Mirror for Magistrates.

T. Bensley, Printer,
Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.

Mirror for Magistrates.

EDITED BY
JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

VOLUME I.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

Mirror for Magistrates,

IN FIVE PARTS.

VOLUME THE FIRST,

CONTAINING

PART I.
BY JOHN HIGGINS.

PART II.
BY THOMAS BLENER-HASSET.

COLLATED WITH
VARIOUS EDITIONS, AND HISTORICAL NOTES, &c.
By JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

TO

FRANCIS DOUCE, ESQ.

THIS EDITION

OF THE

Mirror for Magistrates:

A

POPULAR PRODUCTION OF THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH

WHICH MERITED REVIVAL,

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,

BY HIS OBEDIENT

AND OBLIGED SERVANT,

JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

INTRODUCTION.

Although the prevailing taste for Bibliography has already drawn forth copious accounts of the various editions of the Mirror for Magistrates, and the industry of preceding Biographers has left little new to say of its authors, yet an entire Reprint of this once celebrated work requires the accompaniment of an Introductory Account of these subjects, even at the hazard of repeating a great deal that has been lately told, unmixed with much that is novel.

The history of the Work divides itself under three several heads; viz. 1. Of its origin. 2. Of the 'primary inventor.’[1] 3. Of the various editions. But before these are separately examined, there may be fitly introduced the following view taken by our admirable historian of English Poetry, of the turbulent period of its first appearance.

“True genius,” Warton says, “unseduced by the cabals, and unalarmed by the dangers of faction, defies or neglects those events, which destroy the peace of mankind, and often exerts its operations amidst the most violent commotions of a state. Without patronage and without readers, I may add without models, the earlier Italian writers, while their country was shook by the intestine tumults of the Guelfes and Guibelines, continued to produce original compositions both in prose and verse, which yet stand unrivalled. The age of Pericles and of the Peloponnesian war was the same. Careless of those who governed or disturbed the world, and superior to the calamities of a quarrel, in which two mighty leaders contended for the prize of universal dominion, Lucretius wrote his sublime didactic poem On the System of Nature, Virgil his Bucolics, and Cicero his Books of Philosophy. The proscriptions of Augustus did not prevent the progress of the Roman literature. In the turbulent and unpropitious reign of Queen Mary, when controversy was no longer confined to speculation, and a spiritual warfare polluted every part of England with murthers more atrocious than the slaughter of the most bloody civil contest, a poem was planned, although not fully completed, which illuminates with no common lustre that interval of darkness, which occupies the annals of English poetry from Surrey to Spenser, entitled A Mirrour for Magistrates.”[2]

I. After this general character of the work, the first step in our particular discussion leads us to its origin. This was confessedly Lydgate’s Fall of Princes, an origin which is very striking, and still enhances the high merit so eloquently ascribed to it by Warton, when we recollect that the writer to whom it thus owed its foundation, has been pronounced by a shrewd critic one “who disgraced the name and patronage of his master Chaucer.”[3] But so decisive and intimate was this origin of a work, which had so important an effect on our national poetry, that when first planned, it seems intended to have been embodied in the same volume with the translation by Lydgate.

To prove that this is not a mere point of speculative criticism; but, on the contrary, stands on evidence very different from conjecture, I need only cite the words of William Baldwin himself, the original editor: “Whan the printer (he says) had purposed with himselfe to printe Lidgates booke of the fall of Princes, and had made pryuye thereto many both honourable and worshipfull, he was counsailed by dyuers of them to procure to haue the storye contynewed from where as Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as Fortune had dalyed with here in this ylande: which might be as a myrrour for al men as well nobles as others.”[4] From this suggestion the printer, John Wayland, importuned Baldwin to undertake the task; but he describes himself as declining so weighty an enterprise without assistance. On the other hand Wayland, “earnest and diligent in his affairs,” procured, shortly after, divers learned men to consent to take upon them part of the 'travail;’ and early in the year 1555, the Mirror for Magistrates was partly printed in folio, but the proceeding hindered by the Lord Chancellor that then was.[5]

In that suppressed edition the interlocutory parts are given in running lines across the page, and the poems in double columns, the type corresponding and the page imposed of the same size as Wayland’s edition of Lydgate’s translation; wherein the roman numericals have an unusual stop at the end of the seventh book with “leaf clxiij,” and the prologue of the eighth book commences with “fol. 1,” which continues to the end at “fol. XXXVII,” as if it was projected to add to the last portion the Mirror for Magistrates, making a second part or volume in continuance of the work which gave it origin.

From the time of first establishing the English press to the reign of Queen Mary, when the folio, or suppressed, edition was printed, our typographical annals do not show any works in equal estimation with the domestic chronicles. The Fruit of Times, or St. Alban’s Chronicle, Polychronicon, and those others compiled by Fabyan, Grafton, Hall, Harding, Lanquet, &c. were in general repute and extensive circulation, and for that reason fixed upon as fit materials for poetry by Baldwin and his coadjutors.

The influence and demand for the chronicles also occasioned the sudden revival, after a lapse of twenty-seven years, of The boke of Iohan Bochas descryuing the fall of Princes, Princesses, and other Nobles, translated by John Lydgate. That work was first printed by Pynson in 1494, also in 1527,[6] and then remained unnoticed until 1554, when Richard Tottell reprinted it under a new title,[7] with the incidental wood-cuts, and appending thereto the singular dance of Machabree.[8]

In the same or following year after this revival an edition was projected and executed by Wayland:[9]—a convincing evidence, as well of the fashionable cast of reading, as of the rapid demand for that work; otherwise even the rivalry of trade would never have hazarded another edition, so soon after Tottell’s copies had supplied the market.

All the authors who joined in enlarging, or completing the part first published of the Mirrour, have but slightly deviated from Lydgate’s model, which was then secure in public approbation; and they therefore, in some instances, may be suspected to have sacrificed genius and imagination at the shrine of perverted taste, in order to obtain a continuance of the same patronage. The Mirrour for Magistrates was, in fact, a common offspring of that class of historical literature, which then flourished widely.[10] The addition of rhyme was the mere variance of a minor ornament, rather than a change of its substantial nature;[11] though many inferior productions, which its popularity brought forth, seemed afterwards to give it the appearance of forming a main class of our national poetry.[12]

From those historical stores were taken the principal incidents and characters of the princes and nobles, whose vicious lives and tragical ends made them conspicuous as moral examples; and as fit beacons to check rebellion; a purpose which is ably attempted through the whole work. Indeed, so little did any one of this combination of poets venture fame, that novelty was neither attempted in subject, nor manner of composition. The whole selection of matter was from chronicles in universal circulation; as the seven-line stanza was adopted from their precursor Lydgate; and, upon this last point, there may be added, that it is doubtful if Higgins did not cancel two or three lives, first published in another measure, for the advantage of substituting others, to accord with the original plan and general taste.[13]

II. In the next division of inquiry as to the 'primary inventor’ of the Mirror for Magistrates, the discussion arises from the unfounded application of that term by Warton to that eminent genius Thomas Sackville, afterwards created Lord Buckhurst and Earl of Dorset, and which has been repeated, without examination, by subsequent writers.

It has been already stated, that the industry of Wayland effected much in obtaining the contributory aid of the popular poets; nor must the labour of Ferrers, who exerted himself in completing the original plan, be left unnoticed; but still the general formation rests principally, if not entirely, with Baldwin. His claim to the air of novelty, so successfully introduced for the purpose of connecting the whole as an unbroken series, by an intermediate and apposite dialogue, has not been disputed, any more than his finally completing the volume with an introductory Epistle and Preface.

The date at which Sackville’s communication was obtained, is decisive against the opinion, that the work found in him “its primary inventor.” If the contributors to the suppressed edition remain, like their articles, unknown and uncertain; the one published in 1559, was a complete volume, and not any communication by Sackville is there inserted. The intervention of the lord Chancellor certainly deferred, but did not destroy the work; and only on the enlargement thereof, by a SECOND PART, in 1563, is his name first mentioned, in the address prefixed to that part by Baldwin, as having “aptly ordered the duke of Buckynghams oracion.” At the distance of a few sheets after this trite notice, appears that beautifully descriptive and highly polished poem called “the Induction,” which served to envelop all the other contributors with the shade of secondary characters.

The history of its origin is given, in the intermediate dialogue, thus:

“Then sayd the reader: 'The next here whom I finde miserable are king Edwards two sonnes, cruelly murdered in the Tower of London.’ 'Haue you theyr tragedy?’ 'No surely (q; I) the Lord Vaulx vndertooke to penne it, but what he hath done therein I am not certayne, and therfore I let it passe til I knowe farder. I haue here y^e Duke of Buckingham, king Richarde’s chyefe instrument, wrytten by mayster Thomas Sackuille.’ 'Read it we pray you:’ sayd they. 'Wyth a good wyl (q; I) but fyrst you shal heare his preface or Induction.’ 'Hath he made a preface (q; one) what meaneth he thereby, seeing none other hath vsed the like order?’ 'I wyl tell you the cause thereof (q; I) which is thys: After that he vnderstoode that some of the counsayle would not suffer the booke to be printed in suche order as we had agreed and determined, he purposed with himselfe to have gotten at my handes, al the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckinghams, which he would haue preserued in one volume, and from that time backeward euen to the time of William the Conquerour, he determined to continue and perfect all the story himselfe in such order as Lydgate (folowing Bocchas) had already vsed. And therfore to make a meete induction into the matter, he deuised this poesye; which in my Judgement is so wel penned, that I woulde not haue any verse therof left out of our volume.’—”

Niccols, in the last edition, has ventured, without reason, to sever the Induction from the Legend, before which it was placed, in order to fix it at the head of those collected by Baldwin, although that editor did not suffer the communication of Sackville to alter his original plan. The explanatory Advertisement of Niccols has occasioned the erroneous belief of that author being 'primary inventor’ of the whole work. “Hauing hitherto (he says) continued the storie, gentle Reader, from the first entrance of Brute into this Iland, with the falles of such Princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose [pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that, most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the Tragedie of the Duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled Master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie President of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great State-affaires of his most royall Ladie, and Soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine,] M. Ferrers, and others, the composers of these Tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery Tragedie, gaue it onely place before the Duke of Buckinghams complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the Induction in the beginning, with euery Tragedie following according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued,” &c.

