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A SOURCE BOOK OF
LONDON HISTORY
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
TO 1800

EDITED BY

P. MEADOWS, M.A.

LONDON

G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.

1914

PREFACE

If the study of History is to be made really valuable from either the recreative or the educational point of view, it is necessary to have frequent recourse to original sources and contemporary writings; they introduce a certain quality of reality and vividness, a kind of historical atmosphere, which is most essential to a true appreciation of the subject. This fact is now generally recognised, and many collections of sources are available for the student of English History. In this volume will be found a selection of passages, generally from contemporary sources, relating to the history of London. It is quite impossible, of course, in a small book to do justice to every aspect of the subject; and it has seemed best to give special prominence to those events which concern the City as a whole, its growth, its corporate life, and its connection with national affairs.

Besides a vast mass of general contemporary literature, a large number of the most important and interesting documents dealing with London history have already been printed; but all this material is very scattered, and frequently rather inaccessible to the general reader. The Histories by Maitland and Noorthouck, published in the eighteenth century, contain translations of charters and other documents; Riley's "Memorials" is invaluable for the fourteenth century; and many useful suggestions have been derived from Besant's "Survey of London."

The spelling of the extracts has generally been modernised, but in a few cases the original text has been exactly followed.

It is hoped that the chronological arrangement of the passages, the care which has been taken in selecting them so as to illustrate events or circumstances of definite importance in the history of the City, and the introductory remarks attached to each extract, will save this volume from being merely a collection of historical scraps, and will enable it to be of real use to all who are interested in the story of London.

P. M.

CONTENTS

HISTORY OF LONDON

LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST.

References to London in the early chronicles are comparatively few; under Roman rule it took the place for which it was fitted by its geographical situation—a commercial port, and it flourished or decayed as trade prospered or declined. The Saxon invaders did not care for walled towns, and London was neglected; moreover, they did not care for commerce, and there was no need for a commercial centre or port. The unsettled condition of the country made it impossible for the city to prosper, and the invasions of the Danes further interfered with its growth. But in spite of all these drawbacks, London was definitely marked out from the first as the best and most convenient centre for trading and commercial activity; and Alfred fully realised the importance of the city not only for purposes of trade, but as a bulwark of national defence.

The following are the most important passages in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relating to London. Its importance as a military station appears to have been very great in the time of Cnut, to judge by the efforts he made to capture the town; and the proportion of tribute paid in 1018 seems to show that the population and wealth of the city must have been very considerable.

Source.—The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.

An. 457. Hengist and Æsc his son fought against the Britons at the place called Cregan Ford, and there slew four thousand men; and the Britons then forsook Kent and in great terror fled to London.

An. 886. In this year the army again went west, which had before landed in the east, and then up the Seine, and there took winter-quarters at the city of Paris. In the same year king Ælfred restored London; and all the Angle-race turned to him that were not in the bondage of the Danish men; and he then committed the burgh to the keeping of the aldorman Æthered.

An. 894.... Then those who dwell with the Northumbrians and with the East Angles gathered some hundred ships, and went south about, and besieged a work in Devonshire by the north sea; and those who went south about besieged Exeter. When the King heard that, he turned west towards Exeter with all the force, save a very powerful body of the people eastwards. These went on until they came to London, and then, with the townsmen and with the aid which came to them from the west, marched east to Benfleet. Hæsten was then come there with his army, which had previously sat at Middleton (Milton); and the great army also was come thereto, which had before sat at the mouth of the Limen, at Appledore. Hæsten had before wrought the work at Benfleet, and was then gone out harrying, and the great army was at home. They then marched up and put the army to flight, and stormed the work, and took all that there was within, as well money, as women and children, and brought all to London; and all the ships they either broke in pieces, or burned, or brought to London, or to Rochester.

An. 994. In this year came Olaf (Anlaf) and Svein to London, on the Nativity of St. Mary (Sept. 8th), with ninetyfour ships, and they were obstinately fighting against the town, and would also have set it on fire. But they there sustained more harm and evil than they ever weened that any townsmen could do to them. For the holy mother of God, on that day, manifested her mercy to the townsmen, and delivered them from their foes.

An. 1016.... And the ætheling Eadmund went to London to his father. And then, after Easter, King Cnut went with all his ships towards London. Then it befell that King Æthelred died before the ships came. He ended his days on St. George's mass day (April 23rd): and he held his kingdom with great toil and difficulty, while his life lasted. And then, after his end, all the "witan" that were in London, and the townsmen, chose Eadmund for King; and he boldly defended his kingdom while his time was. Then came the ships to Greenwich in the Rogation days (May 7th); and within a little space they went to London, and they then dug a great ditch on the south side, and dragged their ships to the west side of the bridge, and afterwards ditched the town without, so that no one could pass either in or out; and they repeatedly fought against the town, but they boldly withstood them. Then before that, King Eadmund had gone out; and he rode over Wessex, and all the folk submitted to him. And shortly after that, he fought against the army at Pen by Gillingham. And a second battle he fought after Midsummer at Sherston (Sceorstân), and there was great slaughter made on each side, and the armies of themselves separated. In that battle the aldorman Eadric and Ælmær Dyrling gave aid to the army against king Eadmund. And then a third time he gathered a force and went to London, all north of the Thames, and so out through Clayhanger, and saved the townsmen, and drove the army in flight to their ships. And then, two nights after, the king went over at Brentford, and then fought against the army, and put it to flight; and there were drowned a great many of the English folk, by their own carelessness, those who went before the force, and would take booty. And after that, the king went into Wessex, and collected his force. Then the army went forthwith to London, and beset the city around, and obstinately fought against it, both by water and by land. And Almighty God saved it.

An. 1018. In this year the tribute was paid over all the Angle-race: that was in all two and seventy thousand pounds, exclusive of what the townsmen of London paid, which was ten and a half thousand pounds.

THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER (1066).

William of Normandy might be able, by force of arms, to make himself master of England, but not until London opened her gates to him could he be really King. He preferred negotiation to attack, and in return for the support of the citizens he promised to abide by the laws of Edward the Confessor, and maintain the rights of the City. Shortly after his coronation he gave the citizens his famous Charter, the first of a long series of charters; in it are conveyed in the fewest possible words the largest possible rights and privileges. The Charter, which is really a compact between the King and the citizens rather than a grant from the former to the latter, indicates three all-important points with the greatest clearness and precision. They are, first, the rights of a freeman, as understood at the time, and according to the English customs, were to be secured to every man; second, every man was to have the right of inheritance; and third, no one was to stand between the City and the King.

William the King friendly salutes William the Bishop, and Godfrey the portreve, and all the burgesses within London, both French and English. And I declare, that I grant you to be all law-worthy, as you were in the days of King Edward; and I grant that every child shall be his father's heir, after his father's days; and I will not suffer any person to do you wrong. God keep you.

LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY (1085).

In 1085 William the Conqueror, according to the Chronicle, "sent over all England into every shire his men, and let them inquire how many hundred hides were in each shire, and what land and cattle the King himself had in the shire, and what rent he ought to receive yearly in each. He let them also inquire how much land his archbishops had, and his other bishops and his abbots, and how much every man had who held land within the kingdom, as well on land as on cattle, and how much each was worth."

This Domesday Survey did not include the City of London, but the suburbs are described as in Middlesex. The most striking fact with regard to these suburbs is that nearly the whole of the land immediately bordering the City was in the hands of the Church; all round London was a broad belt of ecclesiastical manors, and this fact interfered considerably with the extension of the City. The privileges of London citizens were confined rigidly to the town within the walls; we notice that at the time of Domesday Book the adjacent country was very sparsely inhabited, and the expansion of the residential area outside the City boundaries was a slow process, often hindered by the ecclesiastical authorities.

Stepney.—In Osuluestan (Ossulston) hundred, the Bishop of London holds Stibenhede (Stepney) for thirty-two hides. There is land to twenty-five ploughs. Fourteen hides belong to the demesne, and there are three ploughs there; and twenty-two ploughs of the villanes. There are forty-four villanes of one virgate each; and seven villanes of half a hide each; and nine villanes of half a virgate each; and forty-six cottagers of one hide; they pay thirty shillings a year. There are four mills of four pounds and sixteen shillings save fourpence. Meadow sufficient for twenty-five ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village, and fifteen shillings. Pannage for five hundred hogs and forty shillings. Its whole value is forty-eight pounds; and it was worth the same when received; in King Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.

Fulham.—In Fvleham (Fulham) the Bishop of London holds forty hides. There is land to forty ploughs. Thirteen hides belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs there. Among the freemen (franc) and the villanes are twenty-six ploughs; and ten more might be made. There are five villanes of one hide each; and thirteen villanes of one virgate each; and thirty-four villanes of half a virgate each; and twenty-two cottagers of half a hide; and eight cottagers with their own gardens. Foreigners and certain burgesses of London hold amongst them twenty-three hides of the land of the villanes. Thirty-one villanes and bordars dwell under them. Meadows for forty ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village. For half the stream ten shillings. Pannage for one thousand hogs, and seventeen pence. Its whole value is forty pounds; the like when received; in King Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.

St. Pancras.—The canons of St. Paul hold four hides to Sem Pancratium (St. Pancras). There is land to two ploughs. The villanes have one plough, and another plough may be made. Wood for the hedges. Pasture for the cattle, and twenty pence. There are four villanes who hold this land under the canons, and seven cottagers. Its whole value is forty shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time sixty shillings. This manor was and is in the demesne of St. Paul.

Islington.—In Isendone (Islington) the canons of St. Paul have two hides. Land to one plough and a half. There is one plough there, and a half may be made. There are three villanes of one virgate. Pasture for the cattle of the village. This land is and was worth forty shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Paul.

In the same village the canons themselves have two hides of land. There is land there to two ploughs and a half, and they are there now. There are four villanes who hold this land under the canons; and four bordars and thirteen cottagers. This land is worth thirty shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time forty shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Paul.

Hoxton.—In Hochestone (Hoxton) the canons of St. Paul have one hide. Land to one plough, and it is now there; and three villanes hold this land under the canons. Pasture for the cattle. This land was and is worth twenty shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Paul.

Manor.—The canons hold Hochestone (Hoxton) for three hides. There is land to three ploughs, and they are there; and seven villanes who hold this land; and sixteen cottagers. It is worth in the whole fifty-five shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time sixty shillings. This manor belonged and belongs to the church of St. Paul.

