Mirror for Magistrates.

T. Bensley, Printer,
Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.

Mirror for Magistrates.

EDITED BY
JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

VOLUME II.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

Mirror for Magistrates,

IN FIVE PARTS.

VOLUME THE SECOND,

CONTAINING

PART III.

BY FERRERS, CAVYLL, CHALONER, PHAER, BALDWIN, SKELTON, DOLMAN, SACKVILLE, SEGAR, DINGLEY, CHURCHYARD, AND DRAYTON.

PARTS IV. AND V.

BY RICHARD NICCOLS.

COLLATED WITH
VARIOUS EDITIONS, AND HISTORICAL NOTES, &c.
By JOSEPH HASLEWOOD.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. FINSBURY SQUARE;
AND
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1815.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Volume II.

THE
Mirrour for Magistrates,
Wherein may be seene,
by
examples passed in this
Realme, with
how greeuous plagues vices are punished
in great Princes and Magistrates:
and how fraile and vnstable worldly
prosperity is found, where Fortune
seemeth most highly
to fauour.
Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.
PART III.
By WILLIAM BALDWIN,
and others.
[Reprinted from the edition of 1587, collated with those of 1559,
1563, 1571, 1575, 1578, and 1610.]

[Loue and Liue.

To all the[1] nobilitie, and all other in office, god graunt wisedome and all thinges nedefull for the preseruation of their estates. Amen.

Plato among many of[2] his notable sentences concernyng the gouernement of a common weale hath this: Well is that realme gouerned, in which the ambitious desire not to beare office. Whereby you may perceiue (right honourable) what offices are, where they be duely executed: not gainfull spoyles for the gredy to hunt for, but painefull toyles for the heady[3] to bee charged with. You may perceiue also, by this sentence, there[4] is nothing more necessary in a common weale then that magistrates[5] be diligent and trusty in their charges.

And sure in whatsoeuer realme such prouision is made, that officers be forced to do their duties, there is it as hard a matter to get an officer, as it is in other places to repulse and shift of[6] those that with flattery, brybes, and other shiftes, sue and preace for offices. For the ambitious (that is to saye prollers for power or gayne) seeke not for offices to helpe other, for whych cause officers[7] are ordained: but with the vndoing of other, to enrich themselues.[8] And therfore bar them once of this bayt, and force them to do their dueties, then will they geue more[9] to be rid from their charges, than they did at the first to come by them.[10] For they seeke onely their priuate profite.[11] And therfore where the ambitious seeke no office, there no doubt offices are duely ministred. And where offices are duely ministred, it cannot be chosen, but the people are good, whereof must nedes follow a good common weale. For if the magistrates[12] be good, the people cannot be ill. Thus the goodnes or badnes of any realme lieth in the goodnes or badnes of the rulers. And therfore not without great cause do the holy appostles so earnestly charg vs to pray for the magistrates: for in dede the wealth and quiet of euery common weale, the disorder also and miseries of the same, come specially thorough them. I neede not go eyther to the Romaines or Greekes for the profe hereof, neither yet to the Jewes, or other nations: whose common weales haue alway florished whyle their magistrates[13] were good, and decayed and ran to ruyne when vicious men had the gouernement.[14]

Our countrey[15] stories (if we reade and marke them) wil show vs examples enow, would God we had not sene mo than enow. I purpose not to stand herevpon the particulars, because they be in parte setforth in the tragedies folowing.[16] Yet by the waye, this I note (wishing all other to doe the like) namely, that as good gouernours haue neuer lacked their deserued praises,[17] so haue not the bad escaped infamy, besides such plagues as are horrible to heare of. For God (the ordeiner of offices)[18] although he suffer them for punishment of the people to be often occupied of such, as are rather spoilers and Judasses, than toilers or justices (whom the scriptures cal hypocrits)[19] yet suffereth he them not to scape vnpunished, because they dishonour him. For it is God’s own office, yea his chief office which they beare and abuse. For as justice is the chief vertue so is the ministration thereof, the chiefest office: and therfore hath God established it with the chiefest name, honouring and calling kinges and all officers vnder them by his owne name, gods: ye be al gods, as many as haue in your charge any ministration of iustice. What a foule shame were it for any nowe to take vpon them the name and office of God, and in their doings to shew themselues deuils? God cannot of justice, but plague suche shamelesse presumption and hipocrisie, and that with shamful death, diseases, or infamye. Howe he hath plagued euil rulers from time to time, in other nations, you may see gathred in Bochas’ boke intituled: The fall of Princes, translated into English by Lydgate, (a monke of the abbey of Bury in Suff.)[20] How he hath delt with some of our countrymen, your auncestours, for sundry vices not yet left, this boke named A Mirrour for Magistrates, shall in parte plainlye set forth before your eyes which boke I humbly[21] offer vnto your honours, beseching you to accept it fauorably. For here, as in a mirror or loking glasse,[22] you shal se if any vice be found,[23] how the like hath ben punished in other heretofore, wherby admonished, I trust it will bee a good occasione to moue men to the[24] soner amendment. This is the chief end why this booke is[25] set forth, which God graunt it may talke according to the maner of the makers.[26] The worke was begon and part of it printed in quene Marie’s time, but staid by such as then were chief in office,[27] neuertheles, through the meanes of the right honorable Henry lord Stafford,[28] the first part was licenced, and imprinted the first yeare of the raign of this our most noble and vertuous queene, and dedicated to your honours with this preface. Since which time, although I wanted such help as before, yet the said good lord Stafford[29] hath not ceased to cal vpon me to publish so much therof as I had gotten at other mens hands, so that through his lordship’s earnest meanes, I haue now also set forth another part, conteining as much as I could obtaine at the hands of my frends. Which[30] in the name of al the authours, I humbly dedicate vnto your honours, instantly wishing, that it may so like and delite your minds, that your chereful receiuing thereof, may encourage worthy wits to enterprise and perform the rest. Which as sone as I may procure, I entend through God’s leaue and your fauourable allowance, to publish with all expedicion. In[31] the meane whyle my lordes and gods, (for so I may cal you) I moste humbly besech your honours fauourably to accepte this rude worke,[32] and diligentlye to reade and consider it. And although you shal find in it, that some haue for their virtue bin enuied and brought vnto misery:[33] yet cease not you to be vertuous, but do your offices to the vttermost. Embrace vertue and suppresse the contrary, both in[34] your selues and other, so shall God, whose officers[35] you are, eyther so maintaine you that no malice shall preuaile, or if it do, it shall be for your good, and to your eternall glory both here and in heauen which I beseech God you may both seek[36] and attaine.

Amen.

Your’s most humble
W. B.[37]]

[A BRIEFE MEMORIALL OF SONDRY VNFORTUNATE ENGLISHMEN.

WILLIAM BALDWINE

TO THE READER.