With a knowlege of the statement made by Baldwin, there is not any thing obscure or easily to be mistook in this Advertisement. Niccols has only repeated the intention of Sackville, and that being prevented by more weighty engagements from executing it, he left the Induction at the disposal of Baldwin, Ferrers, &c. who chose to continue their own plan. Of this plan Niccols altered the order, and placed the Induction at the beginning. However the sense of the prefatory article has been much mistaken; probably from a want of some knowlege of the antecedent authority.

Mrs. Cooper, in the Muses Library, 1738, says of Sackville: “It appears to me, by a preface of Mr. Niccols, that the Original Plan of the Mirror for Magistrates, was principally owing to him.”—Collins, in the English Peerage, having transcribed the passage given above in brackets, is referred to by Lord Orford, in the Royal and Noble Authors, as his authority for asserting, that “the original thought was his Lordship’s.” And might not this concatenation of error extend further by the construction of Lord Orford and have misled Warton? That luminous historian of our native poetry, says: “More writers than one were concerned in the execution of this piece: but its PRIMARY INVENTOR, and most distinguished contributor, was Thomas Sackville the first lord Buckhurst, and first earl of Dorset. About the year 1557, he formed the plan of a poem, in which all the illustrious but unfortunate characters of the English history, from the conquest to the end of the fourteenth century, were to pass in review before the poet, who descends like Dante into the infernal region, and is conducted by Sorrow. Although a descent into hell had been suggested by other poets, the application of such a fiction to the present design, is a conspicuous proof of genius and even of invention. Every personage was to recite his own misfortunes in a separate soliloquy. But Sackville had leisure only to finish a poetical preface called an Induction, and one Legend, which is the life of Henry Stafford duke of Buckingham. Relinquishing therefore the design abruptly, and hastily adapting the close of his Induction to the appearance of Buckingham, the only story he had yet written, and which was to have been the last in his series, he recommended the completion of the whole to Richard Baldwyne and George Ferrers.”—

“Baldwyne and Ferrers,” it is afterwards observed, “perhaps deterred by the greatness of the attempt, did not attend to the series prescribed by Sackville, but inviting some others to their assistance, among which are Churchyard and Phayer, chose such lives from the newly published chronicles of Fabyan and Hall, as seemed to display the most affecting catastrophes, and which very probably were pointed out by Sackville.”—

The observations of Warton were either written at various times, or he depended too implicitly upon loose extracts from authorities no longer possessed, as he refers to one edition when quoting another.[14]

The hypothesis of Sackville being 'primary inventor,’ &c. shows that he relied upon, and at the same time mistook, the meaning of Niccols, (whose corrupt text of the Induction he reprinted,) and never discovered that his position was negatived by the interlocutory matter given above from the edition of 1563, when Sackville made his first and only known communication.

While this circumstantial detail disrobes Sackville of his revived honors, there must not be more than a qualified portion of the character of 'primary inventor’ of the Mirrour for Magistrates transferred to Baldwin. He was the common editor and inventor of the intermediate conversations, but the acknowledged design of himself and associates went no further than to raise another story upon the fabric built by Lydgate in the preceding century.[15]

III. The bibliographical division is classed chronologically by the dates of the editions, and not as to the legends. The first or suppressed edition was entituled

A Memorial of suche Princes, as since the tyme of King Richarde the seconde, haue been vnfortunate in the Realme of England. Londini Inædibus Johannis Waylandi. Cum priuilegio per Septennium. Folio.

The above title in the same compartment as was used by Wayland on reprinting Lydgate.[16] At the back of the leaf is a copy of his letters patent, as preserved in the note below,[17] to secure a right in the work as having first printed it.

Baldwin in his Epistle dedicatory, in 1559, says: “The wurke was begun, & part of it printed iiii years agoe, but hyndred by the Lord Chancellor that then was.” This hinderance must have arisen from the rigour of Stephen Gardiner, who died, Chancellor, in Nov. 1555. How far the printing had proceeded is unknown.[18] Three or perhaps four copies of the title leaf may be traced; and two of those are in the possession of Mr. Heber.[19] There is also a fragment of two duplicate leaves in the British Museum, with running title “vnfortunate English Princes,” containing part of the legend of Owen Glendower, and from which the appropriation is now first made of the signature “T. Ch.” to its more certain owner Sir Thomas Chaloner. It maybe added, that I have reason to believe, a still larger fragment exists in a private library.[20]

From the size and manner of the page of this folio edition being upon the same scale as Wayland’s reprint of The tragedies gathered by Ihon Bochas, as noticed already, it appears upon calculation, that if no more than was printed in 1559 had been given,[21] it would not have exceeded twenty-five or thirty leaves, and which may be assigned as a further reason for believing the original intention was to include both works in one volume.

A Myrroure for Magistrates. Wherein may be seen by example of other, with howe greuous plages vices are punished: and howe frayle and vnstable worldly prosperitie is founde, even of those whom Fortune seemeth most highly to fauour. Fœlix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. Anno 1559. Londini, In ædibus Thomæ Marshe. 92 leaves.

This title is in an architectural metal border, composed of four pieces. After the Epistle inscribed by the editor William Baldwin, to the Nobility, and his Brief Memorial addressed to the Reader, follow nineteen legends, viz:

Several of these lives have always been printed without signatures, and, from want of a knowledge of other claimants, are conjecturally supposed to be written by Baldwin. A slight authority for this appropriation is found in the Epistle before the continuation of the work in the next edition, in the observation: “I have nowe also set furth another parte conteynynge as litle of myne owne, as the fyrst doth of other mens.” With no better testimony, ten of the lives, distinguished above with asterisks, are attributed to his pen, while in another place Baldwin makes questionable his own title. The passage alluded to is found in the preface, and has been hitherto passed over unnoticed. He says: “The numbre of seauen, were through a generall assent at one apoynted time and place, gathered together, to deuise thereupon; (and, he adds) I resorted vnto them.”[23] After this formal annunciation of a company consisting of eight persons, including the Editor, given at the head of the volume, may we not expect to find, that each was a contributor? Yet in the above list, are only six names, viz: Ferrers, Cavil, Chaloner, Phaer, Baldwin, and Skelton; and the last doubtful, as he died as early as 1529; and Baldwin repeats the lines from memory. Perhaps this difficulty may be avoided by adding to the five certain names those of Sackville, Dolman, and Segar; concluding that the Editor had received their assurance of articles in time for another edition, and which are found inserted in the next accordingly. No other name interferes with this disposition, except that of Churchyard, whose communication of Shore’s Wife was no sooner read, than Baldwin observes: “all together exhorted me instantly to procure Maister Churchyarde to vndertake and to penne as manye moe of the remaynder as myght by any meanes be attaynted at his handes.” This presumptively shows that the author was not enumerated as one of the company.

All that can be gleaned from the intermediate prose, upon this subject, is very inconclusive and unsatisfactory. For example, there being no man ready at the meeting,[24] Baldwin said: “I will somewhat doe my part, I will, under your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Northfolk.” And to this life, in edition 1571, “T. Ch.” is added, the signature of Sir T. Chaloner. Again, at p. 77, Ferrers is staid by one who briefly said: “To the end, Baldwin, that you may know what to say of the Percies,—I will take upon me the person of the Lord Henry Percy,” &c. and this is left without signature, and given to Baldwin. Similar at p. 102, where the Speaker adopting king James, concludes “mark, Baldwin, what I think he may say,” and which also, as wanting signature, has the same appropriation. Several others are contradictory, as being delivered in the person of one of the company, and since assigned to the Editor, by whose indolence, perhaps, in not altering the conversations to suit the fact, after public approbation extinguished the desire of secrecy, and real signatures were added, much of this complexity arises.

A Myrrovr for Magistrates—Anno 1563. Imprinted at London in Fletestrete nere to Saynct Dunstans Churche by Thomas Marshe. 178 leaves.

This title in the same border as before. In addition to the contents of the preceding article, this has the original Induction by Sackville; and the eight following legends, as a second part, viz.

As well in this as the prior edition, there is a lapse in numbering the folio from xlviii to lix.[25] The other edition is printed on a better paper, and with clearer ink; abounds less in press errors; and has not such frequent inaccuracies in the numbering, though they correspond in leaves to fol. Lxxxv, sig. k i, where “endeth the first parte” in this edition. The opening prose, or conversation, of the second part is addressed to the reader, by Baldwin, in whose hands Ferrers is described, as placing all he had brought, having business great and weighty to attend, and knowing he could “do it well inough:” And “dyuers of the rest lykyng hys deuyse, vsed the lyke maner.” The whole controul of this first edition of the second part was evidently given to Baldwin.

At folio Cxvi, or sig. P iii, is the unusual circumstance of a variance being made in two instances, while printing, and here given as they stand in two different copies:

One has:

The Induction.

The tapets torne, and euery blome downe blowen.

The other:

Mayster Sackuilles Induction.

The tapets torne, and euery tree downe blowen.

The effect is considered in Vol. II. p. 309. At the end of the volume is a leaf with “The ¶ contes and Table of the first parte of this Booke. ¶ A prose to the Reader, continued betwene the tragedies from the beginning of the booke to the ende. Tragedies beginning,” &c. as it stands in the former edition; and on the next page “¶ The Contentes of the second parte. ¶ A Prose to the Reader continued through the booke. Complayntes beginning,” &c. Another leaf has “Faultes escaped in the Printing,” which fill two pages.

