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THE AGE OF ELIZABETH

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THE AGE OF ELIZABETH
(1547-1603)

SELECTED BY
ARUNDELL ESDAILE, B.A.
SECOND EDITION

LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1915

INTRODUCTION

THIS series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

I HAVE to thank Mr. A. F. Leach and his publishers, Messrs. Constable, for their very cordial permission to make extracts from English Schools at the Reformation; the Librarian of Stonyhurst College for communicating to me a transcript of a letter in the College archives; and Mr. R. B. McKerrow for permission to use his text in the extract from Nashe.

ARUNDELL ESDAILE.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE AGE OF ELIZABETH
1547-1603

A BALLAD SUNG TO KING EDWARD IN CHEAPSIDE, AS HE PASSED THROUGH LONDON TO HIS CORONATION (1547).

Source.—Strype: Ecclesiastical Memorials. Ed. 1822. Vol. ii., part ii., p. 329.

Sing, up heart, sing, up heart, and sing no more downe,
But joy in King Edward that weareth the crowne.

Sir, song in time past hath been downe a downe,
And long it hath lasted in tower and towne,
To have it much meeter, downe hath been added:
But up is more sweeter to make our hearts gladded.

Sing, up heart, &c.

King Edward up springeth from puerilitie,
And toward us bringeth joy and tranquilitie;
Our hearts may be light and merry chere,
He shal be of such might, that al the world may him fear.

Sing, up heart, &c.

His father late our sovereign both day and also houre,
That in joy he might reign like a prince of high power,
By sea and land hath provided for him eke,
That never King of England had ever the leke.

Sing, up heart, &c.

He hath gotten already Boleign, that goodly town,
And biddeth sing speedily up, up, and not downe.
When he waxeth wight, and to manhood doth spring,
He shal be strait then of four realms the King.

Sing, up heart, &c.

Yee children of England, for the honour of the same,
Take bow and shaft in hand, learn shootage to frame.
That you another day may so do your parts,
To serve your King as wel with hands as with hearts.

Sing, up heart, &c.

Yee children that be towards, sing up and not downe,
And never play the cowards to him that weareth the crowne:
But always be your care his plesure to fulfil,
Then shal you keep right sure the honour of England stil.

Sing, up heart, &c.

EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF EDWARD VI. (1547-1551).

Source.—Cotton MS. Ed. Clarendon Historical Society. Series II., Nos. 1-3, 1884.

After the death of King Henry the 8th, his son Edward, Prince of Wales was come to at Hartford, by the Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse; for whom before was made great preparation that he might be created Prince of Wales, and afterward was brought to Enfield, where the death of his Father was first shewed him; and the same day the Death of his Father was shewed in London, where was great lamentation and weeping: and suddenly he proclaimed King. The next day, being the —— of ——,[1] He was brought to the Tower of London, where he tarried the space of three weeks: and in the mean Season the Council sat every day for the performance of the Will, and at length thought best that the Earl of Hartford, should be made Duke of Somerset, Sir Thomas Seimour Lord Sudley; the Earl of Essex Marquis of Northampton, and divers Knights should be made Barons, as the Lord Sheffield, with divers others. Also they thought best to chuse the Duke of Somerset to be Protector of the Realm, and Governour of the King’s Person during his Minority; to which all the Gentlemen and Lords did agree, because he was the King’s Uncle on his Mother’s side. Also in this time the late King was buried at Windsor with much solemnity, and the Officers broke their Staves, hurling them into the Grave; but they were restored to them again when they came to the Tower. The Lord Lisle was made Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Great Chamberlainship was given to him; and the Lord Sudley made Admiral of England: all these things were done, the King being in the Tower. Afterwards, all things being prepared for the Coronation, the King being then but nine Years old, passed through the City of London, as heretofore hath been used, and came to the Palace of Westminster; and the next day came into Westminster Hall. And it was asked the People, Whether they would have him to be their King? Who answered, Yea, yea: Then he was crowned King of England, France and Ireland, by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and all the rest of the Clergy and Nobles; and Anointed, with all such Ceremonies as were accustomed, and took his Oath, and gave a General Pardon....

March 31 [1550]. A Challenge made by Me, that I, with sixteen of my Chamber, should run at Base, Shoot and Run at the Ring with any seventeen of my Servants Gentlemen in the Court.

April 1. The first day of the Challenge at Base, or Running, the King won.

April 6. I lost the Challenge of Shooting at Rounds, and won at Rovers.

May 3. The Challenge at running at the Ring performed; at the which first came the King, sixteen Footmen, and ten Horsemen, in black Silk Coats, pulled out with white Taffety; then all the Lords, having three Men likewise apparelled: and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white Fustian, pulled out with black Taffety. The other side came all in yellow Taffety; at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courses, and my Band touched often, which was counted as nothing, and took never, which seemed very strange, and so the Prize was of my Side lost. After that Tournay followed, between six of my Band and six of theirs.

May 6. The Testourn cried down from 12d. to 9d. and the Groat from 4d. to 3d.

June 21. The Cardinal of Lorrain, and of Chastilion, the Constable, the Duke of Guise, &c., were appointed Commissioners on the part of France who absolutely denied the first motion for the Scotch Queen, saying, Both they had taken too much Pains, and spent too many lives for her. Also a conclusion was made for her Marriage to the Dolphin. Then was proponed the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth, the French King’s eldest daughter; to which they did most chearfully assent. So after they agreed neither Party to be bound in Conscience nor Honour, till she were twelve Years of Age and upwards. Then they came to the Dote which was first asked 1,500,000 Scutes of France, at which they made a mock; after for donatio propter nuptias, they agreed that it should be as great as hath been given by the King my Father to any Wife he had.

June 22. Our Commissioners came to 1,400,000 of Crowns, which they refused, then to a Million, which they denied; then to 800,000 Crowns, which they said they would not agree to.

June 23. Then our Commissioners asked what they would offer? First they offered 100,000 Crowns, then 200,000, which they said was the most, and more than ever was given. Then followed great Reasonings, and showing of Presidents, but no nearer they would come.

June 24. They went forward unto the Penalties if the Parties misliked, after that the King’s Daughter were twelve and upwards, which the French offered 100,000, 50,000 Crowns, or promise, that she should be brought, at her Father’s Charge, three months before she were twelve, sufficiently jewelled and stuffed. Then bonds to be delivered alternately at London, and at Paris, and so forth.

June 26. The Frenchmen delivered the foresaid answers written to my Commissioners.

December 1. The Duke of Somerset came to his Trial at Westminster-Hall; The Lord Treasurer sat as High-Steward of England, under the Cloth of State, on a Bench between two Posts, three degrees high. All the Lords to the number of 26,[2] viz.:

These sat a degree under, and heard the Matter debated.

First, After the Indictments were read, five in number, the Learned Counsel laid to my Lord of Somerset, Palmer’s Confession. To which he answered, That he never minded to raise the North, and declared all the ill he could devise of Palmer, but he was afraid for Bruites, and that moved him to send to Sir William Herbert. Replied it was again, that the worse Palmer was, the more he served his purpose. For the Banquet, he swore it was untrue, and required more Witnesses. Whence Crane’s Confession was read. He would have had him come Face to Face. For London, he meant nothing of hurt of any Lord, but for his own Defence. For the Gendarmoury, it were but a mad matter for him to enterprise with his 100 against 900. For having men in his Chamber at Greenwich, confessed by Partridg, it seemed he meant no harm, because when he could have done harm he did it not. My Lord Strange’s Confession, he swore it was untrue, and the Lord Strange took his oath it was true. Nudigate’s, Hammond’s and Alexander Seimour’s Confessions he denied, because they were his Men.

The Lawyers rehearsed, how to raise Men at his House for an ill Intent, as to kill the Duke of Northumberland, was Treason, by an Act, Anno tertio of my Reign, against Unlawful Assemblies, for to devise the Death of the Lords was Felony. To mind resisting his attachment was Felony. He answered, He did not intend to raise London, and swore, that the Witnesses were not there. His assembling of men was but for his own defence. He did not determine to kill the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess, &c., but spoke of it, and determined after the contrary, and yet seemed to confess he went about their Death.

The Lords went together. The Duke of Northumberland would not agree that any searching of his Death should be Treason. So the Lords acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Treason Fellonious, and so he was adjudged to be hang’d.

He gave thanks to the Lords for their open Trial, and cried Mercy of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembrook, for his ill-meaning against them, and made suit for his Life, Wife, Children, Servants, and Debts, and so departed without the Ax of the Tower. The People knowing not the Matter, shouted half a dozen of times so loud, that from the Hall-Door it was heard at Charing-Cross plainly, and rumours went that he was quit of all.

January 6 [1551]. The same night was first of a Play. After a Talk between one that was called Riches and the other Youth, whether of them was better. After some pretty Reasoning there came in six Champions of either side.

All these fought two to two at Barriers in the Hall. Then came in two apparelled like Almains, the Earl of Ormond and Jaques Granado, and two came in like Friars, but the Almains would not suffer them to pass till they had fought; the Friars were Mr. Drury and Thomas Cobham. After this followed two Masques, one of Men, another of Women. Then a Banquet of 120 Dishes. This day was the end of Christmas.

January 3. The Emperor’s Ambassador moved me several times that my Sister Mary might have Mass, which with no little reasoning with him was denied him.

January 22. The Duke of Somerset had his Head cut off upon Tower-hill, between eight and nine a Clock in the morning.

COMMISSION FOR CONTINUANCE OF SCHOOLS, PREACHERS, ETC., AND PENSIONS

(June 20, 1548).

(Under Chantries Act, 1 Edward VI.)

Source.—Patent Roll, 2 Edward VI. Part iv., m. 22 (d). (A. F. Leach: English Schools at the Reformation. Part ii., p. vii.)

Edward the Syxt, etc. To oure trustie and welbelovyd Walter Mildmay, Knyght, one of the General Surveyours of oure Courte of the Augmentacions and revenues of oure Crowne, and Robert Kelwey, Esquyer, Surveyoure of our lyveries in oure court of Wardes, greatyng. Where in the Act of Parliament made in the first yere of oure Reign, by the wich diverse Colleges, Fre-chappells, Chauntries, Guyldes, Fraternities and Stipends of priestes, ar dissolved and the landes and tenementes, and possessions of the same mencyoned in the same acte, ar come to our handes and possession, it is expressed and declared that at oure Will and pleasure we might direct our Comission or Comissions, under our great seale of England, to suche persons as it shulde please us, for the assignement and appoyntment of landes and tenements for and towarde the sufficyent fynding and maynetenaunce of Scolemasters and preachers in such places where the same were founded or ordened to be kepte....

