whereunto if the common wealth shall find you an enemy, say not hereafter but that you were friendly warned.
We forbear to write to the Lord Abergavenny; for what you may do with him, if you list, we know.
The style of Wyat's Proclamation.
A Proclamation agreed unto by Thomas
Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley,
Knights; and by divers of the best
of the Shire; sent unto the
commons of the same.
Wyat's false presumption of the best of the Shire.
FOrasmuch as it is now spread abroad, and certainly pronounced by [Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester] the Lord Chancellor and others of the [Privy] Council, of the Queen's determinate pleasure to marry with a Stranger, &c. Because. We therefore write unto you, because you be our friends, and because you be Englishmen, that you will join with us, as we will with you unto death, in this behalf; protesting unto you before GOD, that no earthly cause could move us unto this enterprise but this alone: wherein we seek no Such Councillors he meaneth, as would favour heresy, &c. harm to the Queen, but better counsel and Councillors; which also we would have foreborne in all other matters, saving only in this. For herein lieth the health and wealth of us all.
Lo, loud lie!
For trial hereof and manifest proof of this intended purpose, lo now, even at hand, Spaniards be now already arrived at Dover, at one passage, to the number of a hundred, passing upward to London in companies of ten, four, and six, with harness [armour] harquebusses and morians [helmets] with match light[ed]; the foremost company whereof be already at Rochester.
We shall require you therefore to repair to such places as the bearers hereof shall pronounce unto you, there to assemble and determine what may be best for the advancement of Liberty and common wealth in this behalf, and to bring with you such aid as you may.
The end of Wyat's Proclamation.
The messenger that brought the letter, with the Proclamation, from Wyat to the Sheriff, being not privy to the contents thereof and having charge, upon his life, to return an answer with all speed, importuned the Sheriff so much therefore (although he saw him greatly busied in giving advertisement throughout the Shire of Wyat's traitorous determination) as he nevertheless (to satisfy the messenger, whom he knew to be a right honest man; notwithstanding his diligence was abused in so lewd a message), made him answer out of hand as followeth:
The Sheriff's answer to the Messenger
that brought Wyat's letter.
"NEighbour monde, rather to satisfy your importunity than to answer Wyat's letter, whom in this case I disdain to answer, or to speak with you apart coming from a traitor, you may say unto him, That as indeed I have been desirous of his friendship for neighbourhood's sake, so have I much more desired his reformation in divers points of great disorder: whereby he certainly knew, as well by my speech to himself as other means coming to his knowledge, that I have sithens the beginning of the Queen's reign holden him and some of his colleges [colleagues] in this conspiracy vehemently suspected for like matters as now they have attempted.
"Wherein seeing he hath not deceived me, but by opening himself hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceived of him; I purpose not to purchase his friendship so dear[ly] as for the game of him to lose myself and my posterity in perpetual infamy. And if such things which his fond [foolish] head hath weighed for perils, to the condemnation of the whole wisdom of the realm (they allowing the same for good), had been indeed as perilous as he with others, for want of due consideration, deemeth them: his duty had been to have opened his opinion therein as a humble and reverent petitioner to the Queen's Highness, or to some of her Grace's Council. But to press his Sovereign, in any suit or upon any occasion, with weapon and armour, by stirring her subjects to rebellion; that is, and always hath been, accounted the part of the most arrogant and presumptuous traitors: and so do I note him and his mates, as you may tell them; and shall, GOD willing, provide for them accordingly.
"Now good man Monde, it shall be in your choice whether you will carry this message or no. But, as your friend, I shall advise you to seek out better company."
The messenger excusing himself by ignorance, departed to Wyat with answer: and, soon after, returned to the Sheriff; under whom he served the Queen very faithfully.
The Sheriff being made privy, as ye have heard, by Wyat to his traitorous pretence the night before he stirred; and wanting no good will, as it should seem, with the help of the Lord Abergavenny who was as forward as he, to have resisted the reading of Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone the day following and to disperse his force, sent for Gentlemen and yeomen in all haste to that end.
But before he could gather Power meet to attempt the repressing of such a force (sundry of his neighbours of greatest possessions, and towns most populous, which should have been his chief aid, being contrary bent), Wyat accompanied with a force well armed and weaponed marched to Rochester the same Thursday [25th January 1554]; Harper and others meeting him in the way. Where fortifying the east parts of the town, and breaking up the bridge towards the west; he abode the coming of his appointed strength: suffering all passengers to pass quietly through the town, to London, or to the sea; taking nothing from them but only their weapons.