A Myrrovr for Magistrates.—Newly corrected and augmented. Anno 1571. Fœlix, &c. Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe dwellynge in Fleetstreete, neare vnto S. Dunstanes Churche.[26] 174 leaves.

This edition only varies in the arrangement from the preceding, by the life of the Duke of Somerset being transposed to fall in chronological order. The addition of the signatures of several of the authors, gives a peculiar value to this impression.

The first parte of the Mirour for Magistrates, containing the falles of the first infortunate Princes of this lande: From the comming of Brute to the incarnation of our sauiour and redemer Iesu Christe. Ad Romanos. 13. 2. Quisquis se opponit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe. Anno 1574. Cum Priuilegio. Eights, Sig. K ii. Fol. 74. Introduction 6 leaves.

This is the best legitimate attempt to enlarge the work published by Baldwin; and the date of the first edition has escaped the research of modern bibliographers.[27] To the Title succeeds the Table of Contents on one leaf; the Epistle dedicatory to the nobility, and the address to the reader. The Authour’s Induction imitates that by Sackville, and is followed by sixteen legends, the sole production of John Higgins.[28]

Their names follow, viz:

At the end of Nennius the address of “the Author” concludes with the fifth Stanza:[29]

And keepe, maintaine and celebrate his praise:

VVich graunted, all they vanisht quite their wayes.

Viuit post funera virtus.

Finis que Iohn Higgins.

The last parte of the Mirour for Magistrates, wherein may be seene by examples passed in this Realme, with howe greuous plagues, vices are punished in great Princes and Magistrates, and howe frayle and vnstable worldly prosperitie is founde, where Fortune seemeth moste highly to fauour. Newly corrected and amended. Fœlix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe. Anno. 1574. Cum Priuilegio. 168 leaves.

A copy having a title page with the above date is as rare as the preceding article. The particular description, with which it is mentioned in a note by Warton, seemed to make its existence certain, although there was not wanting reason for disbelief on the occasion. Even that writer considered it “improperly entitled The Last Parte,” the existence of our preceding article not being then known.

The Contents are the same as edition 1571.

The first parte of the Mirour for Magistrates.—Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe. Anno 1575. Cum Priuilegio. 80 leaves.

This is an accurate reprint of the first edition, with an enlargement of “the Author,” at the end of Nennius, by the addition of Eleven Stanzas, and another legend concluding the volume, viz:

The last parte of the Mirour for Magistrates.—Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe. Anno 1575. Cum Priuilegio.

This is the edition of 1574, a circumstance that accounts for it being so little known in the original state. The part by Higgins, when it first appeared, no doubt found a rapid demand from those who possessed a copy of that by Baldwin; and therefore in the present instance an altered title, wherein a new date was substituted,[30] served to keep time with the second edition of the part by Higgins.

The first part of the Mirour for Magistrates.—Imprinted for Thomas
Marshe. 1578.

Mentioned by Ritson in the Bibliographia Poetica, p. 243, and also in a manuscript list made by him of all the editions. It is stated to have contained, as before, seventeen legends. I have never seen it.

The Last part of the Mirour for Magistrates.—Imprinted at London in Fleetstreete, neere vnto Sainct Dunstanes Church, by Thomas Marsh. 1578. Cum Priuilegio. 190 leaves.

Two additional legends were introduced, viz:

In the table of Contents to the edition of 1559, there is entered: “Good Duke Humfry murdered, and Eleanor Cobham his wife banished,” though no articles appear of that nature in the order of reference. What occasioned them to be deferred, it would be in vain now to inquire, or conjecture.

The Seconde part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, conteining the falles of the infortunate Princes of this Lande. From the Conquest of Cæsar, vnto the comyng of Duke William the Conquerour. Imprinted by Richard Webster, Anno Domini. 1578. 72 leaves.

This title is in an elegant architectural compartment, supported by crouching satyrs, and having upon the sill “Goe straight and feare not.”

It contains 12 legends, viz:

The whole was the production of Thomas Blenerhasset, and was, if we may believe the printer’s epistle, published without the knowledge or sanction of the author. In that epistle the writer speaks of “findyng a booke already in print, entituled, The first and third part of the Mirrour for Magistrates;” which appears only a convenient alteration of the two titles already given, there not being any edition distinguished as the Third part.

The Mirour for Magistrates, wherein may be seene, by examples passed in this Realme, with how greeuous plagues vices are punished in great Princes and Magistrates, and how fraile and vnstable worldly prosperity is found, where Fortune seemeth most highly to fauour: Newly imprinted, and with the addition of diuers Tragedies enlarged. At London in Fleetstreete, by Henry Marsh, being the assigne of Thomas Marsh. 1587. Cvm privilegio. 283 leaves.

A short preface, grounded upon the prefatory epistle of 1574, is substituted for that, and followed by a metrical address from Thomas Newton to the reader. Some additional legends by Higgins are introduced in the body of the work; and several others in continuance. Their titles are

On the reverse of folio 108, commences the Part edited by Baldwin. The brief Memorial to the reader is given; and the 29 legends already named with the addition of four, viz:

The productions of Baldwin and Higgins are here united with additional matter and corrections; and this being the last printed by either of the original editors, may be characterised, and has been now adopted, as the STANDARD EDITION.

A Mirovr for Magistrates: Being a trve chronicle historic of the vntimely falles of such vnfortvnate Princes and men of note, as haue happened since the first entrance of Brute into this Iland, vntill this our latter Age. Newly enlarged with a last part, called A Winter night’s Vision, being an addition of such Tragedies, especially famous, as are exempted in the former Historie, with a Poem annexed, called England’s Eliza. At London Imprinted by Felix Kyngston. 1610.

The Falles of Vnfortvnate Princes. Being a trve chronicle historic of the vntimely death of such vnfortunate Princes and men of Note, as haue happened since the first entrance of Brvte into this Iland, vntill this our latter Age. Wherevnto is added the famovs life and death of Qveene Elizabeth, with a declaration of all the Warres, Battels and Sea-fights, during her Raigne: wherein at large is described the Battell of 88. with the particular seruice of all such Ships, and men of note in that action. Contre fortune nul ne peut. At London, Imprinted by F. K. for William Aspley, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Churchyard at the Signe of the Parrot. 1619. also 1621. 448 leaves.

Both titles are found to the same edition. The last appears an attempt to new vamp the remainder of an unsaleable and justly depreciated article. A large part of the volume is formed from the labours of Higgins, Blenerhasset, and Baldwin, and reprinted on the laudable plan of collecting them together, by Richard Niccols. Unfortunately the original spirit and character is materially affected, if not destroyed, by his choosing to omit all intermediate matter between the legends, whether prose or verse: for the L’envoy of Higgins, and conversations of Blenerhasset and Baldwin are alike rejected. And his total want of respect for the original text, in addition to a false taste in remodelling it to please his own ear and fancy, has scarcely left a Legend that does not exhibit specimens of this unwarrantable liberty:[31] indeed it has long been known that the only value his collection now retains, is for that part completed by his own pen, which forms the remainder of the volume.

His own explanatory advertisement may be preserved here; it is addressed

To the Reader.

“To acquaint you in briefe with what is done in this impression: know that the verse is in proportion by measure, and in symphonie or rithmos, in diuers places amended; the storie in some places false and corrupted, made historically true; the tragedies wrongly inserted, disposed in their proper places, according to iust computation of time; those neuer before collected in one volume, published in this impression: for the forme and frame of the whole historie I did intend to haue reduced it into the same order, which I haue obserued in my Additions; but preuented by other occasions, I haue thus digested it. The tragedies from the time of Brute to the Conquest I haue left, with dependencie vpon that Induction written by M. Higins: Those from the Conquest to this our last age, that is, to the fall of the Lord Cromwell, excellently well penned by M. Drayton, hath reference to that golden Preface called M. Sackuil’s Induction. After these I haue placed my Additions, the falles of such Princes as were before omitted, and my Poem or Hymne of the late dead Queene of famous memorie. In all which I require no other gratification for my pains, but a gentle censure of my imperfections.”

Niccols in the first division gives the forty legends by John Higgins, and ten of those by Thomas Blenerhasset, the two of Guiderius and Alurede being rejected. Then a new title:

The variable Fortvne and vnhappie falles of svch Princes as hath happened since the Conquest. Wherein may be seene the instabilitie and change of state in great Personages. At London, Imprinted by Felix Kyngston. 1609.

Prefixed to this part is a short prose address from the Editor on his following the supposed plan of Sackville, by placing the Induction at the beginning as a prefatory poem. He has retained twenty-nine of the legends of Baldwin, and others, already noticed, omitting for reasons not assigned the following four; Richard Duke of Gloucester, James Ist and IVth, and the Battle of Flodden Field: and adding that of Lord Cromwell by Michael Drayton.

These reprints occupy 548 pages; the remainder of the volume is original, and in two divisions.

A Winter nights vision: being an addition of svch princes especially famous, who were exempted in the former Historie. By Richard Niccols, Oxon. Mag. Hall. At London Imprinted by Felex Kyngston, 1610.

Dedicatory sonnet to the Earl of Nottingham, prose address to the reader, The Induction, and ten legends, viz:

England’s Eliza: or the victoriovs and Trivmphant reigne of that virgin Empresse of sacred Memorie, Elizabeth, Queene of England, France and Ireland, &c. At London Imprinted by Felix Kyngston. 1610.

Dedicatory sonnet to Lady Elizabeth Clere, a prose advertisement, The Induction, and the poem of England’s Eliza.

The Mirror for Magistrates.

In Five Parts, 1815.

Above three years have elapsed since the present edition was projected. It was then intended to form one of a series of reprints of poetical works of the Elizabethan æra that had ceased to be attainable, though entitled by merit to be rescued from undeserved obscurity, and was to have been attached to a periodical work, which has now ceased its circulation.