And also we woll and commaund you upon the certyficattes to be made of the said Comissions made for the inquerie and certificatt of the said manours, landes, tenementes, possessions, hereditamentes, and other thinges wich are comme or ought to comme to us by the said Acte, ye do cause any of the particuler Surveyours of oure landes, or any of the auditours of oure said Courte of the Augmentacions and revenues of oure Crowne, or any theyre deputies within their several Officyes, to make colleccion of the number of Grammer Scoles and prechinges in every Countie of England and Wales that have byn kepte of any of the said landes, tenementes, or other proffettes or Revenues, which came or ought to come to us by reason of the said Acte, and of the yerelie value of the landes, tenementes, or other Revenues or proffettes which have byn chargeable or yerelie bestowed towardes the mayntenaunce therof, and to delyver the same to you: and you to make declaracion therof to us or to our said most dere uncle: to the intent there uppon, by advise of our said uncle and any other of our said Counsaill, we may consider and take order for the contynuaunce or alteracion of the same Scoles and prechynges, or for the same or other, to be newelie erectyd in suche places in every countie as shall be thought mete and convenyent.

And also that lykewyse ye do cause the said particuler Surveyours or Auditours to make colleccion of all suche money, or other yearlie proffettes or commodite, as hath byn ymployed yearly toward the fyndyng of any poore persone or persons, to have contynuaunce for ever, within fyve yeres next before the begynnyng of the said parliament, out of any College, Fre-chappell, Chauntrye, or other thing graunted or appoynted to us by the said Acte and to delyver the same to you, and you to make relacion thereof to us or to oure uncle.

So that thereuppon we, or oure said uncle, maie signifie unto you oure pleasure by worde or wrytyng how many Grammer Scoles shall be erected, and have contynuaunce in every Countie, and how moche landes and other yerelie pencions, Annuyties, or other proffettes shall be appointed for the mayntenaunce of every one of the same, and also what nombre of preachers of Goddes Worde shall be appoynted to be in every countie within England and Wales to have contynuaunce for ever, together with the stipends or yerelie proffettes appoynted to them for the same, and how many hospitals or places for the sustentacion and releif of the powre shall be erected, founded, or made to have contynuaunce for ever in every countie, and what and how moche landes or other proffettes shall be appoynted to the mayntenaunce of every of the hospitalles or places for relief of the poore.

REPORT OF THE SCHOOLS COMMISSIONERS FOR STRATFORD-ON-AVON (about 1550).

Source.—Leach: English Schools at the Reformation. Part ii., p. 238.

The College of Strettforde was

Founded by one John Stretforde, some tyme Arch byshopp of Cantorburye, For one Wardein, Fyve priestes, and Four Choristares, to mainteign dyvine service in the paroche Churche of Stretforde. For the mayntenaunce of whiche Choristers one Rauffe Collingwood, sometyme Warden theare, gave all his landes in strettfford, Drayton and bynton, by hym purchased to the same intent and Charged amongest the Revenues of the said College, whiche Revenues amounte to the yerelye Rent of £127. 18. 9....

Plate and Jewells belonging to the same Colledge amounte in weight to 249 ounces.

Goodes and Ornamentes thereunto belonging, as by Inventorye Indented thereof apperyth, are praysed at £6. 10. 8.

The guilde of strettforde was

Founded by king Henrye the Fourthe, and incorporate by the name of A maister, two proctours, and one Alderman, to mainteign as many priestes as the Revenue thereof will extende unto to minister and syng Divine service in a Chappell therefore erected stonding in the middest and face of the same towne, called the guilde Chappell, whereunto belonge lands and possessions to the yerelye value of £49. 18. 8½....

Plate and Jewells belonging to the same guilde, videlicet, twoo Chalices, parcell guilte, waying 47 ounces....

Theare ys maynteynged with parte of the Revenues of the same guilde a greate stone bridge Leading over the Ryver of Avon conteigning in Lengthe 400 yerdes, stonding appon 18 Arches, and ys the chiefe Commodyte of the same towne and of all the Contreye thereaboute; wherefore yt is verey nedeful that yt be allwayes Repayred, or ells yt wilbe the onelye decaye and Empoueryshment of the same towne.

Theare are allso Relieved with parte of the Same possessions 24 poore people, videlicet, 12 poore men and theyr wyves, everye couple having a house and a garden Rent-free of the same possessions, and yett not above charged, and have yerelye amongest them going oute of the same landes £4 10s. allowed amongest the reprises of the same; over and besydes, theye have £4 more of the discrete provision of the mayster of the same guilde.

A free Schoole theare.

Mainteigned with parte of the Revenues of the same guilde. And one Sir William Dalam, priest, aboute the age of 60 yeres, ys schole mayster theare, having For his stipend yerelye £10, going owte of the same possessions by letters patent and allowed amongest the stipendes of the ministers of the Churche theare.

Memorandum:

Allso Theare Be twoo Chappells at ease (members of the said paroche churche) callid Byshopton and Loddington, eche of them being twoo myles distaunt From the said Towne of Strettforde, having (everye of the said Chappells) one priest to minister in them, the priest of Byshopton being one of the nombre of the guilde of Strettforde, and hathe for his salarye and Lyving all the mynute tythes of the towne of Byshopton not charged emongest the Revenues of the same guilde. And the priest ministring at Loddington afforesaid, being one of the nombre of the Colleage of Strettforde hathe onelye a pencion going owte of the possessions of the same Colleage and allowed emongest the Repryses of the same.

Anthonye Barker, Clerke, of the age of Fiftye yeres, Bacheler of Divinte, Warden of the said Colleage of Strettforde, is parsone theare, and hathe the same in the Right of the said Wardeinship, which parsonage is yerelye worthe of yt sellffe in tythes £75. 2. 8. charged in the whole value of the said College.

Hoseling People[3] in the same paroche 1,500.

Yt is allso a thinge vereye mete and necessarye that the guilde Chappell of stretford stand undefaced, for that it was allwayes a chapell of ease, for the Separacion of the Sicke persons from the hole in tyme of Plague, and standith in the face of the towne.

COVENTRY AND WARWICKSHIRE. SCHOOLS CONTINUANCE WARRANT 6 (about 1550).

Source.—Leach: English Schools at the Reformation. Part ii., p. 245.

Forasmoche as it apperith [&c.] that a Grammer Scole hath been contynually kept in the said citie [of Coventry] with the revenues of the said late Guylde [of the Holy Trinity in Babelacke], and that the Scolemaster there hath had [&c.] £6 13s. 4d. [&c.].

And that a Grammer Scole hath been contynuallie kept in Stretforde upon Avon [&c.], with the revenues of the late Guylde in Stratford upon Avon aforesaid, and that the Scolemaster there hath had [&c.] £10 [&c.].

And that a Grammer Scole hath been contynuallie kept in Brayles in the said Countie with the revenues of the late Guylde in Brailes aforesaid, and that the Scolemaster there hath had [&c.] £8 20d. [&c.].

Wee therefore [&c.] have assigned [&c.], that the said Scole in the Citie of Coventrie aforesaid shall contynue, And that Robert Coventrye, Scolemaster there, shall have [&c.] £6. 13s. 4d. [&c.]:

And that the said grammer [scole in Stratforde upon Avon] aforesaide shall contynue, And that William Dalam, Scolemaster there, shall have [&c.] £10:

And that [the said grammer] scole in Brailes aforesaid shall contynue, And that John Pyttes, Scolemaster there, shall have [&c.] £8 [20d.].

LADY JANE GREY (1550).

Source.—Ascham: Scholemaster, 1570. Ed. Mayor. P. 96.

Before I went into Germanie, I came to Brodegate in Lecetershire, to take my leave of that noble Ladie Jane Grey, to whom I was exceding moch beholdinge. Hir parentes, the Duke and the Duches, with all the houshold, Gentlemen and Gentlewomen, were huntinge in the Parke: I founde her, in her Chamber, readinge Phædon Platonis in Greeke, and that with as moch delite, as som gentleman wold read a merie tale in Bocase. After salutation, and dewtie done, with som other taulke, I asked hir, whie she wold leese[4] soch pastime in the Parke? smiling she answered me: I wisse, all their sporte in the Parke is but a shadow to that pleasure, that I find in Plato: Alas good folke, they never felt, what trewe pleasure ment. And howe came you Madame, quoth I, to this deepe knowledge of pleasure, and what did chieflie allure you unto it: seinge, not many women, but verie fewe men have atteined thereunto? I will tell you, quoth she, and tell you a troth, which perchance ye will mervell at. One of the greatest benefites, that ever God gave me, is, that he sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so gentle a scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother, whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate, drinke, be merie, or sad, be sowyng, playing, dauncing, or doing anie thing els, I must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure, and number, even so perfitlie, as God made the world, or else I am so sharplie taunted, so cruellie threatened, yea presentlie some tymes, with pinches, nippes, and bobbes, and other waies, which I will not name, for the honor I beare them, so without measure misordered, that I thinke my selfe in hell, till tyme cum, that I must go to M. Elmer, who teacheth me so gentlie, so pleasantlie, with soch faire allurementes to learning, that I thinke all the tyme nothing, whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him, I fall on weeping, because, what soever I do els but learning, is ful of grief, trouble, feare, and whole misliking unto me: And thus my booke hath bene so moch my pleasure, and bringeth dayly to me more pleasure and more, that in respect of it, all other pleasures, in very deede, be but trifles and troubles unto me. I remember this talke gladly, both bicause it is so worthy of memorie, and bicause also, it was the last talke that ever I had, and the last tyme, that ever I saw that noble and worthie Ladie.

A PROCLAMATION, THAT ALL COURTESY SHOULD BE USED TO KING PHILIP AND HIS TRAIN, COMING INTO ENGLAND TO MARRY THE QUEEN (1554).

Source.—Strype: Ecclesiastical Memorials. Ed. 1822. Vol. iii., part ii., p. 215.

By the Quene.