Westminster.—In the village where the church of St. Peter is situate, the abbot of the same place holds thirteen hides and a half. There is land to eleven ploughs. Nine hides and one virgate belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs therein. The villanes have six ploughs, and one plough more may be made. There are nine villanes of one virgate each; one villane of one hide; and nine villanes of half a virgate each; and one cottager of five acres; and forty-one cottagers who pay forty shillings a year for their gardens. Meadow for eleven ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village. Pannage for one hundred hogs. And twenty-five houses of the knights of the abbot and of other vassals, who pay eight shillings a year. Its whole value is ten pounds; the same when received; in King Edward's time twelve pounds. This manor was and is in the demesne of the church of St. Peter, of Westminster.

Hampstead.—The Abbot of St. Peter holds Hamestede (Hampstead) for four hides. Land to three ploughs. Three hides and a half belong to the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes have one plough, and another may be made. There is one villane of one virgate; and five bordars of one virgate; and one bondman. Pannage for one hundred hogs. In the whole it is worth fifty shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred shillings.

In the same village Rannulf Pevrel holds under the abbot one hide of the land of the villanes. Land to half a plough, and it is there. This land was and is worth five shillings. This manor altogether laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Peter.

Tyburn.—The abbess of Berking holds Tiburne (Tyburn) of the King; it answered for five hides. Land to three ploughs. There are two hides in the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes have two ploughs. There are two villanes of half a hide; and one villane of half a virgate; and two bordars of ten acres; and three cottagers. Pasture for the cattle of the village. Pannage for fifty hogs. For herbage forty pence. It is worth in the whole fifty-two shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred shillings. This manor always belonged and belongs to the church of Berking.

THE CHARTER OF HENRY I. (circa 1130).

In William I.'s Charter the laws and customs of Edward the Confessor were confirmed. This was perhaps all that the citizens wanted at the time, but after a lapse of sixty years they desired a more explicit definition of their laws and liberties, and obtained it from Henry I. In his Charter the rights conferred by the Conqueror are not recited—probably they were taken as a matter of course—but for the rest, the citizens obtained all that they could reasonably ask or obtain by purchase. In one respect only was their freedom limited: the King reserved to himself the right of taxation, and in a medieval kingdom this was only to be expected. The City was encouraged to grow strong and wealthy, and the King might take its money freely for himself.

Among the more important points of this Charter may be noted the freedom of toll to assist the development of trade; the permission to refuse lodging to the King's household; the right of the citizens to appoint their own Justiciar; and the grant that they should not plead without the City walls, obviating the necessity of following the King's Court in its travels. Altogether, this is a most important Charter, both on account of the privileges it grants, and the light it throws on the government of the City.

Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, to the archbishop of Canterbury, and to the bishops and abbots, earls and barons, justices and sheriffs, and to all his faithful subjects of England, French and English, greeting.

Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of London, to hold Middlesex to farm for three hundred pounds, upon accompt to them and their heirs; so that the said citizens shall place as sheriff whom they will of themselves; and shall place whomsoever, or such a one as they will of themselves, for keeping of the pleas of the crown, and of the pleadings of the same, and none other shall be justice over the same men of London; and the citizens of London shall not plead without the walls of London for any plea. And be they free from scot and lot and danegeld, and of all murder; and none of them shall wage battle. And if any one of the citizens shall be impleaded concerning the pleas of the crown, the man of London shall discharge himself by his oath, which shall be adjudged within the city; and none shall lodge within the walls, neither of my household, nor any other, nor lodging delivered by force.

And all the men of London shall be quit and free, and all their goods, throughout England, and the ports of the sea, of and from all toll and passage and lestage, and all other customs; and the churches and barons and citizens shall and may peaceably and quietly have and hold their sokes with all their customs, so that the strangers that shall be lodged in the sokes shall give custom to none but to him to whom the soke appertains, or to his officer, whom he shall there put: And a man of London shall not be adjudged in amerciaments of money but of one hundred shillings (I speak of the pleas which appertain to money); and further there shall be no more miskenning in the hustings, nor in the folkmote, nor in any other pleas within the city, and the hustings may sit once in a week, that is to say on Monday: And I will cause my citizens to have their lands, promises, bonds and debts, within the city and without; and I will do them right by the law of the city, of the lands of which they shall complain to me:

And if any shall take toll or custom of any citizen of London, the citizens of London in the city shall take of the borough or town, where toll or custom was so taken, so much as the man of London gave for toll, and as he received damage thereby: And all debtors, which do owe debts to the citizens of London, shall pay them in London, or else discharge themselves in London, that they owe none; but, if they will not pay the same, neither come to clear themselves that they owe none, the citizens of London, to whom the debts shall be due, may take their goods in the city of London, of the borough or town, or of the country wherein he remains who shall owe the debt: And the citizens of London may have their chaces to hunt, as well and fully as their ancestors have had, that is to say, in Chiltre, and in Middlesex and Surrey.

Witness the bishop of Winchester, and Robert son of Richier, and Hugh Bygot, and Alured of Toteneys, and William of Alba-spina, and Hubert the king's Chamberlain, and William de Montfichet, and Hangulf de Taney, and John Bellet, and Robert son of Siward. At Westminster.

MATILDA IN LONDON (1141).

The power and influence of the City are well illustrated by the part which it took in the struggles between Stephen and Matilda for the throne of England. The Londoners at first supported Stephen; but the party of the Empress Matilda proved to be the stronger, and for some time everything appeared to be in her favour. But she ruined her cause by her foolish behaviour towards the Londoners. She gave grants to a feudal nobleman, Geoffrey de Mandeville, which practically placed the City at his mercy, and she made unreasonable demands for subsidies from the citizens, besides treating them in a very contemptuous fashion. Finally, when they asked for a renewal of the laws of Edward the Confessor, she refused, and the citizens rose in revolt and compelled Matilda to withdraw from the City. The opposition of the Londoners at that particular time completely altered the aspect of affairs, and Stephen was shortly afterwards restored to the throne.

Source.—Gesta Stephani.

Having now obtained the submission of the greatest part of the kingdom, taken hostages and received homage, and being, as I have just said, elated to the highest pitch of arrogance, she came with vast military display to London, at the humble request of the citizens. They fancied that they had now arrived at happy days, when peace and tranquillity would prevail.... She, however, sent for some of the more wealthy, and demanded of them, not with gentle courtesy, but in an imperious tone, an immense sum of money. Upon this they made complaints that their former wealth had been diminished by the troubled state of the kingdom, that they had liberally contributed to the relief of the indigent against the severe famine which was impending, and that they had subsidised the King to their last farthing: they therefore humbly implored her clemency that in pity for their losses and distresses she would show some moderation in levying money from them.... When the citizens had addressed her in this manner, she, without any of the gentleness of her sex, broke out into insufferable rage, while she replied to them with a stern eye and frowning brow "that the Londoners had often paid large sums to the King; that they had opened their purse-strings wide to strengthen him and weaken her; that they had been long in confederacy with her enemies for her injury; and that they had no claim to be spared, and to have the smallest part of the fine remitted." On hearing this, the citizens departed to their homes, sorrowful and unsatisfied.

A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON (circa 1173).

William Fitz-Stephen was a native of London, and lived there much of his life. This description of his birthplace is prefixed to his "Life of Thomas Becket," perhaps because he did not wish Canterbury to eclipse London in his narrative. This account of the capital city is clearly a fanciful picture, containing much exaggeration; but apart from its quaintness, it is interesting as showing how a medieval writer treated a subject which would now be discussed precisely and minutely, with accurate details and statistics.

Source.—William Fitz-Stephen's Descriptio Nobilissimæ Civitatis
Londonæ.

Of the Site Thereof.

Among the noble cities of the world that Fame celebrates the City of London, of the Kingdom of the English, is the one seat that pours out its fame more widely, sends to farther lands its wealth and trade, lifts its head higher than the rest. It is happy in the healthiness of its air, in the Christian religion, in the strength of its defences, the nature of its site, the honour of its citizens, the modesty of its matrons; pleasant in sports; fruitful of noble men. Let us look into these things separately....

Of Religion.

There is in the church there the Episcopal Seat of St. Paul; once it was Metropolitan, and it is thought will again become so if the citizens return into the island, unless perhaps the archiepiscopal title of St. Thomas the Martyr, and his bodily presence, preserve to Canterbury, where it is now, a perpetual dignity. But as Saint Thomas has made both cities illustrious, London by his rising, Canterbury by his setting, in regard of that saint, with admitted justice, each can claim advantage of the other. There are also, as regards the cultivation of the Christian faith, in London and the suburbs, thirteen larger conventual churches, besides lesser parish churches one hundred and twenty-six.

Of the Strength of the City.

It has on the east the Palatine Castle, very great and strong, of which the ground plan and the walls rise from a very deep foundation, fixed with a mortar tempered by the blood of animals. On the west are two towers very strongly fortified, with the high and great wall of the city having seven double gates, and towered to the north at intervals. London was walled and towered in like manner on the south, but the great fish-bearing Thames river which there glides, with ebb and flow from the sea, by course of time has washed against, loosened, and thrown down those walls. Also upwards to the west the royal palace is conspicuous above the same river, an incomparable building with ramparts and bulwarks, two miles from the city, joined to it by a populous suburb.

Of Gardens.

Everywhere outside the houses of those living in the suburbs are joined to them, planted with trees, the spacious and beautiful gardens of the citizens.

Of Pasture and Tilth.

Also there are, on the north side, pastures and a pleasant meadowland, through which flow river streams, where the turning wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful sound. Very near lies a great forest, with woodland pastures, coverts of wild animals, stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls. The tilled lands of the city are not of barren gravel but fat plains of Asia, that make crops luxuriant, and fill their tillers' barns with Ceres' sheaves.

Of Springs.

There are also about London, on the north side, excellent suburban springs, with sweet, wholesome, and clear water that flows rippling over the bright stones; among which Holy Well, Clerken Well, and Saint Clements are frequented by greater numbers, and visited more by scholars and youth of the city when they go out for fresh air on summer evenings. It is a good city indeed when it has a good master.

Of Honour of the Citizens.

That City is honoured by her men, adorned by her arms, populous with many inhabitants, so that in the time of slaughter of war under King Stephen, of those going out to muster twenty thousand horsemen and sixty thousand men on foot were estimated to be fit for war. Above all other citizens, everywhere, the citizens of London are regarded as conspicuous and noteworthy for handsomeness of manners and of dress, at table, and in way of speaking....

Of Schools.