To select so voluminous a performance as the Mirror for Magistrates might appear extraordinary, had not a more complete edition than has hitherto appeared, been long wanted. A want, which, as the work combined the desultory productions of many writers, and was interspersed with incidental narrative in prose, could not, although a national poem, be supplied by any collection of the English poets. It is true that Sackville’s Induction and the Legend of Buckingham may be found in Dr. Anderson’s collection: but this was a partial appropriation rather fitting the Elegant Extracts, than a Complete Edition of the English poets, from which such a fragment was of course displaced. There was also wanted a certain list of the many editions, with their various additions: what laboured research had not hitherto supplied, for even the critical and valuable examination of the work by Warton, was known, from the references, to have several errors.

The hallowed voice of 'elden’ critics[32] was uniform in its favour; and to that might be joined the opinion of several literary friends, who, on the subject being first agitated, by their assistance made the difficulties that appeared unsurmountable, vanish. It is now comprised in two volumes and five parts, as follows:

Part I.—Sixth Edition:

by John Higgins,[33] is reprinted from the standard edition of 1587 collated with those of 1575, and 1610; and contains

In prose.—The Epistle Dedicatory.—*I. Higgins to the Reader.—*A Preface to the Reader.—In verse:—Thomas Newton to the Reader.—The Author’s Induction.—Legends:

Niccols rejected the matter distinguished above with an asterisk, and also the intermediate verses as “L’envoy” that connected the legends, which are now restored; and in the notes are given the variations, as originally printed, under the title of “the authour.” Of the legends No. 9, 13, and 14, the notes contain those as printed in the first edition.

Part II. Third Edition:

by Thomas Blenerhasset,[34] from the edition of 1578, collated with that of 1610. Contains

*The Printer to the Reader.—*The Authour’s Epistle unto his friends.—Legends:

The original intermediate prose inductions are now given, which, as well as the articles that have asterisks affixed, were rejected by Niccols.

Part III. Eighth Edition:

by William Baldwin, and his Assistants, is now printed from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559, 63, 71, 75, 78, and 1610; and contains

In prose.—*The Epistle dedicatory.—*William Baldwin to the reader.—Richard Niccols to the reader.—Legends:

To the further omissions of Niccols in this part, distinguished as before, may be added the intermediate conversations, in their original text, which are here restored.

Parts IV. and V.—Second Edition:

by Richard Niccols,[50] containing A Winter’s Night’s Vision, and England’s Eliza, are from the edition of 1610.

Such is the analysis of the following volumes, of which the bulk required some historical matter, intended for notes, to be suppressed.

No single library could be expected to contain the many editions used in collation; and copies inspected, of value in other respects. The indulgent loan of those stores claims the acknowledgement of my obligation to Mr. Heber, Mr. Douce, the Hon. Mr. Nassau, Mr. Utterson, and Mr. Gilchrist. The like is due to my friend Sir Egerton Brydges, from whom I have also derived much valuable assistance in the course of the undertaking.

Only one hundred and fifty copies are printed beyond the number demandable under a late Act of Parliament; and let it be recorded, that the work was put to press long before that censurable measure was in agitation, whereby it falls with all the weight and injustice of an ex post facto law upon the proprietors.

JOS. HASLEWOOD.

Conduit Street,

22d Sept. 1815.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Volume I.

Volume II.

THE

Mirour for Magistrates,

wherein may bee scene,

by

examples passed in this

Realme with

how greeuous plagues vices are punished in great Princes and Magistrates:

and how fraile and vnstable worldly prosperity is found, where Fortune seemeth most highly to fauour.

PART I.

By JOHN HIGGINS.

[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1575 and 1610.]

Loue and liue.

To the nobility and all other in office, God graunt the increase of wisedome, with all thinges necessary for preseruation of theyr estates.

Amen.

Amongste the wise (right Honorable) whose sentences (for the moste parte) tende either to teache the attayning of vertue or eschuing of vice, Plotinus. Plotinus that wonderfull and excellent Philosopher hath these wordes: The property of Temperaunce is to couet nothing which may be repented: not to excede the bands of measure, & to kepe Desire vnder the yoke of Reason. Whiche saying if it were so well knowen, as it is nedefull; so well embraced, as is[53] wished; or so surely fixed in minde, as it is printed in his workes: then certis many Christians might by the instruction of an Ethnicke Philosopher, shun great and daungerous perils. For to couet without consideration, to passe the measure of his degree, and to let will run at randon, is the only destruction of all estates. Else howe were it possible, so many learned, polliticke, wise, renoumed, valiaunt, and victorious personages, might euer haue come to such vtter decay? For example, wee haue[54] Quintus Curtius. Alexander the Great, Cæsar, Pompey, Cyrus, Hannibal, &c. All which (by desier of glorye) felte the reward of theire immoderate and insatiable lustes: for if Alexander had beene content with Macedonie, or not beene pufte vp with pride after his triumphes, hee had neuer beene so miserably poysoned. If Cæsar and Pompey had beene satisfied with theire victories, and had not fell to ciuill discention, the one had not beene slaine in the senate with daggers, nor the other abroade, by their frendes procurement. Iustinus lib. 1. If Cyrus had beene pleased with all Persia, and Media, and not thirsted for bloud, hee had neuer com to so infortunate a fall. Plutarchus. So if Hanniball had not so much Liuius. delited in glorye of warfare, his countrey had neyther fell in ruine, Polibius. nor hee bene miserably forced to poyson himselfe. But you will say, desire of fame, glorye, renowne, and immortalitie (to which all men well nighe by[55] nature are inclined, especially those which excell or haue any singuler gift of fortune or[56] the body) moued them to such daungerous, great, and hardy enterprises, which must needes be confessed[57] as an infallible veritie: and therefore I suerly[58] deeme those Princes aboue specified (considering their[59] fortunes, fame, and exploytes) had neuer come to suche ende, but for wante of temperance. And now[60] sithe there are three other Cardinall vertues which are requisite in him that should bee in authoritye: that is to saye, Prudence, Iustice, and Fortitude, which so wonderfully adorne and beautifie all estates (If Temperaunce bee with them adioyned, that they moue the very enemies with admiration to prayse them) some peraduenture (as affection leades) will commende one, some another: Arist. Cicero. Prudence. as[61] Aristotle the Prince of Philosophers names Prudence, the mother of vertues, but[62] Cicero defines her the knowledge of things which ought to bee desired and followed, and also of them which ought to bee fled and eschewed; yet you shall finde that for want of Temperaunce, some which were counted very wise[63] fell into wonderfull reproche and infamy. But[64] Iustice that incomparable vertue, (as the auncient Ciuilians define her) is[65] a perpetuall and constant will which giueth to euery man his right, yet if shee be not constant, which is the gifte of Fortitude; nor equal in discerning right from wrong, wherein is Prudence; nor vse proportion in iudgement and sentence, which pertayneth to Temperaunce: shee can neuer bee called equitie or iustice, but fraude, deceite, iniustice and iniurie. And, to speake of Fortitude. Cicero. Fortitude, which Cicero defineth, a consyderate vndertaking of perills, and enduring of labours; if he whome wee suppose stoute, valiaunt, and of good courage, want Prudence, Iustice, or Temperaunce, he is not counted wise, righteous and constant, but sottish, rude and desperate. For Cicero. Temperance. Temperaunce (sayth Cicero) is of reason[66] in lust and other euel assaultes of the minde, a suer and moderate dominion & rule. This noble vertue is deuided into three[67] partes, that is Continency, Clemencie, and Modestye, which well[68] obserued and kept (if grace bee to them adioyned) it is impossible for him that is endued with the aboue named vertues euer to fall into the infortunate snares of calamity, or misfortune. But Ambition which is immoderate[69] desire of honour, rule, dominion, and superioritie, (the very distruction of nobility and common weales, as among the Romanes; Sylla, Marius, Carbo, Cinna, Cateline, Pompey, and Cæsar, are witnesses) hath brought great decay to[70] our contrey, and countreymen. Which Master Baldwin hath so touched[71] in his Epistle of the laste[72] volume of this booke, that I nede not therewith deale any further.[73] I haue here (right honorable) in this booke[74] only reproued foly in those which are heedelesse: Iniurie in extortioners, rashnes in venterers, [trecherie in traytours, riote in rebelles,][75] and excesse in such as suppresse not vnruly affections. Now[76] I truste you will so thinke of it (althoughe the style deserue not like commendation) as you thought of the other parte. Which if you shall, I doubt not but it may pleasure some; if not, yet geue occasion to others which can do better, either to amend these, or to publish their owne.[77] And thus wishing you Prudence to discerne what is meete for your callings, Iustice in the administration of your functions, Fortitude in the defence of your Countrey, and Temperaunce in moderation of all your affections, with increase of honours, and euerlasting felicity: I bid you in Christ Iesu farewell.[78] At Winceham the vii. day of December.

1586.

Your most humble in
the Lord,
Iohn Higins.[79]

“I. HIGGINS TO
THE READER.

