Transcriber's Note.

A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book. In the text, the corrections are underlined by a red dotted line "like this". Hover the cursor over the underlined text and an explanation of the error should appear.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. II

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. II

Acadia: 1612-1614

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVI

Copyright, 1896
by
The Burrows Brothers Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

CONTENTS OF VOL. II

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II

PREFACE TO VOL. II

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

IX. The indefatigable Biard presents, herein, a graphic recital of his work among the Acadian savages, and particularly his journeys into the wilderness. His report of a trip with a party of Port Royalists to French trading posts on the St. Croix and St. John rivers, to an Etchemin town probably on the site of the present Castine, Me., and to an English fishing station on the Kennebec, is full of interest.

X. Herein, Biard sends to the general of his order a full report concerning: (1) New France, its physical characteristics, and its aborigines; (2) the circumstances attending the opening of the Jesuit mission in Acadia; (3) Fléché's work previous to the coming of the Jesuits; (4) visits to savage tribes by Massé and himself, with descriptions of conversions and baptisms, and a statement of the conditions and prospects of spiritual work among the aborigines.

XI. Lescarbot's Relation Dernière gives an account of Poutrincourt's voyage to New France, in 1610; of the conversion and baptism of the savage chief, Membertou, and others, by the priest, Fléché; of Biencourt's return to France; and of the experiences of Poutrincourt at Port Royal. The writer praises Poutrincourt for his exertions in Canada in behalf of both religion and civilization; and urges that he should be aided in his colonial enterprise, as a necessary basis for religious work in this portion of the New World. He gives a list of the sponsors of the baptized Indians, who included many of the French nobility and clergy. The life at Port Royal is pictured in some detail; its labors and privations are dwelt upon; and the customs of the natives described. Lescarbot does not fail, although cautiously, to exhibit his dislike of the Jesuits, and endeavors to show that their coming to Port Royal involved delay and expense to the colonial enterprise, thereby injuring Poutrincourt. Our author's closing chapter devoutly catalogues the "Effects of God's Grace in New France;" he describes how Providence cared for the colonists in their distress, saved them from shipwreck, kindly disposed the savages toward them and the Christian religion, and returned to the Frenchmen their ship, in time to prevent starvation. The rescue of Aubry is also mentioned.

XII. The Relatio Rerum Gestarum (1613 & 1614) opens with a description of New France, its geography, its climate, its peoples and their customs. The experience of the Jesuit fathers at Port Royal is related at length, from their own point of view. A description is given of the settlement of St. Sauveur, on Mount Desert Island, and its destruction by the Virginian, Argall. Then follows an account of the life of the Jesuit prisoners, in Virginia and England. The conclusion is reached that, despite these drawbacks, the Jesuit mission in Canada has made a hopeful beginning.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., September, 1896.

IX

Lettre Du P. Biard
au R. P. Provincial à Paris

Port Royal, Janvier 31, 1612

Source: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada, pp. 44-76.

[4]

[44] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard au R. P. Provincial à Paris.

(Copiée sur l'autographe conservé dans les archives du Jésus, à Rome.)

Port-Royal, 31 janvier 1612.

Mon Reverend Pere,

Pax Christi.

S'il nous failloit entrer en compte devant Dieu et Vostre Reverence du geré et negocié par nous en ceste nouvelle acquisition du Fils de Dieu, ceste nouvelle France et Chrestienté, depuis nostre arrivée jusques à ce commencement de nouvel an, je ne doubte point certes, qu'en la sommation et calcul final, la perte ne surmontast les profits; le despensé follement en offençant, le bien et sagement ménagé en obeyssant, et le receu des talents, graces et tolerances divines, le mis et employé au royal et amiable service de nostre grand et autant bening Createur. Neantmoins, d'autant que (comme je croy) nos ruines n'édifiroyent personne, et nos rentes n'establiroyent aucun, il vaudroit mieux que pour le malacquitté, nous le plorions à part; [45] pour le receu, nous imitions le metayer d'iniquité loué par Nostre Seigneur en l'Evangile, sçavoir est que, faisant part à autruy des biens de nostre Maistre, nous nous en faisions des amis, et que communiquant à plusieurs ce qui est d'édification en ces premiers fondemens de Chrestienté, nous obtenions plusieurs intercesseurs envers Dieu, et fauteurs de cet œuvre. Mesme que ce faisant, nous ne defrauderons en rien la debte, ainsy [6] que fit le Censier inique, baillant à plusieurs le bien de Nostre Maistre avec profit, et peut-estre acquitterons par ceste œconomie une partie des redevances et de leur surcroy. Ainsy soit-il.

[44] Letter from Father Pierre Biard to the Reverend Father Provincial, at Paris.

(Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of Jesus, at Rome.)

Port Royal, January 31, 1612.

My Reverend Father,

The peace of Christ be with you.

Were we compelled to give an account before God and Your Reverence of our administration and our transactions in this newly acquired kingdom of the Son of God, this new France and new Christendom, from the time of our arrival up to the beginning of this new year, I certainly do not doubt that, in the aggregate and final summing up, the loss would exceed the profits; the foolish cost of transgression, the goodness and wisdom of obedience; and the reception of divine talents, graces, and indulgence would exceed their outlay and use in the royal and agreeable service of our great and so benign Creator. Nevertheless, inasmuch as (I believe) no one would be edified by our losses, or greatly benefited by our gains, it is better that we mourn our losses apart; [45] as to our receipts, we shall be like the unjust steward commended by Our Lord in the Gospels, namely, by sharing our Master's goods with others we shall make them our friends; and in communicating to many what is edifying in these early foundations of Christianity, we shall obtain intercessors with God and supporters of this work. Yet in doing this we shall in no wise diminish the debt, as did the wicked Steward, giving out Our Master's goods with profit; but we shall, perhaps, by this prudence acquit ourselves of a part of the dues and interests. So be it.

Aujourd'huy, 22 Ianvier, 1612, neuf [huict] mois sont passez dés notre arrivée en ceste nouvelle France. Peu aprés nostre arrivée, i'escrivy l'estat auquel nous avons retrouvé ceste Eglise et Colonie naissante. Voicy ce qui s'en est ensuivy.

To-day, January 22nd, 1612, eight[1] months have passed since our arrival in this new France. Soon after that, I wrote you in regard to the condition in which we found this infant Church and Colony. Here is what followed:

Monsieur de Potrincourt s'en allant en France le mois de Iuin dernier, laissa icy son fils Monsieur de Biencourt, ieune seigneur de grande vertu et fort recommandable, avec environ 18 siens domestiques, et nous deux prestres de la Compagnie. Or la tasche et travail de nous deux prestres, selon nostre vocation, a esté, et icy dans la maison et habitation en residant, et dehors en voyageant. Commençons, comme l'on dict, de chez nous, de [46] la maison et habitation; puis nous sortirons dehors.

When Monsieur de Potrincourt went to France last June he left his son here, Monsieur de Biencourt, a young man of great integrity and of very estimable qualities, with about eighteen of his servants and us two priests of the Society. Now our duties and offices, in accordance with our calling as priests, have been performed while residing here at the house and settlement, and by making journeys abroad. Let us begin, as they say, at home, that is, at [46] the residence and settlement; then we shall go outside.

Icy donc nos exercices sont: dire messe tous les jours, la chanter solemnellement les dimanches et festes, avec les Vespres, et souvent la procession; faire prieres publiques matin et soir; exhorter, consoler, donner les sacremens, ensevelir les morts; enfin faire les offices de Curé, puisque autres prestres n'y a en ces quartiers que nous. Et de vray, bon besoing seroit que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur; d'autant que gens de marine, tels que sont quasi nos paroissiens, sont assez d'ordinaire totalement insensibles au sentiment de leur ame, n'ayans marque de religion sinon leurs juremens et reniemens, ny cognoissance de Dieu sinon autant qu'en apporte la pratique connue de France, offusquée du libertinage et des objections et bouffonneries [8] mesdisantes des heretiques. D'où l'on peut aussy veoir, quelle esperance il y a de planter une belle chrestienté par tels evangelistes. La première chose que ces pauvres Sauvages apprennent, ce sont les juremens, parolles sales et injures; et orriés souvent les Sauvagesses (lesquelles autrement sont fort craintives et pudiques), mais vous les orriés souvent charger nos gens de grosses pourries et eshontées opprobres, en langage françois; non qu'elles en sachent la signification, ains seulement parce qu'elles voyent qu'en telles parolles est leur [47] commun rire et ordinaire passetemps. Et quel moyen de remedier à cecy en des hommes qui mesprennent (malparlent) avec (d'autant) plus d'abandon qu'ils mesprisent avec audace.

Here then are our occupations: to say mass every day, and to solemnly sing it sundays and holidays, together with Vespers, and frequently the procession; to offer public prayers morning and evening; to exhort, console, administer the sacraments, bury the dead; in short, to perform the offices of the Curate, since there are no other priests in these quarters. And in truth it would be much better if we were more earnest workers here for Our Lord, since sailors, who form the greater part of our parishioners are ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and the cavilings and revilings of heretics. Hence it can be seen what hope there is of establishing a flourishing christian church by such evangelists. The first things the poor Savages learn are oaths and vile and insulting words; and you will often hear the women Savages (who otherwise are very timid and modest), hurl vulgar, vile, and shameless epithets at our people, in the French language; not that they know the meaning of them, but only because they see that when such words are used there is [47] generally a great deal of laughter and amusement. And what remedy can there be for this evil in men whose abandonment to evil-speaking (or cursing) is as great as or greater than their insolence in showing their contempt?

A ces exercices chrestiens que nous faisons icy à l'habitation, assistent aucune fois les Sauvages, quand aucuns y en a dans le port. Ie dis, aucune fois, d'autant qu'ils n'y sont gueres stylés, non plus les baptisés que les payens, ne sçachant gueres davantage les uns que les autres faute d'instruction. Telle fut la cause pourquoy nous resolusmes dés nostre arrivée de ne point baptiser aucun adulte, sans que prealablement il ne fust bien catechisé. Or catechiser ne pouvons-nous avant que sçavoir le langage.

At these christian services which we conduct here at the settlement, the Savages are occasionally present, when some of them happen to be at the port. I say, occasionally, inasmuch as they are but little trained in the principles of the faith—those who have been baptized, no more than the heathen; the former, from lack of instruction, knowing but little more than the latter. This was why we resolved, at the time of our arrival, not to baptize any adults unless they were previously well catechized. Now in order to catechize we must first know the language.

De vray, Monsieur de Biancourt, qui entend le sauvage le mieux de tous ceux qui sont icy, a pris d'un grand zele, et prend chaque jour beaucoup de peine à nous servir de truchement. Mais, ne sçay comment, aussi tost qu'on vient à traitter de Dieu, il se sent le mesme que Moyse, l'esprit estonné, le gosier tary, et la langue nouée. La cause en est d'autant que ces sauvages n'ont point de religion formée, point de magistrature [10] ou police, point d'arts ou libéraux ou mechaniques, point de commerce ou vie civile; et par consequent les mots leur défaillent [48] des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais veues ou apprehendées.

It is true that Monsieur de Biancourt, who understands the savage tongue better than any one else here, is filled with earnest zeal, and every day takes a great deal of trouble to serve as our interpreter. But, somehow, as soon as we begin to talk about God he feels as Moses did,—his mind is bewildered, his throat dry, his tongue tied. The reason for this is that, as the savages have no definite religion, magistracy or government, liberal or mechanical arts, commercial or civil life, they have consequently no words to describe [48] things which they have never seen or even conceived.

D'avantage, comme rudes et incultes qu'ils sont, ils ont toutes leurs conceptions attachées aux sens et à la matiere; rien d'abstraict, interne, spirituel ou distinct. Bon, fort, rouge, noir, grand, dur, ils le vous diront en leur patois; bonté, force, rougeur, noircissure, ils ne scavent que c'est. Et pour toutes les vertus que vous leur sauriez dire, sagesse, fidelité, justice, misericorde, recognoissance, pieté, et autres, tout chez eux tout n'est sinon l'heureux, tendre amour, bon cœur. Semblablement un loup, un renard, un esquirieu, un orignac, ils les vous nommeront, et ainsy chaque espece de celle qu'ils ont, les quelles, hors les chiens, sont toutes sauvages; mais une beste, un animal, un corps, une substance, et ainsy les semblables universels et genres, cela est par trop docte pour eux.