Where[5] the Quenes most excellent Majestie hath lately concluded a marriage, to the honour of the mightie God, and the weale and benefite of her Graces realmes and subjectes, withe the moste hygh and mightye Prince, the Prince of Spayne: her Highnes, consideryng the lightnes and evill disposition of diverse lewde and sediciouse personnes, who, seking alwayes novelties, and beinge seldome contented with their presente state, might peradventure at this time, by their naughtie and disordred behaviour, attempte to stirre discorde, and gyve occasion to breake the good and frendly agreament that ought to be nourished and continued betwene the subjectes of thys realme, and suche as shall come in wyth the sayde most noble Prince; hath thought good to signifie unto all her faythfull and lovynge subjectes, that lyke as allready order is taken, on the behalfe of the sayde most noble Prince, that all such, eyther of his owne or any other nation, as shall attende upon hymselfe, or any of hys trayne, at theyr commyng hither, shall in their behaviour use themselfes honestly, frendely, and quietly towardes her Highnes subjectes, of all sortes and degrees, without givynge anye maner of juste occasion of trouble or discontentation to any person for their partes: even so doth her Hyghnes streyghtly charge and commaunde al and singuler her lovynge subjectes, of what estate, degree or condition soever they be, that they and every of them do semblablye, for their partes, use all suche straungers, as shall repayre hither wyth or to the sayde most noble Prince, or any of hys trayne, with curtoyse, frendely and gentle enterteynement, wythoute ministrying towardes them any manner of cause of stryfe or contention, either by outward dedes, tauntyng wordes, unsemely countenance, or by any other wayes or meanes, whereby lacke of frendeshyppe or good wyll might be conceaved.

And further streyghtly chargeth and commaundeth all and singuler noblemen and gentlemen, wythin this her Graces sayde realme, that they and everye of them do, eche one for hys part, take suche ordre wyth their servaunts and others, attendyng upon them, and do give unto them suche streyght warnyng and charge, as neyther by themselfes, nor by anye other meanes, they do presume to attempt, either directly or indirectly, to break this her Highnes order and commaundement, or any wayes to trouble, disquiet or give occasion of quarel to anye of the sayde most noble Princes trayne: upon payne, that whoseover shall by worde or dede neglecte thys her Graces pleasure, or do contrary to the same, shall not only incurre her Majesties high displeasure and indignation, but allso be committed to prison without bayle or mayn-prize, to abyde there suche further punyshment, eyther by fyne or otherwise, as shall be thought agreeable to the qualitie of his or their offences, and maye serve for an example to other lyke disordred persons.

God save the Quene.

Anno m.d. liiii.

A SPEECH OF QUEEN MARY’S TO HER COUNCIL, UPON HER RESOLUTION OF RESTORING CHURCH LANDS. Anno. Reg. March 4. (1555-56.)

Source.—Somers: Tracts. Vol. i., p. 56.

We have willed you to be called to us, to the intent you might hear of me my conscience and the resolution of my mind concerning the lands and possessions as well of monasteries as other churches whatsoever, being now in my possession.

First, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away from the churches aforesaid in time of schism, and that by unlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God and of the church; for which cause my conscience doth not suffer me to detain them. And therefore I here expressly refuse either to claim, or retain, those lands for mine; but with all my heart, freely and willingly, without all paction or condition, here, and before God, I do surrender and relinquish the said lands and possessions or inheritances whatsoever; and renounce the same with this mind and purpose, that order and disposition thereof may be taken, as shall seem best liking to the Pope or his legate, to the honour of God, and the wealth of this our realm. And albeit you may object to me again, That the state of my kingdom, the dignity thereof, and my crown imperial, cannot be honourably maintained and furnished without the possessions aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by the salvation of my soul than by ten such kingdoms: and therefore the said possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and title: and I give most hearty thanks to God, who hath given me a husband of the same mind, who hath no less good affection in this behalf, than I myself. Wherefore, I charge and command that my chancellor[6] (with whom I have conferred my mind in this matter), and you four,[7] to resort to-morrow together to the legate,[8] signifying to him the premises in my name. And give your attendance upon me, for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdom, and of the aforesaid possessions, according as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the same.

A PROCLAMATION SETT FORTHE BY THOMAS STAFFORDE, FROM SCARBOROW CASTLE: EXCITING THE ENGLISH TO DELIVER THEMSELVES FROM THE SPANYARDS. (End of April, 1557.)

Source.—Strype: Ecclesiastical Memorials. Ed. 1822. Vol. iii., part ii., p. 515.

To all and every singular person and persons, of what estate or degree soever they be, that love the common wealthe, honoure and libertie of this ower native countrye, and moste for the realme of England, the Lorde Thomas Stafforde, son to the Lorde Henry, rightfull Duke of Bockingham, sendythe greetinge. Knowe ye, most dearlye belovyd countrymen, that we travellinge in strange realmes and forren nations, have perfectly proved owt manye detestable treasons, which Spanyards shamfullye and wrongfullye have pretended, and to this present have indevered themselves to worke against ower noble realme of Englande: we therefore more tenderlye favouringe, as all trewe Englishmen oughte to do, the common commodity and weal publycke of this ower natyve contrye, than ower welthe, treasure, safegarde, health or pleasure, have with all possible spede arived here in the castell of Scarborowe, levyng owr bande, wherwith we thoughte to have proved in other affayers, comynge after us, bycause we had perfect knowledge by certaine letters taken with Spanyardes at Depe,[9] that this same castell of Scarborow, with xij other of the most chefest and principall howldes in the realme, shalbe delyvered to xij thousand Spanyardes before the Kinges coronation: for the Spanyardes saye it were but vaine for the Kinge to be crowned, onlesse he maye have certaine of our strongest castelles and holdes, to resorte to at all tymes, till he maye be able to bringe in a great armye to withstonde his enemyes, that is to overrun and destroye the wholle realme: for, so long as Englyshemen have anye power, we trust they will never submitte themselfes to vile Spanyardes. Which treason we have disappointed; trustinge, and firmelye belevinge, by the mighte of the omnipotente, everlastinge God, with the ayde and helpe of all trewe Englyshmen, to deliver our country from all presente peril, daunger, and bondage, whereunto it is like to be broughte, by the most develyshe devize of Mary, unrightful and unworthye Quene of England, who, both by the will of hir father, Kinge Henrye the viijth, and by the lawes of this noble realme of England, bathe forfette the crowne, for marriage with a straunger. And also hathe most justlye deserved to be deprived from the crowne, because she being naturallye borne haulfe Spanyshe and haulfe Englyshe, bearythe not herselfe indifferentlye towardes bothe nations, but showinge herselfe a whole Spanyarde, and no Englyshe woman, in lovynge Spanyardes and hatinge Inglyshemen, inrichinge Spanyardes and robbinge Inglyshemen, sending over to Spanyardes continuallye the treasure, gowlde, and silver of our realme, to maintaine them for owr destruction, sufferinge poore people of England to lyve in all carefull miserye, manye of them dyinge for verye hunger: and not contented with all thes myschyfes, she sekynge ernestlye by all possyble meanes to place Spanyardes in our castelles and howldes, contrarye to all statutes, customes and ordinaunces within this realme, that they maye burne and destroye the countrye iij or iiij times yerelye, till Englyshemen can be contented to obeye all their vyle customes, and most detestable doinges, whereby the whole commonalite of Inglande shalbe broughte to perpetual captivitie, bondage and most servyle slaverye, as evidentlye shalbe proved before all men, at owr fyrste assemble.

We therfore, dearly beloved countrymen, preventinge these miserable mischefes, have purposed here to remayne and tarrye to receve all such faythfull and trewe Inglyshemen as willinglye will worke to preserve their owne lyves, landes, lyvynges, tresures, wyves, childerne, yea, and to speake bryflye, the crowne of the whole realme, from the possessyon of prowde, spytefull Spanyardes, whose Morysh maners and spytefull condytions no natyon in the worlde is able to suffer. And therfore we are fully determyned to wythstande them in all their doinges for the defence of owr countrye, not myndinge to worke to owr own advancement touchinge the possessyon of the crowne, but onlye to restore our bloude and howse to the owlde pristinate estate, which all men knowe hathe bin most wrongfully suppressd by the malyse of Cardynall Wolsey: and not for any offence that we commytted towardes the realme or the crowne: but have always endevered ourselves, as we pretende at this present, to withstablishe the crowne to the next righteful heyrs of the realme. So that yt maye remayne successyvely to the trewe Inglyshe bloude of our owne naturall countrye, banyshinge and expellinge all straungers, marchauntes onlye excepted: and to restore againe all suche actes, lawes, lybertyes, and customes, as were establyshed in the tyme of that most prudente prince, King Henrye the viij. Wherby this whole realme of Englande shall not onlye be preserved from the tyrannie of forrayne princes, but also be delyvered from all suche powlinge[10] paymentes, as the Quene dothe daylye geve to Spanyardes: and will geve contynuallye, till she have beggered and destroyed all the whole realme. We therfore are fullye determyned moste thankefullye to receve all persons, of everye state or degre, that willingelye wil wythstande thes myserable myschefes; and as the Dukes of Buckingham, our forefathers and predecessors, have always byn defendores of the poor commonaltye againste the tyrannye of princys, so shoulde you have us at this juncture, moste dearlye beloved frendes, your protector, governor and defendor, againste all your adversaries and enemyes: myndinge earnestlye to dye rather presentlye and personallye before you in the felde, than to suffer you to be overrun so miserably with straungers, and made moste sorrowfull slaves, and carefull captyves to suche a naughtye natyon as Spanyardes, who affirme openlye, that they will rather lyve with Mores, Turkes, and Jues, than with Inglyshemen: whereby all men may perceyve plainelye, that ever lyke as they do use Turkes, Mores, and Jues, which be their captyves, so muche more worse will they use us, and if we do not manfullye within shorte tyme withstande the pretendyd purposes. We shall therfore most earnestlye and lovinglye desyer all maner of persons, of what estate or degree soever they be, that will gladlye withstande these miserable mischefes and workes, and to maintain the crown from all straungers to the right heyrs of the realme, that they and everye of them, with all expedition, resorte to us, so well appointed with horses, armoure, or otherwayes, as they possyble can appointe themselves, for the preservatyon of the crowne and savegarde of the realme.

THE BEHAVIOUR OF DR. RIDLEY AND MASTER LATIMER AT THE TIME OF THEIR DEATH, WHICH WAS THE 16TH OF OCTOBER, 1555.

Source.—Foxe: Acts and Monuments. Ed. 1843-9. Vol. vii., p. 547.

Upon the north side of the town, in the ditch over against Balliol College, the place of execution was appointed: and for fear of any tumult that might arise, to let the burning of them, the lord Williams was commanded, by the queen’s letters, and the householders of the city, to be there assistant, sufficiently appointed. And when everything was in a readiness, the prisoners were brought forward by the mayor and the bailiffs.

Master Ridley had a fair black gown furred and faced with foins such as he was wont to wear being bishop, and a tippet of velvet furred likewise about his neck, a velvet night-cap upon his head, and a corner cap upon the same, going in a pair of slippers to the stake, and going between the mayor and an alderman, etc.

After him came master Latimer in a poor Bristol frieze[11] frock all worn, with his buttoned cap, and a kerchief on his head, all ready to the fire, a new long shroud hanging over his hose, down to the feet; which at the first sight stirred men’s hearts to rue upon them, beholding, on the one side, the honour they sometime had, and on the other, the calamity whereunto they were fallen.