And being the Friday [26th January] all day at Rochester, and not hearing from Isley, the town of Tonbridge, and other his conjurates of the west part of the Shire; he addressed an earnest letter the Saturday morning [27th January] to Isley, the Knevets, and others, with the town of Tonbridge, requiring them to accelerate their coming unto him.
The rifling of Sir Henry Sidney his armour.
According whereunto Isley, the Knevets, with others, being newly returned from Penshurst (where they rifled Sir Henry Sidney [of] his armour; he being attendant upon the Queen's Highness as a faithful subject), perceiving Wyat to long for their coming, resolved to observe their promise and march forwards that night towards Wyat.
But understanding that the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and George Clarke had now gathered a force, and were prest to encounter them: first ere they departed out of the town, they thought it good by some kind of Proclamation, to alienate the people's hearts from them; as they did in the manner following:
The copy of the Proclamation made at Tonbridge,
by Sir Henry Isley, Antony Knevet
and his brother, with others.
YOu shall understand that Henry [Neville] Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell Knight, George Clarke Gentleman, have most traitorously, to the disturbance of the common wealth, stirred and raised up the Queen's most loving subjects of this realm to defend the most wicked and devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked and perverse Councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm, and the perpetual servitude of all the Queen's most loving subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thomas Wyat Knight, Sir George Harper Knight, Sir Henry Isley Knight, Antony Knevet Esquire, with all the faithful Gentlemen of Kent and trusty commons of the same, do pronounce the said Henry Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell and George Clarke Gentleman, to be traitors to GOD, the Crown, and the common wealth.
This done, with all speed calling their company together by noise of drums, and leaving their direct way to Rochester, for that they would not come under the wing of the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, they marched that night [27th January] to Sevenoaks. Taking order with such as were left behind in the town [of Tonbridge], that they should be in a readiness to come whensoever they should be sent for by Wyat; and that by no ways they should believe any tales. "For," quod they, "the Council will now send abroad flying lies and tales to discredit us and discomfort you: for it is their policy."
Antony Knevet, after he was lept to his horse, took one by the hand, and said, "Fare you well. And if you hap to hear that I am taken, never believe it: for undoubtedly I will either die in the field or achieve my purpose." But within four and twenty hours he brake his promise, and ran away no faster than his legs could carry him.
The Herald's coming to Rochester.
Well, I shall now leave them marching to Sevenoaks; and return to Wyat at Rochester. This present Saturday [27th January] came unto him from the Queen's Highness a Herald and a trumpeter.
Wyat, at the sound of the trumpet, came to the bridge, where the Herald was with his coat armour carrying the Arms of England on his back. But Wyat, without using any reverence to him either for his coat or office, would not suffer him to come into the town to declare his message; and [the Herald] pressing to come in, he offered to strike him: whereupon the Herald stayed and did his message there, so that only Wyat with a few with him heard it. Which, as men could gather by the report of them that heard it, was promise of pardon to as many as would retire to their houses within four and twenty hours after the Proclamation, and become good subjects. But Wyat would not suffer his soldiers in anywise to hear it, nor any other Proclamation coming from the Queen.
The Lord Warden's greeting to Wyat.
In the mean time also, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Lord Warden, being a most faithful and noble subject, had sent him such salutations as of honour ought to be used to a traitor. And being very desirous to be doing with him, and to prove on his body what in words of greeting he had affirmed, felt yet by his discretion and long experience great causes of stay. For Wyat desired nothing more than his coming forth; persuading [himself] that he wanted no friends about him, nor any others that would take in hand to repress him with force gathered in that Shire. And, undoubtedly, doubtful were the hearts of the people, and marvellously bent to favour Wyat and his purpose; as by daily events appeared.
The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff who, the Saturday [27th January] next after Wyat's stir, were at Malling in the way towards Rochester (where Wyat lay); having with them a company of well appointed subjects. In whom notwithstanding for the more part they had good opinion of trustiness and honesty: yet having the general case of the people's disposition in their eye; and not without cause suspecting in their Band, amongst so many faithful and good, some such to be, upon trust of whose trustless and brittle aid it were no good policy to adventure far—pondering therewith that this illusion of the people, whereby they were so far drawn from their right course and duty, grew chiefly by such crafty and false persuasions as Wyat and his mates had set forth in sundry parts of the Shire, by way of Proclamation in writing: wherein, amongst other gross lies they had set forth also matters of untruth to discredit the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; as Wyat, in his persuasions, that they would join with him; and Isley, in his Proclamation that they had traitorously assembled the Queen's loving subjects against her Grace and the realm.
