The Project Gutenberg eBook, Canada (1535-Present Day), by James Munro

A detailed TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE can be found at the [end of the book.]

BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.

CANADA

(1535—PRESENT-DAY)

BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS.

Volumes now Ready. 1s. net each.

1307-1399. War and Misrule (special period for the School Certificate Examination, July and December, 1913). Edited by A. A. Locke.

1154-1216. The Angevins and the Charter. Edited by S. M. Toyne, M.A., Headmaster of St. Peter's School, York, late Assistant Master at Haileybury College.

1485-1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance. Edited by F. W. Bewsher, Assistant Master at St. Paul's School.

1547-1603. The Age of Elizabeth. Edited by Arundell Esdaile, M.A.

1603-1660. Puritanism and Liberty. Edited by Kenneth Bell, M.A.

1660-1714. A Constitution in Making. Edited by G. B. Perrett, M.A.

1714-1760. Walpole and Chatham. Edited by K. A. Esdaile.

1760-1801. American Independence and the French Revolution. Edited by S. E. Winbolt, M.A.

1801-1815. England and Napoleon. Edited by S. E. Winbolt, M.A.

1815-1837. Peace and Reform. Edited by A. C. W. Edwards, Assistant Master at Christ's Hospital.

1876-1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone. Edited by R. H. Gretton.

1535-Present-day. Canada. Edited by James Munro, M.A., Lecturer in Colonial and Indian History in the University of Edinburgh.

Other volumes, covering the whole range of English History from Roman Britain to 1887, are in active preparation, and will be issued at short intervals.

LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.

CANADA
(1535—PRESENT-DAY)

BY

JAMES MUNRO, M.A.

LECTURER IN COLONIAL AND INDIAN HISTORY IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH

LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.

1913

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. Winbolt.
Kenneth Bell.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

For liberty to reproduce the more recent of the extracts here quoted, I have to acknowledge the kindness of Miss E. Pauline Johnson of Vancouver (No. 52); of Mr. Charles G. D. Roberts (No. 57); of Mr. F. A. Talbot and Messrs. Seeley, Service & Co., author and publishers of The Making of a Great Canadian Railway (No. 55); and of Messrs. Constable & Co., the publishers of the late Lord Wolseley's Story of a Soldier's Life (No. 48). To several of the sources quoted I was directed by the volume of selections published in 1907 under the title Canadian Constitutional Development, by Professor H. E. Egerton of Oxford and Professor W. L. Grant of Kingston, Ontario, both of whom have also made other helpful suggestions, as has Mr. H. P. Biggar, the representative of the Canadian Archives Office in this country. Finally, the task of finding what one wanted has been very greatly facilitated by the sympathetic aid of Mr. P. E. Lewin, who never loses a chance of making the superb collection over which he presides in the Library of the Royal Colonial Institute useful to anyone who may be interested in the Britains overseas.

J. M.

[TABLE OF CONTENTS]

CANADA
(1535—Present-day)

[1. A GREAT LAND OF RIVERS AND LAKES.]

Source.—A Speech delivered by Lord Dufferin at Winnipeg, quoted in Round the Empire, by Mr. G. R. Parkin. London, 1893.

As a poor man cannot live in a big house, so a small country cannot support a big river.

Now to an Englishman or a Frenchman the Severn or the Thames, the Seine or the Rhone, would appear considerable streams; but in the Ottawa, a mere affluent of the St. Lawrence, an affluent, moreover, which reaches the parent stream six hundred miles from its mouth, we have a river nearly five hundred and fifty miles long, and three or four times as big as any of them.

But even after having ascended the St. Lawrence itself to Lake Ontario, and pursued it across Lake Erie, St. Clair, Lake Huron, and Lake Superior to Thunder Bay—a distance of fifteen hundred miles, where are we? In the estimation of a person who has made the journey, at the end of all things; but to us, who know better, scarcely at the beginning of the great fluvial systems of the Dominion; for from that spot, that is to say, from Thunder Bay, we are able at once to ship our astonished traveller on to the Kaministiquia, a river of some hundred miles long. Thence, almost in a straight line, we launch him on to Lake Shebandowan and Rainy Lake and River—a magnificent stream three hundred yards broad and a couple of hundred miles long, down whose tranquil bosom he floats to the Lake of the Woods, where he finds himself on a sheet of water which, though diminutive as compared with the inland seas he has left behind him, will probably be found sufficiently extensive to render him fearfully sea-sick during his passage across it.

For the last eighty miles of his voyage, however, he will be consoled by sailing through a succession of land-locked channels, the beauty of whose scenery, while it resembles, certainly excels, the far-famed Thousand Islands of the St. Lawrence.

From this lacustrine paradise of sylvan beauty we are able at once to transfer our friend to the Winnipeg, a river whose existence in the very heart and centre of the continent is in itself one of Nature's most delightful miracles—so beautiful and varied are its rocky banks, its tufted islands; so broad, so deep, so fervid is the volume of its waters, the extent of their lake-like expansions, and the tremendous power of their rapids.

At last let us suppose we have landed our traveller at the town of Winnipeg, the half-way house of the continent, the capital of the Prairie Province.... Having had so much of water, having now reached the home of the buffalo, like the extenuated Falstaff he naturally "babbles of green fields" and careers in imagination over the green grasses of the prairie. Not at all.... We take him down to your quay and ask him which he will ascend first—the Red River or the Assiniboine—two streams, the one five hundred miles long, the other four hundred and eighty, which so happily mingle their waters within your city limits. After having given him a preliminary canter up these respective rivers, we take him off to Lake Winnipeg, an inland sea 300 miles long and upwards of 60 broad, during the navigation of which, for many a weary hour, he will find himself out of sight of land, and probably a good deal more indisposed than ever he was on the Lake of the Woods, or even the Atlantic.

At the north-west angle of Lake Winnipeg he hits upon the mouth of the Saskatchewan, the gateway of the North-West, and the starting-point to another 1500 miles of navigable water flowing nearly due East and West between its alluvial banks.

Having now reached the foot of the Rocky Mountains, our Ancient Mariner—for by this time he will be quite entitled to such an appellation—knowing that water cannot run uphill, feels certain his aquatic experiences are concluded.

He was never more mistaken. We immediately launch him upon the Athabasca and Mackenzie Rivers, and start him on a longer trip than he has yet undertaken—the navigation of the Mackenzie River alone exceeding 2500 miles. If he survives this last experience we wind up his peregrinations by a concluding voyage of 1400 miles down the Fraser River, or, if he prefers it, the Thompson River, to Victoria in Vancouver, whence, having previously provided him with a first class return ticket for that purpose, he will probably prefer getting home via the Canadian Pacific.

Now, in this enumeration, those who are acquainted with the country are aware that, for the sake of brevity, I have omitted thousands of miles of other lakes and rivers which water various regions of the North-West: the Qu'Appelle River, the Belly River, Lake Manitoba, Lake Winnipegosis, Shoal Lake, and others, along whose interminable banks and shores I might have dragged, and finally exterminated, our way-worn guest.

[ 2. JACQUES CARTIER'S VISIT TO HOCHELAGA IN OCTOBER (1535).]

Source.—Lescarbot's History of New France, edited for the Champlain Society, by W. L. Grant and H. P. Biggar. Toronto, 1911.

Early next morning the captain donned his armour and ordered his men to be marshalled in order to visit the town and habitation of this tribe, and a mountain which lies close to the town, whither the captain went with the noblemen and twenty mariners, leaving the rest to guard the boats, and taking three men from the town of Hochelaga to be his guides and escort to the spot. And when on the road we found it as well beaten as could be, in a fair country like a park; with as fine oaks as in any forest in France, and the whole ground beneath them thick with acorns. When we had gone about a league and a half, we came upon one of the chiefest lords of the town of Hochelaga, with a large company, who made sign to us to rest there beside a fire which they had lighted in the roadway. And then this chief began to make a sermon and discourse, which, as we have already said, is their mode of showing joy and friendship, welcoming the captain and his company; and our captain gave him two hatchets and two knives, with a cross and a crucifix which he made him kiss, and then hung it around his neck, whereof the chief thanked our captain. This done, we went along, and about half a league further on began to come upon ploughed fields, and fair large meadows full of their manner of corn, which resembles the millet of Brazil, as large as a pea or larger, whereon they live as we do on wheat. And amid these fields is situated and placed the said town of Hochelaga, stretching up to a mountain which lies beside it, which is well cultivated and most fertile, and from whose top one can see to a great distance. This mountain we called Mount Royal. The town is built in a circle, and surrounded with a wooden palisade in three tiers, like a pyramid; the top row is crosswise, the centre row upright, and the bottom row is laid lengthwise; the whole compactly joined and lashed together after their manner, rising to about twice the height of a lance. The town has but one gate or entry, closed with bars; on it and at several points along the wall are galleries of a kind, with ladders ascending to them, provided with rocks and stones for its guard and defence. In the town are about fifty houses, each about fifty paces long or more, and twelve to fifteen broad, built all of wood, with roofs and sides made of strips of bark or of wood as broad as a table, well and cunningly knotted together after their fashion; within these are several rooms, large and small; in the midst of each house, on the ground, is a large hall where they light their fire and live in common, afterwards retiring, the men with their women and children, to their said chambers. They also have garners at the top of their houses, where they store their corn, which they call caraconi, whereof they make their bread in the following manner. They have wooden mortars, like those for beating hemp, and in these with wooden beetles they beat the corn to powder, then make paste of it and cakes of the paste, which they put on a hot stone and cover with hot pebbles, and thus they bake their bread, for want of an oven. They also make many stews of this corn, and also of beans and peas, of which they have good store; also of large cucumbers and other fruits. They have also in their houses large vats like tuns, wherein they store their eels and other fish, which they smoke during the summer and live upon in winter; of these they gather great plenty, as we by experience have seen. None of their viands have any touch of salt; and they sleep on strips of bark laid on the ground, covered with wretched skins, whereof they also make their garments, such as otters, beavers, martens, foxes, wild cats, roes, stags and other wild beasts, though indeed the greater part of them go practically stark naked.

[ 3. THE FRENCH SETTLEMENT IN THE ISLAND OF ST. CROIX (1604).]

Source.—Grant and Biggar's edition of Lescarbot's History.

During the above voyage M. de Monts worked away at his fort, which he had placed at the foot of the island, opposite the end on which, as we have said, he had lodged his cannon. This was well thought on, in order to control the whole river both up stream and down. But the trouble was that the said fort faced the north, and was without any shelter, save the trees along the shore of the island, which in the vicinity of the fort he had forbidden to be cut down. And outside the said fort was the barracks for the Swiss, large and spacious, and other small buildings like a suburb. Some had built log-huts on the mainland near the stream. But inside the fort was the dwelling of the said M. de Monts, built of fair sawn timber, with the banner of France overhead. Elsewhere within the fort was the magazine, wherein lay the safety and the life of each, built likewise of fair timber, and covered with shingles. And opposite the magazine were the lodgings and dwellings of MM. d'Orville, Champlain, Champdoré, and other notable persons. Opposite the quarters of the said M. de Monts was a covered gallery, to be used either for sports or by the workmen in wet weather. And the whole space between the said fort and the battery was taken up with gardens, at which every man worked lightheartedly. Thus passed the whole autumn; and it was not bad progress to have built their houses and cleared the island before winter; while in these parts pamphlets were being circulated under the name of Master William, stuffed with all sorts of news, wherein among other things this prognosticator said that M. de Monts was pulling out thorns in Canada. And when all is well considered, it may truly be called pulling out thorns to take in hand such enterprises, full of toils and of continual danger, care, vexation and discomfort. But virtue and the courage which overcomes all such obstacles make these thorns to be but gilly-flowers and roses to those who set themselves to these heroic deeds in order to win glory in the memory of men, closing their eyes to the pleasures of those weaklings who are good for nothing but to stay at home.