Furthermore, rude and untutored as they are, all their conceptions are limited to sensible and material things; there is nothing abstract, internal, spiritual, or distinct. Good, strong, red, black, large, hard, they will repeat to you in their jargon; goodness, strength, redness, blackness—they do not know what they are. And as to all the virtues you may enumerate to them, wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitude, piety, and others, these are not found among them at all except as expressed in the words happy, tender love, good heart. Likewise they will name to you a wolf, a fox, a squirrel, a moose, and so on to every kind of animal they have, all of which are wild, except the dog; but as to words expressing universal and generic ideas, such as beast, animal, body, substance, and the like, these are altogether too learned for them.

Ajoutez à cecy, s'il vous plaist, la grande difficulté qu'il y a de tirer d'eux les mots mesmes qu'ils ont. Car, comme ny eux ne sçavent nostre langage, ny nous le leur, sinon fort peu, touchant le commerce et vie commune, il nous faut faire mille gesticulations et chimagrées pour leur exprimer nos conceptions, et ainsy tirer d'eux quelques noms des choses qui ne se peuvent monstrer avec [49] le sens. Par exemple, penser, oublier, se ressouvenir, doubter: pour sçavoir ces quatre mots, il vous faudra donner beau rire à nos messieurs au moins toute une aprés-disner, en faisant le basteleur; et encore, aprés tout cela, vous trouverez-vous trompé et mocqué de nouveau, ayant eu, comme l'on dit, le mortier pour un niveau, et le [12] marteau pour la truelle. Enfin nous en sommes là encore, après plusieurs enquestes et travaux, à disputer s'ils ont aucune parolle qui corresponde droictement à ce mot Credo, je croy. Estimez un peu que c'est du reste du symbole et fondemens chrestiens.

Add to this, if you please, the great difficulty of obtaining from them even the words that they have. For, as they neither know our language nor we theirs, except a very little which pertains to daily and commercial life, we are compelled to make a thousand gesticulations and signs to express to them our ideas, and thus to draw from them the names of some of the things which cannot be pointed out [49] to them. For example, to think, to forget, to remember, to doubt; to know these four words, you will be obliged to amuse our gentlemen for a whole afternoon at least by playing the clown; and then, after all that; you will find yourself deceived, and mocked anew, having received, as the saying is, the mortar for the level, and the hammer for the trowel. In short we are still disputing, after a great deal of research and labor, whether they have any word to correspond directly to the word Credo, I believe. Judge for yourself the difficulty surrounding the remainder of the symbols and fundamental truths of christianity.

Or tout ce discours de la difficulté du langage, ne me servira pas seulement pour monstrer en quels efforts et ahan de langue nous sommes, ains aussy pour faire veoir à nos Europeans leur felicité mesme civile: car il est assuré qu'encore mesme enhanée,[I.] cette miserable nation demeure touiours en une perpetuelle enfance de langue et de raison. Ie dis, de langue et de raison, parce qu'il est évident que là où la parolle, messagere et despensière de l'esprit et discours, reste totalement rude, pauvre et confuse, il est impossible que l'esprit et raison soient beaucoup polis, abondans et en ordre. Cependant ces pauvres chetifs et enfants s'estiment [50] plus que tous les hommes de la terre, et pour rien du monde ne voudroyent quitter leur enfance et chetiveté. Mais ce n'est pas de merveille; car, comme j'ay dict, ils sont enfans.

Now all this talk about the difficulty of the language will not only serve to show how laborious is our task in learning it, but also will make our Europeans appreciate their own blessings, even in civil affairs; for it is certain that these miserable people, continually weakened by hardships [enhanée],[II.] will always remain in a perpetual infancy as to language and reason. I say language and reason, because it is evident that where words, the messengers and dispensers of thought and speech, remain totally rude, poor and confused, it is impossible that the mind and reason be greatly refined, rich, and disciplined. However, these poor weaklings and children consider themselves [50] superior to all other men, and they would not for the world give up their childishness and wretchedness. And this is not to be wondered at, for, as I have said, they are children.

Ne pouvans doncques pour encores baptiser les adultes, comme nous avons dict, nous restent les enfans, à qui appartient le royaume des cieux; ainsy nous les baptisons de la volonté des parens et soubs la caution des parrains. Et en cette façon, en avons jà baptisé quatre, Dieu mercy. Les adultes qui sont en extreme necessité, nous les instruisons autant que Dieu nous en donne le moyen; et la pratique nous a faict veoir, que lors Dieu supplée interieurement le défaut de son outil externe. Ainsy, une vieille femme dangereusement malade, et une jeune fille, [14] ont esté receues au nombre des enfans de Dieu. La vieille est encore debout; la fille est allée à Dieu.

Since we cannot yet baptize the adults, as we have said, there remain for us the children, to whom the kingdom of heaven belongs; these we baptize with the consent of their parents and the pledge of the god-parents. And under these conditions we have already, thank God, baptized four of them. We instruct the adults who are in danger of death, as far as God gives us the means to do so; and experience has shown us that then God inwardly supplements the defects of his exterior instruments. Thus, an old woman, dangerously ill, and a young girl have been added to the number of the children of God. The woman still lives, the girl has gone to Heaven.

Je vis cette fille de 8 a 9 ans, toute transie et n'ayant plus que la peau et les os. Je la demanday à ses parens pour la baptiser. Ils me respondirent que si je la voulois, ils me la donnoyent tout à faict. Car aussy bien, elle et un chien mort, c'estoit tout un. Ainsy parloyent-ils, d'autant que c'est leur coustume d'abandonner entierement ceux qu'ils ont une fois entierement jugés incurables. Nous acceptasmes l'offre, affin qu'ils vissent la difference du [51] Christianisme et de leur impieté. Nous fismes conduire ce pauvre squelette en une cabane de l'habitation, la secourusmes et nourrismes à nostre possible, et l'ayant tolerablement instruite, la baptisasmes. Elle fut appelée Antoynette de Pons, en memoire et recognoissance de tant de benefices qu'avons receus et recevons de Madame la Marquise de Guercheville; et laditte Dame se peut resjouir que jà son nom est au ciel, car quelques jours aprés son baptesme, cette ame choysie s'envola en ce lieu de gloire.

I saw this girl, eight or nine years old, all benumbed and nothing but skin and bone. I asked the parents to give her to me to baptize. They answered that if I wished to have her they would give her up to me entirely. For to them she was no better than a dead dog. They spoke like this because they are accustomed to abandon altogether those whom they have once judged incurable. We accepted the offer, so that they might see the difference between [51] Christianity and their ungodliness. We had this poor skeleton brought into one of the cabins of the settlement, where we cared for and nourished her as well as we could, and when she had been fairly well instructed we baptized her. She was named Antoynette de Pons, in grateful remembrance of the many favors we have received and are receiving from Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, who may rejoice that already her name is in heaven, for a few days after baptism this chosen soul flew away to that glorious place.

Ce luy aussy fut nostre premier né, sur lequel nous avons pu dire ce que Ioseph prononça sur le sien, que Dieu nous avoit faict oublier tous nos travaux passés et la maison de nostre Père. Mais à propos de ce que les Sauvages abandonnent leurs malades, une autre occasion de semblablement exercer la charité chrestienne envers ces délaissés, a eu son issüe plus joyeuse, et profitable pour détromper ces nations. Cette occasion fut telle.

This was also our firstborn, for whose sake we could say, as Joseph did about his, that God had made us forget all our past hardships and the homes of our Fathers. But in speaking of the Savages abandoning their sick, another similar occasion to exercise charity toward those who are deserted has had a more happy issue and one more useful in undeceiving these people. This occasion was as follows:

Le second fils du grand sagamo Membertou, de qui nous parlerons tantost, appelé Actodin, jà chrestien et marrié, estoit tombé en une griefve maladie. [16] Monsieur de Potrincourt, s'en allant en France, l'avoit visité, et, comme il est bon seigneur, l'avoit invité de se faire porter en l'habitation, pour y estre medicamenté. Je m'attendois à cela, qu'on [52] le nous apporteroit; mais on n'en faisoit rien. Ce voyant, pour ne laisser cette ame en danger, je m'y en allay de là à quelques jours (car il estoit à 5 lieuës de l'habitation). Mais je trouvay mon malade en un bel estat. On estoit sur le poinct de faire tabagie ou convive solemnel sur son dernier adieu. Trois ou quatre vastes chaudieres bouilloyent sur le feu. Il avoit sa belle robe soubs soy (car c'estoit en esté), et se preparoit à sa harangue funebre. La harangue devoit finir en l'adieu et comploration commune de tous. L'adieu et le deuil se clost par l'occision des chiens à ce que le mourant ait des avants-coureurs en l'autre monde. L'Occision des chiens est accostée de la tabagie et de ce qui suyt la tabagie, du chant et des danses. Après cela, il n'est plus loysible au malade de manger ou demander aucun secours, ains se doibt jà tenir pour un des manes ou citoyens de l'autre vie. Je trouvay donc mon hoste en tel estat.

The second son of the grand sagamore Membertou, of whom we shall speak by and by, named Actodin, already a christian, and married, fell dangerously ill. Monsieur de Potrincourt, as he was about to depart for France, had visited him; and being a kind-hearted gentleman, had asked him to let himself be taken to the settlement for treatment. I was expecting this suggestion [52] to be carried out; but they did nothing of the kind. When this became evident, not to leave this soul in danger, I went there after a few days (for it was five leagues from the settlement). But I found my patient in a fine state. They were just about to celebrate tabagie, or a solemn feast, over his last farewell. Three or four immense kettles were boiling over the fire. He had his beautiful robe under him (for it was summer), and was preparing for his funeral oration. The oration was to close with the usual adieus and lamentations of all present. The farewell and the mourning are finished by the slaughter of dogs, that the dying man may have forerunners in the other world. This slaughter is accompanied by the tabagie and what follows it—namely, the singing and dancing. After that it is no longer lawful for the sick man to eat or to ask any help, but he must already consider himself one of the "manes," or citizens of the other world. Now it was in this state that I found my host.

I'invectivay contre cette façon de faire, plus de geste que de langue, car pour la langue, mes interpretes ne disoyent pas la dixiesme partie de ce que je voulois. Neantmoins le vieil Membertou, pere du malade, conceut assés l'affaire, et me promit qu'on s'arresteroit à tout ce que j'en dirois. Ie luy dis donc que pour l'adieu et deuil moderé, et encores pour la tabagie, cela se pourroit tolerer; mais [53] que le carnage des chiens, et les chants et danses sur un trespassant, et beaucoup moins l'abandonnement d'iceluy, ne me playsoyent point; que plus tost, selon [18] qu'ils avoyent promis à Monsieur de Potrincourt, ils l'envoyassent en l'habitation; qu'à l'ayde de Dieu, il pourroit bien encore guerir. Ils me donnerent parolle d'ainsy faire le tout; ce neantmoins, le languissant ne nous fut apporté que deux jours après.

I denounced this way of doing things, more by actions than by words; for, as to talking, my interpreters did not repeat the tenth part of what I wanted them to say. Nevertheless, old Membertou, father of the sick man, understood the affair well enough, and promised me that they would stop just where I wanted them to. Then I told him that the farewells and a moderate display of mourning, and even the tabagie, would be permitted, but [53] that the slaughter of the dogs, and the songs and dances over a dying person, and what was much worse, leaving him to die alone, displeased me very much; that it would be better, according to their promise to Monsieur de Potrincourt, to have him brought to the settlement, that, with the help of God, he might yet recover. They gave me their word that they would do all that I wished; nevertheless, the dying man was not brought until two days afterward.

Il prenoit des symptomes si mortels, que souvent nous n'attendions sinon qu'il nous demeurast entre les mains. En effet un soir, sa femme et enfans l'abandonnerent entierement, et s'en allerent cabaner ailleurs, pensant que c'en estoit vuidé. Si pleut-il à Dieu tromper heureusement leur desespoir; car, de là à peu de jours, il fut plein de santé, et l'est encore aujourd'hui (à Dieu en soit la gloire); ce que M. Hébert, Parisien et maistre en Pharmacie assés cognu, qui solicitoit ledit malade, m'a souvent asseuré estre un vray miracle. De moi, je ne sçay qu'en dire, d'autant que je ne veux affirmer ny le si ny le non en ce dont je n'ay évidence. Cela scay-je, que nous mismes sur le dit languissant un os des precieuses reliques du glorieux Sainct Laurens, archevesque de Dublin en Hibernie, que M. de la Place, digne abbé d'Eu, et Messieurs les Prieurs et Chapitre de laditte abbaye d'Eu nous donnerent de leur grace pour convoyer nostre voyage en ces quartiers. Nous [54] doncques mismes sur le malade de ces sainctes reliques, faisant vœu pour luy, et depuis il emmeilleura.