In London three principal churches have by privilege and ancient dignity famous schools; yet very often by support of some personage, or of some teachers who are considered notable and famous in philosophy, there are also other schools by favour or permission. On feast days the masters have festival meetings in the churches. Their scholars dispute, some by demonstration, others by dialectics; some recite enthymemes, others do better in using perfect syllogisms. Some are exercised in disputation for display, as wrestling with opponents; others for truth, which is the grace of perfectness. Sophists who feign are judged happy in their heap and flood of words. Others paralogise. Some orators, now and then, say in their rhetorical speeches something apt for persuasion, careful to observe rules of their art, and to omit none of the contingents. Boys of different schools strive against one another in verses, and contend about the principles of grammar and rules of the past and future tenses....

Of the Ordering of the City.

Those engaged in the several kinds of business, sellers of several things, contractors for several kinds of work, are distributed every morning into their several localities and shops. Besides, there is in London on the river bank, among the wines in ships and cellars sold by the vintners, a public cook shop; there eatables are to be found every day, according to the season, dishes of meat, roast, fried and boiled, great and small fish, coarser meats for the poor, more delicate for the rich, of game, fowls, and small birds. If there should come suddenly to any of the citizens friends, weary from a journey and too hungry to like waiting till fresh food is brought and cooked, with water to their hands comes bread, while one runs to the river bank, and there is all that can be wanted. However great the multitude of soldiers or travellers entering the city, or preparing to go out of it, at any hour of the day or night,—that these may not fast too long and those may not go supperless,—they turn hither, if they please, where every man can refresh himself in his own way.... Outside one of the gates there, immediately in the suburb, is a certain field, smooth (Smith) field in fact and name. Every Friday, unless it be a higher day of appointed solemnity, there is in it a famous show of noble horses for sale. Earls, barons, knights, and many citizens who are in town, come to see or buy.... In another part of the field stand by themselves the goods proper to rustics, implements of husbandry, swine with long flanks, cows with full udders, oxen of bulk immense, and woolly flocks.... To this city from every nation under heaven merchants delight to bring their trade by sea.... This city ... is divided into wards, has annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and lower magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets, its proper places and separate courts for cases of each kind, deliberative, demonstrative, judicial; has assemblies on appointed days. I do not think there is a city with more commendable customs of church attendance, honour to God's ordinances, keeping sacred festivals, almsgiving, hospitality, confirming, betrothals, contracting marriages, celebration of nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the guests, and also in care for funerals and the interment of the dead. The only pests of London are the immoderate drinking of fools and the frequency of fires. To this may be added that nearly all the bishops, abbots, and magnates of England are, as it were, citizens and freemen of London; having there their own splendid houses, to which they resort, where they spend largely when summoned to great councils by the king or by their metropolitan, or drawn thither by their own private affairs.

Of Sports.

Let us now come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is fit that a city should not only be commodious and serious, but also merry and sportful; ... but London ... hath holy plays, representations of miracles which holy confessors have wrought, or representations of torments wherein the constancy of martyrs appeared. Every year also at Shrove Tuesday, that we may begin with children's sports, seeing we all have been children, the schoolboys do bring cocks of the game to their master, and all the forenoon they delight themselves in cock-fighting: after dinner, all the youths go into the field to play at the ball.

The scholars of every school have their ball, or baton, in their hands; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come forth on horseback to see the sport of the young men, and to take part of the pleasure in beholding their agility. Every Friday in Lent a fresh company of young men comes into the field on horseback, and the best horseman conducteth the rest. Then march forth the citizen's sons, and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and there they practise feats of war. Many courtiers likewise, when the king lieth near, and attendants of noblemen, do repair to these exercises; and while the hope of victory doth inflame their minds, do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs.

In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water; a shield is hung upon a pole, fixed in the midst of a stream, a boat is prepared without oars, to be carried by violence of the water, and in the fore part thereof standeth a young man, ready to give charge upon the shield with his lance; if so be he breaketh his lance against the shield, and doth not fall, he is thought to have performed a worthy deed; if so be, without breaking his lance, he runneth strongly against the shield, down he falleth into the water, for the boat is violently forced with the tide; but on each side of the shield ride two boats, furnished with young men, which recover him that falleth as soon as they may. Upon the bridge, wharfs, and houses, by the river's side, stand great numbers to see and laugh thereat.

In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised in leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, and practising their shields; the maidens trip in their timbrels, and dance as long as they can well see. In winter, every holiday before dinner, the boars prepared for brawn are set to fight, or else bulls and bears are baited.

When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of the city on the north side, is frozen, many young men play upon the ice; some, striding as wide as they may, do slide swiftly; others make themselves seats of ice, as great as millstones; one sits down, many hand in hand to draw him, and one slipping on a sudden, all fall together; some tie bones to their feet and under their heels; and shoving themselves by a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as a bird flieth in the air, or an arrow out of a crossbow. Sometime two run together with poles, and hitting on the other, either one or both do fall, not without hurt; some break their arms, some their legs, but youth desirous of glory in this sort exerciseth itself against the time of war. Many of the citizens do delight themselves in hawks and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex, Hertfordshire, all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of Cray.

DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY (1177).

The following story is not altogether free from suspicion, but it was probably inspired by accounts of the depredations of the young bloods of the City. Nocturnal disturbances were by no means unknown as late as the eighteenth century, and the Mohocks were following a tradition which was as old as the City itself.

Source.—Translated from Benedict of Peterborough, vol. i., p. 155.

During this council the brother of earl Ferrers was slain by night in London. When the King heard this he was greatly distressed, and swore that he would take vengeance on the citizens of London. For it was the custom then in London for a hundred or more of the sons and relations of the citizens to make nocturnal assaults on the houses of the rich, and rob them; and if they found anybody wandering about the streets they would kill him without pity; so that very few dared to walk through the city at night for fear of them. Three years before this the sons of the "nobility" of London assembled by night for purposes of robbery, and attacked the house of a certain rich citizen; having broken down the wall with iron bars they entered through the aperture thus made. But the occupier of the house had been forewarned of their arrival; he donned a coat of mail and collected several trusty armed servants, with whom he waited in a corner of the house. Soon he saw one of the robbers, named Andrew Bucquinte, who was eagerly leading the rest; he hurled at him a pan full of hot coals and rushed on him fiercely. When Richard Bucquinte saw this, he drew his dagger and struck the citizen, but he received no injury because of his coat of mail; he drew his sword and cut off the right hand of Richard Bucquinte. Then he raised a cry, "Thieves, thieves!" and on hearing it all the robbers fled except the one who had lost his hand, and the citizen captured him. Next day he was brought before Richard de Lucy, the King's justiciar, and was imprisoned. This thief, being promised pardon, informed against his companions, many of whom were taken, although many escaped. Among those who were taken was a certain John, an old man, the noblest and wealthiest of the citizens of London. He offered five hundred marks of silver to the King in return for his life, but the King would not take the fine, and ordered justice to be carried out, so he was hanged.

ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING
(1189, 1212).

The documents quoted below give good evidence of the style in which the better class of houses was built during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The greater part of the city was built of wood, the houses being roofed with straw, reeds, and similar materials. The frequent fires which took place owing to this manner of building, especially the great fire of 1135 which destroyed a great part of the City, compelled the citizens to take some precautions against the recurrence of such a calamity. Stone was used to a larger extent, and various privileges were conceded to those who used stone in the construction of their houses. This material was made compulsory in the party-walls, but the rest of the buildings might be made of anything, and was usually constructed of wood. The regulations of 1189 did not produce any great or immediate effect on the style of building, and a further ordinance was issued in 1212, after a disastrous fire had destroyed London Bridge and a large number of houses.

Source.—The London Assizes of 1189 and 1212, quoted in Hudson
Turner's History of Domestic Architecture.

(a) In the year of the Lord 1189, in the first year of the reign of the illustrious King Richard, in the mayoralty of Henry Fitz-Aylwin, who was the first Mayor of London, these provisions and ordinances were made by the wise men of the City, for appeasing the contentions which sometimes arise among neighbours touching boundaries made or to be made between their lands, so that such disputes might be settled according to that which was then provided and ordained. And the said provision and ordinance was called an Assize.

When two neighbours shall have agreed to build between themselves a wall of stone, each shall give a foot and a half of land, and so they shall construct, at their joint cost, a stone wall three feet thick and sixteen feet in height. And, if they agree, they shall make a gutter between them, to carry off the water from their houses, as they may deem most convenient. But if they should not agree, either of them may make a gutter to carry the water dripping from his house on to his own land, except he can convey it into the high street.

They may also, if they agree, raise the said wall as high as they please, at their joint expense; and if it shall happen that one shall wish to raise the wall, and the other not, it shall be lawful for him who is willing, to raise his own part as much as he please, and build upon it, without damage of the other, at his own cost.

And if any one shall build his own stone wall, upon his own land, of the height of sixteen feet, his neighbour ought to make a gutter under the eaves of the house which is placed on that wall, and receive in it the water falling from that house, and lead it on to his own land, unless he can lead it into the high street.

Also, no one of two parties having a common wall built between them, can, or ought, to pull down any portion of his part of the said wall, or lessen its thickness, or make arches in it, without the assent and will of the other.

And if any one shall have windows looking towards the land of a neighbour, and although he and his predecessors have long been possessed of the view of the aforesaid windows, nevertheless his neighbour may lawfully obstruct the view of those windows, by building opposite to them on his own ground, as he shall consider most expedient; except he who hath the windows can shew any writing whereby his neighbour may not obstruct the view of those windows.

Let it be borne in mind that in former times a great part of the city was built of wood, and the houses were roofed with straw, reeds and such things; so that when any house caught fire, a great part of the city was destroyed by that fire; as happened in the first year of the reign of King Stephen. For it is written in the chronicles that in a fire which began at London Bridge, St. Paul's Church was burnt down, and the fire proceeded thence, burning all the houses and buildings as far as St. Clement Danes. Therefore many citizens, to avoid such danger, built according to their means, on their ground, a stone house covered and protected by thick tiles against the fury of fire, whereby it often happened that when a fire arose in the city and burnt many edifices, and had reached such a house, not being able to injure it, it became there extinguished, so that many neighbours' houses were wholly saved from fire by that house.

(b) A decree made by the counsel of the citizens, for the setting into order of the city and to provide, by God's help, against fire.

First, they advise that all ale-houses be forbidden, except those which shall be licensed by the common council of the city at Guildhall, excepting those belonging to persons willing to build of stone, that the city may be secure. And that no baker bake, or ale-wife brew, by night, either with reeds or straw or stubble, but with wood only.

They advise also that all the cook-shops on the Thames be whitewashed and plastered within and without, and that all inner chambers and hostelries be wholly removed, so that there remain only the house (hall) and bed-room.

Whosoever wishes to build, let him take care, as he loveth himself and his goods, that he roof not with reed, nor rush, nor with any manner of litter, but with tile only, or shingle, or boards, or, if it may be, with lead, within the city and Portsoken. Also all houses which till now are covered with reed or rush, which can be plastered, let them be plastered within eight days, and let those which shall not be so plastered within the term be demolished by the aldermen and lawful men of the venue.