Having done the things of greatest urgency, and grey-bearded father Winter being come, they needs must keep indoors, and live every man under his own roof-tree. During this time our friends had three special discomforts in this island, to wit, want of wood (for that on the said island had been used for the buildings), want of fresh water, and the night watch for fear of a surprise from the Indians who were encamped at the foot of the said island, or from some other enemy; for such is the evil disposition and fury of many Christians, that one must be more on one's guard against them than against the infidel. This it grieveth me to say; would indeed that I were a liar herein, and that I had no cause to speak it. Thus when water or wood was required they were constrained to cross the river, which on either side is more than three times as broad as the Seine at Paris. This was both painful and tedious; so that very often one had to bespeak the boat a day in advance before being able to get the use of it. On top of this came cold and snow and frost so hard that the cider froze in the casks, and each man was given his portion by weight. As for wine, it was only given out on certain days of the week. Some lazy fellows drank melted snow without troubling to cross the river. In short, unknown diseases broke out, like those which Captain Jacques Cartier has already described for us, of which for fear of vain repetition I shall therefore not give an account. No remedy could be found.

[ 4. THE ANCIENT MARINER (1631).]

Source.—The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Thomas James to Hudson Bay, 1631-2: which is believed to be the source of much of Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1894.

[Nov.] I lay ashore till the 17, all which time our miseries did increase. It did snow and freeze most extremely. At which time, we looking from the shore towards the ship, she did look like a piece of ice in the fashion of a ship, or a ship resembling a piece of ice. The snow was all frozen about her....

The three-and-twentieth, the ice did increase extraordinarily, and the snow lay on the water in flakes as it did fall; much ice withal drove by us, yet nothing hard all this while. In the evening, after the watch was set, a great piece came athwart our hawse, and four more followed after him, the least of them a quarter of a mile broad; which, in the dark, did very much astonish us, thinking it would have carried us out of the harbour upon the shoals Easter Point, which was full of rocks. It was newly congealed, a matter of two inches thick, and we broke thorough it, the cable and anchor enduring an incredible stress, sometimes stopping the whole ice....

[May.] The second, it did snow and blow, and was so cold that we were fain to keep house all day. This unexpected cold at this time of the year did so vex our sick men that they grew worse and worse. We cannot now take them out of their beds but they would swound, and we had much ado to fetch life in them.

The third, those that were able went aboard betimes to heave out the ice. The snow was now melted in many places upon the land, and stood in plashes. And now there came some cranes and geese to it.

The fourth, while the rest wrought aboard, I and the surgeon went with a couple of pieces to see if we could kill any of these fowl for our sick men; but never did I see such wild-fowl: they would not endure to see anything move....

[July.] ... We were continually till the 22 so pestered and tormented with ice that it would seem incredible to relate it. Sometimes we were so blinded with fog that we could not see about us; and, being now become wilful in our endeavours, we should so strike against the ice that the forepart of the ship would crack again, and make our cook and others to run up all amazed and think the ship had been beaten all to pieces. Indeed we did hourly strike such unavoidable blows that we did leave the hatches open; and, 20 times in a day, the men would run down into the hold to see if she were bulged.

Sometimes, when we had made her fast in the night to a great piece of ice, we should have such violent storms that our fastening would break, and then the storm would beat us from piece to piece most fearfully; other-while, we should be fast enclosed amongst great ice as high as our poop.

[ 5. TWO ENGLISH EXPLORERS MEET IN HUDSON BAY (1631).]

Source.—The North-West Fox, Captain Luke Fox's account of his voyage. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1894.

[30 Aug.] I was well entertained and feasted by Captain James with variety of such cheer as his sea provisions could afford, with some partridges; we dined betwixt decks, for the great cabin was not big enough to receive ourselves and followers; during which time the ship ... threw in so much water as we could not have wanted sauce if we had had roast mutton.

Whereat I began to ponder whether it were better for his company to be impounded amongst ice, where they might be kept from putrefaction by the piercing air; or in open sea, to be kept sweet by being thus daily pickled. However, they were to be pitied, the ship taking her liquor as kindly as ourselves, for her nose was no sooner out of the pitcher but her neb, like the duck's, was in it again. The gentleman could discourse of Art (as observations, calculations and the like), and shewed me many instruments, so that I did perceive him to be a practitioner in the mathematics; but, when I found that he was no seaman, I did blame those very much who had counselled him to make choice of that ship for a voyage of such importance....

And (being demanded) I did not think much for his keeping out his flag; for my ambition was [not so] ethereal, and my thoughts not so airy, so to set my sight towards the sky, but when I either called to God or made celestial observation. To this was replied that he was going to the Emperor of Japan with letters from his Majesty; and that, if it were a ship of his Majesty's of 40 pieces of ordnance, he could not strike his flag. "Keep it up then," quoth I, "but you are out of the way to Japan, for this is not it." He would have persuaded me to take harbour to winter in, telling me that Sir Thomas Button took harbour the 14 of this instant. Quoth I, "He is no precedent for me. I must parallel my poverty with poor Hudson's, who took no harbour before the first of November; and that then I durst not take harbour until the midst of the same; besides, I was not come to do so much as another man, but more than any, as I had already done...."

We parted not until the next morning's dawning, and this 17 hours was the worst spent of any time of my discovery. My men told me his men gave them some tobacco, a thing good for nothing.

[ 6. THE BIRTHDAY OF MONTREAL (1642).]

Source.—The Jesuits in North America, by Francis Parkman, 1867—not itself an original contemporary source, but based mainly on a MS. Histoire de Montreal, by Dollier de Casson.

In many of its aspects, this enterprise of Montreal belonged to the time of the first Crusades....

On the seventeenth of May, 1642, Maisonneuve's little flotilla—a pinnace, a flat-bottomed craft moved by sails, and two row-boats—approached Montreal; and all on board raised in unison a hymn of praise. Montmagny was with them, to deliver the island, in behalf of the Company of the Hundred Associates, to Maisonneuve, representative of the Associates of Montreal. And here, too, was Father Vimont, Superior of the missions; for the Jesuits had been prudently invited to accept the spiritual charge of the young colony. On the following day, they glided along the green and solitary shores now thronged with the life of a busy city, and landed on the spot which Champlain, thirty-one years before, had chosen as the fit site of a settlement. It was a tongue or triangle of land, formed by the junction of a rivulet with the St. Lawrence, and known afterwards as Point Callière. The rivulet was bordered by a meadow, and beyond rose the forest with its vanguard of scattered trees. Early spring flowers were blooming in the young grass, and birds of varied plumage flitted among the boughs.

Maisonneuve sprang ashore, and fell on his knees. His followers imitated his example; and all joined their voices in enthusiastic songs of thanksgiving. Tents, baggage, arms and stores were landed. An altar was raised on a pleasant spot near at hand; and Mademoiselle Mance, with Madame de la Peltrie, aided by her servant, Charlotte Barré, decorated it with a taste which was the admiration of the beholders. Now all the company gathered before the shrine. Here stood Vimont, in the rich vestments of his office. Here were the two ladies, with their servant; Montmagny, no very willing spectator; and Maisonneuve, a war-like figure, erect and tall, his men clustering around him—soldiers, sailors, artisans, and labourers—all alike soldiers at need. They kneeled in reverent silence as the Host was raised aloft; and when the rite was over, the priest turned and addressed them:

"You are a grain of mustard-seed, that shall rise and grow till its branches overshadow the earth. You are few, but your work is the work of God. His smile is on you, and your children shall fill the land."

The afternoon waned; the sun sank behind the western forest, and twilight came on. Fire-flies were twinkling over the darkened meadow. They caught them, tied them with threads into shining festoons, and hung them before the altar, where the Host remained exposed. Then they pitched their tents, lighted their bivouac fires, stationed their guards, and lay down to rest. Such was the birth-night of Montreal.

[ 7. GOVERNOR FRONTENAC LEADS THE WAR-DANCE (1690).]

Source.—F. Parkman's Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV. (1877). The foot-note appended gives the words of the original French authorities.

Having painted, greased and befeathered themselves, the Indians mustered for the grand council which always preceded the opening of the market. The Ottawa orator spoke of nothing but trade, and, with a regretful memory of the cheapness of English goods, begged that the French would sell them at the same rate. The Huron touched upon politics and war, declaring that he and his people had come to visit their old father and listen to his voice, being well assured that he would never abandon them, as others had done, nor fool away his time, like Denonville, in shameful negotiations for peace; and he exhorted Frontenac to fight, not the English only, but the Iroquois also, till they were brought to reason. "If this is not done," he said, "my father and I shall both perish; but, come what may, we will perish together." "I answered," writes Frontenac, "that I would fight the Iroquois till they came to beg for peace, and that I would grant them no peace that did not include all my children, both white and red, for I was the father of both alike."

Now ensued a curious scene. Frontenac took a hatchet, brandished it in the air and sang the war-song. The principal Frenchmen present followed his example. The Christian Iroquois of the two neighbouring missions rose and joined them, and so also did the Hurons and the Algonquins of Lake Nipissing, stamping and screeching like a troop of madmen; while the Governor led the dance, whooping like the rest. His predecessor would have perished rather than play such a part in such company; but the punctilious old courtier was himself half Indian at heart, as much at home in a wigwam as in the halls of princes. Another man would have lost respect in Indian eyes by such a performance. In Frontenac, it roused his audience to enthusiasm. They snatched the proffered hatchet and promised war to the death.

Then came a solemn war-feast. Two oxen and six large dogs had been chopped to pieces for the occasion, and boiled with a quantity of prunes. Two barrels of wine with abundant tobacco were also served out to the guests, who devoured the meal in a species of frenzy.

["Je leur mis moy-mesme la hache à la main en chantant la chanson de guerre pour m'accomoder à leurs façons de faire." Frontenac au Ministre, 9 et 12 Nov. 1690.

"Monsieur de Frontenac commença la chanson de guerre, la hache à la main; les principaux chefs des François se joignant à luy avec de pareilles armes la chantèrent ensemble. Les Iroquois du Saut et de la Montagne, les Hurons et les Nipisiriniens donnèrent encore le branle: l'on eut dit, Monsieur, que ces acteurs étoient des possedez par les gestes et les contorsions qu'ils faisoient. Les Sassakouez, ou les cris et les hurlemens que Mr. de Frontenac étoit obligé de faire pour se conformer à leur manière, augmentoit encore la fureur bachique." La Potherie, iii. 97.]