His symptoms became so serious that often we expected nothing less than that he would die on our hands. In fact, one evening, his wife and children deserted him entirely and went to settle elsewhere, thinking it was all over with him. But it pleased God to prove their despair unfounded; for a few days afterwards he was in good health and is so to-day (to God be the glory); which M. Hébert, of Paris, a well-known master in Pharmacy, who attended the said patient, often assured me was a genuine miracle. For my part, I scarcely know what to say; inasmuch as I do not care either to affirm or deny a thing of which I have no proof. This I do know, that we put upon the sufferer a bone taken from the precious relics of the glorified Saint Lawrence, archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, which M. de la Place, the estimable abbé d'Eu, and the Priors and Canons of the said abbey d'Eu, kindly gave us for our protection during the voyage to these lands. So we [54] placed some of these holy relics upon the sick man, at the same time offering our vows for him, and then he improved.

Par cet exemple, Membertou, le pere du guery, comme j'ay dict cy devant, fut fort confirmé en la foy, et à cette cause sentant le mal dont depuis il est decedé, voulut aussy tost estre apporté icy; et quoyque nostre cabane soit tant estroitte que trois personnes estant dedans, à peine s'y peuvent-elles remuer, neantmoins si demanda-t-il de grande confiance [20] qu'il avoit en nous, d'estre logé dans l'un de nos deux licts; ce qu'il fut pour six jours. Mais après, sa femme, fille et brue estans venues, il cogneut bien de luy mesme qu'il falloit tramarcher; ce qu'il fit, s'excusant fort, et nous demandant pardon du continuel travail qu'il nous avoit donné jour et nuict en son service. Certes le changement de lieu et traitement ne lui allegea pas son mal. Par ainsy, le voyant sur son declin, je le confessay au mieux que je pus, et luy après (c'est tout leur testament) fit sa harangue. Or en sa harangue, entre autres choses il dict sa volonté estre d'avoir sepulture avec ses femmes et enfants, ez-anciens monumens de sa maison.

Influenced by this example, Membertou, the father of the one who had recovered, as I have said before, was very strongly confirmed in the faith; and because he was then feeling the approach of the malady from which he has since died, he wished to be brought here immediately; and although our cabin is so narrow that when three people are in it they can scarcely turn around, nevertheless, showing his implicit confidence in us, he asked to be placed in one of our two beds, where he remained for six days. But afterwards his wife, daughter, and daughter-in-law having come, he himself recognized the necessity of leaving, and did so with profuse excuses, asking our pardon for the continual trouble he had given us in waiting upon him day and night. Certainly the change of location and treatment did not improve him any. So then, seeing that his life was drawing to a close, I confessed him as well as I could; and after that he delivered his oration (this is their sole testament). Now, among other things in this speech, he said that he wished to be buried with his wife and children, and among the ancient tombs of his family.

Ie me monstray fort mal content de cecy, craingnant que les Françoys et Sauvages ne prinssent de la suspicion qu'il n'estoit mort gueres bon Chrestien. [55] Mais on m'opposa que telle promesse lui avoit esté faicte avant qu'il fut baptisé; et qu'autrement si on l'enterroit en nostre cimetière, ses enfans et amis ne nous viendroyent jamais plus veoir, puisque c'est la façon de cette nation d'abhorrer toute memoire de la mort et des morts.

I manifested great dissatisfaction with this, fearing that the French and Savages would suspect that he had not died a good Christian. [55] But I was assured that this promise had been made before he was baptized, and that otherwise, if he were buried in our cemetery, his children and his friends would never again come to see us, since it is the custom of this nation to shun all reminders of death and of the dead.

Je disputay contre, et avec moy M. de Biancourt (car c'est quasi mon unique truchement), neantmoins en vain; le mourant demeuroit resolu. Le soir assez tard, nous luy donnasmes l'extreme onction, puisque autrement il y estoit assez preparé. Voyez l'efficace du sacrement: le lendemain matin, il mande M. de Biancourt et moy, et de nouveau il recommence sa harangue. Par icelle il declaroit avoir de soy mesme changé de volonté; qu'il entendoit d'estre inhumé avec nous, commandant à ses enfans de ne point pour [22] cela fuyr le lieu comme infideles, ains d'autant plus le frequenter comme chrestiens, à celle fin d'y prier pour son ame et pleurer ses pechez. Il recommanda aussi la paix avec M. de Potrincourt et son fils; que de luy, il avait toujours aymé les Françoys, et avoit souvent empesché plusieurs conspirations contre eux. De là à peu d'heures il mourut entre mes mains fort chrestiennement.

I opposed this, and M. de Biancourt, for he is almost my only interpreter, joined with me, but in vain; the dying man was obdurate. Rather late that evening we administered extreme unction to him, for otherwise he was sufficiently prepared for it. Behold now the efficacy of the sacrament; the next morning he asks for M. de Biancourt and me, and again begins his harangue. In this he declares that he has, of his own free will, changed his mind; that he intends to be buried with us, commanding his children not, for that reason, to shun the place like unbelievers, but to frequent it all the more, like christians, to pray for his soul and to weep over his sins. He also recommended peace with M. de Potrincourt and his son; as for him, he had always loved the French, and had often prevented conspiracies against them. A few hours afterward he died a christian death in my arms.

C'a esté le plus grand, renommé et redouté sauvage qui ayt esté de memoire d'homme: de riche [56] taille, et plus hault et membru que n'est l'ordinaire des autres, barbu comme un françoys, estant ainsy que quasi pas un des autres n'a du poil au menton; discret et grave, ressentant bien son homme de commandement. Dieu luy gravoit en l'ame une apprehension plus grande du Christianisme, que n'estoit ce qu'il en avoit pu ouyr, et m'a souvent dict en son sauvageois. "Apprend vistement nostre langue, car aussy tost que tu la sçauras et m'auras bien enseingné, je veux estre prescheur comme toy." Avant mesme sa conversion, il n'a jamais voulu avoir plus d'une femme vivante; ce qu'est esmerveillable, d'autant que les grands sagamos de ce païs entretiennent un nombreux serail, non plus pour luxure, que pour ambition, gloire et necessité: pour ambition, à celle fin d'avoir plusieurs enfans, en quoy gist leur puissance; pour gloire et necessité, d'autant qu'ils n'ont autres artisans, agens, serviteurs, pourvoyeurs ou esclaves que les femmes; elles soustiennent tout le faix et fatigue de la vie.

This was the greatest, most renowned and most formidable savage within the memory of man; of splendid [56] physique, taller and larger-limbed than is usual among them; bearded like a Frenchman, although scarcely any of the others have hair upon the chin; grave and reserved; feeling a proper sense of dignity for his position as commander. God impressed upon his soul a greater idea of Christianity than he has been able to form from hearing about it, and he has often said to me in his savage tongue: "Learn our language quickly, for as soon as thou knowest it and hast taught me well I wish to become a preacher like thee." Even before his conversion he never cared to have more than one living wife, which is wonderful, as the great sagamores of this country maintain a numerous seraglio, no more through licentiousness than through ambition, glory and necessity; for ambition, to the end that they may have many children, wherein lies their power; for fame and necessity, since they have no other artisans, agents, servants, purveyors or slaves than the women; they bear all the burdens and toil of life.

C'a esté le premier de tous les Sauvages qui en ces régions aye receu le baptesme et l'extreme-onction, le premier et le dernier sacrement, et le premier qui, [24] de son mandement et ordonnance, aye été inhumé chrestiennement. Monsieur de Biancourt honora ses obsèques, imitant à son possible les [57] honneurs qu'on rend en France aux grands Capitaines et Seigneurs.

He was the first of all the Savages in these parts to receive baptism and extreme unction, the first and the last sacraments; and the first one who, by his own command and decree, has received a christian burial. Monsieur de Biancourt honored his obsequies, imitating as far as possible the [57] honors which are shown to great Captains and Noblemen in France.

Or, à ce que l'on craigne les jugemens de Dieu, aussy bien que l'on ayme sa misericorde, je mettray icy la fin d'un françoys, en laquelle Dieu a monstré sa justice, aussy bien qu'en celle de Membertou nous recognoissons sa grâce. Celuy-cy avoit souvent esvadé le danger d'estre noyé, et tout fraischement le beau jour de la Pentecoste derniére. Le bénéfice fut mal recogneu. Pour n'en rien dire de plus, la veille de S. Pierre et S. Paul, comme le soir on fust entré en discours des perils de mer, et des vœux qu'on faict aux Saincts en semblables hazards, ce miserable se print à s'en rire et moquer impudemment, se gaudissant de ceux de la compagnie qu'on disoit en telles rencontre savoir esté religieu. Il eut tost son guerdon. Le lendemain matin, un coup de vent l'emporta tout seul dehors de la chaloupe dans les vagues, et jamais depuis, n'est apparu.

Now, that the judgments of God may be feared as much as his mercies are loved, I shall here record the death of a Frenchman, in which God has shown his justice as much as he has given us evidence of his mercy, in the death of Membertou. This man had often escaped drowning, and only recently upon the blessed day of last Pentecost. He showed but little gratitude for this favor. Not to make the story too long, the evening before St. Peter's and St. Paul's day, as they were discoursing upon the perils of the sea, and upon the vows made to the Saints in similar dangers, this wretch began impudently to laugh and to sneer, jeering at those of the company who were said to have been religious upon such occasions. He soon had his reward. The next morning a gust of wind carried him, and him only, out of the boat into the waves, and he was never seen again.

Mais laissons l'eau et venons à la rive. Si la terre de cette nouvelle France avoit aucun sentiment, ainsy que les Poëtes feignent de leur deesse Tellus, sans doubte elle eust eu un ressentiment bien nouveau de liesse cette année; car, Dieu mercy, ayans eu fort heureuses moissons de ce peu qui avoit esté labouré du recueilly nous avons faict des hosties, et nous les avons offertes à Dieu. Ce sont, comme nous [58] croyons, les premieres hosties qui ayent esté faites du froment de ce terroir. Notre Seigneur par sa bonté les aye voulu recevoir en odeur de suavité, et, comme [26] dict le Psalmiste, veuille donner benignité, puisque la terre luy a rendu son fruict.

But let us leave the water and come on shore. If the ground of this new France had feeling, as the Poets pretend their goddess Tellus had, doubtless it would have experienced an altogether novel sensation of joy this year, for, thank God, having had very successful crops from the little that was tilled, we made from the harvest some hosts [wafers for consecration] and offered them to God. These are, as we [58] believe, the first hosts which have been made from the wheat of these lands. May Our Lord, in his goodness, have consented to receive them as fragrant offerings and in the words of the Psalmist, may he give graciously, since the earth has yielded him its fruits.

C'est assés demeuré à la maison; sortons un peu dehors, comme nous avons promis de faire, et racontons ce qui s'est passé par le pays.

We have stayed at home long enough; let us go abroad a little, as we promised to do, and relate what has taken place in the country.

J'ay faict deux voyages avec M. de Biancourt, l'un de quelques douze jours, l'autre d'un mois et demy, et avons rodé toute la coste dés Port-Royal jusques à Kinibéqui, ouest-sud ouest. Nous sommes entrez dans les grandes rivières de S. Iean, de Saincte Croix, de Pentegoet et du sus-nommé Kinibéqui; avons visité les Françoys, qui ont hyverné icy cette année en deux parts, en la rivière S. Iean et en celle de Saincte-Croix: les Malouins en la riviere S. Iean, et le capitaine Plastrier à Saincte Croix.