Master doctor Ridley, as he passed toward Bocardo, looked up where master Cranmer did lie, hoping belike to have seen him at the glass window, and to have spoken unto him. But then master Cranmer was busy with friar Soto and his fellows, disputing together, so that he could not see him, through that occasion. Then master Ridley, looking back, espied master Latimer coming after, unto whom he said, “Oh, be ye there?” “Yea,” said master Latimer, “have after as fast as I can follow.” So, he following a pretty way off, at length they came both to the stake, the one after the other, where first Dr. Ridley entering the place, marvellously earnestly holding up both his hands, looked towards heaven. Then shortly after espying master Latimer, with a wondrous cheerful look he ran to him, embraced, and kissed him; and as they that stood near reported, comforted him, saying, “Be of good heart, brother, for God will either assuage the fury of the flame, or else strengthen us to abide it.”

With that went he to the stake, kneeled down by it, kissed it and most effectuously prayed, and behind him master Latimer kneeled, as earnestly calling upon God as he. After they arose, the one talked with the other a little while, till they which were appointed to see the execution, removed themselves out of the sun. What they said I can learn of no man.

Then Dr. Smith, of whose recantation in King Edward’s time ye heard before, began his sermon to them upon this text of St. Paul, “If I yield my body to the fire to be burnt, and have not charity, I shall gain nothing thereby.” Wherein he alleged that the goodness of the cause and not the order of death, maketh the holiness of the person; which he confirmed by the examples of Judas, and of a woman in Oxford that of late hanged herself, for that they, and such like as he recited, might then be adjudged righteous, which desperately sundered their lives from their bodies, as he feared that those men that stood before him would do. But he cried still to the people to beware of them, for they were heretics, and died out of the Church. And on the other side, he declared their diversity in opinions, as Lutherans, Æcolampadians, Zuinglians, of which sect they were, he said, and that was the worst: but the old church of Christ, and the Catholic faith believed far otherwise. At which place they lifted up both their hands and eyes to heaven, as it were calling God to witness of the truth: the which countenance they made in many other places of his sermon, where as they thought he spake amiss. He ended with a very short exhortation to them to recant, and come home again to the church, and save their lives and souls, which else were condemned. His sermon was scant; in all, a quarter of an hour.

Dr. Ridley said to master Latimer, “Will you begin to answer the sermon, or shall I?” Master Latimer said, “Begin you first, I pray you.” “I will,” said master Ridley.

Then, the wicked sermon being ended, Dr. Ridley and master Latimer kneeled down upon their knees towards my lord Williams of Thame, the vice-chancellor of Oxford, and divers other commissioners appointed for that purpose, who sat upon a form thereby: unto whom master Ridley said, “I beseech you, my lord, even for Christ’s sake, that I may speak but two or three words.” And whilst my lord bent his head to the mayor and vice-chancellor, to know (as it appeared) whether he might give him leave to speak, the bailiffs and Dr. Marshall, vice-chancellor, ran hastily unto him, and with their hands stopped his mouth, and said, “Master Ridley, if you will revoke your erroneous opinions, and recant the same, you shall not only have liberty so to do, but also the benefit of a subject: that is, have your life.” “Not otherwise?” said master Ridley. “No,” quoth Dr. Marshall. “Therefore if you will not so do, then there is no remedy but you must suffer for your deserts.” “Well,” quoth master Ridley, “so long as the breath is in my body, I will never deny my lord Christ, and his known truth: God’s will be done in me!” And with that he rose up, and said with a loud voice, “Well then, I commit our cause to Almighty God, which shall indifferently judge all.” To whose saying master Latimer added his old posy, “Well! there is nothing hid but it shall be opened.” And he said, he could answer Smith well enough, if he might be suffered.

Incontinently they were commanded to make them ready, which they with all meekness obeyed. Master Ridley took his gown and his tippet, and gave it to his brother in law master Shipside, who all his time of imprisonment, although he might not be suffered to come to him, lay there at his own charges to provide him necessaries, which from time to time he sent him by the serjeant that kept him. Some other of his apparel that was little worth, he gave away: other the bailiffs took.

He gave away besides, divers other small things to gentlemen standing by, and divers of them pitifully weeping, as to Sir Henry Lea he gave a new groat: and to divers of my lord Williams’s gentlemen some napkins, some nutmegs, and rases of ginger: his dial, and such other things as he had about him, to every one that stood next him. Some plucked the points off his hose. Happy was he that might get any rag of him.

Master Latimer gave nothing, but very quietly suffered his keeper to pull off his hose, and his other array, which to look unto was very simple: and being stripped into his shroud, he seemed as comely a person to them that were there present, as one should lightly see; and whereas in his clothes he appeared a withered and crooked silly old man, he now stood bolt upright, as comely a father as one might lightly behold.

Then master Ridley standing as yet in his truss, said to his brother, “It were best for me to go in my truss still.” “No,” quoth his brother, “it will put you to more pain; and the truss will do a poor man good.” Whereunto master Ridley said, “Be it, in the name of God”; and so unlaced himself. Then, being in his shirt, he stood upon the foresaid stone, and held up his hand and said, “O heavenly Father, I give unto thee most hearty thanks, for that thou hast called me to be a professor of thee, even unto death: I beseech thee, Lord God, take mercy upon this realm of England, and deliver the same from all her enemies.”

Then the smith took a chain of iron, and brought the same about both Dr. Ridley’s and master Latimer’s middles: and, as he was knocking in a staple, Dr. Ridley took the chain in his hand, and shaked the same for it did gird in his belly, and looking aside to the smith, said, “Good fellow, knock it in hard, for the flesh will have his course.” Then his brother did bring him gunpowder in a bag, and would have tied the same about his neck. Master Ridley asked, what it was. His brother said, “Gunpowder.” “Then,” said he, “I take it to be sent of God; therefore I will receive it as sent of him. And have you any,” said he, “for my brother?” meaning my master Latimer. “Yea, sir, that I have,” quoth his brother. “Then give it unto him,” said he, “betime; lest ye come too late.” So his brother went, and carried of the same gunpowder unto master Latimer.

In the meantime Dr. Ridley spake unto my lord Williams, and said, “My lord, I must be a suitor unto your lordship in the behalf of divers poor men, and especially in the cause of my poor sister: I have made a supplication to the queen’s majesty in their behalfs. I beseech your lordship, for Christ’s sake, to be a mean to her grace for them. My brother here hath the supplication, and will resort to your lordship to certify you hereof. There is nothing in all the world that troubleth my conscience, I praise God, this only excepted. Whilst I was in the see of London, divers poor men took leases of me, and agreed with me for the same. Now I hear say the bishop that now occupieth the same room will not allow my grants unto them made, but, contrary unto all law and conscience, hath taken from them their livings, and will not suffer them to enjoy the same. I beseech you, my lord, be a mean for them: you shall do a good deed, and God will reward you.”

Then they brought a faggot, kindled with fire, and laid the same down at Dr. Ridley’s feet. To whom master Latimer spoke in this manner: “Be of good comfort, master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such a candle, by God’s grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out.”

And so the fire being given unto them, when Dr. Ridley saw the fire flaming up towards him, he cried with a wonderful loud voice, “In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum: Domine recipe spiritum meum.” And after, repeated this latter part often in English, “Lord, Lord, receive my spirit”; master Latimer, crying as vehemently on the other side, “O Father of heaven, receive my soul!” who received the flame as it were embracing of it. After that he had stroked his face with his hands, and as it were bathed them a little in the fire, he soon died (as it appeareth) with very little pain or none. And thus much concerning the end of this old and blessed servant of God, master Latimer, for whose laborious travails, fruitful life, and constant death, the whole realm hath cause to give great thanks to Almighty God.

But master Ridley, by reason of the evil making of the fire unto him, because the wooden faggots were laid about the gorse and over-high built, the first burnt first beneath, being kept down by the wood; which when he felt, he desired them for Christ’s sake to let the fire come unto him. Which when his brother-in-law heard, but not well understood, intending to rid him out of his pain (for the which cause he gave attendance) as one in such sorrow not well advised what he did, heaped faggots upon him, so that he clean covered him, which made the fire more vehement beneath that it burned clean all his nether parts, before it once touched the upper; and that made him leap up and down under the faggots, and often desire them to let the fire come unto him, saying; “I cannot burn.” Which indeed appeared well; for, after his legs were consumed by reason of his struggling through the pain (whereof he had no release, but only his contentation in God) he showed that side toward us clean, shirt and all untouched with flame. Yet in all this torment he forgot not to call unto God still, having in his mouth, “God have mercy upon me,” intermingling his cry, “Let the fire come unto me, I cannot burn.” In which pangs he laboured until one of the standers by with his bill pulled off the faggots above, and where he saw the fire flame up he wrested himself unto that side. And when the flame touched the gunpowder he was seen to stir no more, but burned on the other side, falling down at Master Latimer’s feet, which, some said, happened by reason that the chain loosed; others said, that he fell over the chain by reason of the poise of his body, and the weakness of the nether limbs.

Some said, that before he was like to fall from the stake, he desired them to hold him to it with their bills. However it was, surely it moved hundreds to tears, in beholding the horrible sight; for I think there was none that had not clean exiled all humanity and mercy, which would not have lamented to behold the fury of the fire so as to rage upon their bodies. Signs there were of sorrow on every side. Some took it grievously to see their deaths, whose lives they held full dear: some pitied their persons, that thought their souls had no need thereof. His brother moved many men, seeing his miserable case, seeing (I say) him compelled to such infelicity, that he thought then to do him best service, when he hastened his end. Some cried out of the fortune, to see his endeavour (who most dearly loved him, and sought his release) turn to his greater vexation and increase of pain. But whoso considered their preferments in time past, the places of honour that they some time occupied in this commonwealth, the favour they were in with their princes, and the opinion of learning they had in the university where they studied, could not choose but sorrow with tears, to see so great dignity, honour and estimation, so necessary members sometime accounted, so many godly virtues, the study of so many years, such excellent learning, to be put into the fire, and consumed in one moment. Well! dead they are, and the reward of this world they have already. What reward remaineth for them in heaven, the day of the Lord’s glory, when he cometh with his saints, shall shortly, I trust, declare.

INTERROGATORIES TO CHURCHWARDENS (1558).

Source.—Quarto (title as below), British Museum (Huth Bequest, 33).