It seemed unto them very good and necessary to spend some time at Malling in advising and lessening [lessoning] the multitude; and by way of exhortation to impugn those traitorous Proclamations, and refell such gross and false lies therein contained; and finally to dissuade the people, which, that day being market day, were assembled to a great number of all sorts, from the traitors and their attempts.
And accordingly the Sheriff had penned an Exhortation to that purpose, which was pronounced out of writing in Malling; and sent after by him into other parts. The hearing whereof did undoubtedly much move the people, as after shall appear.
I shall report the same in substance truly; howbeit not fully in the same form and manner as I found it, and as it was penned and pronounced by the Sheriff: who, in the utterance and setting forth thereof, spared not to speak plainly and touch sharply, as then the present time and case employed vehement occasion.
An Exhortation made by Sir Robert Southwell
Knight, Sheriff of Kent, at Malling, the Satur-
day being the 27th day of January, and
market day there, to a great assembly
of people; refelling and confuting
Wyat and his complices'
traitorous Proclama-
tions. Wyat being
at Rochester,
four miles
distant.
LOving neighbours and friends. Where of late there hath been most pestilent and traitorous Proclamations, as ye have heard, set forth by Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley, and others, as most arrant traitors to the Queen and the realm; some of them the Queen's ancient enemies aforetime, and double traitors: yet notwithstanding accounting themselves to be the best of the Shire in their Proclamations; and in the same reputing and pronouncing others as traitors whom ye can witness to have been, from time to time, true and faithful subjects to the Queen and this our common weal, as the Lord Abergavenny here present, myself, and other Gentlemen now prest and ready with you, according to our duty, to serve our noble Queen. I shall need to spend the less time to declare unto you how evil they be, or how evil their enterprise is that they have taken in hand: forasmuch as this their arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in advancing themselves so far from all truth, and in depraving of others so maliciously for executing their bounden duty, ought abundantly to persuade what they be, to all of consideration, without further circumstance.
"But forasmuch as in their Proclamations they fill the ears of the Queen's liege people with gross and manifest lies to stir them against her Grace, in the utterance whereof they use this demonstration, "Lo!" signifying some notable thing near at hand, for credit worthy impression in their memory, as:—
'Lo, a great number of Strangers be now arrived at Dover in harness [armour] with harquebusses morians and matchlight.'
"I say unto you, neighbours and friends, upon pain to be torn in pieces with your hands, that it is untrue; and a manifest lie invented by them to provoke and irritate the Queen's simple people to join with them in their traitorous enterprise. And therefore I have perfect hope that you, being afore time abused with their crafty and deceitful treason, will not now once again (having experience of their former evil) be trapped, for any persuasion, in so heinous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of treason.
"Do you not see and note that, as in the beginning of the Queen's most gracious reign, some of them sought to deprive her Grace of her princely estate and rightful dignity, minding to advance thereunto the Lady Jane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolk; so are they and others newly confedered [confederated] with the Duke and his brethren, being in arms at this present for the same purpose, and daily looking for aid of these traitors and others of their conspiracy: as by the Queen's most gracious letters, signed with her own hand, and ready to be read here, may plainly appear unto you? And will you now nevertheless aid them any ways, or sit still whilst they go about thus wrongfully and traitorously to depose their, and our, most gracious Sovereign Lady and Queen! the comfort of us all! the stay of us all! the only safeguard of us all! to whom can no displeasure or danger chance, but the same must double [doubly] redound to all and every of us!
"No, friends and neighbours, I trust never to live to see you so far abused. They go about to blear you with matters of Strangers, as though they should come to overrun you and us also. He seemeth very blind, and willingly blinded, that will have his sight dimmed with such a fond [foolish] mist! For if they meant to resist Strangers, as they mind nothing less: they would then prepare to go to the sea coasts; and not to the Queen's most royal person, with such a company in arms and weapon.