When the printer had purposed with himselfe to print Lidgate’s translation of Bochas, of the fall[38] of princes, and had made priuy thereto[39] many both honorable and worshipfull: hee was counsayled by diuers of them to procure to haue the story continued from whereas Bochas left, vnto this present time, chiefly of such as fortune hath dalyed with here[40] in this island: which might be as a mirour for men of all estates and degrees as well nobles as others, to beholde[41] the slipery deceiptes of the wauering lady, and the due rewarde of all kinde of vices. Which aduice liked him so well, that hee requyred mee to take paynes therein: but because it was a matter passing my witte and skill, and more thanklesse then gainefull to meddle in, I refused vtterly to vndertake it, except I might haue the helpe[42] of such as in witte were apt, in learning allowed, and in iudgement and estimation able to wielde and furnish so weighty an enterprise, thinking[43] so to shift my handes. But hee earnest and diligent in his affayres, procured Athlas to set vnder his shoulder: for shortly after,[44] diuers learned men (whose many giftes neede fewe prayses) consented to take vpon them parte of the trauayle. And when certayne of them to the numbre of seauen,[45] were through a generall assent at one[46] apoynted time and place, gathered together to deuise thereupon I resorted vnto them, bearing with mee the booke of Bochas, translated by Dan Lidgate, for the better obseruation of his order: which although wee liked well[47] yet would it not conueniently[48] serue, seeing that both Bochas and Lidgate were deade, neyther were there any aliue that medled with like argument, to whome the vnfortunate might make theyr mone. To make therefore a state meete for the matter, they all agreede that I shoulde vsurpe Bochas’ rome, and the wretched princes complayne vnto mee: and tooke vpon themselues, euery man for his part to be sundry personages, and in theyr behalfes to bewaile vnto mee theyr greeuous chaunces, heauy destenies, and woefull misfortunes. This done, wee opened such bookes of chronicles as wee had there present, and Maister Ferrers (after he had founde where Bochas left, which was aboute the ende of king Edwarde the thirde’s raigne) to begin the matter, sayde thus:

“I maruaile what[49] Bochas meaneth to forget among his miserable princes, such as were of our owne[50] nation, whose number is as great as theyr aduentures wonderfull: for to let passe all, both Britaynes, Danes, and Saxons, and to come to the last conqueste, what a sorte are they, and some euen in his owne time,[51] [or not much before?[52]] As for example [William Rufus the second king of England after the conquest, slayne in the newe forest (as hee was hunting there) by[53] Walter Tirell, with the shotte of an arrowe. Robert duke of Normandy, eldest sonne to William Conqueror, depriued of his inheritance of England, by the sayde William Rufus his second brother, and after by Henry[54] his yongest brother hauing both his eies put out, miserably[55] imprisoned in Cardiff castle, whereas hee dyed. Likewise[56] the most lamentable case of William, Richarde, and Mary, children of the sayde Henry, drowned vpon the sea.[57] And[58]] king Richarde the first slayne with a quarrell in his chiefe prosperity. Also king Iohn his brother (as some say) poysoned.[59] Are not theyr historyes rufull, and of rare ensample? But as it shoulde appeare, Bochas being an Italian, minded most the Romayne and Italike story, or els perhaps hee wanted the knowledge of ours.[60] It were therefore a goodly and notable[61] matter, to searche and discourse our whole story from the first beginning of the inhabiting of the isle. But seeing the printer’s mind is to haue vs followe[62] where Lidgate left, wee will leaue that greate laboure to other that maye entende it, and (as one being bold first to breake the yse)[63] I will begin at the time[64] of Richarde the second, a time as vnfortunate as the ruler therein.[65] And forasmuch (friend Baldwine) as it shalbe your charge to note and pen orderly the whole processe: I will so far as my memory and iudgement serueth, somewhat further you in the trueth of the story. And therefore omitting the ruffle made by Iacke Strawe and his meiney,[66] with[67] the murder of many notable men which therby happened, (for Iacke as yee knowe was but a poore prince) I will begin with a notable example, which within a while after ensued. And although the person at whome I begin, was no king nor prince; yet[68] sithens hee had a princely office, I will take vpon mee the miserable person of sir Robert Tresilian chiefe iustice of England, and of other which suffered with him: therby to warne all of his autority and profession, to take heede of wrong iudgementes,[69] misconstruing of lawes, or wresting the same to serue the prince’s turnes, which rightfully brought them to a miserable ende, which they may iustly lament in maner ensuing.”][70]

TO THE READER.

[Before the edition 1610.]

Hauing hitherto continued the storie (gentle reader) from the first entrance of Brute into this iland, with the falles of such princes, as were neuer before this time in one volume comprised, I now proceed with the rest, which take their beginning from the Conquest, whose pen-men being many and diuers, all diuerslie affected in the method of this their Mirror, I purpose only to follow the intended scope of that most honorable personage, who, by how much he did surpasse the rest in the eminence of his noble condition, by so much he hath exceeded them all in the excellencie of his heroicall stile, which with a golden pen he hath limmed out to posteritie in that worthy obiect of his minde, the tragedie of the duke of Buckingham, and in his preface then intituled master Sackuil’s induction. This worthie president of learning, intending to perfect all this storie himselfe from the Conquest, being called to a more serious expence of his time in the great state affaires of his most royall ladie and soueraigne, left the dispose thereof to M. Baldwine, M. Ferrers, and others, the composers of these tragedies, who continuing their methode which was by way of dialogue or interlocution betwixt euery tragedie, gaue it onely place before the duke of Buckingham’s complaint, which order I since hauing altered, haue placed the induction in the beginning,[71] with euery tragedie following, according to succession and the iust computation of time, which before was not obserued; and lest any one thinke me envious of other’s deserts, I haue subscribed the names of all such as I could heare of, vnder such tragedies as each one particularlie hath written; which at the request of the printer, I haue briefely perused as the former. In which (friendly reader) if I haue done amisse, I craue pardon for my ouersight, hoping, if paines will in stead of penance pacifie thee, to yield thee satisfaction and content in my additions following, to which I refer thee.

R. N.

The falle of Robert Tresilian chiefe justice of England, and other his fellowes, for misconstruing the lawes, and expounding them to serue the prince’s affections. Anno 1388.[72]

1.

In the ruefull[73] register of mischiefe and mishap,

Baldwine we beseech thee with our names to begin,

Whom vnfriendly fortune did trayn vnto a trap,

When wee[74] thought our state most stable to haue bin:

So lightely leese they all, which all do weene to win:

Learne by vs ye laweyers and judges of this land,[75]

Vpright and vncorrupt[76] in dome alway to stand.

2.

And print yee this president[77] to remaine for euer,

Enrolle and record it in tables made of brasse,

Engraue it in marble that may bee razed neuer,

Where the judges[78] of the lawe may see, as in a glasse,

What guerdon is for guile,[79] and what our wages was,

Who for our prince’s pleasure,[80] corrupt[81] with meede and awe,

Wittingly and wretchedly[82] did wrest the sence of lawe.

3.

A chaunge more newe or straunge when was there euer seene,

Then judges from the bench to come downe to the barre,

And counsaylours that were most nigh to king and queene

Exiled their countrye, from court and counsaile farre:

But such is fortune’s play, which can both make and marre,

Exalting to most highe that was before moste lowe,

And turning tayle agayne, the lofty downe to throwe.[83]

4.