Interrogatories,

upon which and everye part of the same, aswell the Churchwardens now being, as also all other hereafter to be appointed, shalbe charged withal, set foorth by the kyng and Quenes Majesties Commissioners for searche, inquiry, and certificat to be had of al such things as now be, or hereafter shalbe amysse in anye wyse concernyng the Commission to them geven, upon whych certificat duelye made, reformation and redresse shall be had thereof wyth all convenient speede and diligence. Anno 1558. Mense Aprilis.

First if there be within theyr parishe a Parson, Vicar or Curat, resident continuallie upon his benefice and cure, doyng his dutye there as he is bound to do in al things, especially in preaching, saying Matins, Masse, and Evensonge at due tyme....

ii. Item whether the said Parson, Vicar, or Curat, have been heretofore maried or no, and if he continue with his woman or either of them suspiciouslye doo resorte to other.

iii. Item whether within the said parish there be openly or secretly any maried priest, or any woman heretofore maried to a priest, and whether they be suspected of any evell rule and evel conversation or no....

iv. Item whether there be within the said parish any that doth maintayne or uphold the opinion that priestes and religious persones may lawfullye be maryed and continue together.

v. Item whether there be within your parish any prieste that taketh upon hym to serve the cure, not being before examined and allowed thereto by th’ordinary, and whether the said priest hath in the tyme of the late scisme here in the realme preached heresy or evil doctrine, and not recanted the same, or doth not now preache and sette forth the true doctrine of the catholike church, and also pray for the three estates of the catholike churche, and especiallye for the Kynge and Quenes Majesties, and also whether, prayinge for the thyrd estate, they do name Purgatorye or no.

vi. Item whether there be within the sayde parishe any that do obstinately persist and stande in any heresie or hereticall opinion, or be suspected of erronious and false doctrine, or a favorer, mainteiner or aider of any erronious or hereticall person or persones, or of any heresies or hereticall opinions or noughty doctrine.

vii. Item whether you know or have heard say of any person or persones within your said parish that hath kept, or at this present doth kepe, any hereticall, noughtye, or sedicious erronious booke or bookes, especially english testamentes or Bibles falsely translated, secretlye or otherwise, and whether ye have any suspectes thereof.

viii. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde of anye Prynters or Bookesellers wythin youre Parishe that hath solde, or now doth sell or keepe anye the sayde hereticall, nawghtye, or sedicious booke or bookes, letters or wrytynges, and whether ye have any suspectes thereof.

ix. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde saye of anye person or persones within your Parishe, that wyllynglye or obstinatelye dothe neglecte or refuse to make theyr confession to the Priest, and to receyve absolution and penaunce at hys hande for hys offences, or obstinatelye or wyllynglye do refuse to receyve the Sacramente of the Aultare, or extreme Unction, in extreme daunger of syckenesse, or to heare Masse, or to come to hys Paryshe Churche, or refuse to go on Procession, or to take Holywater, or otherwyse doo mysuse them selves in breaking the Rytes and Ceremonyes of the Catholyque Churche, speciallye in fastynge on the Ember dayes and other dayes by the Churche speciallye appoynted, or in prayinge, or other suche lyke.

x. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde of anye person or persones wythin your Paryshe that have murmured, grudged, or spoken directlye or indirectlye agaynste the Masse, or ... holye breade, holy water, ashes, palmes, creping to the crosse, holye Oyle and Chrisme, bearyng of Palmes or Candelles, buryinge of the deade, or praying for them, speciallye in sayinge of Diriges and Commendations, or in usinge anye other laudable or Godlye Ceremonye or usage of the Churche.

xi. Item whether there be within your Paryshe anye that dothe favoure, or is suspected to ... receyve any noughty person or persones, especiallye to rede the english service used in the time of King Edwarde the sixte, or the booke of Communion, or anye booke prohibited or forbydden to be redde or taught, or to set forth any noughtye opinion or doctrine.

xii. Item whether there be within the sayde parish any privie lectures or sermons, or other devises, or anye unlawfull conventicles or assembles.

xiii. Item whether there be within the sayde parishe any that at the sacring time of the Masse dothe hange downe theyr heades, or hyde them selves behinde pillers, or turneth away their faces, or departeth out of the church, because they woulde not looke upon the blessed sacrament of the Aultare.

xiv. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde saye of any person or persones within your parishe that have committed Lollardie, as in eatynge of fleshe at dayes and times forbydden, or otherwise practising or allowinge anye the opinions of the Lollardes.

xv. Item whether there be within the sayde parish any person, man, woman or childe, being of sufficient age and discretion, that can not saye theyr Pater noster, Ave Maria, and the Crede.

xvi. Item whether there be within your parish any schole master or scolemastresse ... not beyng first examined and admitted thereunto by th’ordinarie or his sufficiet deputie, and whether the said scolemaster and scolemaistresse be sound in religion, and of honest lyving and discrete behaviour, causing theyr scholers to fast, to praye, to come to the church, and to do theyr duties there, specially in hearing Masse and other divine service, and whether they teache them to helpe the Priest to Masse, and to saye their Pater noster, the Ave Maria, and the Crede with De profundis for all Christen soules, and whether the scholes, especially being commen,[12] be faithfully and diligently kept or no.

xvii. Item whether there be within the sayde Parish any that do absent themselves willynglie from the churche....

xviii. Item whether you knowe or have hearde of any in your parishe, that have bene, or is, a scold or a slaunderous person of his neighbours, or a sower of discorde and debate betwene partye and partie....

* * * * *

xx. Item whether ye knowe or have heard saye of any concelementes, contempts, conspiracies, false rumors, tales, sedicions, misbehaviours, slaunderous woordes, bruited or spred by anye person or persones against the King and Quenes Majesties, or either of them, or agaynst the quiet rule and governaunce of theyr subjectes or realmes.

xxi. Item whether the Patrones and other having advowsons of benefices have sincerly, truly, and justly presented in due time....

xxii. Item whether you know of anye Patrones or other having advowsons, that have ... covenanted or agreed ... to have anye summe of money for the same....

xxiii. Item whether ye know any Patrones or other having such advowsons, or any other persone that of his owne private authoritie and pleasure have pulled downe any church, chappel, or other ecclesiastical buildinge, or have taken away the lead, belles, ornaments, goodes, or landes of the said places, or anye of them, or spoyled anye of the same, or have converted the tithes profites, commodities, revenues and possessions of anye of the same to his owne private and prophane use.

* * * * *

xxvi. Item whether within the saide parishe there be any woman that doth exercise th’ office or room of a Midwyfe, not beyng before examined and admitted thereto by th’ ordinary or his sufficient deputy....

xxvii. Item whether the said Midwife have heretofore bene, and now is, catholike, faithfull, discrete, sober and diligent....

xxviii. Item whether the saide woman ... do use any Witchecraft ... or do omit or alter the laudable rytes and ceremonies accustomed and used of antiquitie.

xxix. Item whether the said midwife or other woman denieth or letteth the newe borne childe to be brought to the church....

* * * * *

xxxii. Item whether within your said parishe there be a roode and a roode loft, having the images of Mary and John, and lightes before the same, and whether in the Lente season there be a covering for the saide Crucifixe[13] decentlye provided, and whether there be any lightes upon the high Aultare, and whether there be an image of the patrone of the church or no.

xxxiii. Item whether there be any inventory made and kept of the church goodes, and a book concerning the registringe of those that are baptized, maried, or buryed.

xxxiv. Item whether the vestimentes for the priests and other ministers, and al the ornamentes for and about the altar, be kept clene and sufficiently repayred and maintained ... and whether there be a comely pixe to kepe the blessed sacrament in and upon the high Aultar ... and whether the blessed sacrament be caryed decentlye and devoutlye to the sicke, the Clerke goynge before the Prieste in a surplesse with lighte in his hand, and a little sacring bell ringing.

xxxv. Item whether the church or chauncel of your parish be in ruine or decay....

xxxvi. Item whether there have bene or be anye legacies or gyftes made for the repayringe and mayntenaunce of your church, or of highwaies, finding of the poore, marying of poore Maydens, or anye suche like, and the same not payde and aunswered accordingly.

* * * * *

xxxviii. Item whether ye knowe of anye man that hath two wives living, or of anye woman that hath two husbandes lyving, no lawfull divorce beyng made betwene them.

xxxix. Item whether you know of any usurers....

* * * * *

xlii. Item whether suche as can not reade upon the booke have everye one of them a payre of beades, and doo use the same devoutlye and accordingly.

xliii. Item whether anye Minstrels or anye other persons do use to syng or say any songes or ditties that be uncleane or vile, especiallye against any of the vii Sacraments, or against any the rites and ceremonies of this Churche of Englande, whyche is a notable member of Christes catholike Churche.

xliv. Item whether any do deprave or contempne the auctoritie or jurisdiction of the Popes holynes or the see of Rome....

xlv. Item whether any playes or interludes not beyng first examined, allowed, and approved by th’ordinary, are used at any tyme, especiallye in the Lent, or upon Sondaies or holydaies....

xlvi. Item whether there be any that doth use to buy and sel upon the sundayes or holydayes....

xlvii. Item whether ye have procured or consented in any wyse that duryng anye part of the Sermon made at Paules Crosse there shoulde be ryngyng of belles, playing of Children, cryinge or making lowde noyse, ryding of horses, or otherwyse, so that the Preacher there or his audience was troubled thereby....

xlviii. Item whether ye do know, or crediblye have heard that within any part of the citye of London there hath bene any set tables kept for such as woulde thyther resorte to eate and drynke, and whether it be not used at the said tables to have Diner and supper upon the Fryday and Embryng dayes, and all other dayes, as well within the Lent time as without, or whether there be at the saide tables any flesh eaten at times prohibited.

Finis.
Imprinted at
London by Robart Caly, wythin
the precinct of Christes Hospitall.
The vi. day of Aprill.
MDLVIII.
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum
solum.

PRESBYTERIAN DEMANDS (1572).

Source.—An Admonition to the Parliament. By John Field and Thomas Wilcox, 1572.