"Ye can consider, I trust, this noble Gentleman, the Lord Abergavenny here present, being of an ancient and great parentage, born among you; and such other Gentlemen as you see here, which be no strangers unto you; myself also, although a poor Gentleman (who I trust at no time hath abused you), hath somewhat to lose as well as they; and would be as loth to be overrun with Strangers as they; if any such thing were meant. But for that we know most certainly that there is meant no manner of evil to us by those Strangers; but rather aid profit and comfort against other strangers, our ancient enemies [the French]; with whom they, as most arrant and degenerate traitors, do indeed unkindly and unnaturally join: we, in her Grace's defence, will spend both life and what we have beside, to the uttermost penny, against them.
"Well, I can no more now say unto you, but (understanding the Queen's Highness, as a most merciful Princess, to be once again determined to pardon as many as, by their traitorous and deceitful Proclamations and other illusions, were allured to this last treason; so they repair to their habitations within four and twenty hours after her Grace's Proclamation read, and become true subjects to her Grace) to advise such as hath taken part with those traitors, or have withdrawn themselves (contrary to their allegiance) from aiding and serving of their Sovereign, according to their duties, against her enemies, thankfully to accept and embrace her most gracious pardon; and use means of themselves to apprehend those arrant and principal traitors, and make a present of them to the Queen's Highness; or leave them to themselves, as most detestable traitors: who being once so graciously and mercifully forgiven could not but carry the clemency of the same in their hearts to the furtherance of all obedience whiles they lived, if there had been any spark of grace in them.
"And further I have to say unto you that as these traitors, by their Proclamations without authority, have moved you to stir against the Queen your Sovereign; and appointed you places where to meet and consult for the furtherance of their traitorous purpose and to bring with you such aid as you can: so shall I require you, and in her Grace's name charge you that be here present, not to come there; but that you, and such as be absent, taking knowledge hereby, repair to such places as I, the Queen's Sheriff and Officer, shall appoint you, with such aid as you can bring for the better service of the Queen and the Shire: where you shall be assured to receive comfort, thanks, and honesty to the end of your lives and your posterity. And the other way but endless shame and utter undoing to you and yours; which shall be worst to yourselves, and yet a great grief to us your neighbours: whose advice in all other your private causes you have been content to follow; and now in this weightiest that hath, or may, happen to you will refuse us, and follow them that hath ever abused you to your and their utter confusion.
At Malling, the 27th of January [1554], anno Mariæ primo.
GOD save Queen Mary and all her well willers!"
The Sheriff reading this Exhortation, caused one Barram, a Gentleman and servant to the Lord Abergavenny, to pronounce it, as he read it, so loud and so distinctly as the people assembled round about him, to a very great number, in manner of a ring, might easily hear and understand every word proceeding from Barram: who of his own head cried out unto them, "You may not so much as lift up your finger against your King or Queen!"
And after the people had heard the Sheriff's Exhortation; and cried "GOD save Queen Mary!" which they did most heartily, spending therein a convenient time; the Sheriff used these words unto them:
The Sheriff's speech to the multitude.
"Masters," quod he, "although I alone did speak unto you; yet what words were spoken to you by me were also spoken to you by the Lord Abergavenny and all the Gentlemen here present: in whose persons I then spake; and now require at your hands a plain and resolute answer. Will you now therefore join with such as you see evidently to be arrant traitors; or else with the Lord Abergavenny and such Gentlemen as you see here present, that will live and die with you in defence of our rightful Queen against these traitors?"
The people's answer to the Sheriff.
The people with one voice defied Wyat and his complices as arrant traitors, and said that they now well espied they had but abused them. Wherefore in defence of Queen Mary, they would die upon them: expressing their minds with such earnest shouts and cries as shewed to proceed unfeignedly from their hearts; which after was confirmed by a better experience the day following, as ye shall anon hear.
Wyat's promise of Barram's reward.
But by the way ye shall understand that Wyat hearing of this Proclamation, said, "I know that Barram well; but yet I never took him to have so wide a throat. If I live, I may happen to make him crow a higher note in another place." What trow you should then have become of the author?
In the Sunday following [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen were determined to have marched in the morning early The Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham's coming to Gravesend. towards Rochester, to have aided the Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham Captain of the Guard, then being at Gravesend, towards Wyat; with a certain Band [Regiment] of White Coats, to the number of 600, sent unto them from London; whereof Bret and others were their Captains.
Roger Appulton and Thomas Swan trusty Gentlemen.
Roger Appulton Gentleman was also at Gravesend with the Duke, attendant to serve: wherein likewise was Thomas Swan Gentleman.