And such as late afore, could[84] stoutly speake and pleade

Both in court and countrye, carelesse of the triall,

Stand muet as[85] mummers[86] without aduise or reade,

All to seeke of shifting, by trauerse or denyall,[87]

Which haue seene the day, when,[88] for a golden ryall,[89]

By finesse and conning, could haue made blacke[90] seeme white,

And most extorted wrong to haue appeared right.[91]

5.

Whilst thus on bench aboue wee had the highest place,

Our reasons were to strong, for any to confute:

But when at barre beneath, wee came to pleade our case,

Our wits were in the wane, our pleading very brute:

Hard it is for prisoners with judges to dispute:

When all men against one, and none for one shall speake,

Who weenes himselfe most wise, shall haply bee to weake.[92]

6.

To you therefore that sit, these fewe wordes will I say,

That no man sits so sure, but hee may haply stand:[93]

Wherefore whilst you haue place, and beare the swing, and sway

By fauour, without rigour let poynts of lawe bee skan’d:

Pitty the poore prisoner that holdeth vp his hand,

Ne lade him not with law, who least of law hath knowne,

Remember ere yee dye, the case may bee your owne.[94]

7.

Behold mee vnfortunate forman of this flocke,[95]

Tresilian, sometime[96] chiefe justice of this land,

A gentleman by byrth,[97] no staine was in my stocke,

Locketon, Holte, and[98] Belknap, with other of my band,

Which the lawe and justice had wholly in our hand,

Under the second Richarde a prince of great estate,[99]

To whome and vs also, blinde fortune gaue the mate.[100]

8.

In the common[101] lawes our skill was so profounde,

Our credite and autority such, and so esteemde,

That what wee[102] concluded[103] was taken for a grounde,

Allowed was for lawe what so to vs best seemed,

Life, death, landes, goods,[104] and all by vs was deemed:

Whereby with easy paine great gayne wee did in fet,[105]

And euery thing was fishe, that came vnto our net.

9.

At sessions and at sises,[106] wee bare the stroake and sway,

In patentes and commission, of quorum alwaye chiefe:[107]

So that to whether syde soeuer wee did way,

Were it by right or wrong, it past, without repriefe:

The true man wee let hang[108] somewhiles to saue a thiefe,

Of gold, and of siluer, our handes were neuer empty,

Offices, fermes, and fees, fell to vs in great plenty.

10.

But what thing may suffice vnto the greedy man?

The more hee hath in hold, the more hee doth desire:

Happy and twise happy is hee, that wisely can

Content himselfe with that, which reason doth require,

And moyleth for no more then for his needefull hire:

But greedines of minde doth seldome keepe[109] the syse,

To whom enough and more doth neuer well suffice.[110]

11.

For like as dropsy pacients drinke and still bee dry,

Whose vnstaunchst thirst no liquor can alay,

And drinke they nere so much, yet thirst they by and by:[111]

So catchers and snatchers[112] toile both night and day,

Not needy, but greedy, still prolling[113] for their pray:

O endlesse thirste of gold, corrupter of all lawes,

What mischiefe is on moulde whereof thou art not cause?

12.

Thou madest vs forget the fayth of our profession,[114]

When sergeants wee were sworne to serue the common lawe,

Which was, that in no point wee should make digression[115]

From approued principles, in sentence nor in sawe:

But wee vnhappy wightes[116] without all dread and awe

Of the judge eternall, for worlde’s vaine promotion,

More to man then God did beare our whole deuotion.[117]

13.

The lawes wee did interprete[118] and statutes of the land,

Not truely by the texte, but newly by a glose:

And wordes that were most playne, when they by vs were skand,

Wee tourned by construction to[119] a Welshman’s hose,

Whereby many a one[120] both life and land did lose:

Yet this wee made our meane to mount aloft on mules:

And seruing times and turnes peruerted lawes and rules.[121]

14.

Thus climing and contending alway to the toppe,

From hie vnto higher, and then to bee most hye,

The honny dewe of fortune so fast on vs did droppe,

That of king Richarde’s counsayle wee came to bee most nye:[122]

Whose fauour to attayne wee[123] were full fine and slye:

Alway to his profite[124] where any thing[125] might sounde,

That way (all were it wrong) the lawes[126] wee did expounde.

15.

So working lawe like waxe, the subiect was not sure

Of life, land,[127] nor goodes but at the prince’s will,

Which caused his kingdome the shorter time to dure:

For clayming power absolute both to saue and spill,

The prince thereby presumed his people for to pill,

And set his lustes for lawe, and will had reason’s place,

No more but hang and drawe, there was no better grace.

16.

Thus the king outleaping the limits of his lawe,

Not raigning but raging, as youth[128] did him entice,

Wise and worthy persons from court did dayly drawe,

Sage counsayle set at naught, proude vaunters were in price,

And roysters bare the rule, which wasted all in vice:

Of ryot and excesse, grewe scarsity and lacke,

Of lacking came taxing, and so went welth to wracke.[129]

17.

The barons[130] of the land not bearing this abuse,

Conspiring with the commons assembled by assent,

And seeing neyther reason,[131] nor treaty, could induce

The king in any thing his rigour to relent,

Maugre[132] his might they[133] calde a parliament:

Franke and free for all men without checke[134] to debate

As well for weale publique, as for the prince’s state.

18.

In this[135] high assembly, great thinges were proponed

Touching the prince’s state, his regalty[136] and crowne,

By reason that the king[137] (which much was to be moned)

Without regarde at all, of honour or renowne,

Misledde by ill aduice, had tournde all vpside downe,

For surety of whose state, them thought it did behoue

His counsaylours corrupt by reason[138] to remoue:[139]

19.

Among whome, Robert Veer[140] calde duke of Irelande,

With Mighell Delapole of Suffolke newe made earle,

Of Yorke also the archbishop, dispacht were out of hande,[141]

With Brembre of London a full vncurteous churle:[142]

Some learned in the lawe in exile they did hurle:

But I poore[144] Tresilian (because I was the chiefe)

Was dampned to the gallowes most vily as[145] a thiefe.

20.

Lo the fine of falshood, [the] stipend of corruption,

The fee of dowble fraude,[146] the fruites it doth procure:

Yee judges vpon earth,[147] let our iuste punition[148]

Teach you to shake off bribes, and kepe your handes pure:[149]

Riches and promotion bee vayne thinges and vnsure,

The fauour of a prince is an vntrusty staye,

But iustice hath a fee that shall remayne alway.

21.

What glory can bee greater before God[150] or man,

Then by pathes of justice[151] in iudgement to proceede?

So duely and so truely[152] the lawes alway[153] to skan,[154]

That right may take his place without regarde[155] or meede:

Set apart all flattery and vayne wordly dreede,

Set[156] God before your eyes the iuste[157] judge supreme,

Remembre well your reckoning at the day extreme.

22.

Abandon all affray, bee soothfast in your sawes,

Be constant, and carelesse of mortall men’s displeasure,[158]

With eyes shut and handes close[159] you should pronounce the lawes:

Esteeme not worldly goodes,[160] thinke there is a treasure

More worth then golde [or stone] a thousand times in valure

Reposed for all such as righteousnes ensue,

Whereof you can not fayle, the promise made is true.