Seeing that nothing in this mortal life is more diligently to be sought for and carefully to be looked unto than the restitution of true religion and reformation of God’s church: it shall be your parts (dearly beloved) in this present Parliament assembled, as much as in you lieth to promote the same, and to employ your whole labour and study, not only in abandoning all popish remnants both in ceremonies and regiment,[14] but also in bringing in and placing in God’s church those things only which the Lord Himself in His word commandeth.... May it therefore please your wisdoms to understand, we in England are so far off from having a church rightly reformed according to the prescript of God’s word, that as yet we are not come to the outward face of the same.... For ... now by the letters commendatory of some one man, noble or other, tag and rag, learned and unlearned, of the basest sort of people ... are freely received. In those days[15] no idolatrous sacrificers or heathenish priests were appointed to be preachers of the Gospel: but we allow, and like well, of popish mass-mongers, men for all seasons, King Henry’s priests, King Edward’s priests, Queen Mary’s priests, who of a truth (if God’s word were precisely followed) should from the same be utterly removed.... Then[15] election was made by the common consent of the whole church: now everyone picketh out for himself some notable good benefice, he obtaineth the next advowson by money or by favour, and so thinketh himself to be sufficiently chosen.... Then it was painful: now gainful. Then poor and ignominious, now rich and glorious. And therefore titles, livings, and offices by Antichrist devised are given to them, as Metropolitan, Archbishop, Lord’s Grace, Lord Bishop, Suffragan, Dean, Archdeacon, Prelate of the Garter, Earl, County Palatine, Honour, High Commissioners, Justices of Peace and Quorum, etc. All which, together with their offices, as they are strange and unheard of in Christ’s Church, nay, plainly in God’s word forbidden, so are they utterly with speed out of the same to be removed.... Your wisdoms have to remove Advowsons, Patronages, Impropriations, and Bishops’ authority, claiming to themselves thereby right to ordain ministers, and to bring in that old and true election, which was accustomed to be made by the congregation.... Appoint to every congregation a learned and diligent preacher. Remove Homilies, Articles, Injunctions, a prescript order of service made out of the mass-book. Take away the Lordship, the loitering, the pomp, the idleness and livings of Bishops....

The officers that have to deal in this charge [ecclesiastical discipline] are chiefly three, ministers, preachers or pastors, of whom before; Seniors or Elders;[16] and Deacons. Concerning Seniors, not only their office but their name also is out of this English church utterly removed. Their office was to govern the church with the rest of the ministers.... Instead of these Seniors in every church, the pope hath brought in and we yet maintain the Lordship of one man over many churches, yea, over sundry shires.... Touching Deacons, though their names be remaining, yet is the office foully perverted and turned upside down; for their duty in the primitive church was to gather the alms diligently, and to distribute it faithfully.... Now it is the first step to the ministry, nay rather a mere order of priesthood....

To these three jointly, that is the Ministers, Seniors and Deacons, is the whole regiment of the church to be committed.... Not that we mean to take away the authority of the civil Magistrate and chief Governor, to whom we wish all blessedness, and for the increase of whose godliness we daily pray: but that, Christ being restored into his kingdom, to rule in the same by the sceptre of his word and severe discipline, the Prince may be better obeyed....

Amend therefore these horrible abuses and reform God’s church, and the Lord is on your right hand.... Is a reformation good for France? and can it be evil for England? Is discipline meet for Scotland? and is it unprofitable for this realm? Surely God hath set these examples before your eyes, to encourage you to go forward to a thorough and a speedy reformation. You may not do as heretofore you have done, patch and piece, nay rather go backward and never labour or contend to perfection. But altogether remove whole Antichrist, both head, body and branch, and perfectly plant that purity of the word, that simplicity of the sacraments, and severity of discipline, which Christ hath commended and commanded to His church.

THE ANGLICAN POSITION (1572).

Source.—John Whitgift: An Answere to a certen Libel intituled, An Admonition to the Parliament, 1572. Pp. 34, etc.

The proposition that these libellers would prove is that we in England are so far from having a church rightly reformed according to the prescript of God’s word, that as yet we are not come to the outward face of the same.... To prove that the word of God is not preached truly ... (thanks be to God) they allege not one article of faith, or point of doctrine, nor one piece of any substance to be otherwise taught and allowed of in this church (for not every man’s folly is to be ascribed to the whole church) than by the prescript word of God may be justified, neither can they.... The ministers are not rightly proved and elected, &c. Ergo the word of God is not truly preached: how wicked soever the man is; howsoever he intrude himself into the ministry, yet may he preach the true word of God: for the truth of the doctrine doth not in any respect depend upon the goodness or evilness of the man: I pray you how were you and some other of your adherents called, elected, &c.?...

It is true that in the old church trial was had of their ability to instruct, and of their godly conversation: But the place in the margin alleged out of the first chapter of the Acts of the Apostles maketh nothing for that purpose.... And the Book of Ordering Ministers and Deacons, set forth and allowed by this Church of England, requireth, that who soever is to be admitted into any order of the ministry, should so be tried, examined, and proved, both for learning and life, as Saint Paul there requireth. Read the Book with indifferency and judgment, and thou canst not but greatly commend it. If any man neglect his duty in that point, his fault must not be ascribed to the rule appointed, neither yet to the whole Church.... Again, if some be admitted into the ministry, either void of learning, or lewd in life, are all the rest for their sake to be condemned?... I think you will not deny, but that there is now within this Church of England, as many learned, godly, grave, wise, and worthy ministers of the Word, as there is in any one realm or particular Church in all Christendom, or ever hath been heretofore.

Touching letters commendatory of some one man noble or other, it may be that the parties which give these letters be of that zeal, learning, and godliness, that their particular testimony ought to be better credited, than some other subscribed with an hundred hands. And I think there is both noble men and other, who may better be trusted in that point, than a great number of parishes in England, which consist of rude and ignorant men, easily moved to testify any thing: and in many places for the most part, or altogether, drowned in Papistry. I know no reason to the contrary, and I see no Scripture alleged, why one learned, godly and wise man’s testimony, may not be received in such a case.... If tag and rag be admitted, learned and unlearned, it is the fault of some, not of all, nor of the law: and if they were called and elected according to your fancy, there would some creep in, as evil as any be now, and worse too.

I pray you what say you to master Luther, Bucer, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, &c., were not all these sometimes Massmongers, and yet singular and notable instruments of promoting the Gospel and preaching the same? Whereof many have given testimony by shedding their blood.

And by whose Ministry especially hath the Gospel been published, and is as yet in this Church of England, but by such as have been Massmongers, and now zealous, godly, and learned preachers?...

It is one thing wholly to worship false gods, another thing to worship the true God falsely and superstitiously. But among all other things I would gladly know wherein the Edward’s priests have offended you? It is happy you let Queen Elizabeth’s priests alone: I marvel whose priests you are?

God be thanked, there is a great number of ministers that can teach others, and may be your schoolmasters in all kind of learning, except you have more than you utter in these treatises.

THE ELIZABETHAN POOR LAW (1572).

An Act for the Punishment of Vagabonds, and for the Relief of the Poor and Impotent.

Anno 14 Eliz. cap. 5.

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, sub anno.

I. Where all the parts of this Realm of England and Wales be presently with Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars exceedingly pestered, by means whereof daily happeneth in the same Realm horrible murders, thefts, and other great outrages, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, and to the great annoy of the Common Weal ... [previous Acts repealed.]

II. Be it also enacted ... as well for the utter suppressing of the said outrageous enemies to the Common Weal, as for the charitable relieving of the aged and impotent poor people ... that all and every person and persons ... being above the age of fourteen years, being hereafter set forth by this Act of Parliament to be Rogues, Vagabonds, or Sturdy Beggars, and be at anytime ... taken begging ... or taken vagrant, wandering, and misordering themselves ... shall upon their apprehension be brought before one of the Justices of the Peace or Mayor ... and ... be presently committed to the Common Gaol ... there to remain without bail or mainprise until the next Sessions of the Peace or General Gaol Delivery, ... at which Sessions or Gaol Delivery if such person or persons be duly convicted of his or her Roguish or Vagabond Trade of life, either by inquest of office, or by the testimony of two honest and credible witnesses upon their Oaths, that then immediately he or she shall be adjudged to be grievously whipped and burnt through the gristle of the right ear with a hot iron ... manifesting his or her roguish kind of life, and his or her punishment received for the same ... which judgement shall also presently be executed, except some honest person ... will of his charity be contented presently to take such offender ... into his service for one whole year next following....

V. And for the full expressing what person and persons shall be intended ... to be Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars ... it is now ... declared ... that all and every such person and persons that be or utter themselves to be Proctors or Procurators going in or about any country or countries within this Realm, without sufficient authority ... and all other idle persons going about ... using subtle, crafty or unlawful games or plays, and some of them feigning themselves to have knowledge in physiognomy, palmistry, or other abused[17] sciences, whereby they bear the people in hand[18] they can tell their destinies, deaths and fortunes, and such other like fantastical imaginations; and all and every person being whole and mighty in body, and can give no reckoning how he or she doth lawfully get his or her living; and all fencers, bear-wards, common[19] players in interludes and minstrels, not belonging to any baron of this realm ... all jugglers, pedlars, tinkers and petty chapmen, which ... shall wander abroad and have not licence of two Justices of the Peace ... and all common labourers ... refusing to work for such reasonable wages as is ... commonly given in such parts ... and all scholars of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge that go about begging, not being authorized under the Seal of the said Universities ... and all shipmen pretending losses by sea ... and all persons delivered out of gaols, that go by for their fees or do travel to their countries or friends, not having licence from two Justices of the Peace ... shall be taken, adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars....

XI. Provided that this Act nor anything contained therein do in any wise extend to any harvest folks that travel into any country of this realm for harvest work ... neither yet to any that happeneth to be robbed or spoiled by the way ... neither yet to any serving men of honest behaviour that be turned from their masters, or whose master ... shall be dead....

XVI. And forasmuch as Charity would that poor aged and impotent persons should as necessarily be provided for as the said Rogues, Vagabonds and Sturdy Beggars repressed, and that the said aged, impotent and poor people should have convenient habitations and abiding places ... to the end that they nor any of them should hereafter beg or wander about; it is therefore enacted ... that the Justices of the Peace and all and singular the Shires of England and Wales ... shall ... make diligent search and enquiry of all aged poor impotent and decayed persons born within their said divisions and limits, or which were there dwelling within three years next before this present Parliament ... which live ... by alms ... and shall make a register book of the names and surnames of all such.... And ... shall ... devise and appoint ... meet and convenient places ... for their habitations and abidings, if the parish within which they shall be found shall not or will not provide for them ... and shall ... set down what portion the weekly charge towards the relief and sustentation of the said poor people will amount unto ... and, that done, they the said Justices ... shall by their good discretions tax and assess all and every the said inhabitants ... to such weekly charge as they and every of them shall weekly contribute towards the relief of the said poor people....

XVII. And be it further enacted ... that the Mayor of the City of London and the Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs ... and the Constables ... within all ... the said shires of England and Wales shall once a month ... make a view and search of all the aged impotent and lame persons within the precinct of their jurisdictions, and all such ... persons as they shall find, not being born within that division ... then they shall presently see the same poor people (except leprous people and bed-rid people) ... to be conveyed on horseback, in cart or otherwise ... to the next constable, and so from constable to constable the directest way, till the said person ... be brought to the place where he or she was born or most conversant by the space of three years next before, and there to be put in the Abiding Place....