The Lord Abergavenny sets the watch in person.
This Saturday [27th January] at night, the Lord Abergavenny suspecting Wyat and his complices (living within four miles of them; and being so much provoked in that they were, in the day, so rightly set forth in their colours [illusions] at Malling) would, for revenge, work some annoyance to them or his Band that night, either by a camasado [night attack] or by some other means; did therefore, to prevent the same, set a strong watch in the market place at Malling and other parts of entry into the town: and gave the watch-word himself before he would take any rest.
A larom at Malling.
But between one and two of the clock in the night, when everybody was taken to rest save the watch, there happened a larom [an alarm], sundry crying, "Treason! Treason! We are all betrayed!" in such sort that such as were in their beds or newly risen thought verily that, either Wyat with his Band had been in the town, or very near.
The thing was so sudden and happened in such a time as men not acquainted with like matters were so amazed that some of them knew not well what to do: and yet in the end it proved to [be] nothing.
For it grew by a messenger that came, very late in the night, desiring to speak with the Lord Abergavenny or Master Sheriff, to give them certain advertisement, That Sir Henry Isley, the two Knevets, and certain others, with 500 Wealdish men [i.e., from the Weald of Kent] were at Sevenoaks; and would march in the morning early from thence towards Rochester, for the aid of Wyat A meaning of the rebels to burn Master George Clarke's house. against the Duke of Norfolk: and in their way, burn and destroy the house of George Clarke aforesaid.
Whereupon the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, by the advice of the Gentlemen before named, for that the said Clarke had been a painful [painstaking] and serviceable Gentleman, changed their purposed journey from Rochester, to encounter with Isley and his Band, to cut them [off] from Wyat and save Clarke from spoil.
The marching of the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff to encounter Isley.
And so, in the morning early, being Sunday [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny; the Sheriff; Warram Sentleger, Richard Covert, Thomas Roydon, Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George Clarke, John Dodge, Thomas Watton, Hugh Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher Dorrel, Hugh Cartwright, John Sybil, Esquires; John Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas Chapman, James Barram, Jasper Iden, John Lambe, Walter Heronden, Walter Taylor, John Raynoldes, Thomas Tuttesham, John Allen, and Thomas Holdiche, Gentlemen; with yeomen to the number of 600 or thereabouts; marched out of Malling in order till Wrotham Heath. they came to Wrotham Heath: where they might easily hear the sound of the traitor's drums; and so, making haste, pursued them till they came to a place Barrow Green. called Barrow Green [Borough Green] through which lay their right and ready way that the traitors should take, marching from Sevenoaks towards Master Clarke.
The Lord Abergavenny, being very glad that he had prevented [anticipated] them in winning the Green, sent out spials [spies] to understand their nearness, and to discrive [ascertain] their number: reposing themselves there till the return of his spials: who at their coming said, That he needed not to take further pains to pursue them, for they were at hand, coming towards him as fast as they could march. Which was glad tidings to the Lord Abergavenny and his Band. And taking order forthwith to set his men in array; he determined to abide their coming, and there to take or give the overthrow.
The shrinking of the rebels.
Which the traitors understanding, Whether it was for that they misliked the match, or the place to fight; whiles the Lord Abergavenny and his Band were busy in placing themselves; they shrank as secretly as they could by a bye-way. And were so far gone before the Lord Abergavenny understood thereof by his spials; as for doubt [fear] of overtaking them afore their coming to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the overtaking of them as divers of his footmen were far behind at the onset giving.
The rebel's overtaken.
The first sight that the Lord Abergavenny could have of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they ascended Wrotham Hill, directly over [against] Yaldarn, Master Peckham's house. Where they, thinking to have The displaying of the rebel's Ensigns. great advantage by the winning of the Hill, displayed their Ensigns bravely: seeming to be in great ruff. But it was not long after ere their courage was abated. For the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen, with such other of the Queen's true and faithful subjects, as with great pains taking to climb the Hill and to hold way with the Horsemen, overtook the rebels at a field Blacksoll Field. called Blacksoll Field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the very top of the Hill; where the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, the Gentlemen aforenamed, and others the Queen's true and faithful subjects, The Skirmish. handled them so hot and so fiercely that, after a small shot with long bows by the traitors, and a fierce brag shewed by some of the Horsemen, they took their flight away as fast as they could. Yet of them were taken prisoners above three score.