“Amongst diuers and sondry chronicles of many nations, I thinke there are none (gentle reader) so vncertaine and brief in the beginning as ours: at which I cannot but maruayle, sith at all tymes our Ilande had as learned wryters (some singuler men excepted) as any nation vnder the sunne. Againe, those which now are our best chroniclers as they report, haue great antiquities; but what they publish of late yeares may be enlarged in many places by chronicles of other nacions: whereby it is manifest they are either ignoraunt of the tongues, or els not giuen to the studie of that, which they most professe. For if they were, me-thinkes it were easie for them, with such antiquities as they brag they haue, to fetche our histories from the beginning; and make them as ample, as the chronicles of any other country or nation. But they are faine, in steede of other stuffe, to talk of the Romains, Greekes, Persians, &c. and to fill our histories with their facts and fables. This I speake not to the end I wold have ours quite seperate from other, without any mention of them; but I would haue them there only named, where th’ affayres of both countries, by warre, peace, truce, mariage, trafique, or some necessary cause or other, is intermixed. I haue seen no auncient antiquities in written hand but two: one was Galfridus of Munmouth, which I lost by misfortune; the other, an old chronicle in a kind of Englishe verse, beginning at Brute and ending at the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester; in the which, and diuers other good chronicles, I finde many thinges not mentioned in that great tome engroced of late by Maister Grafton; and that, where he is most barraine and wantes matter. But as the greatest heades, the grayest hayres, and best clarkes, haue not most wytte; so the greatest bookes, titles, and tomes, contayne not most matter. And this haue I spoken, because in wryting the Tragedies of the first infortunate princes of this Isle, I was often fayne to vse mine owne simple inuention, yet not swaruing from the matter: because the chronicles (although they went out vnder diuers men’s names) in some suche places as I moste needed theyr ayde, wrate one thing, and that so brieflye, that a whole prince’s raigne, life, and death, was comprysed in three lines; yea, and sometimes mine olde booke, aboue mentioned, holpe mee out when the rest forsoke mee. As for Lanquet, Stowe, and Grafton, [they] were alwayes nighe of one opinion: but the Floure of Histories somewhat larger: some helpe had I of an old chronicle imprinted the yeare 1515. But surely methinkes, and so do most which delite in histories, it were worthely done, if one chronicle wer drawne from the beginning in such perfect sort, that al monuments of vertuous men (to the exalting of God’s glory) and all punishments of vicious persons (to the terrour of the wicked) might be registred in perpetuall remembraunce. To which thing the right reuerende father in God Matthew [Parker] Archbishop of Canterbury, and Metropolitane of Englande, hath brought such ayde, as wel by printing as preseruing the written chronicles of this realme; that by his grace’s studie and paynes, the labour, in tyme to come, wil be farre more easy to them, that shall take such trauayle in hand. But to leaue with these, and declare the cause of my purpose. As I chaunced to reade the Mirour for Magistrates, a worke by all men wonderfully commended, and full of fitte instructions for preseruation of eche estate: taking in hand the chronicles and minding to conferre the times, meethoughte the liues of a number euen at the beginning, the like infortunate princes offered themselues vnto mee as matter very meete for imitation, the like admonition, miter, and phrase; and seing Baldwine by these woordes moued mee somewhat thereto; It were (saith hee) a goodly and a notable matter to searche and discourse our whole storye from the beginning of the inhabiting of this Isle, &c. I read the storyes, I considered of the princes, I noted their liues, and therewith conferred their deathes. On this, I tooke penne in hande, minding nothing lesse than to publishe them abroade, but onely to trye what I could do if neede were, or time and leasure were giuen mee to bestowe in such wyse. I wrote the twoo first, euen as they now are, and because I would not kepe secrete my first labours in this kinde of study (though I might well haue blushed at the basenes of my style) I shewed them to a friend of myne, desiring his vnfayned iudgement in this matter; which when he had read, he neuer left intreating me to wryte other, til I had ended all to the byrth of Christ: and yet not so content; he desired mee t’ accomplish the residue til I came to the Conquest, (which were wel nighe fiftie Tragedies): but, wearied with those which I had written, I desired him pause on this, till tyme and leasure were giuen mee. Yet hee, making relation to other his frendes what I had done, left mee not quiet till they likewyse had seene them: whose perswasion, as it seemed without any suspition of assentation or flattery, so hath it made mee bolder at this present then before. “Although (sayd they) your Tragædies be simple, and not comparable to those which the other before haue written; yet when men consider that many wrote those, but one these; that they are graue writers, you are but yong; the perfection of those stories, and the imperfection of these: finally, the good wil you beare to your country, the commendation of vertue, the detestation of vice, the fal of ambition, the horrible end of traytours, harlots, tyrauntes, adulterers, enchaunters, murderers, and such like; When men (said they) consider these things, they cannot, (how simple soeuer your verse bee,) but thinke well of the matter.” At length, with these perswasions and suche like, I was contente (good reader) to publishe them for thy behoufe, and the publique weale of my countrye; at which if thou enuie, I minde not therefore to enuie my selfe, and staye my penne. But (God willing) thou shalt, as fast as I can prepare them, haue other bookes from my handes, which maye please thee againe; and thus with all my harte I bidde thee hartely farewell.

Thy friende
I. H.”[80]

A PREFACE TO
THE READER.

[Before the edition 1587.]

Aboute a twelue yeares since (gentle reader) when I tooke vpon mee for exercise sake, only to make proofe in English verse what I could do, & had read the Mirour for Magistrates which Maister Baldwins set forth, (a booke both well penned and also well commended) I perused the Chronicles, I noted the times, I conferred the Princes, and me thought that a nomber euen at the firste inhabiting of this Islande, offered them selues the like haplesse impes of Fortune, with matter very meete for imitation, and like admonition, meeter and phrase. And sith Maister Baldwine in these words of his preface moued mee somewhat thereto: It were (sayth hee) a goodly and a notable mater to search, and discours our whole storie from the beginning of the inhabiting of this Isle, &c. I read agayne the stories, I considered of the Princes, I noted theire liues, and therewith conferred their falles: on this I tooke penne in hande, and wrote a fewe of the firste euen as they since were imprinted, minding nothing lesse then to publish them abroade: and because I woulde not keepe secret my first laboures in this kinde of studie, (although I mighte haue blushed at the basenes of my style) I shewed them to some frendes of myne, desired theire vnfayned iudgementes herein, who not only perswaded mee that they were well, but also desired mee to followe the same order till I came to the birth of Christe: which when I had done, yet they willed mee to proceede with the falles of the like vntill the conqueste, which I coulde not doe, being called away by other studies of more importaunce, but the rest which I wrot after that time and at leisure since by the perswations of some worshipfull, and my very good frendes; I haue here set downe, and agayne corrected those which I wrot before, euen for the profit of my natiue countrey. Now I desire thee (gentle reader) so well to accept of my paynes and good will herein bestowed, as I was well willing by this edition to doe thee ease, and pleasure. And so whishing thee the feare of God, the loue of thy Prince and countrey, and after this lyfe the fruition of perfecte felicitye, I doe bid thee hartely in Christe Iesu farewell.

Thy frende,
Iohn Higins.[81]

THOMAS NEWTON
TO THE READER,

in the behalfe of this Booke.

As when an arming sword of proofe is made,

Both steele and yron must be tempred well:

(For yron giues the strength vnto the blade,

And steele, in edge doth cause it to excell)

As ech good Bladesmith by his Arte can tell:

For, without yron, brittle will it breake,

And, without steele, it will bee blunt and weake:

So bookes, that now theyr faces dare to show,

Must mettald bee with Nature and with Skill:

For Nature causeth stuffe enough to flow,

And Arte the same contriues by learned quill

In order good, and currant methode still.

So that, if Nature frowne, the case is hard:

And if Arte want, the matter all is marde.

The worke, which here is offred to thy vewe,

With both these poynts is full and fitly fraught;

Set foorth by sundry of the learned Crewe:

Whose stately styles haue Phœbus garland caught,

And Parnasse mount theyr worthy works haue raught,

Theyr wordes are thundred with such maiestie,

As fitteth right ech matter in degree.

Reade it therefore, but reade attentiuely,

Consider well the drift whereto it tendes:

Confer the times, perpend the history,

The parties states and eke theyr dolefull endes,

With odde euentes, that divine iustice sendes.

For, thinges forepast are presidents to vs,

Whereby wee may thinges present now discusse.

Certes this worlde a Stage may well bee calde,

Whereon is playde the parte of eu’ry wight:

Some, now aloft, anon with malice galde

Are from high state brought into dismall plight.

Like counters are they, which stand now in sight

For thousand or ten thousand, and anone

Remooued, stande perhaps for lesse then one.

1587.

Thomas Newtonus,

Cestreshyrius.[82]

THE AUTHORS INDUCTION.

1.

When Sommer sweete, with all her pleasures past,

And leaues began, to leaue the shady tree,

The winter colde encreased on full fast,

And time of yeare to sadnes moued mee:

For moysty blastes, not halfe so mirthfull bee,

As sweete Aurora bringes in spring time fayre,

Our ioyes they dimme, as winter damps the ayre.

2.

The nights began, to growe to lengthe apace,

Sir Phœbus to th’ Antarctique gan to fare:

From Libraes lance, to th’ Crab hee tooke his race

Beneth the lyne, to lende of light a share.

For then with vs the dayes more darkishe are,

More shorte, colde, moyste, and stormy cloudy clit,

For sadnes more then mirths or pleasures fit.

3.

Deuising then, what bookes were best to reade,

Both for that time, and sentence graue also,

For conference of frende to stande in steade,

When I my faithfull frende was parted fro;

I gate mee strayght the Printers shops vnto,

To seeke some worke of price I suerly ment,

That might alone my carefull mynde content.[83]

4.

Amongst the rest,[84] I found a booke so sad,

As tyme of yeare or sadnesse[85] coulde requier:

The Mirour namde, for Magistrates hee had,

So finely pende, as harte could well desire.

Which when I read, so set my heart on fire,

Eftsoones it mee constraynde to take the payne,

Not lefte with once,[86] to reade it once agayne.

5.

And as agayne I vewde this worke with heede,

And marked playne each party paynt[87] his fall:

Mee thought in mynde, I sawe those men indeede,

Eke howe they came in order Princely[88] all;

Declaring well, this life is but a thrall,

Sith those on whom, for Fortunes giftes wee stare,

Ofte sooneste sinke, in greatest seas of care.

6.

For some, perdy, were Kinges of highe estate,

And som were Dukes, and came of regall race:

Som Princes, Lordes, and Iudges greate that sate

In councell still, decreeing euery case.