23.

If judges in our dayes woulde ponder well in minde

The fatall fall of vs, for wresting lawe and right,

Such statutes as touche life should not bee thus definde,

By sences constrayned against true meaning quite,

As well they might affirme the blacke for to bee white:

Wherefore wee wish they woulde our acte and end compare,

And weying well the case, they will wee trust beware.[161]

G. F.[162]

ROGER MORTIMER.

[When maister Ferrers had finished his[163] tragedy,[164] which seemed not vnfit for the persons touched in the same: another, which in the meane time had stayed vpon sir Roger Mortimer, whose[165] miserable ende (as it shoulde appeare) was somwhat before the others, sayed as foloweth: “Although it be not greatly appertinent to our purpose,[166] yet in my iudgement I thinke it woulde doe well to obserue the times of men, and as they be more auncient, so to place them.[167] For I finde that before these, (of whome maister Ferrers here hath spoken) there were two Mortimers,[168] the one[169] in Edwarde[170] the iij. time, out of our date; an other slayne in Ireland in Richarde the seconde’s time,[171] a yeare before the falle of these iustices: whose history sith it is notable, and the example fruitefull, it were not good to ouerpasse it: and therefore by your licence and agreemente,[172] I will take vpon mee the personage of the laste, who full of woundes mangled,[173] with a pale countenaunce, and griezly looke, may make his mone to Baldwine, as foloweth.”[174]]

How the two Rogers, surnamed Mortimers, for their sundry vices ended their liues vnfortunately, the one An. 1329, the other, 1387.[175]

1.

Among the riders of[176] the rolling wheele

That lost their holdes, Baldwine, forget not mee,

Whose fatall thred false fortune needes would reele,[177]

Ere it were twisted by the sisters three:

All folke be fraile, their blisses brittle bee:

For proofe whereof, although none other were,

Suffise may I, sir Roger Mortimer.

2.

Not hee that was in Edwarde’s dayes the thyrde,

Whom fortune brought to boote and eft to bale,[178]

With loue of whome, the king so much shee sturde,

That none but hee was heard in any tale:[179]

And whiles shee smooth blew on this pleasaunt gale,[180]

Hee was created earle of March, alas,

Whence enuy sprang which his destruction was.[181]

3.

For welth breedes[182] wrath, in such as welth doe want,

And pride with folly in[183] such as it possesse,

Among a thousand shall you finde one[184] skant,

That can in welth his lofty harte represse,

Which in this earle due proofe did playne expresse:

For whereas hee was somewhat haut before,[185]

His high degree hath made him now much more.[186]

4.

For now alone hee ruleth as him lust,

Ne recketh[187] for reade, saue of king Edwarde’s mother:[188]

Which forced enuy foulder[189] out the rust,

That in men’s hartes before[190] did lye and smother:

The peeres, the people, as well the one as other,[191]

Against him made so haynous a complaynt,

That for a traytour hee was taken and attaynt.[192]

5.

Then all such faultes as were forgot afore,[193]

They skowre afresh, and somwhat to them adde:

For cruell enuy[194] hath eloquence in store,

When fortune bids to worse things meanly badde:[195]

Fiue haynous crimes agaynst him soone were had,

First, that hee causde the king to yeelde the Scot,

To make a peace, townes that were from him got:[196]

6.

And therewithall the charter called Ragman,

That of the Scots hee had[197] bribed priuy gayne,[198]

That through[199] his meanes sir Edwarde of Carnaruan,

In Barkeley castle most[200] trayterously was slaine:

That with his prince’s mother hee had layne,

And finally with polling[201] at his pleasure,

Had robde[202] the king and commons of theyr treasure.

7.

For these things lo, which erst were out of minde,

Hee was condempned,[203] and hanged at the last,[204]

In whome dame fortune fully shewed her kinde,

For whom shee heaues shee hurleth downe as fast:

If men to come would learne by other past,

This cosin of mine might[205] cause them set aside

High climing, bribing, murdering, lust, and pride.[206]

8.

The finall cause why I this processe tell,

Is that I may bee knowen from this other,

My like in name, vnlike mee, though hee fell,

Which was I thinke[207] my grandsire, or his brother:

To count my kin, dame Phillip was my mother,

Deare[208] daughter and heyre of douty Lionell,

The second son of a king who did[209] excell.[210]

9.

My father hight sir Edmund Mortimer,

True[211] earle of March, whence I was after earl

By iust[212] discent, these two my parentes were,

Of which the one of knighthood bare the ferll,

Of womanhood the[213] other was the pearle:

Through theyr desert so calde of euery wight,

Till death them tooke, and left mee in[214] theyr right.[215]

10.

For why th’attaynter of my[216] elder Roger,

(Whose shamefull death I tolde you but of late)

Was founde to bee vniuste, and passed ouer,[217]

Agaynst the lawe, by those that bare him hate:

For where by lawe the lowest of[218] free estate

Should personally bee hearde ere iudgement passe,

They barde him this, where through distroyde he was.[219]

11.

Wherefore by doome of court in[220] parliament,

When we had prou’de our cosin ordered thus,[221]

The king, the lordes, and commons, of assent

His lawles death vnlawfull did discusse:

And both to bloud and good restored vs:

A president most worthy, shewed, and lefte

Lordes liues to saue, that laweles might bee refte.[222]

12.

While fortune thus did forder mee a mayne,[223]

King Richarde’s grace, the second of that[224] name,

(Whose dissolute[225] life did soone abridge his raine)[226]

Made mee his mate in earnest and in game:

The lordes themselues so well allowed the same,

That through my titles duely comming downe,

I was made heyre apparant to the crowne.

13.

Who then but I was euery where esteemed?

Well was the man that might with mee acquaynt,[227]

Whom I allowed, as lordes the people deemed:

To whatsoeuer folly had me bent,

To like it well the people did assent:[228]

To mee as prince attended great and small,

I hoapt[229] a day would come to pay for all.

14.

But seldome ioy continueth trouble voyde,

In greatest charge cares greatest doe ensue,

The most possest are euer most anoyde,

In largest seas sore tempestes lightly brue,

The freshest coulours soonest fade the hue,[230]

In thickest place is made the deepest wounde,

True proofe whereof my selfe too soone haue founde.

15.

For whilst fayre fortune luld[231] mee in her lap,

And gaue mee giftes more then I did require,

The subtile queane[232] behinde mee set a trap,

Whereby to dash[233] and lay all in the myre:

The Irish men[234] agaynst mee did conspyre,

My landes of Vlster fro mee to haue refte,

Which heritage my mother had mee lefte.[235]

16.

And whiles I there, to set all thinges in stay,

(Omit my toyles and troubles thitherwarde)

Among mine owne with my retinue lay,

The wylder men, whom litle I did regarde,[236]

(And had therefore the reckles man’s rewarde)[237]

When least I thought set on mee in such numbre,

That fro my corps my life they rent asunder.[238]

17.