[ 8. MADELAINE DE VERCHÈRES (1696).]

Source.—Narrative of the Heroic Deeds of Mlle. Marie-Madelaine de Verchères, aged fourteen years, against the Iroquois, on the 22nd October, in the year 1696, at eight o'clock in the morning,[1] quoted in Mr. E. Richard's Supplement to the Report on Canadian Archives, 1899.

I was five arpents away from the fort of Verchères, belonging to Sieur de Verchères, my father, who was then at Kebek by order of M. le Chevalier de Callières, Governor of Montreal, my mother being also in Montreal. I heard several shots without knowing at whom they were fired. I soon saw that the Iroquois were firing at our settlers, who lived about a league and a half from the fort. One of our servants called out to me:

"Fly, mademoiselle, fly! the Iroquois are upon us!"

I turned instantly and saw some forty-five Iroquois running towards me, and already within pistol shot. Determined rather to die than fall into their hands, I sought safety in flight. I ran towards the fort, commending myself to the Blessed Virgin....

Meantime my pursuers, seeing that they were too far off to take me alive before I could enter the fort, and knowing they were near enough to shoot me, stood still in order to discharge their guns at me. I was under fire for quite a time, at any rate I found the time quite long enough! Forty-five bullets whistling past my ears made the time seem long and the distance from the fort interminable, though I was so near. When within hearing of the fort, I cried out: "To arms! to arms!"

I hoped that some one would come out to help me, but it was a vain hope. There were but two soldiers in the fort, and these were so overcome by fear that they had sought safety by concealing themselves in the redoubt. Having reached the gates at last, I found there two women lamenting for the loss of their husbands, who had just been killed. I made them enter the fort, and closed the gates myself. I then began to consider how I might save myself and the little party with me, from the hands of the savages. I examined the fort, and found that several of the stakes had fallen, leaving gaps through which it would be easy for the enemy to enter. I gave orders to have the stakes replaced, and heedless of my sex and tender age, I hesitated not to seize one end of the heavy stake and urge my companions to give a hand in raising it. I found by experience that, when God gives us strength, nothing is impossible.

The breaches having been repaired, I betook myself to the redoubt, which served as a guard-house and armoury. I there found two soldiers, one of them lying down and the other holding a burning fuse. I said to the latter:

"What are you going to do with that fuse?"

"I want to set fire to the powder," said he, "and blow up the fort."

"You are a miserable wretch," I said, adding, "Begone, I command you!"

I spoke so firmly that he obeyed forthwith. Thereupon putting aside my hood and donning a soldier's casque, I seized a musket and said to my little brothers:

"Let us fight to the death for our country and for our holy religion. Remember what our father has so often told you, that gentlemen are born but to shed their blood for the service of God and the king!"

Stirred up by my words, my brothers and the two soldiers kept up a steady fire on the foe. I caused the cannon to be fired, not only to strike terror into the Iroquois and show them that we were well able to defend ourselves, since we had a cannon, but also to warn our own soldiers, who were away hunting, to take refuge in some other fort.

But alas! what sufferings have to be endured in these awful extremities of distress! Despite the thunder of our guns, I heard unceasingly the cries and lamentations of some unfortunates who had just lost a husband, a brother, a child or a parent. I deemed it prudent, while the firing was still kept up, to represent to the grief-stricken women that their shrieks exposed us to danger, for they could not fail to be heard by the enemy, notwithstanding the noise of the guns and the cannon. I ordered them to be silent and thus avoid giving the impression that we were helpless and hopeless.

While I was speaking thus, I caught sight of a canoe on the river, opposite the fort. It was Sieur Pierre Fontaine with his family, who were about to land at the spot where I had just barely escaped from the Iroquois, the latter being still visible on every hand. The family must fall into the hands of the savages if not promptly succoured.

I asked the two soldiers to go to the landing-place, only five arpents away, and protect the family. But seeing by their silence, that they had but little heart for the work, I ordered our servant, Laviolette, to stand sentry at the gate of the fort and keep it open, while I would myself go to the bank of the river, carrying a musket in my hand and wearing my soldier's casque. I left orders on setting out, that if I was killed, they were to shut the gates and continue to defend the fort sturdily. I set out with the heaven-sent thought that the enemy, who were looking on, would imagine that it was a ruse on my part to induce them to approach the fort, in order that our people might make a sortie upon them.

This was precisely what happened, and thus was I enabled to save poor Pierre Fontaine, with his wife and children. When all were landed, I made them march before me as far as the fort, within sight of the enemy. By putting a bold face upon it, I made the Iroquois think there was more danger for them than for us.

They did not know that the whole garrison, and only inhabitants of the fort of Verchères, were my two brothers aged 12 years, our servant, two soldiers, an old man of eighty, and some women and children.

Strengthened by the new recruits from Pierre Fontaine's canoe, I gave orders to continue firing at the enemy. Meantime the sun went down, and a fierce north-easter accompanied by snow and hail ushered in a night of awful severity. The enemy kept us closely invested, and instead of being deterred by the dreadful weather, led me to judge by their movements that they purposed assaulting the fort under cover of the darkness.

I gathered all my troops—six persons—together, and spoke to them thus: "God has saved us to-day from the hands of our enemies, but we must be careful not to be caught in their snares to-night. For my part, I want to show you that I am not afraid. I undertake the fort for my share, with an old man of eighty, and a soldier who has never fired a gun. And you, Pierre Fontaine, with La Bonté and Galhet (our two soldiers), will go to the redoubt, with the women and children, as it is the strongest place. If I am taken, never surrender, even though I should be burnt and cut to pieces before your eyes. You have nothing to fear in the redoubt, if you only make some show of fighting."

Thereupon I posted my two young brothers on two of the bastions, the youth of 80 on a third bastion, and myself took charge of the fourth. Each one acted his part to the life. Despite the whistling of the north-east wind, which is a fearful wind in Canada at this season, and in spite of the snow and hail, the cry of "All's well" was heard at close intervals, echoing and re-echoing from the fort to the redoubt and from the redoubt to the fort.

One would have fancied, to hear us, that the fort was crowded with warriors. And in truth the Iroquois, with all their astuteness and skill in warfare, were completely deceived, as they afterwards avowed to M. de Callières. They told him they had held a council with a view to assaulting the fort during the night, but that the increasing vigilance of the guard had prevented them from accomplishing their design, especially in view of their losses of the previous day (under the fire maintained by myself and my two brothers)....

On the eighth day (for we were eight days in continual alarms, under the eyes of our enemies and exposed to their fury and savage attacks), on the eighth day, I say, M. de la Monnerie, a lieutenant detached from the force under M. de Callières, reached the fort during the night with forty men.... So soon as I saw the officer in command I saluted him, saying:

"Sir, you are welcome, I surrender my arms to you."

"Mademoiselle," he answered, with a courtly air, "they are in good hands."

"Better than you think," I replied.

He inspected the fort and found it in a most satisfactory condition, with a sentry on each bastion. I said to him:

"Sir, kindly relieve my sentries, so that they may take a little rest, for we have not left our posts for the last eight days."

[ 9. THE FRENCH CANADIANS (1737).]

Source.—A Memoir transmitted to the French Ministry, probably by Gilles Hocquart, intendant of New France: quoted in Documents relating to the Seigniorial Tenure in Canada, edited by W. B. Munro. Toronto, 1908.

La colonie de la Nouvelle-France peut comprendre environ 40,000 personnes de tout âge et de tout sexe, sur lesquelles il se trouve dix mille hommes en estat de porter les armes. Les Canadiens sont naturellement grands, bien faits, d'un tempérament vigoureux. Comme les arts n'y sont point gênés par des maîtrises, et que dans les commencements de l'établissement de la colonie les ouvriers étoient rares, la nécessité les a rendus industrieux de génération en génération. Les habitans des campagnes manient tous adroitement la hache. Ils font eux-mêmes la pluspart des outils et ustensiles de labourage, bâtissent leurs maisons, leurs granges. Plusieurs sont tisserans, font de grosses toiles et des étoffes qu'ils appellent droguet, dont ils se servent pour se vêtir eux et leur famille.

Ils aiment les distinctions et les caresses, se piquant de bravoure, sont extrêmement sensibles aux mépris et aux moindres punitions: ils sont intéressés, vindicatifs, sont sujets à l'ivrognerie, font un grand usage de l'eau-de-vie, [et] passent pour n'être pas véridiques.

Ce portrait convient au grand nombre particulièrement aux gens de la campagne. Ceux des villes sont moins vicieux. Tous sont attachés à la religion. On voit peu de scélérats. Ils sont volages, ont trop bonne opinion d'euxmêmes, ce qui les empêche de réussir comme ils pourroient le faire dans les arts, l'agriculture et le commerce. Joignons à cela l'oisiveté à laquelle la longueur et la rigueur de l'hiver donne occasion. Ils aiment la chasse, la navigation, les voyages et n'ont point l'air grossier et rustique de nos paysans de France. Ils sont communément assez souples lorsqu'on les pique d'honneur et qu'on les gouverne avec justice, mais ils sont naturellement indociles. Il est nécessaire de fortifier de plus en plus l'exacte subordination qui doit estre dans tous les ordres, particulièrement dans les gens de la campagne. Cette partie du service a esté de tout temps la plus importante et la plus difficile à remplir. Un des moyens pour y parvenir est de choisir pour officiers dans les costes les habitans les plus sages et les plus capables de commander, et d'apporter de la part du gouvernement toute l'attention convenable pour les maintenir dans leur autorité. On ose dire que le manque de fermeté dans les gouvernemens passés a beaucoup nui à la subordination. Depuis plusieurs années les crimes ont esté punis, les désordres ont été reprimés par des châtiments proportionés. La police par rapport aux chemins publics, aux cabarets, etc., a esté mieux observée et en général les habitants ont esté plus contenus qu'ils ne l'estoient autrefois. Il y a quelques familles nobles en Canada, mais elles sont si nombreuses qu'il y a beaucoup de gentilshommes.

[ 10. THE SUPPOSED WHITE MEN OF THE PRAIRIES (1738).]

Source.—The Journal of the French explorer, the Sieur de La Vérendrye, describing an expedition to the Missouri in 1738-9. Printed in the Report on Canadian Archives, 1889.