I made two journeys with M. de Biancourt, the one lasting about twelve days, the other a month and a half; and we have ranged the entire coast from Port Royal to Kinibéqui,[2] west southwest. We entered the great rivers St. John, Saincte Croix, Pentegoët,[3] and the above-named Kinibéqui; we visited the French who have wintered there this year in two places, at the St. John river and at the river Saincte Croix; the Malouins at the former place, and captain Plastrier at the latter.[4]

Durant ces voyages, Dieu nous a sauvez de grands et bien éminents dangers, et souvent; mais quoy que nous les debvions tousjours retenir en la mémoire pour n'en estre ingrats, il n'est pas necessaire que nous les couchions tous sur le papier, de peur d'être ennuyeux. Ie raconteray seulement ce qu'à mon advis on orroit plus volontiers.

During these journeys, God often delivered us from great and very conspicuous dangers; but, although we ought always to bear them in mind, that we may not be ungrateful, there is no need of setting them all down upon paper, lest we become wearisome. I shall relate only what, in my opinion, will be the most interesting.

Nous allions voir les Malouins, sçavoir est, le [59] Sieur du Pont le jeune, et le capitaine Merveilles, qui, comme nous avons dict, hyvernoyent en la rivière S. Jean, en une isle appelée Emenenic, avant contremont le fleuve quelques six lieues. Nous estions encore à une lieuë et demye de l'isle, qu'il estoit jà soir et la fin du crepuscule. Ià les estoilles commençoyent à se monstrer, quand voicy que vers le Nord soudainement une partie du ciel devint aussy rouge et sanguine qu'escarlate, et s'estendant peu à peu en piques et fuseaux, s'en alla droict reposer sur l'habitation [28] des Malouins. La rougeur estoit si esclatante, que toute la rivière s'en teingnoit et en reluysoit. Cette apparition dura demy quart d'heure, et aussy tost après la disparition, en recommença une autre de mesme forme, cours et consistance.

We went to see the Malouins; namely, [59] Sieur du Pont, the younger, and captain Merveilles, who, as we have said, were wintering at St. John river, upon an island called Emenenic, some six leagues up the river. We were still one league and a half from the island when the twilight ended and night came on. The stars had already begun to appear, when suddenly, toward the Northward, a part of the heavens became blood-red: and this light spreading, little by little, in vivid streaks and flashes, moved directly over the settlement of the Malouins and there stopped. The red glow was so brilliant that the whole river was tinged and made luminous by it. This apparition lasted some eight minutes, and as soon as it disappeared another came of the same form, direction and appearance.

Il n'y eut celuy de nous qui ne jugeast tel metheore prodigieux. Pour nos Sauvages, ils s'escrierent aussy tost: Gara gara enderquir Gara gara; c'est-à-dire, nous aurons guerre; tels signales denoncent guerre. Neantmoins, et nostre abord cette soirée, et le lendemain matin nostre descente fut fort amiable et pacifique. Le jour, rien qu'amitié. Mais (malheur!) le soir venu, tout se vira, ne sçay comment, le dessus dessous; entre nos gens et ceux de S. Malo, confusion, brouillis, fureur, tintamarre. Ie ne doubte point qu'une mauditte bande de furieux et [60] sanguinaires esprits ne voltigeast toute cette nuit là, attendant à chaque heure et moment un horrible massacre de ce peu de Chrestiens qui estions là; mais la bonté de Dieu les brida, les malheureux. Il n'y eut aucun sang espandu, et le jour suyvant, cette nocturne bourrasque finit en un beau et plaisant calme, les ombrages et fantosmes ténébreux s'estant esvanouis en serenité lumineuse.

There was not one of us who did not consider this meteoric display prophetic. As to the Savages, they immediately cried out, Gara gara enderquir Gara gara, meaning we shall have war, such signs announce war. Nevertheless, both our arrival that evening and our landing the next morning were very quiet and peaceful. During the day, nothing but friendliness. But (alas!) when evening came, I know not how, everything was turned topsy-turvy; confusion, discord, rage, uproar reigned between our people and those of St. Malo. I do not doubt that a cursed band of furious and [60] sanguinary spirits were hovering about all this night, expecting every hour and moment a horrible massacre of the few Christians who were there; but the goodness of God restrained the poor wretches. There was no bloodshed; and the next day, this nocturnal storm ended in a beautiful and delightful calm, the dark shadows and spectres giving way to a luminous peace.

De vray, la bonté et prudence de M. de Biancourt parust fort emmy ce fortunal de passions humaines. Mais aussy je recogneus assés que le feu et les armes estans une fois entre les mains de gens mal disciplinés, les maistres ont beaucoup à craindre et à souffrir de leurs propres. Ie ne sçay s'il y eust aucun qui fermast l'œil de toute cette nuit. Pour moy je fis prou de belles propositions et promesses à Nostre Seigneur, de ne jamais oublier ce sien benefice, s'il [30] plaisoit faire qu'aucun sang ne fust respandu. Ce qu'il nous donna de son infinie misericorde.

In truth, M. de Biancourt's goodness and prudence seemed much shaken by this tempest of human passions. But I also saw, very clearly that if fire and arms were once put into the hands of badly disciplined men, the masters have much to fear and suffer from their own servants. I do not know that there was one who closed his eyes during that night. For me, I made many fine propositions and promises to Our Lord, never to forget this, his goodness, if he were pleased to avert all bloodshed. This he granted in his infinite mercy.

Il estoit trois heures aprés midy du jour suyvant, que je n'avois pas eu encores loysir de sentir la faim, tant j'estois empesché à aller et venir des uns aux autres. Enfin environ ce temps là, tout fut accoysé, Dieu mercy.

It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day before I had time to feel hungry, so constantly had I been obliged to go back and forth from one to the other. At last, about that time everything was settled, thank God.

Certes le capitaine Merveilles et ses gens monstrerent leur piété non vulgaire. Car nonobstant cet heurt et rencontre si troublant, le deuxiesme jour [61] d'après, ils se confesserent et communierent avec grand exemple, et si, à nostre départir, ils me prierent instamment trestous et par spécial le jeune du Pont, de les aller veoir et demeurer avec eux à ma commodité. Ie leur promis d'ainsy le faire, et n'en attends que les moyens. Car de vray j'ayme ces gens de bien de tout mon cœur.

Certainly captain Merveilles and his people showed unusual piety. For notwithstanding this so annoying encounter and conflict, two days [61] afterwards they confessed and took communion in a very exemplary manner; and so, at our departure, they all begged me very earnestly, and particularly young du Pont, to come and see them and stay with them as long as I liked. I promised to do so, and am only waiting for the opportunity. For in truth I love these honest people with all my heart.

Mais, départans un peu de pensée d'avec eux, comme nous fismes lors de presence, continuons nostre route et voyage. Au retour de cette rivière Sainct Jean, nostre voyage s'addressoit jusques aux Armouchiquoys. Deux causes principales esmouvoyent à cela M. de Biancourt: la premiere, pour avoir nouvelle des Angloys, et sçavoir si on pourroit avoir raison d'eux; la seconde affin de troquer du bled armouchiquoys, pour nous ayder à passer nostre hyver, et ne point mourir de faim, en cas que nous ne receussions aucun secours de France.

But dismissing them from our thoughts for the time being, as we did then from our presence, let us continue our journey. Upon our return from this river Saint John, our route turned towards the country of the Armouchiquoys. Two principal causes led M. de Biancourt to take this route: first, in order to have news of the English, and to find out if it would be possible to obtain satisfaction from them; secondly, to buy some armouchiquoys corn to help us pass the winter, and not die of hunger in case we did not receive help from France.

Pour entendre la première cause, faut sçavoir que peu auparavant, le capitaine Platrier de Honfleur, cy devant nommé, voulant aller à Kinibéqui, il fut saisy prisonnier par deux navires angloys qui estoient en une isle appelée Emmetenic, à 8 lieües dudit Kinibéqui. Son relaschement fut moyennant quelques presents [32] (ainsy parle-t-on pour parler doucement) et la promesse qu'il fit d'obtemperer aux prohibitions à luy faictes, de point negotier en toute [62] cette coste. Car les Angloys s'en veulent dire maistres, et sur ce ils produysoyent des lettres de leur Roy, mais à ce que nous croyons fausses.

To understand the first cause you must know that, a little while before, captain Platrier, of Honfleur, already mentioned, wishing to go to Kinibéqui, was taken prisoner by two English ships which were at an island called Emmetenic,[85] eight leagues from Kinibéqui. His release was effected by means of presents (this expresses it mildly), and by his promise to comply with the interdictions laid upon him not to trade anywhere upon all [62] this coast. For the English want to be considered masters of it, and they produced letters from their King to this effect, but these we believe to be false.

Or Monsieur de Biancourt ayant ouy tout cecy de la bouche mesme du capitaine Platrier, il remontra serieusement à ces gens combien il importoit à luy, officier de la Couronne et Lieutenant de son pere, combien aussy à tout bon Françoys, d'aller au rencontre de cette usurpation des Anglois tant contrariante aux droits et possessions de sa Majesté. "Car, disoit-il, il est à tous notoire (pour ne reprendre l'affaire de plus hault) que le grand Henry, que Dieu absolve, suyvant les droicts acquis par ses prédecesseurs et luy, donna à Monsieur des Monts, l'an 1604, toute cette région depuis le 40^e degré d'élévation jusques au 46. Depuis laquelle donation ledit Seigneur des Monts, par soy mesme et par Monsieur de Potrincourt, mon très-honoré pere, son lieutenant, et par autres, a prins souvent reelle possession de toute la contrée, et trois et quatre ans avant que jamais les Angloys ayent habitué, ou que jamais on aye rien entendu de cette leur vindication." Ceci et plusieurs autres choses discouroit ledit Sieur de Biancourt encourageant ses gens.

Now, Monsieur de Biancourt, having heard all this from the mouth of captain Platrier himself, remonstrated earnestly with these people, showing how important it was to him, an officer of the Crown and his father's Lieutenant, and also how important to all good Frenchmen, to oppose this usurpation of the English, so contrary to the rights and possessions of his Majesty. "For," said he, "it is well known to all (not to go back any farther in the case) that the great Henry, may God give him absolution, in accordance with the rights, acquired by his predecessors and by himself, gave to Monsieur des Monts, in the year 1604, all this region from the 40th to the 46th parallel of latitude. Since this donation, the said Seigneur des Monts, himself and through Monsieur de Potrincourt, my very honored father, his lieutenant, and through others, has frequently taken actual possession of all the country; and this, three or four years before the English had ever frequented it, or before anything had ever been heard of these claims of theirs." This and several other things were said by Sieur de Biancourt to encourage his people.

Moy, j'avois deux autres causes qui me poussoyent au mesme voyage: l'une, pour accompagner [63] d'ayde spirituel ledict Sieur de Biancourt et ses gens; l'autre, pour cognoistre et voir la disposition de ces nations à recevoir le saint evangile. Telles doncques estoyent les causes de nostre voyage.

As for me, I had two other reasons which impelled me to take this journey: One, to give [63] spiritual aid to Sieur de Biancourt and his people; the other, to observe and to study the disposition of these nations to receive the holy gospel. Such, then, were the causes of our journey.

Nous arrivasmes à Kinibequi, 80 lieuës de Port-Royal, [34] le 28 d'octobre, jour de S. Simon et S. Jude, de la mesme année 1611. Aussy tost nos gens mirent pied à terre, desireux de veoir le fort des Angloys; car nous avions appris par les chemins, qu'il n'y avoit personne. Or, comme de nouveau tout est beau, ce fust à louër et vanter cette entreprise des Angloys, et raconter les commodités du lieu; chacun en disoit ce que plus il prisoit. Mais de là à quelques jours, on changea bien d'advis; car on vid y avoir beau moyen de faire un contrefort qui les eust emprisonnés et privés de la mer et de la riviere; item que quand bien on les eust laissez là, si n'eussent-ils point jouy pourtant des commodités de la riviere, puisqu'elle a plusieurs autres et belles emboucheures bien distantes de là. Davantage, ce qu'est le pis, nous ne croyons pas que de là à six lieuës à l'entour il y ayt un seul arpent de terre bien labourable, le sol n'estant tout de pierre et roche. Or, d'autant que le vent nous contrarioit à passer outre, le troisiesme jour venu, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] tourna l'incident en conseil et se delibera de recevoir l'ayde du vent, à refouler contremont la riviere, pour la bien recognoistre.