Som other Knightes, that vices did imbrace,

Som Gentlemen, som poore exalted hye:

Yet euery one, had playde his tragedye.

7.

A Mirour well it might[89] bee calde, a glasse

As cleare as any[90] cristall vnder Sun:

In each respecte, the Tragedies so passe,

Theyr names shall liue, that such a worke begun.

For why, with such Decorum is it don,

That Momus spight with[91] more then Argus eyes,

Can neuer watche, to keepe it from the wise.

8.

Examples there, for all estates you finde,

For iudge (I say) what iustice hee shoulde vse:

The noble man, to beare a noble mynde,

And not him selfe ambitiously abuse.

The gentleman vngentlenes refuse,

The rich and poore, and eu’ry one may see,

Which way to loue, and liue in due[92] degree.

9.[93]

I wishe them often well to reade it than,

And marke the causes why those Princes fell:

But let mee ende my tale that I began.

When I had red these Tragedies full well,

And past the winter euenings[94] long to tell,

One night at last I thought to leaue this[95] vse,

To take som ease beefore I chaundge my muse.

10.

Wherefore away from reading I mee gate,

My heauy heade waxte dull for wante of reste:

I layde mee downe, the night was waxed late,

For lacke of sleepe myne eyes were sore oppreste:

Yet fancy still of all theire deathes increaste,

Mee thought my mynde from them I coulde not take,

So worthy wightes, as caused mee to wake.[96]

11.

At length appeared clad in purple blacke[97]

Sweete Somnus, rest which comforts eache aliue;

By ease of mynde, that weares away all wracke,

That noysome night, from wery witts doth driue,

Of labours long, the pleasures wee atcheiue.

Whereat I ioyde, sith after labours paste,[98]

I might enioye sweete Somnus sleepe at laste.[99]

12.

But hee by whom I thought my selfe at reste,

Reuiued all my fancyes fond before:

I more desirous humbly did requeste,

Him shew th’ vnhappy Albion Princes yore.[100]

For well I wist, that hee coulde tell mee more,

Sith vnto diuers, Somnus erste had tolde,

What thinges were done, in elder times of olde.

13.[101]

Then strayght hee foorth his seruante Morpheus calde,

On Higins here thou muste (quoth hee) attende;

The Britayne Peeres to bring (whom Fortune thralde)

From Lethian lake, and th’ auncient shapes them lende;

That they may shew why, howe, they tooke theire ende,

I will (quoth Morpheus) shewe him what they were;

And so mee thought, I sawe them strayght appeare.

14.

One after one, they came in straunge attire,

But some with woundes and bloude were so disguisde,

You scarsly coulde by reasons ayde aspire,

To know what warre such sondry deaths deuisde;

And seuerally those Princes were surprisde.

Of former state, these states gaue ample show

Which did relate their liues and ouerthrow.

15.

Of som the faces bolde and bodyes were[102]

Distaynde with woade, and turkishe beardes they had:

On th’ ouer lyppes mutchatoes long of heyre,

And wylde they seemde, as men dispayring mad.

Theire lookes might make a constant heart[103] full sad,

And yet I could not so forsake the vewe[104]

Nor[105] presence, ere theire myndes I likewise knewe.

16.

For Morpheus bade them each in order tell[106]

Their names and liues, their haps and haplesse dayes,

And by what meanes, from Fortunes wheele[107] they fell,

Which did them earst, vnto such honours rayse.

Wherewith the first not making moe delayes,

A noble Prince broade wounded brest[108] that bare

Drew neere, to tell the cause of all his care.

17.

Which when mee thought to speake hee might be bolde,[109]

Deepe from his breste hee threwe an vncouth[110] sounde:

I was amazde his gestures to beholde.

And bloud that freshly trickled from his wounde,

With Eccho so did halfe his wordes confounde,

That scarce a while the sence might playne appeare:

At last,[111] mee thought, hee spake as you shall heare.[112]

How King Albanact the Yongest Son of Brutus,[113] and First King of Albany (now called Scotland) was slayne by king Humber, the yeere before Christ, 1085.

1.

Sith flattering Fortune sliely could beguile

Mee, first of Brytane Princes in this land:[114]

And yet at first on mee did sweetely smile,

Doe marke mee here,[115] that first in presence stand.

And when thou well my wounded corps hast scand,

Then shalt thou heare my hap to penne the same[116]

In stories calde Albanactæ by name.[117]

2.

Lay feare[118] aside, let nothing thee amaze,

Ne haue despaire, ne scuse the want of time:[119]

Leaue of on mee with fearefull lookes to gaze,

Thy pen may serue for such a tale as myne.

First I will tell thee all[120] my fathers lyne,

Then hitherward why hee with Troians man’d,

His voyadge made, and founde this noble land.[121]

3.

And last I minde to tell thee of my selfe,

My life and death, a Tragedy so true

As may approue your world is all but pelfe,

And pleasures sweete, whom sorows aye ensue.

Hereafter eke in order comes a crue,

Which can declare, of worldly pleasures vayne

The price wee all haue bought, with pinching[122] paine.[123]

4.

When Troy was sackt, and brent, and could not stand,

Æneas fled from thence, Anchises sonne,

And came at length to King Latinus land:

Hee Turnus slew, Lauinia eke hee wonne.

After whose death, Ascanius next his sonne

Was crowned King, and Siluius, then his heire,

Espoused to a Latine Lady faire.[124]

5.

By her had Siluius shortly issue eke,

A goodly Prynce, and Brutus was his name.

But what should I of his misfortune speake,

For hunting, as hee minded strike the game,

He shot[125] his father, that beyond it came.

The quarrell[126] glaunst, and through his tender side

It flewe where through the noble Siluius dyde.[127]

6.

Lo thus by chaunce though princely Brutus slewe

His father Siluius, sore agaynst his will,

Which came to soone, as he his arrowe drewe

Though hee in chace the game, did minde to kill,

Yet was hee banisht from his countrey still,[128]

Commaunded neuer[129] to retourne no more,

Except he would his life to loose therefore.

7.

On this, to Greece Lord Brutus tooke his way,

Where Troians were, by Græcians, captiues kept:

Helenus was by Pirrhus brought away

From death of Troians, whom their[130] friends bewept.

Yet hee in Greece this[131] while no busines slept,

But by his facts, and feates obtayn’d such fame,

Seauen thousand captiue Troians to him came.

8.

Assaracus a noble Græcian eke,

Who by his mother came of Troian race,

Because he sawe himselfe in Greece to weake,[132]

Came vnto him to ayde him in this case,

For that his brother thought him to deface.[133]

Which was a Greeke by both his parents sides,

His Castells three the Troian Brutus guides.

9.

While[134] hee to bee theyr Captayne was content,

And as[135] the Troians gathered to his band,

Ambassage to the[136] Græcian King he sent,

For to entreate they[137] might depart his land.

Which when King Pandrasus did vnderstand,

An army strayght he did therefore addresse,

On purpose all the Troians to suppresse.

10.

So as King[138] Pandrasus at Spartane towne

Thought them in deserts by, to circumuent,

The Troians with[139] three thowsand beate them downe,

Such fauoure loe, them[140] Lady Fortune lent.

By Mars his force, their rayes and ranckes hee rent,

And tooke Antigonus the brother of their King,[141]

With others moe, as captiues home to bring.

11.

The taken towne from which the King was fled,

Sir Brutus with sixe hundreth men did man,

Eche prisoner was vnto his keeper led

To keepe in towne, the noble Troians wan:

And into woods the Troiane gate him than[142]

Againe with his, hee kept him there by night

To quaile the Græcians if they came to fight.

12.

The King which cal’d to minde his former foile,

His flight, and brother deare by Troians take,[143]

The towne hee lost, where Brutus gaue[144] the spoile,

Hee thought not so the fielde and fight forsake,

But of his men a muster new to make,

And so againe for to besiege the towne

In hope reuenge, or winne his lost renowne.

13.

By night the ambushe,[145] that his purpose knew,

Came forth from woods, whereas they[146] waited by,

The Troians all th’ vnarmed Græcians slew,

Went through their campe, none could their force deny,

Vnto the tent where Pandrasus did ly,

Whereas Lord Brutus[147] tooke their King that night,

And sau’d his life as seem’d a worthy wight.

14.

This great exploite so wisely well atchiu’d,

The Troiane victour did a counsaile call,

Wherein might bee for their estate contriu’d,

By counsaile graue, the publique weale of all.

Now tell (quoth he) what raunsome aske wee shall?

Or what will you for our auaile deuise?

To which Mempricius answer’d, graue and wise.[148]

15.

“I cannot (Brutus[149]) but commend thine act[150]

In this, thou noble Captaine, worthy praise:

Which deemest well, it were an heynous fact,[151]

T’ abridge the Grecian king of vitall daies,

And that wee ought[152] by clemency to raise

Our fame to skie, not by a sauage guise,

Sith Gods and men both, cruelty despise.

16.

“The cause wee fought, was for the freedome all

Of Troians taken, wee haue freedome won,

Wee haue our purpose, and their king withall,

To whom of rigour nothing ought bee done:

Though hee the quarrel with vs first begon,

And though wee owe the fall of Troyes requite,

Yet let reuenge thereof from gods to lighte.

17.

“His subiects now bewaile[153] their proude pretence,

And weapons laide aside, for mercy crie:

They all confesse their plagues to come from thence,

Where first from faith of Gods they seemd to fly.

Their Nobles dare not come the case to try,

But euen for peace, with all their heartes, they sue,

And meekly graunt, whence all their mischiefes grewe.

18.

“The Princesse[154] fayre, his daughter, who surmounte

For vertues rare, for beautie braue, and grace,

Both Helen fine, of whom they made accountes,

And all the rest that come of Græcian race,

Shee for her father sues, bewailes his case,

Implores, desires thy grace, and gods aboue,

Whose woes may them and thee to mercy moue.[155]

19.