In this conflict Warram Sentleger, who brought with him a good company of soldiers and [was] always a serviceable Gentleman, also George Clarke, Antony Weldon, and Richard Clarke did very honestly behave themselves. William Sentleger, hearing of a fray towards between the Queen's true subjects and the traitors, came to the Lord Abergavenny into the field, with all haste, not an hour before the Skirmish; who with the rest of the Gentlemen, with certain of the Lord Abergavenny's and [the] Sheriff's servants, being all The chase of the Horsemen. well horsed, served faithfully: and from thence chased the Horsemen till they came to a wood called Hartley Wood, four miles distant from the place where the onset began.
The Queen's true subjects did so much abhor their treason, and had the traitors in such detestation, as with great difficulty any escaped with life that were taken prisoners; and yet were they all very well armed and weaponed, and had also great advantage by the place of fight. Sir Henry Isley lay all that night in the Wood, and fled after into Hampshire. The two Knevets, being well horsed, were so hastily pursued as they were driven to leave their horses, and creep into the Wood; and for haste to rip their boots from their legs and run away in the vampage of their hose. The chase continued so long as night came on before it was full finished.
Thus were Isley, the Knevets, and their Band overthrown by the faithful service of divers Gentlemen and yeomen serving under the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; whose forwardness courage and wisdom in this traitorous broil no doubt was very much praiseworthy; as well for their speedy acceleration of their strength which (considering how they were every way [en]compassed with the traitors) was no small matter in so little space; and for their wise and politic handling also in keeping them together from Wyat, who marvellously and by sundry ways sought to allure them away. For had not they, in their own persons, to the encouraging of their company adventured far; and by their wisdom, discretion and great charge, politically handled the matter: some think that Wyat had been at London before he was looked for by any good man, with no small train; whose journey was greatly hindered, and his company very much discomfited by this repulse given to Isley and his Band. Where, amongst other things, GOD's secret hand was greatly felt, to the great comfort and present aid of true subjects against the traitors: who having such advantage of the place, as indeed they had, were like rather to give, than receive, so foul an overthrow. But this it is, you see, to serve in a true cause; and her whom GOD so favoureth that he will not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at any time to prevail against her: to whom he hath given so many notable victories and so miraculous that her enemies might seem rather to have been overthrown Spiritu DEI than vanquished humano robore.
Thanksgiving to GOD for victory.
The Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the Gentlemen with them, after they had given humble thanks to GOD for the victory, which they did very reverently in the Field, and taken order for the prisoners, were driven to divide themselves for want of harborough [lodging] and vittaile [victuals] for the soldiers, that had well deserved both. The Lord Abergavenny and certain with him went to Wrotham. The Sheriff and certain with him to Otford, where they had much to do to get vittaile for their soldiers.
The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff (suspecting that some of those Gentlemen lately discomfited in this Skirmish would not long tarry in the realm, but make shift to pass the seas; yea, by spial [spies], understanding that Wyat himself with some of his company thereunto bent) devised to lay [warn] the country [round] about, that they might not escape. And considering that they would not do it at Dover, nor in that coast [district]; they knowing [Sir John Cheyney] the Lord Warden to have Thomas Dorrell of Scotney the younger. such watch unto them: but rather, for sundry respects, at Rye, or more southward. And having great proof of Thomas Dorrell the younger his fidelity; he returned the same Dorrell, being newly come unto him with 80 men well appointed, into Sussex: giving him strait charge that, consulting with Sir John Guildford, they should, both day and night, set a sure watch for the passing of any that way to the seacoast; and further to take such order as no munition, fish, wine, or other vittaile coming out of these parts, should pass to the relief of the traitors.
Antony Knevet, notwithstanding great and strait watch laid round about the country by the Sheriff for the apprehension of him and others that fled, arrived that Sunday [28th January 1554] at night late at Rochester: where Harper's running away from Wyat. his news was so joyful that Harper forthwith found the mean to rid himself out of their company, without any leave taking; and ran to the Duke of Norfolk. To whom he seemed so greatly to lament his treason, that the Duke, pitying his case, the rather for the long acquaintance between them in times past, received him to grace. But, within a day after, he ran from the Duke and returned to his old mate; as hereafter shall appear.