We arrived at Kinibéqui, eighty leagues from Port Royal, the 28th of October, the day of St. Simon and St. Jude, of the same year, 1611. Our people at once disembarked, wishing to see the English fort, for we had learned, on the way, that there was no one there. Now as everything is beautiful at first, this undertaking of the English had to be praised and extolled, and the conveniences of the place enumerated, each one pointing out what he valued the most. But a few days afterward they changed their views; for they saw that there was a fine opportunity for making a counter-fort there, which might have imprisoned them and cut them off from the sea and river; moreover, even if they had been left unmolested they would not have enjoyed the advantages of the river, since it has several other mouths, and good ones, some distance from there. Furthermore, what is worse, we do not believe that, in six leagues of the surrounding country, there is a single acre of good tillable land, the soil being nothing but stones and rocks. Now, inasmuch as the wind forced us to go on, when the third day came, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] considered the subject in council and decided to take advantage of the wind and go on up the river, in order to thoroughly explore it.

Nous avions advancé jà bien trois lieuës, et le flot nous manquant nous estions mis à l'anchre au milieu de la riviere; quand voicy que nous descouvrons six canots Armouchiquois venir à nous. Ils estoyent 24 personnes dedans, tous gens de combat. Ils firent mille tentatives et ceremonies avant que nous aborder. Vous les eussiez parfaictement comparez à une troupe d'oyseaux, laquelle desire d'entrer en une cheneviere, mais elle craind l'espouvantail. Cela nous plaisoit fort, car aussy nos gens avoyent besoin [36] de temps pour s'armer et pavier. Enfin ils vindrent et revindrent, ils recogneurent, considererent finement nostre nombre, nos pieces, nos armes, tout; et la nuict venuë, ils se logerent à l'autre bord du fleuve, sinon hors la portée, du moins hors la mire de nos canons.

We had already advanced three good leagues, and had dropped anchor in the middle of the river waiting for the tide, when we suddenly discovered six Armouchiquois canoes coming towards us. There were twenty-four persons therein, all warriors. They went through a thousand maneuvers and ceremonies before accosting us, and might have been compared to a flock of birds which wanted to go into a hemp-field but feared the scarecrow. We were very much pleased at this, for our people also needed to arm themselves and arrange the pavesade. In short, they continued to come and go; they reconnoitred; they carefully noted our numbers, our cannon, our arms, everything; and when night came they camped upon the other bank of the river, if not out of reach, at least beyond the aim of our cannon.

Toute la nuit ce ne fust que haranguer, chanter, danser; car telle est la vie de toutes ces gens lorsqu'ils sont en troupe. Or comme nous presumions probablement que leurs chants et danses estoyent invocations du diable, pour contrecarrer l'empire de ce maudict tyran, je fis que nos gens chantassent [65] quelques hymnes eclesiastiques, comme le Salve, l'Ave Maris stella et autres. Mais comme ils furent une fois en train de chanter, les chansons spirituelles leur manquant, ils se jetterent aux autres qu'ils sçavoyent. Estant encores à la fin de celles cy, comme c'est le naturel du François de tout imiter, ils se prindrent à contrefaire le chant et danse des Armouchiquois, qui estoyent à la rive, les contrefaisant si bien en tout, que, pour les escouter, les Armouchiquois se taysoient; et puis nos gens se taysans, reciproquement eux recommençoyent. Vrayment il y avoit beau rire: car vous eussiés dict que c'estoyent deux chœurs qui s'entendoient fort bien, et à peine eussiés vous pû distinguer le vray Armouchiquois d'avec le feinct.

All night there was continual haranguing, singing and dancing, for such is the kind of life all these people lead when they are together. Now as we supposed that probably their songs and dances were invocations to the devil, to oppose the power of this cursed tyrant, I had our people sing [65] some sacred hymns, as the Salve, the Ave Maris Stella, and others. But when they once got into the way of singing, the spiritual songs being exhausted, they took up others with which they were familiar. When they came to the end of these, as the French are natural mimics, they began to mimic the singing and dancing of the Armouchiquois who were upon the bank, succeeding in it so well that the Armouchiquois stopped to listen to them; and then our people stopped and the others immediately began again. It was really very comical, for you would have said that they were two choirs which had a thorough understanding with each other, and scarcely could you distinguish the real Armouchiquois from their imitators.

Le matin venu, nous poursuyvions notre route contremont. Eux, nous ayans accompagnez, nous dirent que si nous voulions du piousquemin (c'est leur bled), que nous debvions avec facilité prendre à droicte, et non avec grand travail et danger aller contremont; que prenant à droicte par le bras qui se monstroit, en peu d'heures, nous arriverions vers le grand sagamo [38] Meteourmite, qui nous fourniroit de tout; qu'ils nous y serviroient de guides, car aussy bien s'en alloyent ils le visiter.

In the morning we continued our journey up the river. The Armouchiquois, who were accompanying us, told us that if we wanted any piousquemin (corn), it would be better and easier for us to turn to the right and not, with great difficulty and risk, to continue going up the river; that if we turned to the right through the branch which was just at hand, in a few hours we would reach the great sagamore Meteourmite, who would furnish us with all we wanted; that they would act as our guides, since they themselves were going to visit him.

Il est à presumer, et en avons de grands indices, qu'ils ne nous donnoyent ce conseil sinon en intention [66] de nous prendre aux filets, et avoir bon marché de nous à l'ayde de Meteourmite, lequel ils sçavoient estre ennemy des Anglois, et le conjecturoient l'estre de tous estrangers. Mais, Dieu mercy, leurs embusches se tournerent contre eux.

It is to be supposed, and there were strong indications of it, that they gave us this advice only with the intention [66] of ensnaring us, and making an easy conquest of us by the help of Meteourmite, whom they knew to be the enemy of the English, and whom they supposed to be an enemy of all foreigners. But, thank God, their ambuscade was turned against themselves.

Cependant nous les creusmes; aussy partie d'eux s'en alloyent devant nous, partie après, partie aussy avec nous dedans la barque. Neantmoins Monsieur de Biancourt se tenoit tousiours sur ses gardes, et souvent faisoit marcher la chaloupe devant avec la sonde. Nous n'avions pas faict plus de demy lieue, quand, venus en un grand lac le sondeur nous crie: "Deux brasses d'eau, qu'une brasse, qu'une brasse partout." Aussy tost: Ameine, ameine, lasche l'anchre. Où sont nos Armouchiquois? où sont-ils? point. Ils nous avoyent trestous insensiblement quittés. O les traistres! ô que Dieu nous a bien aydés! Ils nous avoyent conduicts aux pieges. "Revire, revire." Nous retournons sur nostre route.

However, we believed them; so a part of them went ahead of us, part behind, and some in the barque with us. Nevertheless Monsieur de Biancourt was always on his guard, and often sent the boat on ahead with the sounding-lead. We had not gone more than half a league when, reaching a large lake, the sounder called out to us: "Two fathoms of water; only one fathom, only one fathom everywhere," and immediately afterward, "Stop! stop! cast anchor." Where are our Armouchiquois? Where are they? Not one. They had all silently disappeared. Oh, the traitors! Oh, how God had delivered us! They had led us into a trap. "Veer about, veer about." We retrace our path.

Cependant Meteourmite ayant esté adverty de nostre venue, nous courroit au devant, et quoyqu'il nous vist tourner bride, si est-ce qu'il nous poursuyvit. Bien valut à Monsieur de Biancourt d'etre plus sage que plusieurs de son esquipage, qui ne crioyent lors que de tout tuer. Car ils estoyent en grande cholere et en non moindre crainte; mais la cholere faisoit plus de bruit.

Meanwhile, Meteourmite having been informed of our coming, came to meet us, and, although he saw our prow turned about, yet he followed us. It was well that Monsieur de Biancourt was wiser than many of his crew, whose sole cry was to kill them all. For they were as angry as they were frightened: but their anger made the most noise.

[67] Monsieur de Biancourt se reprima, et ne faisant pas autrement mauvaise chere à Meteourmite, [40] apprit de luy qu'il y avoit une route par laquelle on pourroit passer; qu'à celle fin de ne la pas faillir, il nous donneroit de ses propres gens dedans nostre barque; qu'au reste vinssions à sa cabane, il tascheroit de nous donner contentement. Nous luy crusmes, et pensasmes nous en repentir; car nous passasmes des haults et destroicts si perilleux que ne cuidions quasi jamays en eschapper. D'effect, en deux endroits, aucuns de nos gens s'escrierent miserablement que nous estions trestous perdus. Mais, Dieu mercy, ils crierent trop tost.

[67] Monsieur de Biancourt restrained himself, and not otherwise showing any ill-will toward Meteourmite, learned from him that there was a route by which they could pass; that in order not to miss it, he would let us have some of his own people in our barque; that, besides, if we would come to his wigwam he would try to satisfy us. We trusted him, and thought we might have to repent it; for we traversed such perilous heights and narrow passes that we never expected to escape from them. In fact, in two places some of our men cried out in distress that we were all lost. But, thank God, they cried too soon.

Arrivés, Monsieur de Biancourt se mit en armes, pour en cet arroy aller veoir Meteourmite. Il le trouva en son hault appareil de majesté sauvagesque, seul dans une cabane bien nattée le haut et bas, et quelques quarante puissans jeunes hommes à l'entour de la cabane, en forme de corps de garde, chacun son pavois, son arc et flesches à terre au devant de soy. Ces gens ne sont point niais, nullement, et qu'on nous en croye.

When we arrived, Monsieur de Biancourt armed himself, and thus arrayed proceeded to pay a visit to Meteourmite. He found him in the royal apparel of savage majesty, alone in a wigwam that was well matted above and below, and about forty powerful young men stationed around it like a body-guard, each one with his shield, his bow and arrows upon the ground in front of him. These people are by no means simpletons, and you may believe us when we say so.

Pour moy, je receus, ce jour là, la plus grande part des caresses; car, comme j'estois sans armes, les plus honorables, laissans les soldats, se prindrent à moy avec mille significations d'amitié. Ils me conduysirent en la plus grande cabane de toutes; [68] elle contenoit bien 80 ames. Les places prinses, je me jettay à genoux, et ayant faict le signe de la croix, recitay mon Pater, Ave, Credo, et quelques oraisons; puis, ayant faict pause, mes hostes, comme s'ils m'eussent bien entendu, m'applaudirent en leur façon, s'escriant Ho! ho! ho! Ie leur donnay quelques croix et quelques images, leur en donnant à apprehender ce que je pouvois. Eux les baysoient [42] fort volontiers, faisoyent le signe de la Croix, et, chacun pour soy, s'efforçoyent à me presenter ses enfans, à ce que je les benisse et leur donnasse quelque chose. Ainsy se passa cette visite, et une autre que je fis depuis.

As for me, I received that day the greater part of the welcome; for, as I was unarmed, the most honorable of them, turning their backs upon the soldiers, approached me with a thousand demonstrations of friendship. They led me to the largest wigwam of all; [68] it contained fully eighty people. When they had taken their places, I fell upon my knees and repeated my Pater, Ave, Credo, and some orisons; then pausing, my hosts, as if they had understood me perfectly, applauded after their fashion, crying Ho! ho! ho! I gave them some crosses and pictures, explaining them as well as I could. They very willingly kissed them, made the sign of the Cross, and each one in his turn endeavored to present his children to me, so that I would bless them and give them something. Thus passed that visit, and another that I have since made.

Or Meteourmite avoit respondu à Monsieur de Biancourt, que pour le bled, ils n'en avoyent pas quantité; mais qu'ils avoyent aucunes peaux, s'il luy playsoit de troquer.

Now Meteourmite had replied to Monsieur de Biancourt that as to the corn he did not have much, but he had some skins, if we were pleased to trade with him.

Le matin doncques de la troque venu, je m'en allay en une isle voysine avec un garçon, pour là offrir l'hostie saincte de nostre reconciliation. Nos gens de la barque, pour n'estre surprins, soubs couleur de la troque, s'estoyent armez et barricadez, laissans place au milieu du tillac pour les Sauvages; mais en vain, car ils se jetterent tellement en foule et avec si grande avidité, qu'aussy tost ils remplirent tout le vaisseau, jà peslemeslés avec les nostres. On se mit à crier: Retire, retire-toy. Mais [69] à quel profit? Eux aussy crioyent de leur costé.