All wooden houses which are nearest to the stone houses in Cheap, whereby the stone houses in Cheap may be in peril, shall be securely amended by view of the mayor and sheriffs, and good men of the city, or, without any exception, to whomsoever they may belong, pulled down.

The watches, and they who watch by night for the custody of the city shall go out by day and return by day, or they by whom they may have been sent forth shall be fined forty shillings by the city. And let old houses in which brewing or baking is done be whitewashed and plastered within and without, that they may be safe against fire.

Let all the aldermen have a proper hook and cord, and let him who shall not have one within the appointed term be amerced by the city. Foreign workmen who come into the city, and refuse to obey the aforesaid decree, shall be arrested until brought before the mayor and good men to hear their judgment. They say also that it is only proper that before every house there should be a tub full of water, either of wood or stone.

THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED
(1191).

When Richard I. set out on his crusade, he left the government of England in the hands of William Longchamp, as Chancellor. This man made himself most unpopular by his tyrannical acts, and John, the King's brother, for purposes of his own, joined the malcontents. Longchamp attempted to gain the support of London, and at a meeting of citizens in the Guildhall he denounced John as aiming at the crown, and prayed them to uphold the King. The citizens, however, received John with welcome, and he was given to understand that he would receive the support of the City on certain terms, to which, of course, he agreed. This "commune," which was granted by John and the barons, was the first public recognition of the citizens of London as a body corporate.

Source.—Translated from Benedict of Peterborough,
vol. ii., p. 213.

John, with almost all the bishops and barons of England in attendance on him, entered London on that day (October 7, 1191), and on the following day John and the Archbishop of Rouen and all the bishops and barons, and with them the citizens of London, met in St. Paul's church, and accused the chancellor of many things, especially with regard to the injuries which he had wrought to the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, and his son Henry. Moreover the colleagues of the chancellor, whom the King had associated with him in the government of the country, accused him of many crimes, saying that he had performed everything without their counsel and consent. Then the Archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall showed to the assembly the King's letter, by which it was ordered that if the chancellor did any foolish thing to the harm of the King or the realm, the said Archbishop of Rouen was to be appointed in his stead.... Therefore John the King's brother, and all the bishops and barons and the citizens of London, decided that the chancellor should be deposed from the government of the kingdom.... John and the Archbishop of Rouen, and all the bishops and barons of the kingdom who were present, granted to the citizens of London their commune, and swore that they would guard it and the liberties of the city of London, as long as it pleased the King; and the citizens of London and the bishops and barons swore allegiance to King Richard, and to John the King's brother, and undertook to accept John as their lord and King, if the King died without issue.

From Richard of Devizes, vol. iii., p. 416.

On that day was granted and confirmed the commune of London, to which the barons of the whole kingdom and the bishops of every diocese gave their consent. On that occasion for the first time London realized that the kingdom was without a king, by this conspiracy which neither Richard himself nor his father Henry would have allowed to take place for a million marks. A commune puffs up the people, threatens the kingdom, and weakens the priesthood.

JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER (1199).

John granted five charters to the City, and in this third charter he restored to the citizens two privileges, of which they had been deprived by Matilda and Henry II. The latter, wishing to bring the City under the direct supervision of the Crown, had retained the appointment of sheriffs in his own hands; Matilda had annulled the arrangement by which the citizens were to have the farm of Middlesex on payment of £300 every year. The restoration of the right of electing the sheriffs was not of very great importance, for during the period which had elapsed since Henry II. assumed this privilege the office of Mayor had become established, and this had considerably lessened the importance of the sheriffs.

John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou; to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, rulers, and to all his bailiffs and loving subjects.

Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present writing confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks of London and Middlesex, with all the customs and things to the sheriffwick belonging, within the city and without, by land and by water, to have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, paying therefor three hundred pounds of blank sterling money, at two terms in the year; that is to say, at the Easter exchequer, one hundred and fifty pounds; and at the Michaelmas exchequer, one hundred and fifty pounds; saving to the citizens of London all their liberties and free customs.

And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that they amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and may amove them when they will; and those whom they make sheriffs, they shall present to our justices of our exchequer, of these things which to the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof they ought to answer us; and unless they shall sufficiently answer and satisfy, the citizens may answer and satisfy us the amerciaments and farm, saving to the said citizens their liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said sheriffs the same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if they which shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall commit any offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage of other citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment of their amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby they ought to incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall be adjudged, as they ought to be, according to the law of the city; and of these things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the sheriffs shall answer before our justices at our exchequer, saving to the said sheriffs the liberties which other citizens of London have.

Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the citizens of London for the amendment of the said city, and because it was in ancient times farmed for three hundred pounds: wherefore we will and steadfastly command, that the citizens of London and their heirs may have and hold the sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all things to the said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to possess and enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and wholly, by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the citizens of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick do or were accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command, that if we or our heirs, or any of our justices, shall give or grant to any person any of those things which to the farm of the sheriffwick appertain, the same shall be accounted to the citizens of London, in the acquittal of the said farm at our exchequer.

LONDON BRIDGE (1202).

It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman times, and there certainly was one, built of wood, before the Conquest. The modern structure was finished in 1831, and this replaced the old bridge, which was built between 1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one. It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large vessels, and a chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury. It was afterwards covered with houses and shops on both sides, like a street. The last of these buildings was removed in 1757.

The following letter was written by King John to the citizens of London during the construction of the bridge, and shows that the erection and maintenance of this important means of communication was a matter for royal and national, as well as local, consideration.

Source.—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.

John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.

To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of London, greeting.

Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in regard to the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great care and pains of our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert, Master of the Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the advice of our Reverend Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and that of others, have desired, directed and enjoined him to use his best endeavour in building your bridge, for your benefit, and that of the public: For we trust in the Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for you, and all who shall pass the same, will, through his industry, and the Divine blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without prejudice to our right, or that of the City of London, We will and grant, that the rents and profits of the several houses that the said Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and uphold the same.

And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot be accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We charge and exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named Isenbert, and those employed by him, who will perform everything to your advantage and credit, according to his directions, you affording him your joint advice and assistance in the premises. For whatever good office or honour you shall do to him, you ought to esteem the same as done to us. But should any injury be offered to the said Isenbert, or the persons employed by him (which we do not believe there will), see that the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to your knowledge.

Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of April (1202).

OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).

Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the citizens of London than was Henry III.—a weak and foolish ruler, who subjected every class to his exactions and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms of favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive projects, and could only free himself from his debts and difficulties by abusing his royal prerogative. On one occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the Londoners. "These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves the name of barons, abound in everything, while we are reduced to necessities." Henry certainly seemed to regard their resources as inexhaustible; false charges were repeatedly made against them, for the purpose of exacting money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing the King's good-will, and for the granting of charters; no occasion of soliciting presents was allowed to pass by; schemes of begging and robbing were carried on so assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance to the barons who leagued themselves against him. During this disturbed period the City did not prosper; it needed a firm and steady Government, and not till Edward I. ascended the throne did London resume its career of progress.

Source.—Matthew Paris, History.

The King began now sedulously to think how he could entirely dry up the inexhaustible well of England. For, on meeting with a just repulse from the community of nobles, as above mentioned, who stated that they would no longer lavish their property to the ruin of the kingdom, he studied, by other cunning devices, to quench the thirst of his cupidity. Immediately after the festivities of the said season, he entered upon the following plan of harassing the citizens of London: he suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as has been before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new fair at Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On receipt of this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart, and said: "Woe to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of London, which is so often bought; so often granted; so often guaranteed by writing; so often sworn to be respected? For each year almost, like slaves of the lowest condition, we are impoverished by new talliages, and injuriously harassed by fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into what whirlpool the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At length, however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens, although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart, yielded their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds, to be paid to the King at a brief period....

About the same time, the City of London was excited in no slight degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the citizens for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their enormous loss, and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of the city and the whole of the community in general, as far as lay in their power, opposed the wish (or rather violence and raving) of the King; but he proved harsh and inexorable to them. The citizens, therefore, in a state of great excitement, went with sorrowful complaints to Earl Richard, the earl of Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom, telling them how the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by the pope's example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to them by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding with them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding threats to their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot, who, they believed, was the originator and promoter of this wrong, heaping insult upon insult on him; which, however, it does not become us to relate, out of respect to the order. Thus the prudence of the nobles happily recalled the King from his conceived design.

INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).

When, in medieval England, the central authority was weak, injustice and oppression were rife throughout the country, and at such times the men of London were often hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges. Under the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little restraint upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as the Hugh Bygot of the following passage. The right to attend to the administration of justice within the borders of the City was one of the most essential elements of the citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could possibly be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to be of any avail. It is not surprising, therefore, that the arbitrary conduct of this justiciar, who pretended to act by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused great resentment among the citizens.

Source.—Fitz-Thedmar's Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs,
edited by Riley, p. 42.

This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too, even in his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by the Barons at Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went to Saint Saviour's, and having Roger de Turkelby for his associate, held there all the Pleas which pertain unto the Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey; and not only did he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had been convicted of offences committed against those subject to them, but he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen. And yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain others for forty marks, and more; while several others, for but trifling reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.

In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the County of Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and citizens of London, that they unjustly took custom without the Stone Gate on the Bridge, seeing that they ought to possess no such rights beyond the Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming with their Sheriffs who had been summoned by the Justiciars, appeared at Saint Saviour's, before the Justiciars, and bringing with them their Charters, said that they were not bound to plead there, nor would they plead without the walls of the City; but without formal plea, they were willing to acknowledge that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as far as the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water of Thames pertains unto the City, and always did pertain thereto; and that too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At length, after much altercation had taken place between the Justiciars and the citizens, the Justiciars caused inquisition to be made, on the oath of twelve knights of Surrey—and this, although the citizens had not put themselves on such inquisition—whether the Sheriffs of London had taken any custom beyond their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the Sheriffs aforesaid might rightfully take custom there, for that as far the staples before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City, and no one has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir, save and except the citizens of London.

After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his associate Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London, and there held Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished to make plaint; and at once, without either making reasonable summons or admitting any lawful excuses, determined the same, observing no due procedure of justice; and that too against the laws of the City, as also against the laws and customs of every freeman of the English realm. This, however, the citizens persistently challenged, saying that no one except the Sheriffs of London ought to hold pleadings in the City as to trespasses there committed; but to no purpose. Still however, the citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in the City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a false charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned before himself and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers of the City who could be found, together with their loaves; and so, by some few citizens summoned before them, judgment was given in reference to their bread; those whose bread did not weigh according to the assay of the City, not being placed in the pillory, as they used to be, but, at the will of the Justiciar and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the tumbrel, against the ancient usage of the City and of all the realm.