XVIII. And be it enacted ... that if any of the said poor people ... refuse to be bestowed to any of the said Abiding Places ... but covet still to hold on their trade of begging, or ... do depart and beg, then the said person so offending ... to be accounted a Rogue or Vagabond....

XXII. And it is also further enacted, that if any of the said aged and impotent persons, not being so diseased lame or impotent but that they may work in some manner of work, shall be by the overseer of their said Abiding Place appointed to work, if they refuse, then in form aforesaid to be whipped and stocked for their first refusal, and for their second refusal to be punished as in case of Vagabonds....

XXIII. Provided always ... that three Justices of Peace ... shall ... place and settle to work the Rogues and Vagabonds that shall be disposed to work ... to get their livings and to live and to be sustained only upon their labour and travail.

XXIV. Be it also farther enacted that if any Beggar’s Child being above the age of five years and under fourteen years ... shall be liked of by any subject ... of honest calling who shall be willing to take the said Child into service, the said Subject shall ... have the said Child bound with him....

THE CONDITION OF IRELAND (1571-2).

Source.—Carew MSS. (Record Commission). Vol. iii. (1589-1600), p. xci., App. A.

A. The Disorders of the Irishry in the Irish Pale of Ireland, and the cause of Waste and Decay of the same. The State of the English Pale: the cause of waste and Decay thereof: with the cause of Debate between them both.

First it is to be understand that the land of Ireland was divided into several Kingdoms, and so continued of long time, until the coming of King Henry the Second, who then did win by conquest the most part of the same land, and the same gave and departed amongst his nobles and certain English gentlemen and others that went with him into Ireland, in reward of their service there done, where they both planted themselves and remained as obedient subjects to the King and Crown of England and his laws, and maintained the same. The rest of the land some he put under tribute, other some were never by him conquered, and they both so left continued and maintained their old customs, which were the laws of the Brehons, which before the conquest was used. And as those then planted by the King maintained the laws of England, and continued the same by them and theirs successively until this day, as the English Pale and civil towns doth maintain and use the same, even as the others, as well [they] that were put under tribute and they that were never conquered, as also those by them since subdued brought under their rule, doth maintain the Brehon’s law as they did before the conquest, which custom they continue in the Irish Pale, who are now the more part of the realm. The race and stirpe of them this day do maintain and use the same contrary to God his law, and also repugnant to the Queen’s Majesty’s laws and all other good and civil orders.

So all the lords and gentles of the Irish Pales that are not governed under the Queen’s laws are driven and compelled of necessity to keep and maintain a number of idle men of war, as they may be able always to rule their own people at home and exact their neighbours abroad, as their need shall require in their wars, which they commonly use and maintain against those that pretendeth any right to that they at any time have or do sometimes possess by wrong: giving neither place to law nor yet good orders, but working every one his own wilful will for a Law, to the spoil of the country and decay and waste of the common weal of the same.

The charge and finding of the men of war of every private Irish lord is such a burden to his country as keepeth the same ever in great poverty, and by that means bringeth them that taketh most pain to most penury, and those that getteth all to gain nothing: whereby husbandry is so hard to live by as very few covet it, as no plenty can prosper, but ever scarcity, where this is used, not only hindering the good but forwarding the evil, so far that the most mischief of all the land is fed and nourished withal. This is called Coyne and Livery. Besides this they have many other customs, exactions, and undertreddinges, so that in a manner all that ever the tenants can win with their weary working the lord hath at last, if his need be such in wars, or otherwise he will take all that his tenants have and destroy them in a day: and he never the better himself, for (as aforesaid) idle men of war eateth all together.

And thus their countries are impoverished as inhabitants having nothing left to cherish or care for (unless sometime a few cattle which the poor people are forced to drive with them wheresoever they go, for finding their Lords’ men of war), they, as careless of their behaviour, become as idle as the rest, stealing by night and robbing by day, as at last stirreth them to war one Lord against another. Although [they do so] until they have spoiled and wasted one another’s country, yet no malice can increase their enmity so much one against another but upon every occasion they become friends, and join their former dispersed strength in one force against the Queen’s Majesty and her liege people.

For their Religion.

The appearance of their outward behaviour sheweth to be the fruits of no good trees, for they exercise no virtue, nor yet refrain or forbear any vice, but think it lawful to do every one what him listeth, as thereby should seem they neither love nor dread God, nor yet hate the Devil. They are superstitious and worshippers of images and open idolaters. Their common oath they swear is by books, bells and other ornaments, which they use as holy relics. If for any greater cause they take the name of God, they seldom perform unless to do a shrewd turn. Their chief and solemnest oath that bindeth them is by their lord’s or master his hand, which whoso forsweareth is sure to pay a fine or sustain a worse turn. The Sabbath day they rest from all honest exercise, and the week days they are not idle but worse occupied. They do not honour their fathers and mothers so much as they do reverence strangers.

For any murder they commit [it] should seem they do not so soon repent for whose blood they once shed. They lightly never cease killing of all that name, although nothing akin, so many as they find ever after, whom they may overcome.

They did not so commonly commit adultery, not for that they do profess or keep such chastity, but for that they seldom or never marry, and therefore few of them [are] lawful heirs, by the laws of the realm, to those lands they presently possess.

They steal but from the strong, and take by violence from the poor and weak. They know not so well who is their neighbour, as whom they favour, with him they will witness in right and wrong.

They covet not their neighbour’s goods, but command all that is their neighbour’s as their own.

And this ungodly life they lead, and pass their years without amendment, until their dying day, that they are able to do no more harm, without knowledge of God or understanding of his Word, which they never hear truly taught, nor can, for lack of good ministers to instruct and preach the same: nor yet will any minister take pains without living, which is not to be had where there is neither church nor parish, but all decayed and waste, nor can be inhabited to increase a parish without people, nor anywise people will come to inhabit and dwell where there is neither defence of Law nor equity of Justice maintained, as they might enjoy the fruit of their labour.

Which is every King’s part and charge, to minister Justice to his people, and the Queen’s Majesty’s our liege sovereign presently more bound thereto than any her Grace’s noble progenitors hitherto were, who by style had but the name of Lords of Ireland (although all princely prerogative withal) before her Highness’ father, of most famous memory, King Henry the Eight, to whom by Parliament was given the title, style and name of King of Ireland, and now her Majesty’s possession by lawful succession.

And withal her Majesty, under God, of whom her Highness hath received also the charge, as most worthy for the supreme government of his creatures, her people, within these her Highness’ own realms and dominions, as besides Christian charity and princely dignity her Highness oweth to God, by that title to reform and direct and lead those blind and wilful ignorant people to the knowledge of God his most holy Word, to the salvation of their souls, which he so dearly bought; as, if the Angels of Heaven rejoiced so much at the conversion of one sinner to repentance, what joy, solace, and welcome shall our most dear Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth have for converting, or rather recovering, of so many a thousand lost souls as at this present are in Ireland, ready to go on headlong to the Devil, if her Grace seek not speedy remedy to prevent the same, as by their fruits shewed there is already a great many gone to his dam!

B. The State of the English Pale and Civil Shires and the Queen’s Majesty’s great charge in keeping and maintaining an Army there for the defence of the same.

Who lying in the English Pale, where commonly the most number of soldiers do sojourn at cess,[20] both footmen and horsemen, with their double horse and horse boys dispersed in the civil shires, which is such a burden to the liege people of the same as hath greatly impaired the good state of the Pale, where they are not so serviceable: for when the Irish maketh any entry by sudden roads upon the borders of the English Pale, although the Governor might within four hours assemble the captains for the defence of the Pale, no captain is able to assemble his band in four days, which is too late to pursue the enemy, who is gone three days before with the spoil of the country.

When for more ease and better defence of the Pale the soldiers are sent to lie upon the borders in peace time, where, a great number being cessed upon a small territory, the burden is so heavy to the inhabitants, upon whom if they but lie one quarter of a year, the poor people liven the worse seven years after. And although in war time the living of the soldiers there be such service indeed as causeth enemies to forbear that border for the time, yet is that service so dear bought as all that the poor man saveth by the defence of the soldier’s presence, when the soldier is gone, the enemy cometh and taketh all away: so as between the soldier and the enemy the poor man hath nothing left.

And where a certain number of soldiers continually do lie in garrison at the Newery and Knockfargus they are also most commonly found for their provision by cess out of the English Pale to as great a charge as before. Although some more ease they find by their absence than when they are lodged in their houses, and to the Queen’s Majesty an increase of charge by as much as freights and carriages by sea and land, with great allowances to victuallers and clerks, as sometime the charges is more than the principal provision so transported is worth at the arrival, and sometime the whole perisheth by shipwreck, as every way the Queen’s Majesty is a loser. And lying thus in garrison, as they use their service, they are a defence to themselves only, and a burden to the poor inhabitants dwelling about them (who dependeth upon the Queen’s defence), whom they daily oppress and spoil, and cannot defend them when they have done; nor yet defence can they be to the English Pale, which is so far off from the one (which is Knockfargus) and may be diversly and many ways annoyed by the Neles, the Fewes, and others, as those which is in the Newery can neither prevent nor let the enemy coming in, nor yet rescue at their going forth anything they take away. Nor yet can so few as they are in those garrisons be a scourge to any enemy of force, who may easily keep from them that he listeth not to lose, as nothing they can get themselves unless they make a sudden raid, as commonly they do upon those with whom they have no war, and take a prey of them: who, to revenge the same, cometh and spoileth all the poor people that dwelleth about those forts, to their utter decay and waste. As at this day there is not any way within ten mile about Knockfargus six plough land manured with tillage [or] any kind of grain, but all that province waste, where was five or six hundred ploughs before the garrison were planted there: so neither can any of those garrisons plant or sow anything abroad whereof they can assure themselves to reap the fruit: nor yet will the enemies suffer their own people to plant or improve any commodity near those forts, lest the soldiers should thereby be relieved: and so between both all waste.

And when they lie in garrison in the Irish enemy’s country, as sometimes was maintained a garrison at Ardmaughe, Belefarst, and of late in Glanarme, Mountsendall, Island Sydneye, Castle-Town, Don-Lewse and other places, they were also furnished for their provision for the most part by like cess out of the English Pale as before, and to the Queen’s Majesty more charge than any the others were, by as much as the English Pale for carriages by sea and land is further distant to those remote places than the other garrisons upon the borders were; and keeping of fort in the heart of the enemy’s country, they were a defence and stay and strength only to themselves in those pieces which they kept, wherein they were shut up as they could neither relieve themselves by anything they could get in the country itself, being waste, as it is always so kept by the enemy of purpose; nor yet could they be so easily victualled of the Queen’s provision, but sometime with conduct, to more charge and trouble than the rest, as was Ardmaughe, which cost the English Pale many men’s lives and their garrisons lost with victualling thereof; and of late Glanarme, Mount Sendall, Donnlewse, Island Sydneye, and others, whereof some were lost by casualty, as of late Castle-Town, Island Sydneye, Donlewse; and those that were kept and impregnable to the enemy were, after great charge bestowed, abandoned and voluntary given up to the Irishry again in better case than it was before.