Then in the morning when the trade was to take place I went to a neighboring island with a boy, to there offer the blessed sacrament for our reconciliation. Our people in the barque, not to be taken by surprise under pretext of the trade, were armed and barricaded, leaving a place in the middle of the deck for the Savages; but in vain, for they rushed in in such crowds and with such greediness, that they immediately filled the whole ship, becoming all mixed up with our own people. Some one began to cry out, "Go back, go back." But [69] to what good? On the other hand, the savages were yelling also.

Ce fut lors que nos gens se penserent estre veritablement prins, et jà tout n'estoit que clameur et tumulte. Monsieur de Biancourt a souvent dit et redit, qu'il eut maintes fois le bras levé et la bouche ouverte pour en frappant le premier crier, "Tue, tue;" mais que cette seule consideration, ne sçay comment, le retinst, que j'estois dehors, et par consequent que si l'on en venoit aux mains, j'estois perdu. Dieu se servit de cette sienne bonne volonté, non seulement pour ma sauveté, mais autant pour celle de tout l'esquipage. Car, comme tous recognoissent bien à cette heure, si la folie eust esté faicte, jamais aucun n'en fust eschappé, et les Françoys eussent esté descriés pour jamays en toute la coste.

Then our people were sure they were captured, and there was nothing but cries and confusion. Monsieur de Biancourt has often said and said again, that several times he had raised his arm and opened his mouth to strike the first blow and to cry out, "Kill, kill;" but that somehow the one consideration that restrained him was that I was outside, and if they came to blows I was lost. God rewarded him for his good-will by saving not only me but also the whole crew. For, as all readily acknowledge at this hour, if any foolish act had been committed none of them would ever have escaped, and the French would have been condemned forever all along the coast.

[44] Dieu voulut que Meteourmite et quelques autres capitaines apprehenderent le danger, et ainsy firent retirer leurs gens. Le soir venu, et jà tous estans retirés, Meteourmite manda aucuns des siens pour excuser l'insolence du matin, protestant que tout le desordre estoit venu non de soy, ains des Armouchiquois; que mesmes ils nous avoyent desrobé une hasche et une gamelle (c'est une grande escuelle de bois), lequel meuble il nous renvoyoit; que ce larcin lui avoit tant despleu qu'aussitost aprés l'avoir descouvert, il avoit congedié les Armouchiquois; que pour luy, il avoit bon cœur, et sçavoit bien que [70] nous ne tuions ni ne battions point les Sauvages de par deçà, ains les recevions à nostre table, leur faisions souvent tabagie, et leur apportions plusieurs bonnes choses de France, pour lesquelles vertus ils nous aymoient. Ces gens, croy-je, sont les plus grands harangueurs de toute la terre; ils ne font rien sans cela.

God willed that Meteourmite and some other captains should apprehend the danger, and so cause their people to withdraw. When evening came and all had retired, Meteourmite sent some of his men to excuse the misconduct of the morning, protesting that all the disorder had originated not with him, but with the Armouchiquois; that they had even stolen a hatchet and a platter (a great wooden dish), which articles he herewith returned; that this theft had so displeased him that immediately after discovering it he had sent the Armouchiquois away from him; that, for his part, he was friendly towards us and knew very well that [70] we neither killed nor beat the Savages of those parts, but received them at our table and often made tabagie for them, and brought them a great many nice things from France, for which courtesies they loved us. These people are, I believe, the greatest speech-makers in the world; nothing can be done without speeches.

Mais, d'autant que j'ay faict icy mention des Anglois, quelqu'un peut estre desirera de sçavoir leur adventure, laquelle nous apprismes en ce lieu. Il est doncques ainsy, que l'an 1608 les Anglois commencerent à s'habituer en l'une des embouschures de ce fleuve Kinibéqui, ainsy que nous avons dict cy devant. Ils avoyent lors un conducteur fort honneste homme, et se comportoit fort bien avec les naturels du païs. On dit neantmoins que les Armouchiquois se craignirent de tels voysins, et à cette cause firent mourir ce capitaine que j'ay dit. Ces gens ont ce mestier en usage, de tuer par magie. Or la seconde année 1609 les Anglois, soubs un autre capitaine, changerent de façon. Ils repoussoient les Sauvages sans aucun [46] honneur; ils les battoyent, excedoyent et mastinoyent sans beaucoup de retenue: partant ces pauvres malmenés, impatiens du present, et augurants encores pis l'advenir, prindrent resolution, comme l'on dict, de tuer le louveteau avant qu'il eust des dents et griffes plus fortes. La commodité leur en fust un jour, que [71] trois chaloupes s'en estoyent allées à l'escart en pescherie. Mes conjurez les suyvoient à la piste, et s'approchans avec beau semblant d'amitié (car ainsy font ils le plus de caresses où plus y a de trahison), ils entrent dedans, et au signal donné, chacun choysit son homme et le tua à coups de cousteau. Ainsy furent despeschez onze Angloys. Les autres intimidés abandonnerent leur entreprise cette mesme année, et ne l'ont point poursuyvie depuis, se contentans de venir l'esté en pescherie en cette isle d'Emetenic, que nous avons dit estre à 8 lieuës de leur fort encommencé.

But as I have spoken here of the English, some one perhaps will wish to hear about their adventure, which was related to us in this place. So here it is: In 1608 the English began to settle at one of the mouths of this Kinibéqui river, as we have said before. They had then as leader a very honest man, who got along remarkably well with the natives of the country. They say, however, that the Armouchiquois were afraid of such neighbors, and so put the captain to death, as I have said. These people make a practice of killing by magic. But the second year, 1609, the English, under another captain, changed their tactics. They drove the Savages away without ceremony; they beat, maltreated and misused them outrageously and without restraint; consequently these poor, abused people, anxious about the present, and dreading still greater evils in the future, determined, as the saying is, to kill the whelp ere its teeth and claws became stronger.[5] The opportunity came one day when [71] three boat-loads of them went away off to the fisheries. My conspirators followed in their boat, and approaching with a great show of friendliness (for they always make the greatest show of affection when they are the most treacherous), they go among them, and at a given signal each one seizes his man and stabs him to death. Thus were eleven Englishmen dispatched. The others were intimidated and abandoned their enterprise the same year; they have not resumed it since, being satisfied to come in the summer to fish, at this island of Emetenic, which we have said was eight leagues from the fort they had begun building.

A cette cause doncques, l'excès commis en la personne du capitaine Platrier par lesdicts Angloys ayant esté perpetré en cette isle d'Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt se delibera de l'aller recognoistre, et y laisser quelque monument de revindication. Ce qu'il fit dressant sur le havre une fort belle croix, avec les armes de France. Aucuns de ses gens luy conseilloyent qu'il bruslast les chaloupes qu'il y trouva; mais, comme il est doux et humain, il ne le voulut point, voyant que c'estoyent vaisseaux non de soldats, ains de pescheurs.

So, for this reason, the outrage to which captain Platrier was subjected by these English having been committed upon this island of Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt decided to go and reconnoitre it, and to leave there some memento in assertion of his rights. This he did, erecting at the harbor a beautiful cross bearing the arms of France. Some of his crew advised him to burn the boats which he found there; but as he is kind and humane he would not do it, seeing they were fishermen's boats and not men-of-war.

De là, d'autant que la saison nous pressoit, estant jà le 6 novembre, nous tournasmes nos voiles pour retourner à Port-Royal, passant à Pentegoët, ainsy que nous avons promis aux Sauvages.

Thence, as the season was advancing, it being already the 6th of November, we turned our ships towards Port Royal, stopping at Pentegoët, as we had promised the Savages.

[72] Pentegoët est une fort belle riviere, et peut [48] estre comparée à la Garonne de France. Elle se descharge dans le Golfe françois (baie de Fundy) et a plusieurs isles et roches à l'endroit de son embouschure; de maniere que si on ne monte fort avant, on estime que ce soit quelque grand sein ou baye de mer, là où on commence manifestement à recognoistre le lict et cours de riviere. Elle a son large d'environ 3 lieuës à 44 et demy degré de l'Equateur. On ne peut deviner quelle est la Norembegue des anciens, si ce n'est celle cy: car autrement et les autres et moy, nous enquestans de ce mot et lieu, n'en avons jamays peu rien apprendre.

[72] The Pentegoët is a very beautiful river, and may be compared to the Garonne in France. It flows into french Bay [the bay of Fundy] and has many islands and rocks at its mouth; so that if you do not go some distance up, you will take it for a great bay or arm of the sea, until you begin to see plainly the bed and course of a river. It is about three leagues wide and is forty-four and one half degrees from the Equator. We cannot imagine what the Norembega of our forefathers was, if it were not this river; for elsewhere both the others and I myself have made inquiries about this place, and have never been able to learn anything concerning it.

Nous doncques, ayans advancé dans le courant de cette riviere trois lieuës ou plus, rencontrasmes un autre beau fleuve appellé Chiboctous, qui du nord-est vient se jeter dans ce grand Pentegoët.

When we had advanced three leagues or more into the current of the river we encountered another beautiful river called Chiboctous, which comes from the northeast to discharge its waters into the great Pentegoët.

Sur le confluant des deux rivieres, y avoit la plus belle assemblée des Sauvages que j'aye point encore veue. Ils estoyent 80 canots et une chaloupe, 18 cabanes et bien environ 300 ames. Le plus apparent Sagamo s'appelloit Betsabés, homme discret et fort moderé; et, sans mentir, on recognoist souvent en ces Sauvages des vertus naturelles et politiques qui font rougir quiconque n'est eshonté, lorsqu'en comparaison ils regardent une bonne partie des Françoys qui viennent en ces quartiers.

At the confluence of these two rivers there was the finest assemblage of Savages that I have yet seen. There were 80 canoes and a boat, 18 wigwams and about 300 people[6]. The most prominent Sagamore was called Betsabés, a man of great discretion and prudence; and I confess we often see in these Savages natural and graceful qualities which will make anyone but a shameless person blush, when they compare them to the greater part of the French who come over here.

[73] Aprés qu'ils nous eurent recogneus, ils demenerent grande joye le soir à leur accoustumée, par danses, chansons et harangues. Et nous, bien ayses d'estre en païs d'asseurance; car entre les Etechemins, tels que sont ceux cy, et les Souriquois, tels que sont ceux de Port-Royal, nous ne nous tenons sur nos gardes non plus qu'entre nos propres domestiques, [50] et Dieu mercy nous ne nous en sommes pas encores mal trouvez.

[73] When they had recognized us they showed their great joy during the evening by their usual demonstrations; dancing, singing and making speeches. And as for us, we were very glad to be in a country of safety; for among the Etechemins, as these are, and the Souriquois, as are those of Port Royal, we are no more obliged to be on our guard than among our own servants, and, thank God, we have never yet been deceived in them.

Le jour suyvant, j'allay visiter les Sauvages, et y fis à mon accoustumé, ainsy qu j'ay dict de Kinibéqui. Cela y fut de plus, qu'eux m'ayans dict y avoir quelques malades, je les allay visiter, et comme prestre, ainsy qu'est porté dans le Rituaire, recitay sur eux les sainct Evangile et Oraisons, donnant à un chacun une croix pour se la pendre au col.

The next day I went to visit the Savages, and followed my usual custom, which I have described in speaking of Kinibéqui. But there was more to be done here, as they told me they had some sick; I went to visit them; and as priest, it being thus ordained in the Ritual, I recited over them the holy Gospel and Orisons, giving to each one a cross to wear around the neck.

Entre les autres j'en trouvay un à leur mode estendu auprés du feu, les yeux et visage fort estonnés, suant à grosse goutte de la seule teste, qui à peine pouvoit parler, en un grand acces. Il me dirent qu'il estoit malade dés quatre mois, et que comme il apparoissoit, il ne la feroit pas longue. Or ne sçay-je quelle estoit sa maladie; si elle venoit seulement par intervalles, ou non, je n'en sçay rien: tant y a que le 2. jour d'aprés, je le vis dans nostre barque sain et gaillard, ayant sa croix pendue au col, et me fit recognoissance d'un fort bon visage, [74] me prenant par la main. Je n'eus moyen de luy parler, d'autant que lors on faisoit la troque, et à cette cause le tillac estoit tout remply des gens, et tous les truchemens empeschez. De vray je fus fort ayse que la bonté de Dieu commençoit à faire sentir à ces pauvres et abandonnées nations n'y avoir que tout bien et que toute prosperité au signe de la saincte et salutaire Croix.