THE STEELYARD (1282).

The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants, who obtained a settlement in London as early as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted to them by Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by Edward I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of the City by all possible means. Many privileges were also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by the City, in return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate in good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity arose. In spite of the jealousy of the English merchants, the foreigners flourished exceedingly, but towards the end of the sixteenth century their power began to fail. As English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in 1598, Elizabeth expelled them from the country.

Source.—Stow's Survey, p. 234.

Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as they term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants in the year 1259 Henry the third, at the request of his brother Richard earl of Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the merchants, having a house in the City of London, commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages or liberties, as by the King and his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed, etc. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that charter of Liberties granted by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same Edward, Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise between the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine, about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in respect of maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair: for the appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding that they should make inquisition thereof, before whom the merchants being called, when they were not able to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to the Mayor, and sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make reparations, namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess of Triuar, John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon, John de Dele a Burgess of Munstar, then remaining in the said City of London: for themselves, and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks sterling to the Mayor and Citizens, and undertook that they and their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and bear the third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it when need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and Citizens granted to the said merchants their liberties which till of late they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that they might lay up their grain which they brought into this realm, in Inns, and sell it in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it up: except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expressly forbidden, because of dearth or other reasonable occasions. Also they might have their Aldermen as they had been accustomed, forseen always that he were of the City, and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the City, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth, that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the East parts hither, in so much that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were enforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance, when the corn of this realm was at an easy price: whereupon it was ordained by Parliament, that no person should bring into any part of this realm by way of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price of 6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other half to the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guild hall in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said Cosin lane. Their hall is large, builded of stone, with three arched gates towards the street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is seldom opened, the other two be mured up, the same is now called the old hall.

THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER
(1282).

It would appear from contemporary evidence that the Londoners must have been somewhat turbulent during the thirteenth century. Owing to the smallness of the houses and the insufficient accommodation for families, the greater part of the population constantly filled the streets; and, although the watch and ward arrangements for the protection of the City may have been sufficient in quiet times, they were quite inadequate when troubles arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels and riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments, fines, and imprisonments were common. The commonest offences, to judge by the records of trials, were night-walking after curfew, robbery with violence, frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages illustrate some of the efforts which were continually being made to devise improvements in the administration of the City and the safeguarding of its inhabitants:

Sources.—(a) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";
(b) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace."
Riley'sMemorials, pp. 21, 36.

(a) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in the 10th year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall, the following provisions were subscribed:—

As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names of all persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving therein; where they dwell, and in what Ward.

Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward, shall make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the persons lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and from house to house; that so he may know how many, and who, and of what kind or condition they are, clerks or laymen, who are residing in his Ward, of the age of twelve years and upwards.

To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected persons, when found, ought to be removed, or under what security to remain.

Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates of the City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are to be two serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent of speech, who are to keep a good watch upon persons coming in and going out; that so no evil may befall the City.

At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same hour as at St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together, and end together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as well as all taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to go about the streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each Ward by night, of the most competent men of the Ward thereto; and the two serjeants who guard the Gates by day, are to lie at night either within the Gates, or near thereto.

The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see that all boats are moored on the City side at night, and are to have the names of all boats; and no one is to cross the Thames at night. And each serjeant must have his own boat with four men, to guard the water by night, on either side of the bridge.

The serjeants at the Gates are to receive four pence each per day, and the boatmen at night, one penny each.

(b) Henry le Galeys, Mayor of the City of London, presented a writ of our Lord the King, in these words:—

Edward by the grace of God, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that the bakers, and brewsters, and millers, in the city aforesaid, do frequently misconduct themselves in their trades, and that misdoers by night going about the city aforesaid with swords and bucklers, and other arms, as well at the procuration of others as of their own malice, do beat and maltreat other persons, and are wont to perpetrate many other offences and enormities, to no small damage and grievance of our faithful subjects: We, of our counsel, wishing to apply a fitting remedy to all the premises, and to strike both them and others with fear of so offending, do command you, and strictly enjoin, that you will so chastise such bakers, brewsters, and misdoers, with corporal punishments, and so visit the other offences, at your discretion, that they may excite in others in like case a fear of so offending. And that all corn to be ground at mills within the city aforesaid, and without, shall be weighed by the millers, and that such millers shall answer in like weight in the flour coming therefrom. And the matters aforesaid, and all other things which unto the office of the Mayoralty of the same city, and to the preservation there of our peace, do pertain, you are to cause to be inviolably observed. Witness myself, at York, the 28th day of May, in the 26th year of our reign.

THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. (1311).

The attitude of the City towards the Sovereign was invariably determined by the respect which the latter paid to the liberties and privileges of the citizens, who were generally disposed to be loyal enough if they were treated with proper consideration. The change from the powerful and competent rule of Edward I. to the feeble government of his son produced its inevitable effect on London as well as on the kingdom; but the letter quoted below shows that the citizens were prepared to support the King during the early years of his reign. Later, however, his arbitrary measures and foolish actions led to a complete revulsion of feeling, which expressed itself in actual revolt.

Source.—Riley's Memorials, p. 84.

To the most noble Prince, and their very dear liege lord, our Lord the King of England, his lieges, Richer de Refham, Mayor of his city of London, and the commonalty of the same city, all manner of reverence, service, and honour, as unto their liege lord. Whereas, Sire, we have heard good news of you, Sire, and of your successful prosecution of your war in Scotland, God be thanked; we do send you, by the bearers of these letters, one thousand marks, in aid and in prosecution of your war; and we do pray you, as being our most dear lord, that you will be pleased to accept the same; and that, if aught shall please you as regards your said city, you will signify your will unto us, as being your liege men. Our Lord have you in his keeping, body and soul; and may he give you a good life, and long.

CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE CITY (1319).

These articles were drawn up by the citizens and submitted to Edward II. for his approval, which he duly gave in exchange for £1,000. It is clear that there had been dissensions in the city; the officials had been endeavouring to obtain favour at Court, and in doing so they had acted, as the citizens alleged, against their interests. The mayor, when it suited the interests of the City magistrates, was re-elected at pleasure; the citizens were taxed in an oppressive manner while the magistrates are stated to have lowered their own assessments. The citizens were unable to obtain satisfactory redress from the King's judges, and proposed these new constitutions, which were accepted by the King and afterwards incorporated into the charter of Richard II. It is to be noted that henceforth the only way to the civic franchise was by becoming a member of the civic gilds.

Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters shall have come, greeting.

Know ye, that whereas our beloved and faithful the mayor and aldermen, and the other citizens of our city of London, had lately ordained and appointed among themselves, for the bettering of the same city, and for the common benefit of such as dwell in that city, and resort to the same, certain things to be in the same city perpetually observed, and had instantly besought us that we would take care to accept and confirm the same.

We having seen certain letters, patentwise, signed with the common seal of that city, and the seal of the office of the mayoralty of that city, upon the premises, and to us exhibited, have caused certain articles to be chosen out of the foresaid letters, and caused them in some things to be corrected, as they are underneath inserted, viz.

1. That the mayor and sheriffs of the same city be elected by the citizens of the said city, according to the tenor of the charters of our progenitors, heretofore kings of England, made to them thereby, and not otherwise.

2. That the mayor remain only one year together in his mayoralty.

3. That sheriffs have but two clerks and two serjeants; and that they take such for whom they will answer.

4. That the mayor have no other office belonging to the city, but the office of mayoralty; nor draw to himself the sheriff's plea in the chamber of London, nor hold other pleas than those the mayor, according to ancient custom, ought to hold.

5. That the aldermen be removed from year to year, on the day of St. Gregory the Pope, and not re-elected; and others chosen by the same wards....

7. That no stranger be admitted into the freedom of the city in the husting; and that no inhabitant, and especially English merchant, of any mistery or trade, be admitted into the freedom of the city, unless by surety of six honest and sufficient men of the mistery or trade that he shall be of, who is so to be admitted into the freedom; which six men may undertake for him, of keeping the city indemnified in that behalf. And that the same form of surety be observed of strangers to be admitted into the freedom in the husting, if they be of any certain mistery or trade. And if they are not of some certain mistery, then that they be not admitted into the freedom without the assent of the commonalty. And that they who have been taken into the freedom of the city (since we undertook the government of the realm) contrary to the forms prescribed, and they who have gone contrary to their oath in this behalf, or contrary to the state of the city, and are thereof lawfully convicted, lose the freedom of the said city.

Saving always, that concerning apprentices the ancient manner and form of the said city be observed.

8. That each year in the same city, as often as need shall be, inquiry be made, if any of the freedom of the same city exercise merchandises in the city, of the goods of others not of the same freedom, by calling those goods their own, contrary to their oath, and contrary to the freedom of the said city; and they that are lawfully convicted thereof to lose the freedom of the said city....

12. That weights and scales of merchandises to be weighed between merchants and merchants, the issues coming of which belong to the commonalty of the said city, remain in the custody of honest and sufficient men of the same city, expert in that office, and as yet to be chosen by the commonalty, to be kept at the will of the same commonalty; and that they be by no means committed to others than those so to be chosen....

14. Merchants who are not of the freedom of the city, not to sell, by retail, wines or other wares, within the city or suburbs....

16. That the common harbourers in the city and suburbs, although they are not of the freedom of the same, be partakers of the contingent burdens for maintaining the said city, according to the state of it, as long as they shall be so common harbourers, as other like dwellers in the city and suburbs shall partake, on account of those dwellings. Saving always, that the merchants of Gascony, and other foreigners, may, one with another, inhabit and be harboured in the said city, as hitherto they have accustomed to do.

17. That the keeping the bridge of the said city, and the rents and profits belonging to that bridge, be committed to be kept to two honest and sufficient men of the city, other than the aldermen, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, at the will of the said commonalty, and not to others, and who may answer thereupon to the said commonalty....

20. That the goods of the aldermen, in aids, tallages, and other contributions, concerning the said city, be taxed by the men of the wards in which those aldermen abide, as the goods of other citizens, by the said wards.

Which articles, as they are above expressed, and the matters contained in the same, we accept, approve and ratify; and we yield and grant them, for us and our heirs, as much as in us is, to the aforesaid citizens, their heirs and successors, in the aforesaid city and suburbs, for the common profit of those that inhabit therein, and resort thither, to obtain the same, and to be observed perpetually.