Naught might auayle my courage nor my force,

Nor strenght of men[239] which were (alas) to fewe:

The cruell folke assaulted so my horse:

That all my helpes in peeces they to hewe:

Our bloud distayned the grounde as drops of dewe,

Naught might preuayle to flye nor[240] yet to yeelde,

For whome they take they murder in the fielde.

18.

They know no law of armes,[241] nor none will learne,

They make not warre (as other doe) a play:

The lord, the boy, the gallowglas, the kerne,

Yeelde or not yeelde, whome so they take they slay:

They saue no prisoners[242] for ransome nor for pay:

Theyr chiefest boote they counte theyr bodoh’s heade,[243]

Theyr end of warre to see theyr enmy deade.[244]

19.

Amongst these men or rather sauage beastes

I lost my life, by cruell murder slayne:

And therefore, Baldwine, note thou well my geastes,

And warne all princes rashnes to refrayne:

Bid them beware theyr enmies when they faine,[245]

Nor yet presume vnequally to striue:

Had I thus done, I had beene man aliue.[246]

20.

But I dispised the naked Irish men,

And, for they flew, I feared them the lesse:

I thought one man enough to match with ten,

And through this carelesse vnaduisednes

I was destroyde, and all my men I gesse,[247]

At vnawares assaulted by our foen,

Which were in nombre forty to vs one.

21.

See here the stay of fortunate estate,

The vayne assurance of this brittle life:[248]

For I but yong-proclaymed prince of late,

Right fortunate in children and in wife,[249]

Lost all at once by stroke of bloudy knife:

Whereby assurde let men themselues assure,

That welth and life are doubtfull to endure.

Ca.[250]

THOMAS DUKE OF GLOCESTER.

[After this tragedy was[251] ended, maister Ferrers sayde: seeing it is best to place eche person in his order, Baldwine, take you the chronicles and marke them as they come: for there are many worthy to bee noted, though not treated[252] of. First the lord Murrey, a Scotishman, who tooke his death’s wound through a stroke lent him by the earle of Notyngham, whom hee chalenged at the tylt.[253] But to omit him, and also the fatte pryor of Tiptre, pressed to death with throng of people vpon London bridge at the queene’s entry,[254] I will come to the duke of Glocester, the king’s vncle, a man mynding[255] the common welth, and yet at length miserably made away. In whose person if yee will gieue eare, yee shall heare what I thinke meete to be saied.]

How Syr Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, vncle to King Richarde the second, was vnlawfully murdered, Anno 1397.[256]

1.

Whose state stablisht is,[257] in seeming most sure,

And so far from daunger of fortune’s blastes,

As by the compasse of man’s coniecture,

No brasen piller may be fyxt more fast:

Yet wanting the stay of prudent forecast,

Whan froward fortune list for to frowne,

May in a moment turne vpside downe.

2.

In proofe whereof, O Baldwine, take payne,

To hearken a while to[258] Thomas of Woodstocke,

Addrest in presence his fate to[259] complayne,

In the forlorne hope of[260] English flocke:

Extract by discent from the[261] royall stocke,

Sonne to king Edwarde, thirde of that name,

And second to none in glory and fame.

3.

This noble father to mayntayne my state,

With Buckingham earledome did mee indowe,

Both nature and fortune to mee were greate,

Denying mee nothing[262] which they might allowe:

Theyr sundry graces in mee did so flowe,

As beauty, strength, high fauour and fame,

Who may of God more wish then the same?

4.

Brothers wee were to the nombre of seauen,

I being the sixt, and yongest but one:

A more royall race was not vnder heauen,

More stout or more stately of stomacke and person,

Princes all peerelesse in eche condition:

Namely sir Edwarde, called the blacke prince,

When had England the like before, or euer since?[263]

5.

But what of all this, any man to assure,

In state vncarefull of fortune’s variaunce?

Syth dayly and hourely wee see it in vre,

That where most cause is of affiaunce,

Euen there is founde most weake assurance:

Let none trust fortune, but follow reason:

For often wee see in trust is treason.

6.

This prouerbe in proofe ouer true I tried,

Finding high treason in place of high trust,

And most fault of fayth[264] where I most affied,

Being, by them that should haue been iuste,

Trayterously entrapt, ere I could mistrust:

Ah wretched world what it is to trust thee?

Let them that will learne now hearken to mee.

7.

After king Edwarde the thirde’s decease,

Succeeded my nephewe Richarde to raigne,

Who for his glory and honour’s encrease,

With princely wages did mee entertayne,

Against the Frenchmen to bee his chieftayne:

So passing the seas with royall puissaunce,

With God and S. George I inuaded Fraunce.

8.

Wasting the countrey with sworde and with fire,

Ouerturning townes, high castles and towers,

Like Mars god of warre, enflamed with ire,

I forced the Frenchmen t’abandon theyr bowres:

Where euer wee matcht[265] I wanne at all howres,

In such wise visiting both city and village,

That alway my souldiers were laden with pillage.

9.

With honour and triomph was my returne,

Was none more ioyous than yong king Richarde:

Who minding more highly my state to adorne,

With Glocester dukedome did mee rewarde:

And after in mariage I was prefarde,

To a daughter of Bohun, an earle honourable,

By whome I was of England high constable.

10.

Thus hoysed so high on fortune’s wheele,[266]

As one on a stage attending a play,

Seeth not on which side the scaffolde doth reele,

Till timbre and poales and all fly away:

So fared it by mee: for day by day,

As honour encreased I looked still higher,

Not seeing the daunger of my fond desire.

11.

For fortune’s floude thus running with[267] full streame,

And I a duke discended of great kinges,[268]

Constable of England, chiefe officer of[269] the realme,

Abused with desperaunce[270] in these vayne thinges,

I went without feete, and flewe without winges,

Presuming so farre vpon my high estate,

That dreade set apart, my prince I would mate.

12.

For where as all[271] kinges haue counsayle of theyr choyse,

To whom they refer the rule of theyr land,

With certayne familiers in whome to reioyce,

For pleasure or profite, as the case shall stand,

I not bearing this, would needes take in hand,

Maugre his will, those persons to disgrace,

And such as I thought fit to settle[272] in theyr place.[273]

13.

But as an old booke sayeth, who so[274] will assay

Aboute the cat’s necke to hang on any[275] bell,

Had first neede to cut the cat’s clawes away,

Least if the cat bee curst, and[276] not tamed well,

She haply[277] with her nayles may clawe him to the fell:

So putting on[278] the bell about the cat’s necke,

By being to busy I caught a cruell checke.[279]

14.

Reade well the sentence of the rat of renowne,[280]

Which Pierce the plowman describes in his dreame,[281]

And who so hath wit the sence to expowne,[282]

Shall finde that to bridell[283] the prince of a reame,

Is euen (as who sayth) to striue with the streame:

Note this all subiects, and construe it well,

And busie not your braines about[284] the cat’s bell.

15.

But in that yee bee lieges learne to obay,[285]

Submitting your willes to your prince’s lawes:

It fitteth not a subiect to haue[286] his owne way,

Remember this prouerbe[287] of the cat’s clawes:

For princes like lions haue long and[288] large pawes

That reache at randon, and whome they once twitch,

They clawe to the bone before the skin itch.