On the 20th, the whole village set out on the march to go the seventeen leagues where the meeting-place for the Mandans had been chosen; every day they entertained us with the tale that the whites we were going to see were Frenchmen like ourselves, who said they were our descendants. All they told us gave us good hope of making a discovery which would deserve attention. Mr. de la Marque and I made plans along the road from what they were telling us, believing that to be true, from which we had to deduct much. I observed to Mr. de la Marque the good order in which the Assiniboines march to prevent surprise, marching always on the prairies, the hill-sides and valleys from the first mountain, which did not make them fatigued by mounting and descending often in their march during the day. There are magnificent plains of three or four leagues. The march of the Assiniboines, especially when they are numerous, is in three columns, having skirmishers in front, with a good rear guard; the old and lame march in the middle, forming the central column. I kept all the French together as much as possible. If the skirmishers discover herds of cattle on the road, as often happens, they raise a cry which is soon returned by the rear guard, and all the most active men in the columns join the vanguard to hem in the cattle, of which they secure a number, and each takes what flesh he wants. Since that stops the march, the vanguard marks out the encampment which is not to be passed; the women and dogs carry all the baggage, the men are burdened only with their arms; they make the dogs even carry wood to make the fires, being often obliged to encamp in the open prairie, from which the clumps of wood may be at a great distance. On the morning of the 28th, we arrived at the place selected for the meeting with the Mandans, who arrived towards evening—a chief with thirty men and the four Assiniboines. The chief having from the top of a height considered the extent of our village, which appeared of a good size, I had him brought to the hut where I was, where a place had been prepared to receive him on one side of it. He came and placed himself near me; one of his people then, on his part, presented me with a gift of Indian corn in the ear, and of their tobacco in rolls, which is not good, as they do not know how to cure it like us. It is very like ours, with this difference, that it is not cultivated and is cut green, everything being turned to account, the stalks and the leaves together. I gave him some of mine, which he thought very good. I acknowledged that I was surprised, expecting to see different people from the other Indians, especially after the account given me. There is no difference from the Assiniboines....

I marched in good order to the fort, into which I entered on the 3rd of December at four in the afternoon, escorted by all the French and Assiniboines. We were led into the hut of the head chief. It was certainly large, but not enough to hold all who wished to enter. The crowd was so great that they crushed one another, Assiniboines and Mandans. There was only the place where we were, Mr. de la Marque, his brother and my children, free of them. I asked that the crowd should retire, to leave our Frenchmen clear, and to put their baggage in a place of safety, telling them they had all time to see us. Everyone was put out, but I had been too late. The bag of goods had been stolen, in which were all my presents, through the fault of one of the hired men, in whose care I had placed it before reaching the fort. He had unloaded on entering the hut without looking out for the bag, which he had put beside him in the great crowd. I felt rather confounded, my box lost, my bag of presents, which was very necessary for the place, and there were upwards of 300 livres inside. The Assiniboines seemed greatly annoyed and at once made a strict but useless search. Their fort is full of caves, well suited for concealment. The chief of the Mandans appeared to be greatly moved at my loss, and said for my consolation that there were many rascals among them. He would do his utmost to discover something about it. Had I accepted the offer of the Assiniboines I might have had it found in a little time by force, but I preferred to lose it and to make peace about everything, as I wanted to spend a part of the winter with them to get a knowledge of the more distant country....

... The Assiniboines did not yet speak of leaving, although they had purchased all they were able to do, such as painted ox-robes, deerskin, dressed buck skin, and ornamented furs and feathers, painted feathers, and peltry, wrought garters, circlets for the head, girdles. These people dress leather better than any of the other nations, and work in furs and feathers very tastefully, which the Assiniboines are not capable of doing. They are cunning traders, cheating the Assiniboines of all they may possess, such as muskets, powder, balls, kettles, axes, knives or awls. Seeing the great consumption of food daily by the Assiniboines, and afraid that it would not last long, they set afloat a rumour that the Sioux were near and that several of their hunters had noticed them. The Assiniboines fell into the trap and made up their minds quickly to decamp, not wishing to be obliged to fight.

[ 11. THE EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS (1755).]

Source.—A letter sent by Charles Lawrence, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, to the Governors of the Colonies to which the Acadians were removed: printed in Thomas C. Haliburton's Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia. Halifax, 1829.

Halifax, Nova Scotia, 11th Aug., 1755.

Sir,

The success that has attended his Majesty's arms in driving the French out from the encroachments they had made in the Province, furnished me with a favourable opportunity of reducing the French inhabitants of this colony to a proper obedience to his Majesty's Government, or of forcing them to quit the country. These inhabitants were permitted in quiet possession of their lands, upon condition they should take the oath of allegiance to the King within one year after the treaty of Utrecht, by which this Province was ceded to Great Britain; with this condition they have ever refused to comply without having from the Governor an assurance in writing that they should not be called upon to bear arms in the defence of the Province; and with this General Philips did comply, of which steps his Majesty has disapproved, and the inhabitants therefrom pretending to be in a state of neutrality between his Majesty and his enemies, have continually furnished the French and Indians with intelligence, quarters, provisions and assistance in annoying the Government; and while one part have abetted the French encroachments by their treachery, the other have countenanced them by open rebellion; and three hundred of them were actually found in arms in the French fort at Beauséjour when it surrendered.

Notwithstanding all their former bad behaviour, as his Majesty was pleased to allow me to extend still further his royal grace to such as would return to their duty, I offered such of them as had not been openly in arms against us a continuance of the possession of their lands, if they would take the oath of allegiance unqualified with any reservation whatever. But this they have audaciously as well as unanimously refused; and if they would presume to do this when there was a large fleet of ships of war in the harbour and considerable land forces in the Province, what might not we expect from them when the approaching winter deprives us of the former, and when the troops, which are only hired from New England occasionally and for a short time, have returned home?

As by this behaviour the inhabitants have forfeited all title to their lands and any further favour from the Government, I called together his Majesty's Council, at which the Hon. Vice-Admiral Boscawen and Rear-Admiral Mostyn assisted, to consider by what means we could with the greatest security and effect rid ourselves of a set of people who would for ever have been an obstruction to the intention of settling this colony, and that it was now from their refusal of the oath absolutely incumbent to remove.

As their numbers amount to near seven thousand persons, the driving them off, with leave to go whithersoever they pleased, would have doubtless strengthened Canada with so considerable a number of French inhabitants; and, as they have no cleared lands to give them at present, such as are able to bear arms must have been immediately employed in annoying this and the neighbouring Colonies. To prevent such an inconveniency, it was judged a necessary and the only practicable measure, to divide them among the Colonies, where they may be of some use, as most of them are healthy strong people, and as they cannot easily collect themselves together again, it will be out of their power to do any mischief, and they may become profitable, and it is possible in time faithful subjects.

As this step was indispensably necessary to the security of the colony, upon whose preservation from French encroachments the prosperity of North America is esteemed in a great measure dependent, I have not the least reason to doubt of your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will receive the inhabitants I now send, and dispose of them in such a manner as may best answer in preventing their re-union....

[ 12. THE CONQUEST OF CANADA (1757-60).]

Source.—The Letters of Horace Walpole: edited by Peter Cunningham. Edinburgh, 1906.

8 Sept., 1757. We had a torrent of bad news yesterday from America. Lord Loudon has found an army of twenty-one thousand French, gives over the design on Louisbourg, and retires to Halifax. Admiral Holbourn writes that they have nineteen ships to his seventeen, and he cannot attack them. It is time for England to slip her own cables and float away into some unknown ocean.

24 Aug., 1758. Our next and greatest triumph is the taking of Cape Breton, the account of which came on Friday. The French have not improved like their wines by crossing the sea; but lost their spirit at Louisbourg as much as on their own coast. The success, especially in the destruction of their fleet, is very great; the triumphs not at all disproportionate to the conquest, of which you will see all the particulars in the Gazette. Now for the chapter of cypresses. The attempt on Crownpoint has failed; Lord Howe was killed in a skirmish; and two days afterward by blunders, rashness and bad intelligence we received a great blow at Ticonderoga.... My hope is that Cape Breton may buy us Minorca and a peace.

9 Feb., 1759. The expedition, called to Quebec, departs on Tuesday next under Wolfe and George Townshend, who has thrust himself again into the service, and, as far as wrongheadedness will go, very proper for a hero. Wolfe, who was no friend of Mr. Conway last year and for whom I consequently have no affection, has great merit, spirit and alacrity, and shone extremely at Louisbourg. I am not such a Juno but I will forgive him after eleven more labours.

16 Oct., 1759. I love to prepare your countenance for every event that may happen, for an ambassador, who is nothing but an actor, should be that greatest of actors, a philosopher; and, with the leave of wise men (that is, hypocrites), philosophy I hold to be little more than presence of mind; now undoubtedly preparation is a prodigious help to presence of mind. In short, you must not be surprised that we have failed at Quebec, as we certainly shall.[2] You may say, if you please, in the style of modern politics, that your court never supposed it could be taken; the attempt was only made to draw off the Russians from the King of Prussia, and leave him at liberty to attack Daun. Two days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing, as much as heroes can despair. The town is well victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen thousand men encamped defend it. We have lost many men by the enemy, and some by our friends—that is, we now call our nine thousand only seven thousand.

19 Oct. I had no occasion to be in such a hurry to prepare your ambassadorial countenance; if I had stayed but one day more, I might have left its muscles to behave as they pleased. The notification of a probable disappointment at Quebec came only to heighten the pleasure of the conquest. You may now give yourself what airs you please, you are master of East and West Indies. An ambassador is the only man in the world whom bullying becomes: I beg your pardon, but you are spies, if you are not bragadochios. All precedents are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbours when they conquered Quebec....

It was a very singular affair, the generals on both sides slain, and on both sides the second in command wounded; in short, very near what battles should be, in which only the principals ought to suffer. If their army has not ammunition and spirit enough to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North America is ours.

21 Oct. Instead of the glorious and ever-memorable year 1759, as the newspapers call it, I call it this ever-warm and victorious year: one would think we had plundered East and West Indies of sunshine. Our bells are worn threadbare with ringing for victories.... Adieu! I don't know a word of news less than the conquest of America.

P.S.—You shall hear from me again if we take Mexico or China before Christmas.

20 June, 1760. Who the deuce was thinking of Quebec? America was like a book one has read and done with; or at least if one looked at the book, one just recollected that there was a supplement promised, to contain a chapter on Montreal, the starving and surrender of it—but here are we on a sudden reading our book backwards. An account came two days ago that the French on the march to besiege Quebec had been attacked by General Murray, who got into a mistake and a morass, attacked two bodies that were joined, when he hoped to come up with one of them before the junction, was enclosed, embogged and defeated. By the list of officers killed and wounded, I believe there has been a rueful slaughter,—the place, too, I suppose will be retaken. The year 1760 is not the year 1759.

28 June, 1760. Well, Quebec is come to life again. Last night I went to see the Holdernesses ... in Sion-lane. As Cibber says of the Revolution, I met the Raising of the Siege; that is, I met my Lady in a triumphal car, drawn by a Manx horse thirteen little fingers high, with Lady Emily ... they were going to see the bonfire at the alehouse at the corner. The whole procession returned with me; and from the countess's dressing-room, we saw a battery fired before the house, the mob crying, "God bless the good news!"

5 Oct., 1760. I am afraid you will turn me off from being your gazetteer. Do you know that I came to town to-day by accident, and was here four hours before I heard that Montreal was taken? The express came early this morning. I am so posthumous in my intelligence that you must not expect any intelligence from me.... All I know is, that the bonfires and squibs are drinking General Amherst's health.

[ 13. THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC (1759).]

Source.—A Letter from an Officer to his Friend, quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine for December, 1759.