Moreover, we, willing to show ampler grace to the mayor, aldermen and citizens, at their request have granted to them, for us and our heirs, that the mayor, aldermen, citizens and commonalty of the commoners of the city, and their heirs and successors, for the necessities and profits of the same city, may, among themselves of their common assent assess tallages upon their own goods within that city, as well upon the rents as other things; and as well upon the misteries as any other way, as they shall see expedient, and levy them, without incurring the danger of us or our heirs, or our ministers whomsoever. And that the money coming from such tallages remain in the custody of four honest and lawful men of the said city, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, and be laid out, of their custody, for the necessities and profits of the said city, and not otherwise. In witness whereof, etc.

Witness the King, at York, the eighth day of June, in the twelfth year of our reign.

A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II (1326).

Although the citizens were at first sufficiently well disposed towards Edward II., his misgovernment led ultimately to grave dissatisfaction, which expressed itself in riots and revolt. The King was induced by his worthless advisers to make claims and attacks upon the rights of the citizens. He was always in want of money, and believed, like many other Kings, that the wealth of the City was inexhaustible. In 1321 he deprived the citizens of their cherished right of electing their own Mayor, and from that time the condition of the City was perfectly wretched until the close of his reign. There was no proper authority at all; the King deposed one Mayor and set up another; the city generally supported Queen Isabella, and received her and Mortimer with enthusiasm. All who were thought to favour the King were in danger, and the attitude of the City was to a considerable extent responsible for the unhappy King's deposition.

Source.—Aungier, French Chronicle, edited by Riley, p. 262.

At this time, at Saint Michael, Lady Isabele, the Queen, and Sir Edward, her son, sent their letters to the commons of London, to the effect that they should assist in destroying the enemies of the land; but received no answer in return, as to their wishes thereon, through fear of the King. Wherefore a letter was sent to London by the Queen and her son, and was fixed at daybreak upon the Cross in Chepe, and a copy of the letter on the windows elsewhere, upon Thursday, that is to say, the Feast of Saint Denis [October 9], to the effect that the commons should be aiding with all their power in destroying the enemies of the land, and Hugh le Despencer in especial, for the common profit of all the realm; and that the commons should send them information as to their wishes thereon. Wherefore the Commonalty proceeded to wait upon the Mayor and other great men of the City, at the Black Friars Preachers in London, upon the Wednesday before the Feast of Saint Luke [October 18] which then fell on a Saturday; so much so, that the Mayor, crying mercy with clasped hands, went to the Guildhall and granted the commons their demand, and cry was accordingly made in Chepe, that the enemies to the King, and the Queen, and their son, should all quit the City upon such peril as might ensue. It happened also on the same day, at the hour of noon, that some persons had recourse to arms, and seized one John le Marchal, a burgess of the City, in his own house near Wallbrook, who was held as an enemy to the City and a spy of Sir Hugh le Despencer; and he was brought into Chepe, and there despoiled and beheaded.

A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. (1329).

The frequent proclamations for the preservation of peace and order in the City seem to show that some difficulty was experienced in this direction; it is, at any rate, interesting to note that the authority of the King is invoked to assist in the discipline and control of lawless inhabitants. The restriction as to the bearing of arms is very significant, and the instructions regarding night-walkers and tavern-keepers, which continually recur in similar documents, show whence arose the greatest dangers to life and property.

Source.—Riley's Memorials, p. 172.

This proclamation was ordered by the Mayor and Aldermen, on Saturday the morrow of St. Dunstan [May 19], in the 3rd year of the reign of King Edward the Third; and on the Sunday following throughout the City proclaimed; our said Lord the King being about to cross over to the parts of France on the Friday next ensuing, there to do his homage; and to the end that, while the King was there, his peace might be the more strictly observed.—

We do command, on behalf of our Lord the King, that his peace shall be preserved and kept between both denizens and strangers, throughout all the franchise of this city.

Also,—that no person, native or stranger, shall go armed in the same city, or shall carry arms by night or by day, on pain of imprisonment, and of losing his arms; save only, the serjeants-at-arms of our Lord the King, and of my Lady the Queen, and the vadlets of the Earls and Barons; that is to say, for every Earl or Baron one vadlet, carrying the sword of his lord in his presence; and save also, the officers of the City, and those who shall be summoned unto them, for keeping and maintaining the peace of the City.

We do also forbid, on behalf of our said Lord the King, that anyone shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to go wandering about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out at St. Martin's le Grand; unless it be some man of the City of good repute, or his servant; and that, for reasonable cause, and with light.

And that no one shall hold covin or congregation, to make persons pay fine, by imputing to them that they have committed against them divers grievances or offences: but let those who feel themselves aggrieved, shew their grievances unto the officers of the City, and they will do them speedy right, according as the law demands. And that no one of the City, of whatsoever condition he be, shall go out of this city, to maintain parties, such as taking seisins, or holding days of love, or making other congregations, within the City or without, in disturbance of the peace of our Lord the King, or in affray of the people, and to the scandal of the City. And if any person, of whatsoever condition or estate he be, shall from henceforth be found guilty thereof, let him be taken and put in the Prison of Newgate; and let him remain for a year and a day, without being reprieved; and if he be free of the City, let him for ever lose his freedom.

And whereas misdoers, going about by night, have their resort more in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge, and watch their time for misdoing; we do forbid that any taverner or brewer keep the door of his tavern open after the hour of curfew aforesaid, on the pain as to the same ordained; that is to say, the first time, on pain of being amerced in the sum of 40d.; the second time, half a mark; the third time, 10s.; the fourth time, 20s.; the fifth time, let him forswear the trade for ever.

THE ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF
THE HATTERS (1347).

The organisation of industries is a most important and interesting feature of medieval London history, and during the fourteenth century the craft gilds played a prominent part in the life of the City. The story of the development of the various gilds, fraternities, and misteries, and their connection with the later Livery Companies, has been the subject of considerable research, and it seems probable that the origin of most of the City Companies of to-day can be connected with the medieval organisations. These articles will be found to be noteworthy chiefly for the information they give regarding the craft organisations of the time; it is clear that it was considered to be of the highest importance that the work should be of good quality, and great care is taken that workmen shall be as skilful as possible in their trades. The interference of strangers is, as usual, resented, and every effort is made to strengthen and encourage the native crafts.

Source.—Riley's Memorials, pp. 237, 239.

The points of the Articles touching the trade of helmetry, accepted by Geoffrey de Wychingham, Mayor, and the Aldermen, at the suit and request of the folks of the said trade.—

In the first place, that no one of the said trade shall follow, or keep seld of, the trade aforesaid within the franchise of the City of London, until he shall have properly bought his freedom, according to the usage of the said city; on pain of losing his wares.

Also,—forasmuch as heretofore some persons coming in, who are strangers, have intermeddled, and still do intermeddle, in the making of helmetry, whereas they do not know their trade; by reason whereof, many great men and others of the realm have been slain through their default, to the great scandal of the said trade; it is ordained that no person shall from henceforth intermeddle with, or work at, helmetry, if he be not proved to be a good, proper, and sufficient workman, by the Wardens of the said trade, on pain of forfeiture to the use of the Chamber.

Also,—that three, or four, if need be, of the best workmen of the said trade shall be chosen and sworn to rule the trade well and properly, as is befitting; for the security and safety of the great men and others of the realm, and for the honour and profit of the said city, and of the workers in the said trade.

Also,—that no apprentice shall be received by any master of the said trade for a less term than seven years; and that, without collusion or fraud; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 100 shillings.

Also,—that no one of the said trade, or other person of the franchise, shall set any stranger to work, who is of the said trade, if he be not a proper and lawful person, and one for whom his master will answer as to his good behaviour; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 20 shillings.

Also,—that no one of the said trade shall receive or set to work the apprentice or serving-man of another, until the term of his master shall have been fully ended; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 20 shillings.

The points of the Articles touching the trade of Hat-makers, accepted by Thomas Leggy, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of London, at the suit, and at the request, of the folks of the said trade.

In the first place,—that six men of the most lawful and most befitting of the said trade shall be assigned and sworn to rule and watch the trade, in such manner as other trades of the said city are ruled and watched by their Wardens.

Also,—that no one shall make or sell any manner of hats within the franchise of the city aforesaid, if he be not free of the same city; on pain of forfeiting to the Chamber the hats which he shall have made and offered for sale.

Also,—that no one shall be made apprentice in the said trade for a less term than seven years, and that, without fraud or collusion. And he who shall receive any apprentice in any other manner, shall lose his freedom, until he shall have bought it back again.

Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take any apprentice, if he be not himself a freeman of the said city.

Also,—that the Wardens of the said trade shall make their searches for all manner of hats that are for sale within the said franchise, so often as need shall be. And that the aforesaid Wardens shall have power to take all manner of hats that they shall find defective and not befitting, and to bring them before the Mayor and Aldermen of London, that so the defaults which shall be found may be punished by their award.

Also,—whereas some workmen in the said trade have made hats that are not befitting, in deceit of the common people, from which great scandal, shame, and loss have often arisen to the good folks of the said trade, they pray that no workman in the said trade shall do any work by night touching the same, but only in clear daylight; that so, the aforesaid Wardens may openly inspect their work. And he who shall do otherwise, and shall be convicted thereof before the Mayor and Aldermen, shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first time 40d., the second time half a mark, and the third time he shall lose his freedom.

REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND
PRICES (1350).

The Black Death, which broke out in England in 1348, was a terrible calamity, and it is estimated that at least half of the population of the country perished by the pestilence, including a large proportion of the inhabitants of London. The churchyards were speedily filled, and additional pieces of land were given by the Bishop of London and other persons for the burial of the victims of this fearful plague. The most important result of the pestilence was the dearth of labour which was immediately caused, and the consequent rise in wages was a source of considerable trouble to the legislature and to all employers of labour. Parliament passed the Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to fix the wages of workpeople at the rates which had been customary before the plague, and in London an attempt was made towards the same object by this Proclamation, in which wages are laid down "to be observed for ever." It seems strange that in a commercial city like London it should be considered possible to regulate wages and prices by an arbitrary enactment of this kind, and it does not appear that the ordinance was obeyed. There is little doubt that it was generally ignored, and the craftsmen continued to make the most of the situation, just as the agricultural labourers and craftsmen in the country were able, on the whole, to set at defiance the Statutes of Labourers.

Source.—Riley's Memorials, p. 253.