16.

But to my purpose, I being once bent,

Towardes the atchieuing of my attemptate,

Fower bould barons were of mine assent,

By oth and allyaunce fastly confederate:

First Henry of Derby, an earle of estate,

Richard of Arundell, and Thomas of Warwicke,

With Mowbray the[289] Marshall, a man most warlicke.

17.

At Ratecote bridge assembled our bande,

The commons in clusters came to vs that day

To daunt Robert Veere, then duke of Irelande,

By whome king Richard was ruled alway:

Wee put him to flight, and brake his aray,

Then maugre the king, his leaue or assent,

By constable’s power wee calde a parliament.[290]

18.

Where not in roabes, but with[291] baslardes bright,

Wee came [for] to parle of the publike weale,

Confirming our quarell with maine and [with] might,

With swordes and no wordes wee tried our appeale:

In steede of reason declaring our zeale,

And whome so wee knew with the king in [good] grace,

Wee plainely depriued of[292] power and [of] place.

19.

Some with short processe were banisht the land,

Some executed with capytall paine,

Whereof who so list, the whole to vnderstand,[293]

In the parliament roll it appeareth plaine,

And furder how stoutly wee did the king straine,

The rule of his realme wholly to resygne,

To the order of those, whome wee did assigne.

20.

But note the sequele of such presumption,

After wee had these miracles wrought,[294]

The king inflamed with indignation,

That to such bondage hee should bee brought,[295]

Suppressing the ire of his inwarde thought,

Studied naught else but how that hee might

Bee highly reuenged of this[296] high dispite.

21.

Aggreeued was also this latter offence,

With former matter his ire to[297] renue:

For once at Windsore I brought to his presence,

The maior of London with all his retinue,

To aske a reckoning[298] of the realme’s reuenue:

And the souldiers of Brest by mee were[299] made bolde,

Their wages to claime[300] when the towne was solde.[301]

22.

These griefes remembred with all the remnaunt,

Hourded in his harte hate out of measure,[302]

Yet openly in shewe made hee no semblaunt,

By word or[303] by deede to beare displeasure:

But loue dayes dissembled doe neuer endure,[304]

And who so trusteth a foe reconcylde,

Is for the most part alwayes beguilde.

23.

For as fyre ill quencht will vp at a starte,

And sores not well salued doe breake out of newe,

So hatred hidden in an irefull harte,

Where it hath had long season to brewe,

Upon euery occasion doth easely renewe:

Not failyng at last, if it bee not let,

To pay large vsury besides the due det.

24.

Euen so it fared by this frendship fayned,

Outwardly sounde, and inwardly rotten:

For whan the kinge’s fauour in seeming was gayned,

All olde displeasures forgieuen and forgotten,

Euen than at a sodayn the shafte was shotten,

Which pearced my harte voyde of mistrust:

Alas, that a prince should bee so vniust.

25.

For lying at Plashey my selfe to repose,

By reason of sickenesse which helde mee full sore:[305]

The king espying mee apart from those,

With whom I confedered in hand before,[306]

Thought it not meete to tract the time more,

But glad to take mee at such a vauntage,[307]

Came to salute mee with friendly visage.

26.

Who hauing a band bound to his bent,

By colour of kindnesse to visite his eame,[308]

Tooke time to accomplishe his cruell entent:

And in a small vessell downe by the streame,

Conuey’d mee to Calais out of the realme,

Where without processe or dome of my peeres,

Not nature but murder abridged my yeeres.

27.

This act was odious to God and to man,

Yet rygour to cloake in habit of reason,

By crafty compasse deuise they can,

Articles nine of right haynous treason:

But doome after death is sure out of season,

For who euer sawe so straunge a president,

As execution done before[309] iudgement.

28.

Thus hate harboured in depth of minde

By sought occasion burst out of newe,

And cruelty abused the lawe of kinde,

When that the nephue the vncle slewe:

Alas, king Richard, sore maist thou rue,

Which by this fact preparedst the way,[310]

Of thy hard destiny to hasten the day.

29.

For bloud axeth bloud as guerdon due,

And vengeaunce for vengeaunce is iust rewarde:

O righteous God, thy iudgementes are true,

For looke what measure wee other awarde,[311]

The same for vs agayne is preparde:

Take heede yee princes by examples past,

Bloud will haue bloud, eyther first or last.

G. F.[312]

[When maister Ferrers had ended his[313] fruitfull tragedy, because no man was ready with any other, I, hauing perused the story which came next, sayed: “Because you shall not say, my maisters, but that I will somewhat doe my part, I will, vnder your correction, declare the tragedy of Thomas Mowbrey, duke of Northfolke,[314] the chiefe worker of the duke of Glocester’s destruction: who to admonishe all counsailours to beware of flattering princes, or falsely enuying or accusing their peregualles, may lament his vices in maner following.”]

How the Lord Mowbrey, promoted by King Richard the second, to the state of a Duke,[315] was by him banished the realme, the yeare of Christ, 1398, and after died miserably in exile.

1.

Though sorrowe and shame abash mee to rehearse

My lothsome life, and death of due deserued,

Yet that the paynes thereof may other pearce

To leaue the like, leaste they bee likewise[316] serued,

Ah Baldwine, marke, and se how that I swerued:[317]

Dissembling, enuy, and flattery, bane that bee

Of all their hostes, haue shewde their power on mee.

2.

I blame not fortune, though shee did her parte,

And true it is shee can doe litle harme:

Shee guideth goodes, shee hampreth not the hart,

A minde well bent,[318] is safe from euery charme:

Vice, only vice, with her stout strengthlesse arme,

Doth cause the harte from good to ill encline,[319]

Which I, alas, doe finde to true by mine.

3.

For where by birth I came of noble race,[320]

The Mowbrey’s heyre, a famous house and old,

Fortune I thanke, gaue mee so good a grace,[321]

That of my prince I had what so I would:

Yet neyther was to other greately hold,[322]

For I through[323] flattery abusde[324] his wanton youth,

And his fond trust augmented my vntruth.

4.

Hee made mee first the earle of Notyngham,

And marshall of the realme,[325] in which estate

The peeres and people ioyntly to mee came,

With sore complaint against them, that of late

Made[326] officers, had brought the king in hate,

By making sale of justice, right and lawe,

And liuing naught, without all dread or awe.

5.

I gaue them ayde these euills to redresse,

And went to London with an army strong,

And caused the king, agaynst his will oppresse

By cruell death, all such as led him wrong:

The lord chiefe justice suffered these among,

So did the steward of his household head,

The chauncellour scapte, for hee aforehand[327] fled.

6.

These wicked men thus from the king remoued,

Who best vs pleased succeeded in their place:

For which both king and commons much vs loued,

But chiefly I with all stoode high in grace:

The king ensued my rede in euery case,

Whence selfe-loue bred: for glory maketh proude,

And pride aye looketh[328] alone to bee allowde.

7.