I make no doubt but your anxiety with regard to our success in this part of the world has been very great, both with respect to the navigable part (as we were all strangers and new adventurers) as also for the progress of our troops.

What the French have ever reported of this river is a mere bugbear, as there are but few dangerous spots in it, and those very easily discovered; a proof of their having acted a very politic part in keeping us so long from attempting to approach one of the finest countries and climates in the world. The river abounds with great variety and plenty of fine fish, such as salmon, sturgeon, bass, cod and all kinds of flat fish. At the place from which I date this letter the water is entirely fresh, like that of the Thames, so that we fill all our casks with it alongside the ship. Great part of the country, from the isle Bic to Montreal (which is about 25 leagues above Quebec) is well cultivated, and sowed with wheat, barley, peas, flax and almost every other kind of grain.

The isle of Orleans is an exceeding fine island, rising very gradually from the water's edge each way to the middle. It has many thousand acres of good grain now growing upon it, and the lands are parted with good paling. It produces great plenty of French beans, cabbage, turnips and other useful plants and roots. This island and Coudre the French evacuated at our approach, and left us masters both of their houses and lands; so that our men were at liberty to pick and choose among fine green peas, currants, gooseberries, apples, raspberries, cherries and, in short, everything of the like kind. This country abounds also with horned cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry; and in all the woods there is plenty of gooseberries and raspberries uncultivated. Here are numbers of churches, and all kinds of mills round the country. In short, it is a second England, and I am credibly informed the weather is very fine the greatest part of the year.

Quebec is a large city, one part very high, the other at the foot of the eminence. The lower part, containing a large cathedral and Bishop's palace with many other churches, we have reduced to rubbish. Quebec, I assure you, is not that trifling poor fishing town the French have hitherto represented it to be.

The first salutation our ships had on their approach near the town was seven fire-ships well filled with combustibles, and their rigging smeared with tar. These came burning down the river with the help of a strong current, directed on the body of our fleet. But as some such contrivance was expected by the Admiral, good provision was made for his defence by having all the boats of the squadron out, well manned and armed, with an officer in each boat and fire-grapplings. The fire-ships were instantly boarded by our men, who so fixed their grapplings and chains as to tow them clear of every ship to shore on the isle of Orleans, where they burned to ashes without doing the least damage. The next annoyance was 17 fire-rafts, well supplied with gun and pistol barrels loaded, granadoes, and combustibles of all sorts, each of them 103 feet long, and slackly chained together, so that at the least interruption they might surround whatever opposed their passage. They came burning down with the current, and one would have thought the whole river in a flame as they spread almost from shore to shore; but these were also grappled in like manner, and, being towed clear off all the ships, consumed with the loss only of one boat, and I believe all the men saved. General Wolfe, finding so great an opposition, published a placard and spread it in the French camp; but it had no effect on the Canadians; he therefore ordered all the habitations, barns, stables and corn on the lands, as soon as ripe, to be totally destroyed. The sides of the river began immediately to show a most dismal appearance of fire and smoke; and (as the troops employed on this service were the remains of those who escaped the massacre by the French at Fort William Henry, where they killed and scalped every wounded officer and common man) they spared little or nothing that came in their way. Admiral Holmes in the Sutherland passed a very strong battery and went about twenty leagues above the town in order to burn some frigates and other ships that were got high up the river. The French pilots themselves were amazed at the hazards we run with ships of so great burthen, as we were all higher up the river than any French ships of equal burthen ever were, above the traverse which their ships scarce ever passed.

[ 14. WOLFE'S DIFFICULTIES AT QUEBEC (1759).]

Source.—Wolfe's Despatch of 2nd September, 1759, quoted in the Gentleman's Magazine for October, 1759.

... The Admiral's despatches and mine would have gone eight or ten days sooner, if I had not been prevented from writing by a fever. I found myself so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general officers to consult together for the public utility. They are all of opinion that (as more ships and provisions have now got above the town) they should try, by conveying up a corps of 4, or 5000 men (which is nearly the whole strength of the army, after the points of Lévis and Orleans are left in a proper state of defence), to draw the enemy from their present situation and bring them to an action. I have acquiesced in their proposal, and we are preparing to put it in execution.

The Admiral and I have examined the town with a view to a general assault; but, after consulting with the chief engineer, who is well acquainted with the interior parts of it, and after viewing it with the utmost attention, we found that, though the batteries of the lower town might be easily silenced by the men-of-war, yet the business of an assault would be little advantaged by that, since the few passages that lead from the lower to the upper town are carefully entrenched; and the upper batteries cannot be affected by the ships, which must receive considerable damage from them and from the mortars. The Admiral would readily join in this or in any other measure for the public service; but I could not propose to him an undertaking of so dangerous a nature and promising so little success.

To the uncommon strength of the country, the enemy have added (for the defence of the river) a great number of floating batteries and boats. By the vigilance of these and the Indians round our different posts, it has been impossible to execute anything by surprise. We have had almost daily skirmishes with these savages, in which they are generally defeated, but not without loss on our side.

By the list of disabled officers (many of whom are of rank) you may perceive, Sir, that the army is much weakened. By the nature of the river the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting, yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation, there is such a choice of difficulties that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain, I know, require the most vigorous measures; but then the courage of a handful of brave men should be exerted only where there is some hope of a favourable event. However, you may be assured, Sir, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honour of his Majesty and the interest of the nation, in which I am sure of being well seconded by the Admiral and by the Generals. Happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty's arms in any other parts of America, I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

James Wolfe.

[ 15. The Plains Of Abraham (1759).]

Source.—An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America, 1757-60, by Captain John Knox. London, 1769.

Thursday, September 13, 1759. Before daybreak this morning we made a descent upon the north shore, about half a quarter of a mile to the eastward of Sillery; and the light troops were fortunately by the rapidity of the current carried lower down between us and Cape Diamond; we had in this debarkation thirty flat-bottomed boats containing about sixteen hundred men. This was a great surprise on the enemy, who, from the natural strength of the place, did not suspect, and consequently were not prepared against, so bold an attempt. The chain of sentries which they had posted along the summit of the heights galled us a little and picked off several men and some officers before our light infantry got up to dislodge them. This grand enterprise was conducted and executed with great good order and discretion; as fast as we landed, the boats put off for reinforcements, and the troops formed with much regularity; the General with Brigadiers Monckton and Murray were ashore with the first division. We lost no time here, but clambered up one of the steepest precipices that can be conceived, being almost a perpendicular and of an incredible height. As soon as we gained the summit, all was quiet and not a shot was heard owing to the excellent conduct of the light infantry under Colonel Howe; it was by this time clear daylight. Here we formed again, the river and the south country in our rear, our right extending to the town, our left to Sillery, and halted a few minutes. The General then detached the light troops to our left to rout the enemy from their battery and to disable their guns, except they could be rendered serviceable to the party who were to remain there; and this service was soon performed. We then faced to the right and marched towards the town by files till we came to the plains of Abraham, an even piece of ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of while we stood forming upon the hill. Weather showery: about six o'clock the enemy first made their appearance upon the heights between us and the town; whereupon we halted and wheeled to the right, thereby forming the line of battle.... The enemy had now likewise formed the line of battle, and got some cannon to play on us with round and canister shot; but what galled us most was a body of Indians and other marksmen they had concealed in the corn opposite to the front of our right wing and a coppice that stood opposite to our centre inclining towards our left; but the Colonel Hale, by Brigadier Monckton's orders, advanced some platoons alternately from the forty-seventh regiment, which after a few rounds obliged these skulkers to retire: we were now ordered to lie down, and remained some time in this position. About eight o'clock we had two pieces of short brass six-pounders playing on the enemy, which threw them into some confusion, and obliged them to alter their disposition, and Montcalm formed them into three large columns; about nine the two armies moved a little nearer each other. The light cavalry made a faint attempt upon our parties at the battery of Sillery, but were soon beat off, and Monsieur de Bougainville with his troops from Cape Rouge came down to attack the flank of our second line, hoping to penetrate there; but by a masterly disposition of Brigadier Townshend they were forced to desist, and the third battalion of Royal Americans was then detached to the first ground we had formed on after we gained the heights, to preserve the communication with the beach and our boats. About ten o'clock the enemy began to advance briskly in three columns with loud shouts and recovered arms, two of them inclining to the left of our army and the third towards our right, firing obliquely at the two extremities of our line from the distance of one hundred and thirty until they came within forty yards; which our troops withstood with the greatest intrepidity and firmness, still reserving their fire and paying the strictest obedience to their officers; this uncommon steadiness, together with the havoc which the grape-shot from our field-pieces made among them, threw them into some disorder and was most critically maintained by a well-timed, regular, and heavy discharge of our small arms, such as they could no longer oppose; hereupon they gave way and fled with precipitation, so that by the time the cloud of smoke was vanished our men were again loaded, and profiting by the advantage we had over them pursued them almost to the gates of the town and the bridge over the little river, redoubling our fire with great eagerness, making many officers and men prisoners. The weather cleared up, with a comfortably warm sunshine; the Highlanders chased them vigorously towards Charles's river, and the fifty-eighth to the suburb close to John's gate, until they were checked by the cannon from the two hulks; at the same time a gun, which the town had brought to bear upon us with grape-shot, galled the progress of the regiments to the right, who were likewise pursuing with equal ardour, while Colonel Hunt Walsh by a very judicious movement wheeled the battalions of Bragg and Kennedy to the left, and flanked the coppice where a body of the enemy made a stand, as if willing to renew the action; but a few platoons from these corps completed our victory. Then it was that Brigadier Townshend came up, called off the pursuers, ordered the whole line to dress and recover their former ground. Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we sustained of one of the greatest heroes which this or any other age can boast of,—General James Wolfe, who received his mortal wound, as he was exerting himself at the head of the grenadiers of Louisbourg.... The officers who are prisoners say that Quebec will surrender in a few days: some deserters, who came out to us in the evening, agree in that opinion, and inform us that the Sieur de Montcalm is dying in great agony of a wound he received to-day in their retreat.

Source.—The Letter in the Gentleman's Magazine, December, 1759, already quoted (13).

[Wolfe was wounded three times.] He then went reeling aside, but was soon supported by an officer, of whom he inquired if the enemy were put to flight; and, being assured they were, and that our troops were in pursuit, he smiled and said he died with pleasure on the spot he ever wished to die on, and then closed his eyes. Thus died this great young General, whose behaviour on this day will ever be an honour to his country....

'Tis a noble summer's work, though many brave fellows have suffered much by it; but all, both soldiers and sailors, to a man behaved nobly. The French army consisted of about 5000 regulars, the rest Canadians, some of very considerable fortune, many of whom fell in the action, and the rest are reduced almost to beggary. The prisoners all agree that this is the greatest stroke the French ever felt from the English arms; and I readily believe it, as the place is incredibly strong, and by its surrender we must make North America our own.

[ 16. GOVERNMENT OF QUEBEC UNDER THE BRITISH (1763-74).]

Source.—The Proclamation of 7th October, 1763, printed in Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, 1759-91, edited by Adam Shortt and Arthur G. Doughty.