To amend and redress the damages and grievances which the good folks of the City, rich and poor, have suffered and received within the past year, by reason of masons, carpenters, plasterers, tilers, and all manner of labourers, who take immeasurably more than they have been wont to take, by assent of Walter Turk, Mayor, the Aldermen, and all the Commonalty of the City, the points under-written are ordained, to be held and firmly observed for ever; that is to say.—

In the first place,—that the masons, between the Feasts of Easter and St. Michael [September 29], shall take no more by the working-day than 6d., without victuals or drink; and from the Feast of St. Michael to Easter, for the working-day, 5d. And upon Feast-days, when they do not work, they shall take nothing. And for the making or mending of their implements they shall take nothing.

Also,—that the carpenters shall take, for the same time, in the same manner.

Also,—that the plasterers shall take the same as the masons and carpenters take.

Also,—that the tilers shall take for the working-day, from the Feast of Easter to St. Michael 5½d., and from the Feast of St. Michael to Easter 4½d.

Also,—that the labourers shall take in the first half year 3½d., and in the other half 3d.

Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between the Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half year 4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the labourers of the tilers.

Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the masons and carpenters take.

Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid, on pain of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release therefrom; and he who shall take more than the above, shall go to prison for forty days....

Also,—that one person of every company may see that the vessel into which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what tun their wine is drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of paying to the Chamber, for the first time, half a mark; for the second time, one mark; for the third time, 20s.; and every other time a person shall be found in like default, let his fine be increased by half a mark.

Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and sealed with the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who shall sell by other measures, let him go to prison, and further, be amerced in half a mark.

Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to the ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according to the purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and punishment for the same, as of old ordained.

Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing victuals or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale, for the purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before that they shall have come to certain places assigned thereto, where they ought to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the victuals and other wares, and of their bodies being committed to prison, until they have been sufficiently punished, at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.

THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).

"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now, a dealer in cloth. In the Middle Ages the drapers both made it and sold it, but gradually their particular work was confined to supervising the manufacture and selling the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been one of the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was incorporated by royal charter in 1364. One of the most important features of this charter seems to be the instruction that the mistery of drapery should be definitely separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers; it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper supervision in a trade which involved so many different operations, and the remedy was obviously to split it up into several trades, each of which might have its own organisation.

Source.—Herbert, Livery Companies, vol. i., p. 480.

The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas, amongst other things ordained in our last parliament, it was for certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament ordained, that no English merchant should use merceries or merchandizes by himself or another by any manner of covine, unless one only, and which he should choose before the feast of Candlemas last past, as in the said ordinances is more fully contained.

And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council, that people of divers misteries of the city of London intermix themselves with the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers deceits and frauds in the use of the same mistery,—to the great damage of us and of our people, and contrary to the ordinances aforesaid.

We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained in all points, accordingly have, by the assent of the great and others of our council, ordained and granted, that none shall use the Mistery of Drapery in the city of London, nor in the suburbs of the same, unless he has been apprenticed in the same mistery, or in other due manner been admitted by the common assent of the same mistery. And that each of the misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep himself to his own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making, buying, or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made, bought, or sold, or the value thereof to us.

And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the said mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and others of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves or servants by retail, under the same penalty.

And that the drapers enfranchised in the mistery of drapery in the said city, may elect each year four of their own mistery, who may be sworn twice a year in the presence of the Mayor, to oversee that no default or deceit be used or committed in the mistery aforesaid, and to rule and govern the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to the common profit of the people, and that due punishment be done on them in whom defaults shall be found, according to the advice and discretion of the said four persons, by the aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs when need is; the which Mayor and Sheriffs we will shall be intendants to the said four persons, when they shall be required by them.

And we also will and give power to the said four persons who may be elected and sworn, to take an oath of all those who shall be received into the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to use and do whatever appertains to the same mistery well and lawfully, without fraud, evil design, or subtle management against the points and ordinances aforesaid.

Saving always to our beloved in God the prior of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, and other lords who have fairs in the said suburbs by grant of our progenitors, their fairs, franchises, and free-customs, which they have exercised in their said fairs, from the time of the said grants, so that no damage or prejudice shall be done to them in any way under colour of this our ordinance and grant; and saving the franchises by us granted to the merchants, vintners of England and Gascoigny, which we will shall remain in force in all points in manner as in our letters patent to the said drapers is more fully contained.

Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin you forthwith that at your peril you cause to be proclaimed and published in the said city and suburbs, and all places where it should be done, that all the said things so by us granted may be firmly held and kept in form aforesaid.

And hereof in no manner fail.

Given at Westminster the 14th day of July (1364).

A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. (1365).

The Battle of Crecy had first demonstrated the immense superiority of archers over mounted knights in battle. It became necessary to insist that Englishmen should be fully and properly trained in the use of the bow and arrow, if this superiority was to be maintained. The youths of London appear to have been addicted at this time to more exciting and less serviceable sports than the old exercise of archery, and Edward III.'s letter is at once a reprimand and an instruction.

The King to the Sheriffs of London, greeting.

Because the people of our realm, as well of good quality as mean, have commonly in their sports before these times exercised the skill of shooting arrows; whence it is well known, that honour and profit have accrued to our whole realm, and to us, by the help of God, no small assistance in our warlike acts; and now the said skill being, as it were, wholly laid aside, the same people please themselves in hurling of stones and wood and iron; and some in hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, and in Cambuck, or Cock fighting; and some also apply themselves to other dishonest games, and less profitable or useful: whereby the said realm is likely, in a short time, to become destitute of archers.

We, willing to apply a seasonable remedy to this, command you, that in places in the foresaid City, as well within the liberties as without, where you shall see it expedient, you cause public proclamation to be made, that every one of the said City, strong in body, at leisure times on holidays, use in their recreations bows and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise the art of shooting; forbidding all and singular on our behalf, that they do not after any manner apply themselves to the throwing of stones, wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, cambuck, or cock-fighting, nor such other like vain plays, which have no profit in them, or concern themselves therein, under pain of imprisonment.

Witness the King at Westminster, the twelfth day of June (1365).

A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1374).

Modern English poetry may be said to have begun in London. Chaucer was born in London, was the descendant of a long line of Londoners, and lived in London the greater part of his life. Many of his contemporaries, including Gower, Occleve, and Lydgate, were connected with London, and spent much of their time there.

Chaucer's father was a citizen and vintner of London, and owned a house in Thames Street, close to Walbrook. Geoffrey Chaucer was in all probability born in this house; it became his own property, and he parted with it in 1380. Six years before this he acquired the lease of the dwelling-house above the city-gate of Aldgate, on condition that he kept it in good repair; he seems to have made this his usual residence till 1385. In it he must have composed several of his poems, including The Parlement of Foules, The House of Fame, and Troilus. He did not commence the Canterbury Tales until the following year.

Source.—Riley's Memorials, p. 377.

To all persons to whom this present writing indented shall come, Adam de Bury, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty of the City of London, greeting. Know ye that we, with unanimous will and assent, have granted and released by these presents unto Geoffrey Chaucer the whole of the dwelling-house above the Gate of Aldgate, with the rooms built over, and a certain cellar beneath, the same gate, on the South side of that gate, and the appurtenances thereof; to have and to hold the whole of the house aforesaid, with the rooms so built over, and the said cellar, and the appurtenances thereof, unto the aforesaid Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And the said Geoffrey shall maintain and repair the whole of the house aforesaid, and the rooms thereof, so often as shall be requisite, in all things necessary thereto, competently and sufficiently, at the expense of the same Geoffrey, throughout the whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And it shall be lawful for the Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London, for the time being, so often as he shall see fit to enter the house and rooms aforesaid, with their appurtenances, to see that the same are well and competently, and sufficiently, maintained and repaired, as aforesaid. And if the said Geoffrey shall not have maintained or repaired the aforesaid house and rooms competently and sufficiently, as is before stated, within forty days after the time when by the same Chamberlain he shall have been required to do so, it shall be lawful for the said Chamberlain wholly to oust the before-named Geoffrey therefrom, and to re-seise and resume the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances, into the hand of the City, to the use of the Commonalty aforesaid; and to hold the same in their former state to the use of the same Commonalty, without any gainsaying whatsoever thereof. And it shall not be lawful for the said Geoffrey to let the house, rooms, and cellar, aforesaid, or any part thereof, or his interest therein, to any person whatsoever. And we, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty aforesaid, will not cause any gaol to be made thereof, for the safe-keeping of prisoners therein, during the life of the said Geoffrey; but we and our successors will warrant the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances unto the before-named Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the said Geoffrey, in form aforesaid: this however excepted, that in time of defence of the city aforesaid, so often as it shall be necessary, it shall be lawful for us and our successors to enter the said house and rooms, and to order and dispose of the same, for such time, and in such manner, as shall then seem to us to be most expedient. And after the decease of the same Geoffrey, the house, rooms and cellar aforesaid, with their appurtenances, shall wholly revert unto us and our successors. In witness whereof, as well the Common Seal of the City aforesaid as the seal of the said Geoffrey, have been to these present indentures interchangeably appended.

Given in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the city aforesaid, the 10th day of May, in the 48th year of the reign of King Edward, after the Conquest the Third.

THE CITY ARMS (1375).

Beneath Pierce's statue of Walworth in Fishmongers' Hall is an inscription:

"Brave Walworth, Knight, Lord Mayor, y^t slew

Rebellious Tyler in his alarmes;

The King, therefore, did give in liew

The dagger to the City armes.

"In the 4th year of Richard II., Anno Domini 1381."

It seems that it has always been a popular belief that the weapon represented in the arms of the City is "Walworth's dagger"; but, as Stow points out, it is intended to represent the sword of St. Paul, who was the patron saint of this Corporation.

Source.—Stow's Survey, p. 222.

It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion, that in reward of this service done, by the said William Walworth against the rebel, King Richard added to the arms of this City, (which was argent, a plain cross gules) a sword or dagger, (for so they term it) whereof I have read no such record, but to the contrary. I find that in the fourth year of Richard the second in a full assembly made in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William Walworth, then Mayor, as well of Aldermen as of the common Council in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king, it was there by common consent agreed and ordained, that the old seal of the office of the Mayoralty of the city being very small, old, unsuitable, and uncomely for the honour of the city, should be broken, and one other new should be had, which the said Mayor commanded to be made artificially, and honourable for the exercise of the said office thereafter in place of the other: in which new Seal, besides the images of Peter, and Paul, which of old were rudely engraven, there should be under the feet of the said images, a shield of the arms of the said City perfectly graved, with two lions supporting the same with two sergeants of arms, on either part one, and two tabernacles, in which above should stand two Angels, between whom above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set the glorious virgin: this being done, the old seal of the office was delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain, who brake it, and in place thereof, was delivered the new seal to the said Mayor to use in his office of Mayoralty, as occasion should require. This new seal seemeth to be made before William Walworth was knighted, for he is not here entitled Sir, as afterwards he was: and certain it is that the same new seal then made, is now in use and none other in that office of the Mayoralty, which may suffice to answer the former fable, without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old seal, which was the Cross, and sword of Saint Paul, and not the dagger of William Walworth.