Wyat hearing of Isley his overthrow, and understanding by the proceeding at Malling the day before, that those things set forth in his Proclamations whereby he thought his strength at home to be most surely knit unto him, were now become rather a weakening than otherwise; the people there being ready to fall from him for his so abusing of them: he fell into so great extreme anguish and sorrow, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his Wyat bewailing his case with tears. familiars abroad, in reprehension of their infidelity in that they sticked not to him so fast as they promised, he bedewed the paper whereupon he wrote with tears issuing so abundantly from his eyes as it would bear Wyat's coat of fence quilted with angels. no ink. And so leaving to write, calling for a privy coat [of armour] that he had quilted with angels [a gold coin of the value of 10s.] not long afore; which might serve both for his defence, and [also be] a refuge for his necessity being in another country: he Wyat's practice to fly by sea. practised with such as were near unto him, where they might have ready passage, and most for their surety to take the sea. "For England," said he, "is no place for us to rest in."
His company also shrank from him as fast as they could devise means to escape: whereunto Thomas Isley and others had a greater respect than himself; he seeming to take care for nothing but how he might safely convey himself [away]; being well friended, it was thought, with some of the ship-masters.
Wyat mated.
Thus was Wyat so mated by the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and their Band as he was at his wits' end, as ye have heard: and chiefly by keeping him from that, which by spial about him they afterwards understood him specially to desire; which was offer of battle. He and his being fully persuaded that there could be no great force raised against him in the Shire; whereof the most part should not be his when it should come to the shew. Wherein although he might be deceived, as indeed he was; yet his quarrel, with the disposition of the people thereunto well considered, with the end of his travail which could be but spoil and ravin (ready means and lures to draw the careless multitude unto him): it seemed to the Lord Abergavenny and such as served with him, better policy for to weary Wyat, and weaken him by the cutting away of his strength from him; than to offer him battle till the Duke of Norfolk's coming: whom the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff knew to be at hand towards Wyat; unto whom they and all the Gentlemen of their Band, after their Skirmish with Isley, made the haste possible they might.
But before their coming, the case was wonderfully changed, to the great discomfort of all the Queen's true subjects: and that came to pass that [which] of all men was least feared. For who was it that suspected such cruel and malicious disposition to remain in any English heart towards his country, in any subject's thought towards his Sovereign, that, receiving her Grace's armour weapons and money, would have played so traitorous a part as these Captains did with their Band? It is so strange a case as the world never saw. It is so malicious a part as the Jew would not have done the like, having received his hire to serve.
So it was that the noble Duke, being an ancient and worthy Captain (and yet, by long imprisonment, so diswonted from the knowlege of our malicious World and the iniquity of our Time, as he suspecting nothing less than that which followed; but judging every man to accord The Duke's marching from Stroud to Rochester. with him in desire to serve truly, marched forth the Monday [29th January 1554], about ten of the clock in the morning, from Gravesend to Stroud towards Rochester; and about four of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Stroud, near The names of the Gentlemen serving under the Duke. unto Rochester: having with him the Captain of the Guard; Maurice Griffith, now Bishop of Rochester; Sir Edward Braye, Sir John Fogge, Knights; John Coverte, Roger Appulton, Esquires; and Thomas Swan, Gentleman: with certain of the Guard, and others, to the number of 200 or thereabout.
Bret, Chief Captain of the White Coats.
Besides Bret and other five Captains: who, with their Band, being 600, all in white coats, tarried behind at a hill called Spittle [Hospital] Hill, near unto Stroud; whiles the Duke went to Stroud to see the planting of the ordnance. Which being ready charged and bent upon the town of Rochester; and perceiving Wyat and the other traitors, by hanging out their flags upon the bridge wall, to be in great bravery; which considering the miserable state they were in the night before, could not be, had they not received some new comfort by some traitorous mean: the Duke commanded one of the pieces to be fired for shot into Rochester.
And, as the gunner was firing the piece, Sir Edward Bray's eldest son came in all haste to the Duke saying, "Sir, did I not tell your Grace, this morning, that yonder false wretches would deceive you?"
"How know you that?" quod the Duke.
"Why, Sir," quod Braye, "you may see them, as false traitors [ready] bent against you."
And immediately Bret and other Captains of the White Coats with their Band, being upon the Hill and at the back of the Duke, made great and loud shouts sundry The revolt of the Captains of the White Coats and their Band. times, crying "We are all Englishmen! We are all Englishmen!": fashioning themselves in array, ready bent with their weapons to set upon the Duke, if he had made any resistance.