Among others I found one stretched out, after their fashion, before the fire, wonder expressed in his eyes and face, great drops standing out upon his forehead, scarcely able to speak, so severe was the attack. They told me that he had been sick for four months and, as it appeared, he could not last long. Now I do not know what his malady was; whether it only came intermittently or not I do not know; at all events, the second day after that I saw him in our barque, well and happy, with his cross around his neck. He showed his gratitude to me by a cheerful smile [74] and by taking my hand. I had no means of speaking to him, as the trading was then going on, and for this reason the deck was full of people and all the interpreters were busy. Truly I was very glad that the goodness of God was beginning to make these poor and abandoned people feel that in the sign of the holy and salutary Cross there was every good and every blessing.

Enfin, pour ne redire souvent le mesme, et en cet endroit et en tous les autres où nous avons pû converser avec ces pauvres gentils, nous avons tasché de leur imprimer quelques premieres conceptions de la grandeur et verité du Christianisme, autant que les [52] moyens s'en addonnoyent. Et pour le sommaire en un bloc, celuy a esté le fruict du voyage: nous avons commencé de cognoistre et estre cogneus; nous avons prins possession au nom de l'Eglise de Dieu de ces regions icy, y asseants le throsne royal de nostre Sauveur et Monarque Iesus Christ, son sainct autel; les Sauvages nous ont veu prier, celebrer, prescher par nos discours, les images et croix, la façon de vivre et choses semblables, (ils) ont receu les premieres apprehensions et semences de nostre saincte foy, lesquelles s'esclorront et germeront abondamment, s'il plaist à Dieu, quelque jour, y survenant un plus long est meilleur cultivage.

Finally, not to continue repeating the same story, both in this place and in all others, where we have been able to talk with these poor gentiles, we have attempted to impress upon them some of the simplest conceptions of the grandeur and truth of Christianity, in so far as our means would permit. And to sum it up in a word, this has been the result of our journey. We have begun to know and to be known, we have taken possession of these regions in the name of the Church of God, establishing here the royal throne of our Savior and King, Jesus Christ, his holy altar; the Savages have seen us pray, celebrate the mass, and preach; through our conversations, pictures, and crosses, our way of living, and other similar things, they have received the first faint ideas and germs of our holy faith, which will some day take root and grow abundantly, please God, if it is followed by a longer and better cultivation.

[75] De vray aussi, tel est quasi le principal fruict que nous faisions pour encores icy mesmes à Port-Royal, jusques à ce que nous ayons apris le langage. Cependant cela nous console de veoir ces petits Sauvageois, encores que non chrestiens, porter neantmoins volontiers, quand ils se trouvent icy, les cierges, les clochettes, l'eau benite et autre chose, marchans en bel ordre aux processions et enterremens que l'on faict. Ainsy s'accoustument-ils à estre chrestiens, pour en son temps le bien estre.

[75] And indeed such is about all we are accomplishing, even here at Port Royal, until we have learned the language. However, it comforts us to see these little Savages, though not yet christians, yet willingly, when they are here, carrying the candles, bells, holy water and other things, marching in good order in the processions and funerals which occur here. Thus they become accustomed to act as christians, to become so in reality in his time.

Il ne seroit besoin sinon que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur, et n'empeschassions pas tant de graces d'iceluy sur nous et autruy, par tant de péchés et indignité. Quant à moy certes, j'ay grande occasion d'en battre bien rudement ma poictrine, et tous ceux qui ont le zele de charité en debvroyent bien estre touchés au cœur. Nostre Seigneur, par sa saincte misericorde et par les prieres de sa glorieuse mere et de toute son Eglise celeste et militante, en veuille estre fleschy à compassion!

No need is felt except that we ought to be better workers for Our Lord, and ought not to divert from ourselves and others so many of his blessings by our many sins and great unworthiness. As for me, truly I have good reason to severely reproach myself; and all those who are imbued with earnest charity ought to be deeply touched in their hearts. May Our Lord, by his sacred mercy, and by the prayers of his glorious mother and of all his Church; both heavenly and militant, be moved to compassion!

Particulierement je supplie Vostre Reverence et [54] tous nos RR. PP. et FF. de vouloir se ressouvenir, en vos meilleures devotions, et de nous, et de ces pauvres ames, esclaves miserablement soubs la tyrannie de Satan. Qu'il plaise à ce bening Sauveur [76] du monde, la grace duquel personne ne previent et de qui les liberalités sont tousjours par dessus nos merites, qui luy plaise, dy-je, regarder enfin d'un œil pitoyable ces pauvres nations, et les retirer tost dans sa famille, en l'heureuse franchise des fortunés enfans de Dieu. Ainsy soit-il.

Particularly I beg Your Reverence and all our Reverend Fathers and Brothers to be pleased to remember in your most earnest devotions both us and these poor souls, miserable slaves under the tyranny of Satan. May it please this benign Savior [76] of the world, whose grace is denied to no one, and whose bounty is ever beyond our merits, may it please him, I say, to look down with a pitying eye upon these poor tribes, and to gather them soon into his family, in the happy freedom of the favored children of God. Amen!

De Port-Royal, ce dernier de Ianvier 1612.

Cependant que j'escrivois ces lettres, le navire qu'on a envoyé pour nostre secours, est Dieu mercy arrivé sain et sauf, et dans iceluy nostre Frere Gilbert du Thet. Celuy pourra sçavoir l'aise qu'en avons receu et recevons, qui aura cogneu les dangers et necessités où nous estions. Dieu soit beny. Amen.

De V. R. filz et serviteur bien humble en Nostre Seigneur.

Pierre BIARD.

NOTES:

[I.] Vieux mot employé pour signifier exténué de travaux.

From Port Royal, this last day of January, 1612.

While I was writing these letters, the ship which was sent to our assistance has, thank God, arrived safe and sound, and in it our Brother Gilbert du Thet. He, who knows the dangers and necessities we were in, will appreciate the joy we felt and that we feel at its arrival. God be praised. Amen.

Of Your Reverence, the son and very humble servant in Our Lord.

Pierre BIARD.

FOOTNOTES:

[II.] An old word used to signify weakened by hard labor.—[Carayon.]

[56]

[Larger image]

Reduced facsimile of General Map, drawn by Champlain in 1612, from Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1613).

X

Biard's Epistola
ex Portu-regali in Acadia

Januarii 31, [1612]

Dillingen: MEYER'S PRESS, n. d.

Source: Reprinted from O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 1.

Missio Canadensis

E P I S T O L A

ex

Portu-regali in Acadia

transmissa

Ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis Iesv

A. R. Petro Biardo ejvsdem Societatis

Secundvm exemplar emissum in Annuis Litteris Anni CIↃ. IↃC. XI

Dilingæ.

Ex Typographéo Mayeriana,
apud Melchiorem
Algeyer.

Canadian Mission

L E T T E R

from

Port Royal in Acadia

sent

To the General of the Society of Jesus by

Reverend Pierre Biard of the same Society

According to the copy published in the Annuæ Litteræ of the year 1611

Dillingen.

From Meyer's Press,
at Melchior
Algeyer's.

[60]

[iii] Lectori.

POSTQUAM Patres Societatis Jesu malevolentiam inimicorum suorum vicerant et in Galliam reversierant, vocari videbantur aliò ad labores suos fructuosè collocandos.

[iii] To the Reader.

AFTER the Fathers of the Society of Jesus had overcome the ill-will of their enemies and again been admitted into France,[7] they felt themselves called to other fields for the fruitful employment of their labors.

Multa erat in Novâ Franciâ messis, ubi incolæ pene belluarum more sine Numinis cognitione vivebant.

A rich harvest was offered in New France, where the natives lived almost like animals, without any knowledge of God.

Illûc igitur missi fuerunt duo Societatis sacerdotes, Patres scilicet Petrus Biardus et Enemundus Massæus, qui in Acadiam pervenerunt 22 Maii, Anno Salutis 1611. Septem per menses ibi commoratus, [iv] P. Biardus hanc epistolam, Superiori suo transmisit.

To that country, accordingly, were sent two priests of the Society, Fathers Pierre Biard and Enemond Massé, who reached Acadia on the 22nd of May, 1611. After remaining there seven months, [iv] Father Biard sent this epistle to his Superior.

Quatuor velluti in capita hæc litera divisa est, & narrat:

1º. Quid sit Nova Francia, qualis regio, qui in eâ populi, quique mores.

2º. Quo modo, quibusve auxiliis aut successu, Societas missionem illá in regione consecuta sit.

3º. Quonam in statu rem Christianam his in locis offenderit Societas.

4º. Quid a missionariis hactenus effectum seu potius attentatum sit.

The letter is divided, as it were, under four heads, and relates:

1st. What New France is, the nature of the country, what tribes inhabit it, and their customs.

2nd. In what manner, with what help and with what success the Society secured a mission in that country.

3rd. In what condition the Society found the Christian religion in this region.

4th. What has been done by the missionaries thus far, or rather what has been attempted.

Licet epistola sub finem habeat: ultimo die Januarii CIↃ. IↃC. XI. ia quidem aut error in anno est, aut P. Biardus secundum stylum veterem scripsit, nam debit esse annus, CIↃ. IↃC. XII.

Although, the end of the letter reads: the last day of January, 1611,—either there is an error in the year, or Father Biard wrote according to the old style, for the year ought to be 1612.[8]

[62]

[5] Missio Canadensis.

Reverende in Christo Pater,

Pax Christi.

Vocat Nos huius anni CIↃ.IↃC.XI. instans iam atqʒ vrgens exitus ad recognoscendum coram Paternitate vestra principium, quo primùm Societas in has nouæ Franciæ regiones delata est: multorum quoque beneficiorum cumulus, quo nos diuina largitas in his & auspicādis, & sospitādis initijs prosecuta est, hoc exigit, vt in hoc tanquam temporum anníque portu actionum nostrarū, & tanquam velificationis seriem relegētes, Chariss: Patres Fratrésqʒ nostros inuitemus, & ad gaudium pro ijs, quæ feliciter [6] in nobis diuina manus operata est, & scilicet ad gemitum pariter & orationem pro ijs, quæ in animorum salute procuranda, segniter ipsi nequitérque multa deliquimus. Quod enim diutius antè Societas multísqʒ conatibus intenderat, vt aliquam suis laboribus posset huic quoq; siluaticæ genti opem & lucem Euangelio inferendo affere, id hoc ipsa demum anno videtur, vt in tenui exiguóque principio satis feliciter, próque desiderio esse assecuta.

[5] Canadian Mission.

Reverend Father in Christ,

The peace of Christ be with you.

The end of this year 1611, which is already so rapidly drawing near, invites me to write to your Reverence in acknowledgment of its beginning, in which our Society first penetrated into this territory of new France. The profusion of blessings and favors which the divine bounty has bestowed upon us while undertaking and sustaining this infant enterprise, requires that in this haven, as it were, of time and of the year we should, reviewing the course of our actions and the occurrences of our voyage, invite our dear Fathers and Brothers to share both in our rejoicing for those things which the hand of God has happily [6] effected through us, and, too, in our mourning and our prayers for our delinquencies and inefficiency in seeking the salvation of souls. The object sought by the Society for a long time previously and with many efforts, that it might in some degree impart help and light to this savage people also by its labors in bringing the Gospel among them, it seems at last to have attained in this year, with a small and slight beginning indeed, yet auspiciously and in accordance with its hopes.

Atque hoc scilicet mihi iam narrandum est, exponendúmqʒ vestræ Paternitati, quæ & quanta sit hæc messis animorum, quidvé à magno Patrefamilias datum nobis hactenus, quid etiam porrò dandum speretur. [64] Sed vt commodissimè tota mihi narratio decurrat, neq; decurrentem, vt fit, multa effugiant, in quatuor videtur velut capita rei totius expositio esse diuidenda. Exponā ergo primùm, quæ sit hæc noua Francia, quæ regio, qui populi morésque: tum deinde quomodo, quibusvé tandē auxilijs, aut successu Societas missionem in has regiones [7] obtinuerit. Tertiò quonam in statu rem Christianam in his terris offenderimus. Postremò quid à nobis effectum hactenus, seu potiùs quid attentatum sit ad diuinam gloriam. Hæc mihi videtur esse posse commodissima & sufficiens narrandorum omnium expositio.