And when in time of war with any Irishry of power, as of late with one Nele, and such like occasion moveth the Governor to proclaim a main journey for 30 or 40 days to invade the enemies’ country, the Governor goeth with the army and force of the English Pale, to their great charge, where they continue out their days, whilst their victuals last, and then fain to return home again, as many times they do, without booty or other harms they do or yet can be done to a waste country, the inhabitants thereof, whilst the English host is in their country, shunneth all their cattle into woods or pastures, where they continue until the English Army be gone; and then do they come into the plains of their country with their cattle again, where they are as ready anew to invade and spoil the English Pale as before; as commonly they do bring with them great booties out of the borders of the same, whereof if recovery be not made by hot pursuit of some part of that they take away, very seldom or never can be found anything of theirs worth the having to be taken from them for the same again. So as by these appearances, wheresoever the service is done, the same is a charge to the Queen’s Majesty, a burden to the liege people, to the decay both of them and the English soldiers, fretting one another of themselves, with small defence to the Pale, nor yet can be any great scourge to the enemy, who always gaineth by our losses, and we never gain by them, although we win all that we play for, the stakes being so unequal, viz., not a penny against a pound, for that the English Pale is planted with towns and villages, inhabited with people resident, having goods, chattels, corn and household stuff, good booties for the Irish enemies to take from us, and their countries being kept of purpose waste uninhabited, as where nothing is, nothing can be had.

And thus the crown of England, being at charge this 37 years past since the rebellion of Thomas FitzGerrelde,[21] at which time the same army were sent into Ireland, which hath cost your late father, of worthy memory, King Henry the Eighth, and your late brother and sister, and now your Highness’ time, not so little as the sum of thirteen or 14 hundred thousand pounds in all that time. And until this day they have neither won to your Majesty obedience of people, nor yet increased your revenue by any territory of ground they have annexed to your Crown, saving Lexe and Ophale, which yieldeth to your Crown a yearly rent, although not so much as it standeth your Majesty in wages to the farmers thereof that do dwell upon the same for the only keeping and defending of the same, unto whom was paid wages before 30 thousand pounds for keeping thereof waste, and could not find the means to make twenty acres worth a penny a year rent to the Queen’s Majesty; but since they have had property and fee-farm thereof, they have learned the way to make every acre worth 20d. a year rent to themselves, and that well paid by the poor churls and native inhabitants of those countries, whom they could not frame to any better use but as enemies to the Queen’s Majesty whilst her Highness was at the charge of keeping; but since they have obtained and had the fee-farm thereof to themselves they have found the mean to make of those that erst were called rebels to the Queen to become to themselves profitable tenants.

Where the Queen’s Majesty’s charges is increased of late extraordinarily four or five thousand pounds a year, bestowed upon presidents and judges, with their retinue, for deciding of causes, in remote parts, as it was then devised, for more ease and less charges for the people inhabiting thereabouts than to go to the Courts to Develyn, so far off; and where the laws was executed but in one place within the realm, the train now of the president[s and] justices at hand is such a burden to the poor liege people of those provinces, who dependeth upon the Queen’s Majesty’s laws to be defended, as they are all by the same now impoverished and decayed in worse case than they were before, as they complaineth; and saith that when they went to Develyn to sue for their right, though their charges was great, yet they saved somewhat; but now, since justice is come to their doors, it, say they, leaveth them nothing: and as for the Irishry of that province, that are of power of themselves able to take by violence and hold the same perforce, they will neither go to justice to give right to their neighbours, nor tarry at home to take wrong. And thus all service in Ireland, as the same is yet used, is a great and continual charge to the Crown of England, no ease nor benefit to the liege people of Ireland, but pain and penury, a consuming of them and the English soldiers, as a bough with the wind, and native people fretting one another of themselves, and the Irish unreformed, or yet the rebels and enemies repressed, who keepeth their countries waste of purpose, as having nothing to lose, but living by the spoil of others.

THE RISING IN THE NORTH (1569).

Source.—Record Office (State Papers, Domestic, 1566-1579, Addenda, p. 111).

A. Proclamation by Thomas Earl of Northumberland and Charles Earl of Westmoreland, the Queen’s true and Faithful Subjects, to all the same of the old and Catholic Faith.

Know ye, that we, with many other well-disposed of the nobility and others, have promised our faith for the furtherance of this our good meaning. As divers ill-disposed persons about Her Majesty have, by their crafty dealing, overthrown in this realm the true and Catholic religion towards God, abused[22] the Queen, dishonoured the realm, and now seek to procure the destruction of this nobility, we have gathered ourselves together to resist force by force, and rather, by the help of God and you good people, to redress those things amiss, with the restoring of all ancient customs and liberties to God and this noble realm. If we shall not do it ourselves, we might be reformed by strangers, to the great hazarding of the state of this our country.

Staindrop,
15 Nov., 1569,

B. Another Proclamation by the same.

Source.—Dodd’s Church History of England. Edited by M. A. Tierney, 1840. Vol. iii., App. i.

Whereas it hath been, by the sinister and wicked reports of sundry malicious persons, enemies both to God’s word and the public estate of this commonwealth, devised and published, that the assembly of these noblemen, the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, with sundry of the greatest worship and credit in this part of the realm, is and hath been to the overthrow of the commonwealth and the crown, it was therefore thought good to [sic] the earls and their council, to signify to all and every the queen’s majesty’s subjects the true and sincere meaning of the said earls, their friends and allies.

Know ye, therefore, that where of late it hath been faithfully and deliberately considered and devised by the right high and mighty prince, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Arundel, William, earl of Pembroke, together with the said earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and divers others of the ancient nobility of this realm, with a common consent of sundry the principal favourers of God’s word (and the same as well for the avoiding of bloodshed and utter subversion of the commonwealth, as the reforming of certain disorders crept in by the abuse and malicious practices of sundry wicked and evil-disposed persons), to make manifest and known to all manner of men, to whom of mere right the true succession of the crown appertaineth; dangerously and uncertainly depending, by reason of many titles and interests pretended to the same: the which godly good and honourable meaning of the said nobility hath been sought by all manner of means to be prevented by certain common enemies of this realm about the Queen’s person,[23] by whose sinister and detestable counsel and practice, well known to us and to the rest of the nobility, their lives and liberties are now endangered, and daily devices made to apprehend our bodies, the true remain of their virtuous counsel and intent; the which their unjust and ambitious policies and practices can by no submission on our parts be avoided, but only by the sword:

We have therefore, of just and faithful meaning to the queen’s majesty, her commonwealth, and the true successors of the same,[24] assembled ourselves, to resist force by force; wherein we commit ourselves (seeing no intercession will help) to the exceeding mercy and goodness of God, and to all true favourers of this realm of England, resolved in ourselves, in this so just and godly enterprise, wholly to adventure lives, lands, and goods: whereunto we heartily crave the true aid and assistance of all faithful favourers of the quietness of the commonwealth, and the ancient nobility of the same.

God save the queen and the nobility.

C. Proclamation by Thomas Earl of Sussex, Lord-Lieutenant in the North, in answer to the preceding.

Source.—State Papers, Domestic, as above, p. 113.

Whereas Thomas Earl of Northumberland and Charles Earl of Westmoreland, being commanded upon their allegiance to repair to Her Majesty, have contemptuously disobeyed her command, and have, with Christopher Nevill, Rich. Norton of Norton Conyers, Tho. Markenfeld of Markenfeld, John Swinburne, Robt. Tempest, Fras. Norton, and others, committed divers offences, levied great numbers of horse and foot and put them in armour, and do daily draw to them great forces, abusing her name and authority to further their wicked purpose, and intend to proceed further in their rebellious enterprise, if not resisted in time; we therefore, in Her Majesty’s name, and by her warrant, denounce the said Earls, and the others named, to be rebels and disturbers of the peace, and in her name command that they henceforth be reputed rebels.

And we in Her Majesty’s name, do command all faithful subjects to flee from the company or aiding of rebellious persons, and do by these presents receive to her grace and free pardon all such persons, other than hereafter be exempted, as have accompanied the said Earls and others, if before the 22nd inst. they repair to their dwelling houses, and there remain quiet, and do not abide in company of the said persons aforesaid after 21 Nov.

Her Majesty’s pleasure is that the said Earls and the others named, and Thos. Jennings, be exempted from this pardon, and also any person adhering to or accompanying any of the before exempted after 21 Nov., and she commands all her subjects to repute them rebels.

[York], 19 Nov., 1569.

D. Border-Ballad of the Rising in the North (1569-70).

Source.—Percy’s Folio MS. Ed. by Furnivall and Hales. Vol. i., p. 210. Pub. 1867.

Listen lively lordings all,
and all that beene this place within!
if you’ll give eare unto my songe,
I will tell you how this geere did begin.

It was the good Erle of Westmorlande;
a noble Erle was callèd hee;
and he wrought treason against the crowne;
alas, it was the more pittye!

And soe it was the Erle of Northumberland,
another good noble Erle was hee;
they tooken both upon one part,
against their crowne they wolden bee.

Earle Percy is into his garden gone,
and after walks his awne ladye;
“I heare a bird sing in my eare
that I must either fight or flee.”

“God forbid,” shee sayd, “good my Lord,
that ever so that it shalbee,
but goe to London to the court,
and faire fall truth and honestye!”

“But nay, now nay, my Ladye gay,
that ever it shold soe bee;
my treason is knowen well enoughe;
at the court I must not bee.”

“But goe to the Court! yet, good my Lord,
take men enowe with thee;
if any man will doe you wronge,
your warrant they may bee.”

“But nay, now nay, my Lady gay,
for soe it must not bee,
if I goe to the court, Ladye,
death will strike me, and I must dye.”

“But goe to the Court! yett, good my Lord,
I my-selfe will ryde with thee;
if any man will doe you wronge,
your borow[25] I shalbee.”

“But nay, now nay, my Lady gay,
for soe it must not bee;
for if I goe to the Court, Ladye,
thou must me never see.

But come hither, thou litle footpage,
come thou hither unto mee,
for thou shalt goe a message to Master Norton
in all the hast that ever may bee.