Whereas we have taken into Our Royal Consideration the extensive and valuable Acquisitions in America, secured to our Crown by the late Definitive Treaty of Peace, concluded at Paris, the 10th Day of February last; and being desirous that all Our loving Subjects, as well of our Kingdom as of our Colonies in America, may avail themselves with all convenient Speed, of the great Benefits and Advantages which must accrue therefrom to their Commerce, Manufactures and Navigation, We have thought fit, with the Advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation, hereby to publish and declare to all our loving Subjects, that we have, with the advice of our said Privy Council, granted our Letters Patent, under our Great Seal of Great Britain, to erect, within the Countries and Islands ceded and confirmed to Us by the said Treaty, Four distinct and separate Governments, styled and called by the names of Quebec, East Florida, West Florida and Grenada....

And whereas it will greatly contribute to the speedy settling our said new Governments, that our loving subjects should be informed of our Paternal care, for the security of the Liberties and Properties of those who are and shall become Inhabitants thereof, We have thought fit to publish and declare ... that we have ... given express Power and Direction to our Governors of our said Colonies respectively, that so soon as the state and circumstances of the said Colonies will admit thereof, they shall, with the Advice and Consent of the Members of our Council, summon and call General Assemblies within the said Governments respectively, in such Manner and Form as is used and directed in those Colonies and Provinces in America which are under our immediate Government; and We have also given Power to the said Governors, with the consent of our said Councils and the Representatives of the People so to be summoned as aforesaid, to make, constitute, and ordain Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances for the Public Peace, Welfare, and good Government of our said Colonies, and of the People and Inhabitants thereof, as near as may be agreeable to the Laws of England, and under such Regulations and Restrictions as are used in other Colonies; and in the mean Time, and until such Assemblies can be called as aforesaid, all Persons Inhabiting in or resorting to our said Colonies may confide in our Royal Protection for the Enjoyment of the Benefit of the Laws of our Realm of England; for which Purpose We have given Power under our Great Seal to the Governors of our said Colonies respectively to erect and constitute, with the Advice of our said Councils respectively, Courts of Judicature and public Justice within our said Colonies for hearing and determining all Causes, as well Criminal as Civil, according to Law and Equity, and as near as may be agreeable to the Laws of England, with Liberty to all Persons who may think themselves aggrieved by the Sentences of such Courts, in all Civil Cases, to appeal, under the usual Limitations and Restrictions, to Us in our Privy Council.

[ 17. ON THE COPPERMINE RIVER IN JULY (1771).]

Source.—Samuel Hearne's A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean. London, 1795.

After a sleep of five or six hours we once more set out, and walked eighteen or nineteen miles to the South South East, when we arrived at one of the copper mines, which lies, from the river's mouth about South South East, distant about twenty-nine or thirty miles.

This mine, if it deserve that appellation, is no more than an entire jumble of rocks and gravel, which has been rent many ways by an earthquake. Through these ruins there runs a small river; but no part of it, at the time I was there, was more than knee-deep.

The Indians who were the occasion of my undertaking this journey, represented this mine to be so rich and valuable, that if a factory were built at the river, a ship might be ballasted with the ore, instead of stone; and that with the same ease and dispatch as is done with stones at Churchill River. By their account the hills were entirely composed of that metal, all in handy lumps, like a heap of pebbles. But their account differed so much from the truth, that I and almost all my companions expended near four hours in search of some of this metal, with such poor success, that among us all only one piece of any size could be found. This, however, was remarkably good, and weighed above four pounds. I believe the copper has formerly been in much greater plenty; for in many places, both on the surface and in the cavities and crevices of the rocks, the stones are much tinged with verdigris.

It may not be unworthy the notice of the curious, or undeserving a place in my Journal, to remark that the Indians imagine that every bit of copper they find resembles some object in nature; but, by what I saw of the large piece, and some smaller ones which were found by my companions, it requires a great share of invention to make this out. I found that different people had different ideas on the subject, for the large piece of copper above mentioned had not been found long before it had twenty different names ... at last it was generally allowed to resemble an Alpine hare couchant: for my part, I must confess that I could not see it had the least resemblance to any thing to which they compared it....

Before Churchill River was settled by the Hudson's Bay Company, which was not more than fifty years previous to this journey being undertaken, the Northern Indians had no other metal but copper among them, except a small quantity of iron-work, which a party of them who visited York Fort about the year 1713 or 1714 purchased; and a few pieces of old iron found at Churchill River, which had undoubtedly been left there by Captain Monk. This being the case, numbers of them from all quarters used every summer to resort to these hills in search of copper; of which they made hatchets, ice-chisels, bayonets, knives, awls, arrow-heads, etc. The many paths that had been beaten by the Indians on these occasions, and which are yet, in many places, very perfect, especially on the dry ridges and hills, is surprising; in the valleys and marshy grounds, however, they are mostly grown over with herbage, so as not to be discerned.

The Copper Indians set a great value on their native metal even to this day; and prefer it to iron for almost every use except that of a hatchet, a knife, and an awl; for these three necessary implements copper makes but a very poor substitute.

[ 18. THE QUEBEC ACT (1774).]

Source.—Shortt and Doughty's Constitutional Documents (cf. 16).

... for the more perfect security and ease of the minds of the inhabitants of the said province, it is hereby declared, that his Majesty's subjects professing the religion of the Church of Rome of and in the said province of Quebec, may have, hold and enjoy the free exercise of the religion of the Church of Rome, subject to the King's supremacy ... and that the clergy of the said Church may hold, receive and enjoy their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to such persons only as shall profess the said religion....

... all his Majesty's Canadian subjects within the province of Quebec, the religious Orders and Communities only excepted, may also hold and enjoy their property and possessions, together with all customs and usages relative thereto, and all other their civil rights, in as large, ample and beneficial manner ... as may consist with their allegiance to his Majesty, and subjection to the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain; and ... in all matters of controversy relative to property and civil rights, resort shall be had to the laws of Canada as the rule for the decision of the same....

And whereas the certainty and lenity of the Criminal Law of England, and the benefits and advantages resulting from the use of it, have been sensibly felt by the inhabitants, from an experience of more than nine years, during which it has been uniformly administered; be it therefore further enacted ... that the same shall continue to be administered, and shall be observed as law in the province of Quebec....

And whereas it may be necessary to ordain many regulations for the future welfare and good government of the province of Quebec, the occasions of which cannot now be foreseen, nor, without much delay and inconvenience, be provided for, without entrusting that authority, for a certain time and under proper restrictions, to persons resident there: And whereas it is at present inexpedient to call an Assembly ... it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty ... to constitute and appoint a Council for the affairs of the province of Quebec, to consist of such persons resident there, not exceeding twenty-three nor less than seventeen, as his Majesty ... shall be pleased to appoint ... which Council, so appointed and nominated, or the major part thereof, shall have power and authority to make ordinances for the peace, welfare and good government of the said province, with the consent of his Majesty's Governor, or, in his absence, of the Lieutenant-Governor or Commander-in-Chief for the time being.

[ 19. ONE OF THE LOYALISTS (1783).]

Source.—A Memoir by his Grand-daughter, Mrs. Sophia Rowe, in the Transactions for 1899 of The United Empire Loyalists' Association of Ontario.

The late Captain Samuel Anderson was born of Irish parents near Boston on 4th of May, 1736. He was a lawyer in good practice and married Miss Prudentia Deliverance Butts of Boston, who was born 1743 and died 1824. Samuel Anderson went to the West Indies early in life for the benefit of his health. On his return he joined the King's forces, probably as one of the contingent furnished by the New England Provinces after the breaking out of the war with France in 1756. He served under General Abercrombie in 1758, and under General Amherst in 1759-60-61.... After the close of the war, he settled on a farm near Boston, where he resided until the breaking out of the rebellion in 1775. He was offered a company in the Continental Service, which he refused. Some time after, he was offered command of a regiment in the same service, which he also refused. This caused him to be looked upon as a King's Man and led to an attempt on the part of some of his neighbours to convert him from the error of his ways by one or other of the gentle means of carting, flogging, or tar-and-feathering then in vogue amongst the revolutionary party. Five or six of them started out to try the experiment; they found him on his farm splitting rails; he politely asked them their business, and, on being told they had come to teach him a lesson, he invited them to "come and try." As he was a very large and powerful man, they looked at him, then at the axe in his hand, and moved off, evidently considering "discretion the better part of valour." Several attempts were made to arrest him, and he was at one time secreted on his own property, when a party of Continentals billeted themselves at his house. The sergeant read a proclamation offering a reward of five hundred pounds for the body of Samuel Anderson dead or alive, after which the party conversed in French, not thinking they would be understood by Mrs. Anderson; but the brave woman, without betraying the slightest fear or knowledge of what they talked of, heard all they purposed doing to her husband, should he be found. She directed her servants to prepare food and beds for all, had their horses stabled and fed, then, waiting till all was quiet, went in the dark to her husband and bade him fly for his life.

However, he with many other loyalists were captured and confined in Litchfield jail, where they suffered all but death until the beginning of 1777, when, having been told that all the prisoners were to be shot the next day, Anderson wrenched the bars from a window, and with his companions escaped to Canada, where he was appointed a Captain in the 1st Battalion of Sir John Johnston's corps, the King's Royal Regiment of New York. When General Burgoyne was preparing to advance from Ticonderoga, Captain Anderson was placed at the head of the workmen who were employed in making the roads through the forest from the head of Lake Champlain towards Fort Edward. He served in the battalion of the Royal Yorkers until they were disbanded in the spring of 1784. From the time of his imprisonment in Litchfield jail, his wife saw nothing of him until late in 1778, when, after suffering terribly from the cruelty of the Continentals, she abandoned all her property, paid the Yankee Governor 2s. 6d. for a pass, and with her family made her way to Sorel, where her husband was then stationed with his company of the Royal Yorkers, where they remained till the spring of 1783, when he with his two elder sons who had served under him were put on half pay when peace was declared; and at the reduction of the army, Anderson, with his family and the men of his company, received their allotment of lands in Cornwall, then a wilderness, the nearest settlement being Montreal distant 68 miles, and Kingston 105 miles. They came up the St. Lawrence by batteaux, and lived for some time under shelter of cedar boughs, until able to erect log houses for themselves. A short time after their arrival the "Dark Sunday" occurred, when at mid-day total darkness fell upon all the land, and continued for about two hours. The rain came down in torrents, flooding their temporary dwelling, causing great discomfort, while the thunder and lightning were terrific. In those days there were no merchants, no baker or butcher shops, no medical men, no ministers to console the sick or dying or bury the dead, and no means of instruction for the young. The Loyalists were generally poor, having sacrificed their property to their politics, and were obliged to work very hard. All was bush, hard labour and pinching privation for the present and long toil for the rising generation. The only mail in the early settlement of West Canada between Kingston and Montreal was in the winter carried three times by an old French Canadian, Jacques Morriseau, who travelled the whole distance on snow shoes. His food was sea biscuit and fat pork which he ate and enjoyed sitting on a snow bank, and would afterwards puff away dull care in clouds of smoke curling from his old clay pipe, the stem of which was just long enough to keep the burning punk with which he lit it about two inches from his nose. From Lachine to Cornwall, he was obliged to sleep out of doors three nights—the settlers were then so few and far between, he could not always reach a house—and the only bed he had on these occasions was of green boughs under him and a blanket to cover him. He always rested a night going either way under Captain Anderson's roof. In 1785, Captain Anderson was appointed a magistrate ... and drew half pay as a Captain until his death, which occurred in June, 1836 (born 1736), not from any bodily ailment, but accidentally falling, his hip joint was broken, and from his great age the bones would not unite.