Wherefore to th’end I might alone enioy

The king’s good will,[329] I made his lust my lawe:

And where of late I laboured to distroy

Such flattering folke, as thereto stoode in awe,

Now learned I among the rest to clawe:

For pride is such, if it bee kindely caught,

As stroyeth good, and stirreth vppe euery naught.

8.

Pride pricketh men to[330] flatter for the pray,

T’oppresse and poll[331] for maintnaunce of the same,

To malice such as match vnethes it may:

And to bee briefe, pride doth the harte enflame,

To fyre what mischiefe any fraude may frame,

And euer[332] at length the euyls by it wrought

Confound the worker, and bring him vnto[333] nought.

9.

Behold in mee due proofe of euery part:

For pride first forced mee my prince to flatter[334]

So much that whatsoeuer[335] pleased his harte

Were it neuer[336] so euill, I thought a lawfull matter,

Which causde the lordes afreshe agaynst him clatter:

Because hee had his holdes beyond sea solde,[337]

And seene his souldiers of theyr wages polde.

10.

Though all these ils were done by mine[338] assent,[339]

Yet such was lucke that each man deemed no:

For see, the duke of Glocester for mee sent,[340]

With other lordes, whose hartes did bleede for woe,

To see the realme so fast to ruin goe:

In fault whereof, they sayd the two dukes were,

The one of Yorke, the other [of] Lancaster.

11.

On whose remoue fro being about[341] the king

Wee all agreed, and sware a solemne oth,

And whilst the rest prouided for this thing,

I, flatterer I, to winne the prayse of troth,

Wretch that I was, brake fayth and promise both,

For I bewrayed to th’king[342] theyr whole intent,

For which vnwares they all were tane and shent.[343]

12.

Thus was the warder of the common weale

The duke of Glocester giltlesse made away,

With other moe, more wretch I so to deale,

Who through vntruth theyr trust did ill betray:

Yet by this meanes obtayned I my pray,

Of king and dukes I found for this such fauour,

As made mee duke of Northfolke for my labour.

13.

But see how pride and enuy ioyntly runne,

Because my prince did more than mee prefer,

Sir Henry Bolenbroke, the eldest sonne

Of Iohn of Gaunt, the duke of Lancaster,

Proud I, that would alone bee blasing starre,

Enuyde this duke[344] for naught saue that the shyne

Of his desertes did glister more than mine.

14.

To th’end therefore his light should bee the lesse,

I sliely sought all shiftes to put him[345] out:

But as the poyze that would the palme tree presse[346]

Doth cause the bowes sprede larger rounde about,

So spite and enuy causeth glory sprout,

And aye the more the top is ouertrode,

The deeper doth the sound roote sprede abroade.

15.

For when this Henry duke[347] of Hereforde sawe,

What spoyle the king made of the noble bloud,

And that without all justice, cause, or lawe:

To suffer him so hee thought not sure, nor good,

Wherefore to mee, twofaced in one hood,

As touching this, hee fully brake his minde,

As to his friend that should remedy finde.

16.

But I, although I knewe my prince did ill,

So that my harte abhorred sore the same,

Yet mischiefe so through malice led my will,

To bring this duke[348] from honour vnto shame,

And toward my selfe, my soueraygne to enflame:

That I bewrayed his wordes vnto the king,

Not as a reade, but as a [most] haynous thing.

17.

Thus where my duty bound mee to haue tolde

The prince his fault, and wil’d him to refrayne,

Through flattery loe, I did his ill vpholde,

Which turnde at length both him and mee to payne:

Woe, woe to kinges, whose counsaylours doe fayne,

Woe, woe to realmes, where such are put in trust

As leaue the lawe, to serue the prince’s lust.

18.

And woe to him that by his flattering reede,

Mayntaynes[349] a prince in any kind of vice:

Woe worth him eke for enuy, pride, or meede,

That misreportes any[350] honest enterprise:

Because I beast in all these poynts was nice,

The plagues of all together on mee light,

And due for ill, doers doth acquite.

19.

For when the duke[351] was charged with my plaint,

Hee flat denyde that any part was true,

And claymde by armes to aunswere his attaynt,

And I by vse that warlyke[352] feates well knewe,

To his desire incontinently drewe:

Wherewith the king did seeme right well content,

As one that past not much with whome it went.

20.

At time and place apoynted wee appearde,

At all poynts armde to proue our quarells iust,

And when our friends on each part had vs chear’d,

And that the herolds bad vs doe our lust,

With speare in rest[353] wee tooke a course to iust:

But ere our horses had run halfe their way,

A shout was made, the king commaunded stay.

21.

And for t’auoyde the sheeding of our bloud

With shame and death, which one must needes haue had,

The king through counsayle of the lordes thought good

To banishe both, which iudgement strayt was rad:

No maruayle then though both were wroth and sad,

But chiefly I, that was exilde for aye,

My enmy straungde but for a ten yeares day.[354]

22.

The date expirde, whan by this doulfull[355] dome

I should depart to liue in banisht land,

On paine of death to England not to come,

I went my way: the king seasde in his hand

Myne offices, my honours, goods, and land,

To pay the due (as openly hee tolde)

Of mighty summes, which I had from him polde.

23.

See, Baldwine, see, the salary of sinne,

Marke with what[356] meede vile vices are rewarded:

Through [pride and] enuy I lose both kith and kinne,

And for my flattering playnt so well regarded,

Exile and slaunder[357] are iustly[358] mee awarded:

My wife and heire lacke lands and lawfull right,

And me their lord made dame Dianae’s knight.

24.

If these mishaps at home bee not enough,

Adioyne to them my sorowes in exile:

I went to Almayne first, a land right roughe,

In which I found such churlish folke and vile,

As made mee loeth my life ech other while:

There lo, I learned what [it] is to bee a gest

Abroade, and what to liue at home in rest.

25.

For they esteeme no one man more than eche,

They vse as well the lackey as the lorde,

And like theyr maners churlishe in[359] theyr speeche,

Theyr lodging harde, theyr bourd to bee abhord:

Theyr pleited garments therewith[360] well accord,

All iagde and frounst, with diuers colours deckt,

They swere, they curse, and drinke, till they be fleckt.

26.

They hate all such as these theyr maners hate,

Which reason would no wiseman should allowe,

With these I dwelt, lamenting mine estate,

Till at the length they had got knowledge, howe

I was exilde, because I did avow

A false complaynt against my trusty friende,

For which they namde me traytour, still vnhende.[361]

27.

That what for shame and what for werines[362]

I stale fro thence,[363] and went to Venise towne,[364]

Where as I found more ease and friendlines,[365]

But greater griefe:[366] for now the great renowne

Of Bolenbroke, whom I would haue put downe,

Was waxt so great in Britayne and in Fraunce,

That Venise through, eche man did him auaunce.

28.

Thus lo, his glory grewe through great despite,[367]

And I thereby encreased in defame:

Thus enuy euer doth her most acquite[368]

With trouble, anguish, sorrow, smart, and shame,

But sets the vertues of her foe in flame:[369]

Like water waues which clense the muddy stone,

And soyles themselues by beating[370] thereupon.

29.