“Some Troians say hee should deposed bee

From kingdome quite, or else bee slaine hee should,

And wee here byde, eke this mislyketh me,

Nay rather while wee stay keepe him in hold,

Or let him pay a raunsome large of gold,

And hostage geue, and homage doe of right

To thee, that wonst the fielde by Martiall fight.[156]

20.

“For kingdomes sake a captiue king to kill,

As euill abroade as in his natiue lande,[157]

For vs in Greece to dwell were euen as ill,

The force of Greece we cannot still withstande.

Let vs therefore both cruelty abande,

And prudent seeke both gods and men to please:

So shall we finde good lucke at lande and seas.[158]

21.

“Or sith the Græcians will thee for to take

The noble Ladie Iunogen to wyfe,

If thou so please, let him her dowry make

Of golde, ships, siluer, corne, for our reliefe,

And other thinges, which are in Græcia ryfe.

That we so fraught may seeke some desert shore,

Where thou and thyne may raygne for euermore.[159]”

22.

This pleas’d both Brutus and the Troians all,

Who wil’d forthwith that Pandrasus the King,

Should reuerently be brought into the hall,

And present when they tolde him of this thing:

So griefe and sorowe great his heart did stinge,

He could not shewe by countenaunce or cheere

That he it lik’d, but spake as you shall heare.

23.

“Sith that the wrath of gods hath yeelded me,[160]

And eke my brother, captiues to your hands,

I am content to do as pleaseth yee,

You haue my realme, my lyfe, my goods and landes,[161]

I must be needes content as Fortune standes.

I gieue my daughter, gold, and siluer fine,

With what for dowry els you craue is myne.”

24.

To make my tale the shorter if I may,

This truce concluded was immediately:[162]

And all thinges else performed by a day,

The King restor’d that did in pryson lie.

The Troians parted from the shores, perdy,[163]

Did hoyse vp sayles, in two dayes and a night

Vpon the Ile of Lestrigons[164] they light.

25.

And leauing of their ships at roade, to land

They wandring went the countrey for to vew:

Loe there a desert city olde they fand,

And eke a temple (if reporte bee true)

Where in Dianas temple olde, the crew[165]

To[166] sacrifice their captaine counsaile gaue

For good successe, a seate and soyle to craue.[167]

26.

And he no whit misliking their aduice

Went forth, and did before the altar hold

In his right hand a cup to sacrifice,

And fild with[168] wine, and white hinds bloud scarce cold.

And then before her stature straight hee told

Deuoutly all his whole peticion there,

In sorte (they say) as is repeated heere.[169]

27.

“O goddesse great in groues that putst wilde boares in feareful feare,

And maist goe all the compasse pathes of euery ayrye sphere,

Eke of th’ infernall houses too, resolue the earthly rights,

And tell what countrey in to dwell thou giu’st vs Troian wights.

Assigne a certaine seate where I shall worship thee for aye,

And where repleat with virgins, I, erect thy temples maye.”

28.

When nine times hee had spoken this, and went

Foure times the altar rounde, and staide agen,

He powr’d the wine and bloud in hand hee hent

Into the fire. O witlesse cares of men,

Such folly meere, and blindnes great was then.

But if religion now biddes toyes farewell,

Embrace that’s good, the vice of times I tell.

29.

He layde him then downe by the altars side,

Vpon the white Hindes skin espred therefore:

It was the third houre of the night, a tyde

Of sweetest sleepe, hee gaue himselfe the more

To rest[170] perdy.[171] Then seemed him before

Diana chaste, the goddesse to appeare,

And spake to him these wordes that you shall heare.

30.

“O Brute, farre vnder Phœbus fall, beyonde of France that raigne,

An Iland in the Ocean is, with sea tis compast mayne,

An Iland in the Ocean is, where Giauntes erst[172] did dwell:

But now a desert place that’s fit, will serue thy people well.

To this direct thy race, for there shall bee thy seate for aye,

And to thy sonnes there shall bee built another stately Troye.

Here of thy progeny and stocke, shall mightie Kings descend,

And vnto them as subiect, all the world shall bow and bend.”

31.

On this hee woke, with ioyfull cheere, and told

The vision all, and oracle it[173] gaue:

So it reioyst their hearts a thowsande fold.

To ships they got, away the shores they draue,

And hoysing sailes, for happie windes they craue.

In thirty dayes their voyage so they dight,

That on the coast of Aphrica[174] they light.

32.

Then to Philænes altars they attayn’d,

(For so men call two hilles erected are

In Tumise land) two brethren ground that gain’d

For Carthage once, and went tis sayd too farre,

On Cyren ground for bounds, there buryed were.

Because they would not turne againe, but striue

With Cyren men, they buryed them aliue.

33.

From thence they sailed through the middle lake,

Betwene Europa fayre and Aphrica the drye:

With winde at will, the doubtfull race they take,

And sail’d to Tuscane shores, on Europe coast that lye.

Where at the last amongst the men they did descrye

Fowre banisht bandes of Troians in destresse

To sayle with them, which did themselues addresse.[175]

34.

Companions of Antenor in his flight,

But Corinœus was their captayne than,

For counsayle graue[176] a wise and worthy wight:

In warres the prayse of[177] valiantnesse he wan.

Lord Brutus liked well this noble man,

With him full oft confer of fates hee wold,

And vnto him the oracles hee told.[178]

35.

The Troians so in number now encreast,

Set on to sea and hoysed sayles to wynde.

To Hercules his pillers from the East

They cast by compasse ready way to finde:

Where through once past to Northward race they twinde,

To Pirene cleeues, tweene Spayne and France the bounde,

Reioycing neere the promist Ile so founde.[179]

36.

Eke[180] vnto Guyne in France they sayled thence,

Where[181] at the hauen of Loire they did arriue,

To vewe the countrey was their whole pretence

And victayles get, their souldiers to reuiue.[182]

Eke Corinœus lest the Galles should striue,

Led forth two hundreth of his warlike band,

To get prouision to the ships from land.

37.

But when the King Goffarius heard of this,

That Troians were arriued on his shore,

With Frenchmen and with Guynes their power and his,

Hee came to take the pray they gat before,

And when they met, they fought it both full sore,

Till Corinœus rusht into their band,

And caus’d them fly: they durst no longer stand.

38.

First might you there seene hearts of Frenchmen broke,

Two hundreth Troians gaue them all the foyle

At home, with oddes, they durst not byde the stroke,

Fewe Troians beate them in their natiue soyle.

Eke Corinœus followed in this broyle,

So fast vpon his foes before his men,

That they return’d and thought to spoyle him then.

39.

There hee alone against them all, and they

Against him one, with all their force did fight,

At last by chaunce his sword was flowne away,

By fortune on a battayle axe hee light,[183]

Which hee did driue about him with such might,

That some their hands, and some their armes did leese,

Some legges, of some the head from shoulders flees.

40.

As thus amongst them all hee fought with force

And fortune great, in daunger of his lyfe,

Lord Brutus[184] had on him therewith remorce,

Came with a troupe of men to ende the strife.

When Frenchmen saw the Troians force so rife,

They fled away, vnto their losse and payne;

In fight and flight nigh all their host was slayne.

41.

And in that broyle, saue Corinœus, none

Did fight so fearcely, as did Turnus then:

Sir Brutus[185] cosin with his sword alone

Did sley that time well nigh sixe hundreth men.

They founde him dead as they return’d agen,

Amongst the Frenchmen, wounded voyde of sence,

And bare his noble corps with honour thence[186].

42.

On this they bode awhile reuenge to yeelde,

And to interre the dead, and Turnus slaine,

They tooke a towne not far from place of fielde,

And built it strong, to vexe the Galles agayne.

The name they gaue it still doth yet remayne:

Sith there they buried Turnus, yet men call

It Tours, and name the folke Turones all.

43.

Which towne they left at last with Troians man’d,

When as their ships were storde with what they neede

Aboarde, they hoise vp sayles and left the land,

By ayding windes they cut the seas with speede.

At length the shyning Albion clyues[187] did feede

Their gazing eyes, by meanes whereof they fand

Our Totnes hauen, and tooke this promist land.

44.

The countrey seemed pleasaunt at the vewe,

And was by fewe[188] inhabited, as yet,

Saue[189] certaine Giauntes whom they did pursue,

Which straight to Caues in Mountaines did them get:

So fine were Woods, and Flouds, and Fountaines set,

So cleare the ayre, so temperate the clime,

They neuer saw the like before that time[190].

45.

And then this Ile that Albion had to name,

Lord Brutus caus’d it Britaine cal’d to bee,[191]

And eke the people Britans of the same,

As yet in auncient Recordes is to see.

To Corinœus gaue hee franke and free

The land of Cornwall, for his seruice don,

And for because from Giauntes hee it won.

46.

Then sith our Troiane flock came first from Troy,

The Chiefetaine[192] thought that duty did him binde,

As[193] Fortune thus had sau’d him from anoy,

The auncient towne againe to call to minde.

Hee builte new Troy, them Troian lawes assignde,

That so his race,[194] to his eternal fame,

Might keepe of Troy the euerlasting name[195].

47.

And setled there, in perfect peace and rest,

Deuoid of warre, of laboure, strife, or paine,

Then Iunogen the Queene his[196] ioyes increast,

A Prince shee bare, and after other twaine,

Was newer King of noble Impes[197] so faine,

Three sonnes which had so shortly here begat,[198]

Locrinus, Camber, last mee Albanact.

48.

Thus hauing wealth, and eke the world at will,

Nor wanting ought that might his minde content,

T’ increase his powre with wights of warlike skill

Was all his minde his purpose and intent.

Whereby if foes inuasion after ment,

The Britans might not feare of forraine lands,

But keepe by fight possessions in their hands.