[ 20. THE DESCENT OF THE MACKENZIE RIVER (1789).]

Source.—Sir Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans in the years 1789 and 1793. London, 1801.

5 July, 1789.... There were five families, consisting of twenty-five or thirty persons, and of two different tribes, the Slave and Dog-rib Indians. We made them smoke, though it was evident they did not know the use of tobacco; we likewise supplied them with grog; but I am disposed to think that they accepted our civilities rather from fear than inclination. We acquired a more effectual influence over them by the distribution of knives, beads, awls, rings, gartering, fire-steels, flints and hatchets; so that they became more familiar even than we expected, for we could not keep them out of our tents; though I did not observe that they attempted to purloin anything.

The information which they gave respecting the river had so much of the fabulous that I shall not detail it: it will be sufficient just to mention their attempts to persuade us that it would require several winters to get to the sea, and that old age would come upon us before the period of our return: we were also to encounter monsters of such horrid shapes and destructive powers as could only exist in their wild imaginations. They added, besides, that there were two impassable falls in the river, the first of which was about thirty days march from us.

Though I placed no faith in these strange relations, they had a very different effect upon our Indians, who were already tired of the voyage. It was their opinion and anxious wish that we should not hesitate to return. They said that, according to the information which they had received, there were very few animals in the country beyond us, and that, as we proceeded, the scarcity would increase, and we should absolutely perish from hunger, if no other accident befell us. It was with no small trouble that they were convinced of the folly of these reasonings; and, by my desire, they induced one of those Indians to accompany us, in consideration of a small kettle, an axe, a knife, and some other articles.

Though it was now three o'clock in the afternoon, the canoe was ordered to be reloaded, and, as we were ready to embark, our new recruit was desired to prepare himself for his departure, which he would have declined; but as none of his friends would take his place, we may be said, after the delay of an hour, to have compelled him to embark. Previous to his departure a ceremony took place, of which I could not learn the meaning; he cut off a lock of his hair, and having divided it into three parts, he fastened one of them to the hair on the upper part of his wife's head, blowing on it three times with the utmost violence in his power, and uttering certain words. The other two he fastened with the same formalities on the heads of his two children.

During our short stay with these people, they amused us with dancing, which they accompanied with their voices; but neither their song or their dance possessed much variety. The men and women formed a promiscuous ring. The former have a bone dagger or piece of stick between the fingers of the right hand, which they keep extended above the head, in continual motion; the left they seldom raise so high, but work it backwards and forwards in an horizontal direction; while they leap about and throw themselves into various antic postures, to the measure of their music, always bringing their heels close to each other at every pause. The men occasionally howl in imitation of some animal, and he who continues this violent exercise for the longest period, appears to be considered as the best performer.

[ 21. THE CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF 1791.]

Source.—Shortt and Doughty's Documents. (Cf. 16.)

II. ... whereas his Majesty has been pleased to signify by his message to both Houses of Parliament, his royal intention to divide his province of Quebec into two separate provinces, to be called The Province of Upper Canada and The Province of Lower Canada ... there shall be within each of the said provinces respectively a Legislative Council and an Assembly....

III. ... it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty ... to authorise and direct the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor ... to summon to the said Legislative Council ... a sufficient number of discreet and proper persons, being not fewer than seven to the Legislative Council for the province of Upper Canada, and not fewer than fifteen to the Legislative Council for the province of Lower Canada....

XIV. ... for the purpose of electing the members of such Assemblies respectively, it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty ... to authorise the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor ... to issue a proclamation dividing such province into districts or counties or circles, and towns or townships, and appointing the limits thereof, and declaring and appointing the number of representatives to be chosen by each of such districts....

XVII. ... the whole number of members to be chosen in the province of Upper Canada shall not be less than sixteen, ... in the province of Lower Canada shall not be less than fifty.

XXVII. ... the said Legislative Council and Assembly, in each of the said provinces, shall be called together once at the least in every twelve calendar months, and ... every Assembly shall continue for four years ... subject nevertheless to be sooner prorogued or dissolved by the Governor....

XXX. ... whenever any bill which has been passed by the Legislative Council and by the House of Assembly ... shall be presented, for his Majesty's assent, to the Governor ... such Governor ... is hereby authorised and required to declare, according to his discretion, but subject nevertheless to the provisions contained in this Act, and to such instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf by his Majesty ... that he assents to such bill in his Majesty's name, or that he withholds his Majesty's assent from such bill, or that he reserves such bill for the signification of his Majesty's pleasure thereon.

XXXI. ... whenever any bill ... shall by such Governor ... have been assented to in his Majesty's name, such Governor ... is hereby required, by the first convenient opportunity, to transmit to one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State an authentic copy of such bill so assented to; ... it shall and may be lawful, at any time within two years after such bill shall have been so received ... for his Majesty ... to declare his ... disallowance of such bill....

XXXVI. ... it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty ... to authorise the Governor ... to make, from and out of the lands of the Crown within such provinces, such allotment and appropriation of lands, for the support and maintenance of a Protestant clergy within the same, as may bear a due proportion to the amount of such lands within the same as have at any time been granted by or under the authority of his Majesty; ... such lands so allotted and appropriated shall be, as nearly as the circumstances and nature of the case will admit, of the like quality as the lands in respect of which the same are so allotted ... and shall be, as nearly as the same can be estimated at the time of making such grant, equal in value to the seventh part of the lands so granted.

XLIII. ... all lands which shall be hereafter granted within the said province of Upper Canada shall be granted in free and common soccage, in like manner as lands are now holden in free and common soccage in that part of Great Britain called England; ... in every case where lands shall be hereafter granted within the said province of Lower Canada, and where the grantee thereof shall desire the same to be granted in free and common soccage, the same shall be so granted; but subject nevertheless to such alterations, with respect to the nature and consequences of such tenure of free and common soccage, as may be established by any law or laws which may be made by his Majesty ... by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the province.

XLVI. ... nothing in this Act shall extend ... to prevent or affect the execution of any law which hath been or shall at any time be made by his Majesty ... and the Parliament of Great Britain, for establishing regulations of prohibitions, or for imposing, levying or collecting duties for the regulation of navigation, or for the regulation of the commerce to be carried on between the said two provinces or between either of the said provinces and any foreign country or state, or for appointing and directing the payment of drawbacks of such duties so imposed....

[ 22. TO THE PACIFIC OVERLAND. THE FIRST CROSSING OF NORTH AMERICA NORTH OF MEXICO (1793).]

Source.—Sir A. Mackenzie's Voyages. (Cf. 20.)

Sunday, 21 July, 1793.... We landed, and found the ruins of a village, in a situation calculated for defence. The place itself was overgrown with weeds, and in the centre of the houses there was a temple of the same form and construction as that which I described at the large village. We were soon followed by ten canoes, each of which contained from three to six men. They informed us that we were expected at the village, where we should see many of them. From their general deportment I was very apprehensive that some hostile design was meditated against us, and for the first time I acknowledged my apprehensions to my people. I accordingly desired them to be very much upon their guard, and to be prepared if any violence was offered to defend themselves to the last.

We had no sooner landed than we took possession of a rock, where there was not space for more than twice our number, and which admitted of our defending ourselves with advantage, in case we should be attacked. The people in the three first canoes were the most troublesome, but, after doing their utmost to irritate us, they went away. They were, however, no sooner gone than an hat, an handkerchief and several other articles were missing. The rest of our visitors continued their pressing invitations to accompany them to their village, but finding our resolution to decline them was not to be shaken, they about sunset relieved us from all further importunities by their departure....

The natives having left us, we made a fire to warm ourselves, and as for supper there was but little of that, for our whole daily allowance did not amount to what was sufficient for a single meal. The weather was clear throughout the day, which was succeeded by a fine moonlight night. I directed the people to keep watch by two in turn, and laid myself down in my cloak.

Monday, 22nd. This morning the weather was clear and pleasant; nor had anything occurred to disturb us throughout the night. One solitary Indian, indeed, came to us with about half a pound of boiled seal's flesh and the head of a small salmon, for which he asked an handkerchief, but afterwards accepted a few beads. As this man came alone, I concluded that no general plan had been formed among the natives to annoy us, but this opinion did not altogether calm the apprehensions of my people....

Two canoes now arrived from the same quarter as the rest with several men and our young Indian along with them. They brought a very few small sea-otter skins out of season, with some pieces of raw seal's flesh. The former were of no value, but hunger compelled some of my people to take the latter at an extravagant price. Mr. Mackay lighted a bit of touchwood with a burning-glass in the cover of his tobacco-box, which so surprised the natives that they exchanged the best of their otter-skins for it. The young man was now very anxious to persuade our people to depart, as the natives, he said, were as numerous as mosquitoes and of very malignant character. This information produced some very earnest remonstrances to me to hasten our departure, but, as I was determined not to leave this place, except I was absolutely compelled to it, till I had ascertained its situation,[3] these solicitations were not repeated.

While I was taking a meridian, two canoes of a larger size and well-manned appeared from the main South-West channel. They seemed to be the forerunners of others who were coming to co-operate with the people of the village ... and our young Indian, who understood them, renewed his entreaties for our departure, as they would soon come to shoot their arrows and hurl their spears at us. In relating our danger, his agitation was so violent that he foamed at the mouth.... The two canoes now approached the shore, and in a short time five men with their families landed very quietly from them. My instruments being exposed, they examined them with much apparent admiration and astonishment....

I now mixed up some vermilion in melted grease, and inscribed in large characters on the South-East face of the rock on which we had slept last night this brief memorial: "Alexander Mackenzie from Canada by land, the twenty-second of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three."

As I thought that we were too near the village, I consented to leave the place, and accordingly proceeded North-East three miles, when we landed on a point in a small cove, where we should not be readily seen and could not be attacked except in our front.

[ 23. A SERVANT OF THE NORTH-WEST COMPANY (1800).]

Source.—The Journal of James M'Kenzie in the Athabasca District, printed in Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest, by L. R. Masson. Quebec, 1890.

16 Jan. This morning, Charles Cadien's comrade arrived and paid 62 skins.... He was so haughty on his arrival on account of his skins that he threw the tobacco I gave him in my face, saying it was not good, and that I lied when I said there was none better in the fort. The men's advice, though not asked, was to pack the piece of tobacco into the Indian's nose, or give him a kicking for his bad breeding.... This rough usage I thought bad encouragement for him to kill more beaver, and a very indifferent recompense for those he had already brought, which I think made ample amends for his insults. However, in case he might do the like again, perhaps when he had no such substantial atonement to offer, I told him to take care and not behave so impudently in future....