Or eare I had soiournd there a yeare,

Straunge tidinges came hee was to England gone,

Had tane the king, and that which touched him neare,

Imprisoned him with other of his fone,

And made him yeelde him vp his crowne, and throne:

When I these thinges for true by search had tryed,

Griefe gript mee so, I pinde away and dyed.

30.

Note here the end of pride, see flatteries fine,

Marke the rewarde of enuy and [false] complaynt,

And warne all people from them to decline,

Lest likely fault doe finde the like attaynt:

Let this my life to them bee a restraynt:

By other’s harmes who listeth take no heede,

Shall by his owne learne other better reede.

T. Ch.[371]

This tragicall example was of all the company well liked, howbee it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the diuersity of the chronicles: for whereas Hall (whose chronicle in this worke wee chiefly followed) maketh Mowbrey appellant and Bolinbroke defendant, Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by record of the parliament roll, wherein it is playne that Bolinbroke was appellant and Mowbrey defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall bee sayde here in the person of Mowbrey, (who being a most noble prince, had too much wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his death) imagine that to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which matter[373] sith it is more hard to decide than needefull to our purpose, which minde only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue, wee referre to such as may come by the recordes of the actes of the parliament,[374] contented in the meane while with Maister Halle’s iudgement, which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This doubt thus let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister Ferrers, “say somewhat for king Richard,[376] after whose depriuing, his brother[377] and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378] Henrye’s destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue (who so listeth) leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the meane time to furder your enterprise, I will in king Richarde’s behalfe[380] recount such part of his story as I thinke most necessary. And therefore imagine Baldwine that you see the corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe woundes, lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382] Paule’s church, the people standing round about him, and making his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]

How King Richard the second was for his euill gouernaunce deposed from his seate, in the yeare 1399, and murdered in prison[384] the yeare following.

1.

Happy is the prince, that hath in welth the grace

To followe vertue, keeping vices vnder,[385]

But woe to him whose will hath wisdome’s place:

For who so renteth right and lawe asunder,

On him at length all the worlde shall wonder:

High byrth, choyce fortune, force, nor princely mace,[386]

Can warrant king or keyser fro the case:

[Shame sueth sinne, as rayne drops doe the thunder:[387]

Let princes therefore vertuous life embrace,[388]

That wilfull pleasures[389] cause them not to blunder.]

2.

Behold my hap, see how the seely rout

On mee doo gaze,[390] and ech to other say:

See where hee lyeth, but late that was so stout,[391]

Loe how the power, the pride, and rich aray

Of mighty rulers[392] lightly fade away:

The king, which erst kept all the realme in doute,

The veriest rascall now dare checke and floute:[393]

[What moulde bee kinges made of, but carion clay?[394]

Behold his woundes how blew they bee about,

Which while hee liued, thought[395] neuer to decay.]

3.

Mee thinke I heare the people thus deuise:

Wherefore, Baldwine, sith thou wilt declare[396]

How princes fell, to make the liuing wise,

My lawlesse life[397] in no poynt see thou spare,

But paynt it out, that rulers may beware

Good counsayle, lawe, or vertue to despise:

For realmes haue rules, and rulers haue a sise,

[Which if they breake, thus much to say I dare[398]

That eyther’s griefes the other shall agrise

Till one[399] bee lost, the other brought to care.]

4.

I was a king, who ruled all by lust,

Forcing but light of[400] justice, right,[401] or lawe,

Putting alwayes flatterers false in trust,[402]

Ensuing such[403] as could my vices clawe,

By faythfull counsayle passing not an hawe,[404]

As pleasure prickt, so needes obay I must:

Hauing delight to feede and serue the gust,[405]

[Three meales a day could scarse content my mawe:[406]

Mee liked least to torney or to just,

To Venus sport my fancy did mee[407] drawe:][408]

5.

Which to mayntayne, my people were sore polde[409]

With fines, fifteenes, and loanes by way of prest,[410]

Blanke charters,[411] othes, and shiftes not knowne of olde,

For which the commons[412] did mee sore detest:[413]

I also solde the noble towne[414] of Brest,

My fault wherein because mine vncle tolde,

[(For prince’s actes may no wise bee[415] controlde)]

I found the meanes his bowels to vnbrest,[416]

[The worthy peeres, which his cause did vpholde[417]

With long exile, or cruell death opprest.][418]

6.

None ayde I lackt in[419] any wicked deede,

For gaping gulles whome I promoted had,

Would furder all in hope of higher meede:

There can no king imagine[420] ought so bad,

But shall finde some that will[421] performe it glad:[422]

For sicknes seldome doth so swiftly breede,

As humours ill doe growe[423] the griefe to feede:

[Thus kinge’s estates of all bee worst[424] bestad,

Abusde in welth, abandoned at neede,

And nerest harme when they bee least adrad.]

7.

My life and death the trueth of this hath tryde:[425]

For while I fought in Ireland with my foes,

Mine vncle Edmund[426] whome I left to guide

My realme at home, rebelliously arose

Percyes to helpe,[427] which plied my depose:[428]

And calde fro Fraunce earle Bolenbroke, whom I

Exiled had for ten yeares there to lye:[429]

[Who cruelly did put to death all those[430]

That in mine ayde durst looke but once awrye,

Whose numbre was but slender I suppose.][431]

8.

For comming backe this soden stur[432] to stay,

The earle of Worcester whome[433] I trusted moste,

(Whiles I in Wales at Flint my castle[434] lay,

Both to refresh and multiply myne hoste)

There[435] in my hall, in sight of least and most,[436]

His staffe did breake, which was my householde stay,[437]

Bad ech make shift, and rode himselfe away:

[See princes, see the strength whereof wee bost,

Whom most wee trust, at neede doe vs betray:

Through whose false fayth my land and life I lost.][438]

9.

My stuard false, thus being fled and gone,

My seruants sly shranke of on euery side,

Then caught I was and led vnto my foen,

Who for theyr prince no pallace did prouide,

But pryson strong, where Henry puft with pride

Causde mee resigne my kingly state and throne:[439]

And so forsaken and left as post[440] alone,

[These hollow friendes, by Henry soone espyed,

Became suspect, and fayth was giuen to none,

Which caused them from fayth agayne to slyde.][441]

10.

And strayt conspyrde[442] theyr newe king[443] to put downe,

And to that end a solemp[444] oth they swore,

To render mee my royall seate[445] and crowne:

Whereof themselues depriued mee before:

But late medcynes can help no sothbynde sore:[446]

When swelling flouds haue ouer flowen the towne,

To late it is to saue them that shall drowne:

[Till sayles bee spred a ship may keepe the shore,

No anker holde can keepe the vessel downe,

With streme and stere perforce it will bee bore.][447]

11.

For though the peeres set Henry in his state,[448]

Yet could they not displace him thence agayne:

And where they easely depriued[449] mee of late,[450]

They could restore mee by no manner payne:[451]

Thinges hardly mend, but may bee mard amayne,

And when a man is fallen in[452] froward fate,

Still mischiefs light one on[453] another’s pate:

[And meanes well meant all mishaps[454] to restrayne

Waxe wretched mones, whereby his ioyes abate,