49.

Eke[199] when his people once perceiu’d his minde,

(As what the Prince doth often most embrace,

To that the subiects all are straight inclinde,

And reuerence still in eche respect his grace)

They gat in warre such knowledge in short space,

That after they their force to try begon,

They car’d for nought by wit or wight not won.

50.

They got of giaunts mountaines whence they came,

And woods from whence they oft made wise, they would

Destroy and kill, when voyage out they frame,

Or shewde themselues in banding ouer bold:

Then straight the Britans, gladder then of gold,

Were ready still to fighte at euery call,

Till time they had extynct the monsters all.[200]

51.

Whereby the King had cause to take delight,

And might bee bolde the lesse to feare his foes:

Perdy[201] ech Prince may recke his enmies spight,

Thereafter as his force in fight hee knoes.

A princely heart the liberall gifts disclose.

He gaue to eche such guerdons for their facts,

As might them only mooue to noble acts.

52.

No labours great his subiects then refusde,

No trauayles that might like his regall minde:

But ech of them such exercise well vs’d,

Wherein was praise, or glory great to finde.

And to their liege bare faithfull hearts so kinde,

That what hee wild they all obeyd his hest,

Nought else was currant but y^e Kings request.

53.

What Prince aliue might more reioyce then hee?

Had faithfull men, so valiaunt, bold, and stout?

What pleasures more on earth could lightly bee

Then win an Ile, and liue deuoyde of doubt?

An Ile sayd I? nay nam’d the world throughout

Another world, sith sea doth it deuide

From all, that wants not all the world beside.

54.

What subiects eke more happy were then these?

Had such a King of such a noble heart,

And such a land enioyde and liu’d at ease,

Whereof ech man almost might chose his part?

No feare of foes, vnknowne was treason’s art,

No fayning friends, no fawning Gnatoes skill,

No Thrasoes brags, but bearing ech good will.

55.

But as ech sommer once receaues an ende,

And as no state can stable stande for aye,

As course of time doth cause thinges bowe and bend,

As euery pleasure hath hir ending daye,

As will can neuer passe the power of maye:

Euen so my father, happy dayes that spent,

Perceau’d he must by sicknesse last relent.

56.

As doth the shipman well foresee the storme,

And knowes what daunger lyes in Syrtes of sand:

Eke as the husbandman prouides beforne,

When hee perceaues the winter cold at hand:

Euen so the wise, that course of things haue scan’d,

Can well the end of sicknes great presage,

When it is ioyn’d with yeares of stooping age.

57.

His sonnes and Counsaile all assembled were:

For why hee sent for vs and them with speede.

Wee came in hast, this newes vs caused feare.[202]

Sith so hee sent, wee thought him sicke indeede.[203]

And when wee all approacht to him with heede,[204]

Too soone alas, his grace right sicke we found,

And him saluted as our duties bound.

58.

And casting of his woefull[205] eyes aside,

Not able well to mooue his painefull head,

As silent wee with teares his minde abide,

Hee wil’d himselfe bee reared in his bed.

Which done, with sight of vs his eyes hee fed,

Eke pawsing so a while for breath hee stayd,

At length to them and vs thus wise hee sayd.

59.

“No maruaile sure, though you herewith bee sad,

(You noble Britaines) for your Brutus’ sake.

Sith whilom mee your captaine stout you had,

That now my leaue and last farwell must take,

Thus nature willes mee once an ende to make,

And leaue you here behinde, which after mee

Shall die, as mee[206] departe before you see.

60.

“You wot wherefore I with the Græcians fought,

With dinte of sworde I made their force to fly:

Antenor’s friends on Tuscane shores I sought,

And did them[207] not my promist land deny,

By Martiall powre I made the Frenchmen fly,

Where you to saue I lost my faithfull frende,

For you, at Tours, my Turnus tooke his ende.

61.

“I neede not now recite what loue I bare,

My friendship you, I trust, haue found so well,

That none amongst you all which present are,

With teares doth not record the tale I tell.

Eke whom I found for vertues to excell,

To them I gaue the price thereof, as due

As they deseru’d, whose facts I found so true.

62.

“Now must I proue, if paines were wel bestow’d,

Or if I spent my gratefull gifts in vayne,

Or if these great good turns to you I ow’d,

And might not aske your loyall loues againe:

Which if I wist, what tongue could tell my paine?

I meane, if you vngratefull mindes doe beare,

What meaneth death to let mee linger here?

63.

“For if you shall abuse your Prince in this,

The gods on you for such an haynous fact

To take reuenge bee sure will neuer misse.

And then to late you shall[208] repent the act,

When all my Realme, and all your wealthes are sackt:

But if you shall, as you begon, proceede,

Of kingdomes fall or foes there is no dreede.

64.

“And to auoyde contention that may fall,

Because I wishe this Realme the Britans still,

Therefore I will declare before you all,

Sith you are come, my whole intent and will:

Which if you keepe, and wrest it not to ill,

There is no doubt but euermore with fame

You shall enioy the Britans Realme and name.

65.

“You see my sonnes, that after mee must raigne,

Whom you or this haue lik’d and counsail’d well.

You know what erst you wisht they should refraine,

Which way they might all vices vile expell,

Which way they might in vertues great excell.

Thus if you shall, when I am gone insue,

You shall discharge the trust repos’d in you.

66.

“Bee you their fathers, with your counsaile wise,

And you my children take them euen as mee,

Bee you their guides in what you can deuise,

And let their good instructions teach you three:

Bee faithfull all: as brethren ought agree:

For concord keeps a Realme in stable stay:

But discord brings all kingdomes to decay.

67.

“Recorde you this: to th’ eldest[209] sonne I giue

This Middle parte of Realme to holde his owne,

And to his heyres that after him shall liue:

Also to Camber, that his part bee knowne,

I giue that land that lyes welnigh oregrowne

With woodes, Northwest, and mountaines mighty hye,

By South whereof the Cornish sea doth lye.[210]

68.

“And vnto thee my yongest sonne, that art

Mine Albanact, I giue to thee likewise

As much to bee for thee and thine apart,

As North beyonde the arme of sea there lyes,

Of which loe heere a Mappe before your eyes.

Loe heere my sonnes my kingdome all you haue,

For which (remember) nought but this I craue:[211]

69.

“First, that you take these fathers graue for mee,

Imbrace their counsaile euen as it were mine:

Next, that betweene your selues you will agree,

And neuer one at others wealth repine,

See that yee bide still bounde with friendly line:

And last, my subiects with such loue retaine,

As long they may your subiects eke remayne.

70.

“Now faint,[212] I feele my breath begins to fayle,

My time is come, giue eche to mee your hand:

Farewell, farewell, to mourne will not preuayle,

I see with Knife where Atropos doth stand:

Farewell my friendes, my children and my land,

And farewell all my subiectes, farewell breath,

Farewell ten thowsand times, and welcome death.”

71.

And euen with that hee turnde himselfe asyde,

Vpyeelding, gasping gaue[213] away the ghost:

Then all with mourning voyce his seruantes cry’d,[214]

And all his subiectes eke, from least to most,

Lamenting fil’d with wayling plaintes[215] ech coast,

Perdy[216] the Britans, all as nature bent,[217]

Did for their King full dolefully lament.

72.

But what auayles, to striue against the tide,

Or else to driue[218] against the streame and winde?

What booteth it against the Cliues to ride,

Or else to worke against the course of kinde?

Sith Nature hath the ende of thinges assin’d,

There is no nay, wee must perforce depart,

Gainst dinte of death there is no ease by arte.[219]

73.

Thus raign’d that worthy King, that founde this land,

My father Brutus, of the Troian bloud,

And thus hee died when hee full well had man’d

This noble Realme with Britans fearce and good.

And so a while in stable state it stood,

Till wee deuided had this Realme in three,

And I to soone receiu’d my part to mee.

74.

Then straight through all the world gan Fame to fly,

A monster swifter none is vnder Sunne:

Encreasing as in waters wee descry

The circles small, of nothing that begunne,

Which at the length vnto such breadth doe come,

That of a drop, which from the skies doth fall,

The circles spread, and hyde the waters all:

75.

So fame in flight increaseth more and more:

For at the first she is not scarcely knowne,

But by and by she fleets[220] from shore to shore,

To cloudes from th’ earth her stature straight is growne:

There whatsoeuer by her trompe is blowne,

The sounde that both by sea and land out flies,

Reboundes againe, and verberates the skies.

76.

They say the earth, that first the Giauntes bred,

For anger that the gods did them dispatch,

Brought forth this sister, of those monsters dead,

Full lighte of foote, swifte winges the windes to catch;

Such monster erst did nature neuer hatch.

As many Plumes shee hath from top to toe,

So many eyes them vnderwatch, or moe.

77.

And tongues doe speake, so many eares doe harke,

By night tweene heauen she flies and earthly shade,

And shreaking, takes no quiet sleepe by darke:

On houses rowfes, on[221] towres as keeper made

Shee sits by day, and Cities threats t’ inuade:

And as she tells what things shee sees by vewe,

Shee rather shewes that’s fayned false, then true.

78.

She blazde abroade perdy a people small,[222]

Late[223] landed heere, and founde this pleasaunt Ile,

And how that now it was deuided all,

Made tripartite,[224] and might within a while

Bee won by force, by treason, fraud, or guile.

Wherefore she mooues her frendes to make assay

To win the price, and beare our pompe away.

79.

A thowsand things besides shee bruits and tells,

And makes the most of euery thing shee heares

Long time of vs shee talkes, and nothing els,

Eke what shee seeth abroade in haste shee beares,

With tatling toyes, and tickleth so their eares,

That needes they must to flattering fame assent,

Though afterwards they doe therefore lament.

80.

By East from hence a countrey large doth lye,

Hungaria eke of Hunnes it hath to name,