17 Feb. It is unnecessary telling always in the journal that every Indian who arrives, whether good, bad, or indifferent, gets a bit of tobacco and a dram; it suffices to tell once that it is the custom of the place; and any one who reads of an Indian's arrival may suppose that this custom is followed, and, should he wish to know how many bits of tobacco and drams were expended, he can count the Montagners on his fingers as he reads on; the number of Montagners found will be the number of the bits of tobacco and drams required. If he wishes to know the real value given, I will tell him, the tobacco is always rotten and the rum mostly water....

28 March. Sent Marlin 15 measures mixed rum and 3 feet tobacco. Now, for you, Antitheses Philosophers, who are for ever moved by the spirit of contradiction and feel an itching to find fault where there is none, here is a fine occasion to show your wonderful parts and produce something worthy of your sect. Sending rum to the Indians, according to you, is an unpardonable error in a poor fellow's conduct; but may he beg leave, Gentlemen, to ask you a few plain questions by way of vindication of his supposed error? Pray then! will 19 packs of fine beaver have no weight in your debates? If they will not, I am sure they will in the Gentlemen of the North-West Company's pockets, when reduced into hard cash.

What is the reason you fret so much about sending rum to the Indians more than other goods? Is it because 7 parts of the 8 of this rum are pure water, of course, less expensive to the Company and more pleasing to the Indians than other goods? No, Gentlemen, I suppose you will say it is because it debauches the Indians and renders them troublesome....

If the Indians be spoiled, it is the Bourgeois and not the clerks that do it; the former give the Indians every time they pass large presents, which the latter are either afraid or forbidden to give; the one, in consequence, is regarded by the Indians as a superior being whom they must respect, the other is a mere tool to them whom they despise and need not mind....

Here again, Gentlemen of the "Critic Class," you will reprimand my warmth, which in your opinion is impertinence, to presume to speak against my employers, but be pleased to recollect that, though I have spoken against some of their actions, yet I have not against their interests.

[ 24. THE BEAVER (1807).]

Source.—Travels through the Canadas, by George Heriot, Deputy Postmaster-General of British North America. London, 1807.

The beavers associate in bands to the number of about an hundred in each, and are supposed, by several who have witnessed their economy, to possess a certain jargon, by means of which they communicate their sentiments to each other. Certain it is, that they have a mode of consulting together respecting the construction of their cabins, their dykes, their artificial lakes, and many other things which concern the preservation and safety of their republic. They are said to station sentinels, whilst they are occupied in cutting down with their teeth trees as large in circumference as casks, on the borders of the lakes; and these sentinels, by a cry or by knocking their tail against the surface of the water, give warning of the approach of men or animals, when the others instantly forsake their labours, and, plunging into the water, save themselves by swimming to their cabins.

When beavers have made choice of a meadow traversed by a rivulet, they construct, by their joint operation, dams or causeways, which, impeding the course of the water, produce an inundation over the whole meadow, sometimes several leagues in circumference. The dam is composed of trees, which these animals cut down with their four incisive teeth, drag along through the water, and arrange across the river in the situation most convenient for stopping its course. They afterwards bring grass, small wood and clay in their mouths and on their tails, which they deposit between the wood with so much industry and art, that a wall of masonry of greater strength could scarcely be constructed. They labour during the night with diligence and perseverance. Their tails supply the want of trowels, their teeth serve them for axes, and their forefeet for hands. Dykes, two or three hundred feet in length, twenty feet high, and seven or eight in thickness, are thus completed in the space of five or six months, although not more than a hundred of these little animals have assisted each other in the operation. The savages never destroy these dykes, but, from a principle of superstition, allow them to remain entire, and are satisfied with making only a small passage for the draining of the water. Besides the faculty which the beavers possess of cutting down trees, the judgment which they have acquired in directing the fall of these immense masses upon the water, appears still more singular. They pay attention to the direction of the wind, and carry on the process in such a manner as to derive aid from thence, and thereby to ensure the falling of the tree upon a lake or across a rivulet.

The neatness and convenience of their habitations seem to evince a greater portion of skill and ingenuity than even the dykes, both strength and address being necessary to enable them to plant six stakes in the bed of the water. These are arranged exactly in the centre of the pond, and upon them their house is erected in the form of an oven, being composed of clay, of grass and of branches of trees, to the height of three stages, in order to possess a retreat, by ascending from one to the other when the waters are increased by inundations, caused by the melting of the ice and snows. The floors are made of junks of trees, and each beaver has a distinct apartment. The entrance is from beneath the water, where a large hole is made in the first floor, surrounded by tender branches cut into small pieces, that they may be more easily drawn into the cells when they are inclined to eat; for, as these constitute their principal food, they have the foresight to lay in a great store, particularly in autumn, before the frosts congeal their lake and confine them to their cabins for two or three months.

The precaution which they use to establish and maintain order in their republic, and to guard against pursuit, is admirable. All other animals upon earth, however strong, however swift, vigorous and armed by nature, stand in awe of creatures that are capable of injuring them. The beaver, however, seems to have no other foe than man to apprehend. The wolves, the foxes, and the bears, are little solicitous to attack it in its cabin; had they even the faculty of diving, they would not find the event greatly to their profit, for the beaver, with his incisory and penetrating teeth, is capable of maintaining a formidable defence.

The beavers are seldom taken in snares, unless they are baited with a species of willow which is rare and of which they are very fond. The mode of taking them in autumn is by making a hole of three or four feet in diameter in the foundation of the dyke, to draw off the water, and the beavers being left dry, the savages find them an easy prey....

In winter, when the waters are frozen, they make holes in the ice around the lodges of the beavers, to which nets are fixed from the one to the other, and when they are properly extended, they uncover with axes the cabins of these poor animals, which, throwing themselves into the water and returning to breathe at the holes, are entangled in the snares, from whence none escape but such as the savages are inclined to exempt from the general havoc.

[ 25. A RAPID ON THE FRASER RIVER (1808).]

Source.—Simon Fraser's "Journal" of the First Descent of the River, printed in Masson's Bourgeois du Nord-Ouest. Quebec, 1889-90.

21 June. Soon after we were alarmed by the loud bawling of our guides whom we saw running full speed towards us and making signs that our people were lost in the rapid. As we could not account for this misfortune, we immediately ran over to the baggage where we found Mr. Quesnel all alone. We inquired of him about the men; at the same time we discovered that three of the canoes were missing, but he had seen none of them, nor did he know where they were. On casting our view across the river, we remarked one of the canoes and some of the men ashore there. From this incident we had reason to believe that the others were either ahead or had perished. We immediately directed our speed to the lower end of the rapid....

We had not proceeded far when we observed one of our men, Dalaire, walking slowly from the bank with a stick in his hand, and, on coming up to him, we discovered that he was so wet, so weak and exhausted that he could scarcely speak. However, after leaning a little while on his stick and recovering his breath, he informed us that unfortunately he and the others, finding the carrying place too long and the canoes too heavy, took it upon themselves to venture down by water; that the canoe in which he was happened to be the last in setting out.

"In the first cascade," said he, "our canoe filled and upset; the foreman and the steersman got on the outside, but I, who was in the centre, remained a long while underneath upon the bars; the canoe still drifting was thrown into a smoothy current and the other two men finding an opportunity sprang from their situation into the water and swam ashore. The impulse occasioned by their weight in leaping off raised one side of the canoe above the surface, and, having still my recollection though I had swallowed a quantity of water, I seized the critical moment to disentangle myself, and I gained, though not without a struggle, the top of the canoe. By this time I found myself again in the middle of the stream; here I continued astride the canoe, humouring the tide as well as I could with my body to preserve my balance, and, although I scarcely had time to look about me, I had the satisfaction to observe the two other canoes ashore near an eddy and their crews safe among the rocks.

"In the second or third cascade (for I do not recollect which), the canoe plunged from a great height into an eddy below, and striking with great violence against the bottom split in two. Here I lost my recollection, which, however, I soon recovered, and was surprised to find myself on a smooth, easy current, with only one half of the canoe in my arms. In this condition I continued through several cascades until the stream carried me into an eddy at the foot of a high and steep rock. Here, my strength being exhausted, I lost my hold, a large wave washed me from off the wreck among the rocks and another still larger hoisted me clear on shore, where I remained, you readily believe, some time motionless. At length, recovering a little of my strength, I crawled up among the rocks and found myself once more safe on firm ground, just as you see."

Here he finished his melancholy tale, then pointed to the place of his landing which we went to see and were lost in astonishment, not only at his escape from the waves, but also at his courage and perseverance in effecting a passage up through a place which appeared to us a perfect precipice. Continuing our course along the bank, we found that he had drifted three miles among rapids, cascades, whirlpools, etc., all inconceivably dangerous....

Some time after, upon advancing towards the camp, we picked up all the men on our side of the river; the men who had been thrown ashore on the other side joined us in the evening. They informed us that the Indians assisted greatly in extricating them from their difficulties; indeed, the Indians showed us every possible attention during our misfortune on this trying occasion.

[ 26. LAURA SECORD, JUNE, 1813.]

Source.—Her Own Narrative in the Anglo-American Magazine, Toronto, November, 1853: quoted in The Documentary History of the Campaigns upon the Niagara Frontier, edited for the Lundy's Lane Historical Society by Lieut.-Col. E. Cruikshank.

I shall commence at the battle of Queenston, where I was at the time the cannon balls were flying around me in every direction. I left the place during the engagement. After the battle I returned to Queenston, and there found that my husband had been wounded, my house plundered and property destroyed. It was while the Americans had possession of the frontier that I learned the plans of the American commander and determined to put the British troops under FitzGibbon in possession of them, and if possible to save the British troops from capture or perhaps total destruction. In doing so I found I should have great difficulty in getting through the American guards, which were out ten miles in the country. Determined to persevere, I left early in the morning, walked nineteen miles in the month of June over a rough and difficult part of the country, when I came to a field belonging to a Mr. Decamp in the neighbourhood of the Beaver Dam. By this time daylight had left me. Here I found all the Indians encamped; by moonlight the scene was terrifying and to those accustomed to such scenes might be considered grand. Upon advancing to the Indians they all rose and with some yells said, "Woman," which made me tremble. I cannot express the awful feeling it gave me, but I did not lose my presence of mind. I was determined to persevere. I went up to one of the chiefs, made him understand that I had great news for Captain FitzGibbon, and that he must let me pass to his camp, or that he and his party would all be taken. The chief at first objected to let me pass, but finally consented, after some hesitation, to go with me and accompany me to FitzGibbon's station, which was at the Beaver Dam, where I had an interview with him. I then told him what I had come for and what I had heard—that the Americans intended to make an attack upon the troops under his command and would, from their superior numbers, capture them all. Benefiting by this information, Captain FitzGibbon formed his plans accordingly, and captured about five hundred American infantry, about fifty mounted dragoons; and a field piece or two was taken from the enemy. I returned home the next day exhausted and fatigued. I am now advanced in years, and when I look back I wonder how I could have gone through so much fatigue with the fortitude to accomplish it.