WAT TYLER IN LONDON (1381).

Froissart's description of the Peasants' Revolt is one of our main sources of information concerning this important event, and seems likely to be fairly accurate. He himself was, of course, an aristocrat, and was in no way disposed to be favourable to the "wicked rebels"; but he seems anxious to represent their case as fairly as possible, although he is plainly out of sympathy with the ideas and arguments of the rebels. It is noteworthy that the rising was almost simultaneous in many parts of the country, but its chief headquarters were in Kent, one of the most prosperous counties in the kingdom, where actual distress was least likely to be prevalent; and it is probable that the peasants in this county had benefited to no small extent by the economic changes which succeeded the Pestilence of 1349, and had improved both their material conditions and their intellectual outlook. The ideas of liberty which formed the motive of the revolt were somewhat vague, but were strengthened by numerous concrete instances of injustice and injury; and the concentration of the insurgents upon London forms one of a long series of indications of the importance of the city as the determining factor in vital issues.

Source.—Froissart's Chroniques.

In the mean season there fell in England great mischief and rebellion of the common people, by which deed England was at a point to have been lost without recovery....

It was a marvellous thing, and of poor foundation, that this mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all manner of people, I will speak thereof as it was done, as I was informed, and of the incidents thereof. There was an usage in England, and yet is in divers countries, that the noblemen have great franchises over the commons, and keep them in servage, that is to say, their tenants ought by custom to labour their lords' lands, to gather and bring home their corn, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to make their hay and to hew their wood and bring it home. All these things they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen and prelates are served by them, and specially in the counties of Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said counties began to stir, because they said they were being kept in great servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none ought to be bond, without he did treason to his lord, as Lucifer did to God.... And of this imagination was a foolish priest in the county of Kent, called John Ball, for which foolish words he had been three times in the Bishop of Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes on the Sundays, after mass, when the people were going out of the minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people to assemble about him, and would say thus: "Ah, ye good people, the matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor shall not do till everything be common, and that there be no villains nor gentlemen, but that we may be all united together, and that the lords be no greater masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should we be kept thus in servage? We be all come from one father and from one mother, Adam and Eve: whereby can they say or show that they be greater lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and labour for that they dispend.

"They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we be vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, spices, and good bread, and we have the rye, the bran, and the straw, and drink water: they dwell in fair houses, and we have pain and travail, rain and wind in the fields: and by that that cometh of our labours they keep and maintain their estates: we be all called their bondmen, and, without we do readily them service, we be beaten: and we have no sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us, nor do us right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and show him what servage we be in, and show him how we will have it otherwise, or else we will provide us of some remedy; and if we go together, all manner of people that be now in any bondage will follow us to the intent to be made free; and when the king seeth us, we shall have some remedy, either by fairness or otherwise."

Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the churches in the villages: wherefore many of the mean people loved him, and such as intended to no goodness said, how true; and so they would murmur one with another in the fields, and in the ways as they went together, affirming how John Ball said truth.

Of his words and deeds there was much people in London informed, such as had great envy at them that were rich and such as were noble; and then they began to speak among them, and said how the realm of England was right evil governed, and how that gold and silver was taken from them by them that were named noblemen: so thus these unhappy men of London began to rebel, and assembled them together, and sent word to the foresaid counties that they should come to London, and bring their people with them, promising them how they should find London open to receive them, and the commons of the city to be of the same accord, saying how they would do so much to the king that there should not be one bondman in all England.

This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford, and of the counties about, that they rose and came towards London to the number of 60,000. And they had a captain called Walter Tyler, and with him in company was Jack Straw and John Ball: these three were chief sovereign captains, but the head of all was Walter Tyler, and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When these unhappy men began thus to stir, they of London, except such as were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the Mayor of London and the rich men of the city took counsel together, and when they saw the people thus coming in on every side, they caused the gates of the city to be closed, and would suffer no man to enter into the city. But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to do, for they thought they should thereby put their suburbs in great peril to be brent; and so they opened again the city, and there entered in at the gates in some places a hundred, two hundred, by twenty or thirty; and so when they came to London, they entered and lodged: and yet, of truth, most of their people could not tell what to ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts. In like wise these villains and poor people came to London, a hundred miles off, sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty mile off, and from all counties about London, but the most part came from the counties before named, and as they came they demanded ever for the king.

The gentlemen of the counties, knights and squires, began to doubt when they saw the people began to rebel; so the gentlemen drew together as well as they might.

This rebellion was well known in the king's court ere any of these people began to stir out of their houses; but the king nor his council did provide no remedy therefor, which was great marvel.

In the morning on Corpus Christi Day King Richard heard mass in the Tower of London, and all his lords, and then he took his barge with the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Oxford, and certain knights, and so rowed down along the Thames to Rotherhithe, where were descended down the hill 10,000 men to see the king and speak with him. And when they saw the king's barge coming, they began to shout, and made such a cry, as though all the devils of hell had been among them. And they had brought with them Sir John Newton, to the intent that, if the king had not come, they would have stricken him all to pieces, and so they had promised him. And when the king and his lords saw the demeanour of the people, the best assured of them were in dread; and so the king was counselled by his barons not to take any landing there, but so rowed on down the river. And the king demanded of them what they would, and said how he was come thither to speak with them, and they said all with one voice: "We would that ye should come aland, and then we shall show you what we lack." Then the Earl of Salisbury answered for the king, and said: "Sirs, ye be not in such order nor array that the king ought to speak with you." And so with these words no more was said: and then the king was counselled to return to the Tower of London, and so he did.

And when the people saw that, they were inflamed with ire, and returned to the hill, where the great band was, and then showed them what answer they had, and how the king was returned to the Tower of London. Then they all cried out: "Let us go to London," and so they took their way thither: and in their going they beat down abbeys and houses of advocates and of men of the court, and so came into the suburbs of London, which were great and fair, and there beat down divers fair houses, and specially they brake up the king's prisons, as the Marshalsea and others, and delivered out all the prisoners that were within: and then they did much hurt; and on the bridge foot they threatened them of London because the gates of the bridge were closed, saying how they would bren all the suburbs and so conquer London by force, and slay and bren all the commons of the city. There were many within the city of their accord, and so they drew together and said: "Why do ye not let these good people enter into the city? They are our fellows, and that that they do is for us." So therewith the gates were opened, and then these people entered into the city, and went into houses and sat down to eat and drink. They desired nothing but it was incontinent brought to them, for every man was ready to make them good cheer, and to give them meat and drink to appease them.

Then the captains, as John Ball, Jack Straw, and Wat Tyler, went throughout London, 20,000 with them, and so came to the Savoy on the way to Westminster, which was a goodly house, and it pertaineth to the Duke of Lancaster. And when they had entered, they slew the keepers thereof, and robbed and pillaged the house; and when they had so done, then they set fire on it, and clean destroyed and brent it. And when they had done that outrage, they left not therewith, but went straight to the fair hospital called St. John's, and there they brent house, hospital, minster, and all. Then they went from street to street and slew all the Flemings that they could find in church or in any other place, there was none respited from death.

And they brake up divers houses of the Lombards, and robbed them and took their goods at their pleasure, for there was none that durst say them nay. And they slew in the city a rich merchant called Richard Lyon, whom before that time Wat Tyler had served in France; and on a time this Richard Lyon had beaten him, while he was his varlet, which Wat Tyler then remembered, and so came to his house and strake off his head, and caused it to be borne on a spear-point before him all about the city....

The Saturday the king went to Westminster and heard mass in the church there, and all his lords with him; and then he leapt on his horse, and all his lords, and so the king rode toward London; and when he had ridden a little way, on the left hand there was a way to pass without London.

The same morning Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and John Ball had assembled their company together in a place called Smithfield, where every Friday there is a market of horses; and there were together all of one affinity more than 20,000, and yet there were many still in the town, drinking and making merry in the taverns, and paying nothing, for they were happy that made them best cheer.

And therewith the king came the same way unaware of them, for he had thought to have passed that way without London, and with him forty horse.... The mayor of London came to the king with twelve horsemen well armed under their coats, and so he broke the press and saw and heard how Wat Tyler demeaned himself, and said to him: "Ha, thou knave, how art thou so hardy in the king's presence to speak such words? It is too much for thee to do so." Then the king began to chafe and said to the mayor: "Set hands on him." And while the king said so, Tyler said to the mayor: "A God's name, what have I said to displease thee?" "Yes, truly," quoth the mayor, "thou false knave, shalt thou speak thus in the presence of the king, my natural lord?" And with these words the mayor drew out his sword and strake Tyler so great a stroke on the head, that he fell down at the feet of his horse, and as soon as he was fallen, they environed him all about, whereby he was not seen of his company. Then a squire of the king alighted, called John Standish, and he drew out his sword and put it through Wat Tyler's body, and so he died.

Then the ungracious people there assembled, perceiving their captain slain, began to murmur among themselves and said: "Ah, our captain is slain, let us go and slay them all;" and therewith they arrayed themselves on the same place in manner of battle, and their bows before them. Then the king began a great deed; howbeit, all turned to the best: for as soon as Tyler was on the earth, the king departed from all his company, and all alone he rode to these people, and said to them: "Sirs, what aileth you? Ye shall have no captain but me: I am your king: be all in rest and peace." And so the most part of the people that heard the king speak and saw him among them, were shamefast and began to wax peaceable and depart.

LONDON LICKPENNY (Early Fifteenth Century).

This poem is generally ascribed to John Lydgate, a disciple of Chaucer, but the authorship is doubtful. Whatever its poetical merit may be, it is full of interest as a picture of contemporary life in London, and the description of the adventures of the poor countryman, endeavouring to obtain legal justice in the metropolis, lacks neither pathos nor humour.

Source.—Minor Poems of Lydgate, edited by Halliwell, p. 103.

To London once my stepps I bent,

Where trouth in no wyse should be faynt,

To Westmynster-ward I forthwith went,

To a man of law to make complaynt,

I sayd, "For Marys love, that holy saynt!

Pity the poore that wold proceede;"

But for lack of mony I could not spede.

And as I thrust the prese amonge,

By froward chaunce my hood was gone,

Yet for all that I stayd not longe,

Tyll to the kyngs bench I was come.

Before the judge I kneled anone,

And prayd hym for Gods sake to take heede;

But for lack of mony I myght not speede.

Beneth them sat clarkes a great rout,

Which fast dyd wryte by one assent,