This also I must narrate and explain to your Reverence, of what nature and how numerous is this harvest of souls, and what has hitherto been given to us by our Heavenly Father, and what further gifts we may hope for in the future. But to facilitate my whole narration, and to obviate the possible omission of many details in its course, I think it best to divide the whole matter under four heads. I shall therefore first describe new France, the country, the natives, and their customs; next, in what manner, and with what help, and with what result, our Society secured a mission to this country; [7] thirdly, in what condition we found the Christian religion in this region; and, finally, what has been accomplished by us thus far, or rather what has been attempted for the glory of God. This appears to me a very convenient and sufficient summary of all I am to tell.

Atque vt à capite ordiar explicémque primùm, quænam sit hæc Noua Francia, quod solum, quivé ritus gentis, credo non solùm Paternitati vestræ iucundum, sed nobis quoqʒ necessarium, regionem vniuersam accuratiùs describere. Nam cùm hic nobis ad laborandum campus assignatus, certum est, non posse nos à vestra paternitate dirigi pro occursuum varietate, nisi ea fines, adfractus viarum, viciniorum locorum distantiam, statum gentis & rerum, noverit.

And, in order that I may begin at the beginning and explain first what sort of a land New France is, the nature of the country and the customs of the natives, I think it will be not only a pleasure for your Reverence, but also a necessity for ourselves that the whole territory be rather accurately described. For, since this is the field assigned to us for our labors, it is certain that your reverence cannot direct us in accordance with our varied needs without a knowledge of the extent of the country, of the impediments to travel, of the distance of neighboring settlements, and of the condition of people and things.

Præterea tot video à Geographis antiquis errores tenebrásque in hanc cognitionem induci, vt nisi à nobis succurratur rerum non auditoribus sed spectatoribus, non possit non in nostris itineribus & vestigijs persequendis haud minùs à veritate, quàm à corpore cogitatio peregrinari. [8] Norumbegam illi nobis nescio quam, vrbésque & castella nominant, quorum hodie ne vmbra quidem aut ipsa vox extant.

Besides, I find this matter involved in so much error and darkness by the older Geographers, that unless we, who know these things not from hearsay only, but are eyewitnesses thereof, come to the rescue, it is impossible that the mind, in tracing our footsteps and our journeys, should not wander as far away from the truth as it has to do from the body. [8] They speak of a certain Norumbega and give the names of cities and strongholds of which to-day no trace or even report remains.

[66] Verùm quod polliciti sumus exequamur. Noua Francia, vti nunc Galli vsurpant, regio illa est trans Oceanum Gallicum, quæ à quadragesimo primo gradu vsque ad quinquagesimum secundum latitudinis, aut etiam quinquagesimum tertium procurrit.

However, let me fulfill my promise. New France, as the French now call it, is that territory across the French Ocean which extends from the forty-first to the fifty-second, or even fifty-third degree of latitude.

Scio ab alijs multò latiùs fines regionis porrigi, ab alijs coarctari angustiùs, sed ego hîc non disputo: id solùm expono, quod nunc vti dixi communiùs vsurpatur, vel quod hoc terrarum Gallorum nauigationibus ab aliquot iam annis maximè frequentatum & vindicatum est, vel quod illud idem ferè antiquæ Franciæ parallelū æqualiter eam ab occidente respicit.

I know that some extend the boundaries of this region much farther, while others restrict them more narrowly, but I am not arguing this point; I merely explain what is, as I have said, the prevailing interpretation of them, either because this part of the country has been for many years past particularly explored and claimed by the French, or because the parallels bounding this western region are almost the same as those of old France.

Hæc igitur Noua Francia oram habet sanè multifariam, sinubus marinis fluminibùsque exesam, an fractuosam & recurrentem. Sinus duo sunt maiores, [9] vastíque; alter is, qui S. Laurentij gurges; alter, qui Francius appellatur.

New France has an exceedingly varied sea-coast, indented by bays and rivers, broken and irregular. There are two principal bays [9] of vast size, one called the gulf of St. Lawrence, the other French bay.

Námque à quadragesimo septimo gradu, vsque ad quinquagesimum primum, tellus velut gremium aperit; siue ad accipiendum introrsus Oceanum, siue ad exonerandum magnum flumen Canadan. Atque hic gurges S. Laurentij dicitur, cuius in introitu ingens illa adiacet insula, quam terras nouas Galli, Barbari Praesentis appellant moluarum piscatu celeberrima; oram sinûs fluminísque tenent Aquilonem versùs Excomminqui, siue, vt vulgus indigetat, Excōmunicati. Fera gens est, & vt dicitur Anthropophaga, quanquam & hi olim satis diu pacificè cum Gallis agitârunt, nunc irreconciliabiles cum his inimicitias exercent. [68] Sequuntur interiùs, occidentem versùs Algonquini, pòst Montagnesij, intimi sunt ad capita ipsius magni fluminis Canadæ, Irocosij, qui etiam latè Austrum versus protenduntur.

Indeed, from the forty-seventh degree as far as to the fifty-first, the land opens its bosom, as it were, to receive the Ocean into it, or to facilitate the outflow of the great Canadian river. This gulf is known as the gulf of St. Lawrence, in the mouth of which lies that enormous island which the French call newfoundland, the Savages Præsentis [Plaisance];[9] it is famous for its cod-fishery; the shores of the gulf and the rivers are occupied toward the North by the Excomminqui, or, as they are commonly called, the Excommunicated.[10] This tribe is very savage, and, it is said, is addicted to Cannibalism; although once in very peaceful relations with the French for a considerable length of time, it is now on a footing of irreconcilable enmity. There follow, in the interior, toward the west, the Algonquins; then the Montagnais; those dwelling at the head-waters of this same great Canadian river are the Irocois, whose territory also extends far to the South.

Atque hi ferè Irocosij noti sunt Gallis duntaxat ob perpetua bella, quæ cum Montagnesijs, & Algonquinis fœderatis [10] & amicis populis geruntur. Iam verò Austrum versùs terra ab hoc S. Laurentij sinu paulatim vsque ad quadragesimum tertium gradum excurrit, vbi rursus altero sinu maximo inciditur, quem Francicum appellant. Hic gurges terras vastè exedens, seséque Aquilonem versùs & S. Laurentij sinum incuruans, velut Isthmum efficit; Isthmúmque adiuuat S. Ioannis longissimum flumē, quod orsum ab ipsa propemodum ora magni Canadæ in hūc sese Francicum gurgitem exonerat. Continet hic Isthmus leucas admodū quingentas circuitu suo, eúmque occupant Soriqui populi. In hoc Isthmo portus regalis est, vbi nunc degimus, ad gradum latitudinis quadragesimum quartum cum besse. Sed habet portus ostium suum (ne quis fallatur) non in Oceanum ad orientem obuersum, sed in sinum eum, quem dixi Francicum: ad Occidentem & septentrionem à fluuio Sancti Ioannis vsque ad fluuium Potugoët, atque adeò vsque ad flumen Rimbegui habitant Etheminquenses. Habet Rimbegui ostia sua sub gradu quadragesimo [11] tertio cum besse. Nec procul est Chouacoët, quod alterum est latus siue brachium terræ, quod sinum Frācicum excipit. Námque ad orientem est illud, quod [70] promontorium sabulosum nominamus: ad Occidentem Chouacoët; vtrumque ad quadragesimum tertium eleuationis gradum, cùm tamen inter hoc atque illud centum leucarum intercapedo sit: à fluuio Rimbegui[IV.] vsque ad quadragesimum gradum latè possident, qui Armouchiqui appellantur. Atque hæc ferè partitio est regionis: itáque si numeres, populi erunt septem, linguâ inter se ac studijs discrepantes; Excommunicati, Algonquini, Montagnesij, Irocosij, Soriqui, Etheminquenses, & Armouchiqui. Sed ex ijs nec Excommunicati, nec Irocosij, nec Armouchiqui multum Gallis noti sunt. Reliqui quatuor in firmam iam videntur cum ijs amicitiam & cōsuetudinem coaluisse. Pernoctant ipsi nobiscum, nos cum ipsis vagamur, venamur, viuimus sine armis, sine metu; & quod adhuc apparuerit, sine periculo. Caussa frequentandi piscatio fuit Moluarum, [12] quibus hoc mare abundat, & pellium permutatio. Nam cùm ære, ferro, cānabe, lanâ, frugibus, atqʒ omni ferè artificio Barbari careant, hæc à Gallis accipiunt. Ipsi contrà, qui vnicus thesaurus est, pelles retribuunt. Est autem regio tota magnam partem perfrigida. Caussæ sunt plures; vna quòd valde aquosa est; nam præterquam quòd vndique ferè mari alluitur, fluminibus præterea & stagnis lacubúsque maximis abundat. Insulæ ita frequentes sunt, vt ora tota ijs intercisa, & tanquam baccata sit. Hinc sequitur nimirum, vt pruinosa sit, & tamē ventosa, sed flatu non nisi ferè [72] algido. Altera est caussa frigoris, quòd inculta sit; nam cùm latè omnia silua vna contineat, nihil mirum est, si vix vnquam possit humus calefieri. Adde his, si placet, caussam tertiam, montes videlicet niuosos ac perpetuò rigentes, quibus dicimur ab Occidente ac Septentrione procul obuallari.

These Irocois are known to the French chiefly for the perpetual warfare which they maintain against the Montagnais and Algonquins, allied [10] and friendly tribes. To the South, however, the coast gradually advances up to the forty-third degree, where once more it is interrupted by a very large bay called French bay. This gulf, advancing far into the interior, and bending toward the North and the gulf of St. Lawrence, forms a sort of Isthmus; and this Isthmus is completed by the St. John, a very long river which, taking its rise almost at the very banks of the great Canadian river, empties into this French bay. This Isthmus has a circuit of fully five hundred leagues and is occupied by the Soriquois tribe. In this Isthmus is port royal, where we are now sojourning, lying on the parallel of 44° 40'. But this port (to obviate misunderstanding) is not on the Ocean lying eastward, but on that gulf which I have called French bay. To the West and north, from the river of St. John to the river Potugoët,[3] and even to the river Rimbegui,[2] live the Etheminqui. The mouth of this river is in latitude 43° 40'. [11] Not far distant is Chouacoët,[11] which is the other shore or arm embracing French Bay. For to the east lies what we call cape sable, while Chouacoët lies toward the West; both are on the forty-third parallel, though they are separated by an interval of a hundred leagues. From the Rimbegui[III.] river to the fortieth parallel the whole country is in the possession of the tribe called the Armouchiquois. Such is the distribution of the territory. The tribes amount to seven in number, differing from each other in language and character: the Excommunicated, the Algonquins, the Montagnais, the Irocois, the Soriquois, the Etheminqui and the Armouchiquois. But of these neither the Excommunicated, nor the Irocois, nor the Armouchiquois are well known to the French. The remaining four tribes appear already to be united in firm friendship and intimacy with them. They stay over night among us; we rove about with them, and hunt with them and live among them without arms and without fear; and, as has thus far appeared, without danger. This intimacy arose partly from association while fishing for Cod, [12] which abound in these waters, and partly from trading in furs. For the Savages, who have neither copper, iron, hemp, wool, vegetables nor manufactured articles of any kind, resort to the French for them, giving in return the only thing of value they have, namely, furs. This whole region is for the most part very cold, owing to various causes. In the first place, the country is a very wet one; for, besides being washed on almost every side by the sea, it abounds in rivers and ponds and large lakes. Islands are so numerous that the whole shore is cut up by a confused procession of them, as it were. Moreover, though a land of frost, it is very windy, the wind being nearly always a cold one. Another cause of cold is the wildness of the country; for, being covered on every side by one continuous forest, it naturally follows that the soil hardly ever becomes really warmed through. A third cause is the mountains, covered with snow and perpetual frost, which are said to wall us in far away to the North and the West.

Certè quidem ab ea parte non nisi gelu perflamur & niuibus. Alioqui sanè facies regionis est peramœna, pluribus [13] locis hospitem inuitans ac bene pollicens; & quod apparuit, si colatur, non infœcunda. Indigenæ rari sunt. Etheminquenses mille capita numerare non possent, nec multò plus Algonquini simul & Montanenses iuncti: Soriqui duo millia non conficerent: Itaque summùm quatuor capitum millibus tam vasti terrarum & littorum tractus non tenentur, sed percurruntur. Gens enim est vaga, siluestris, & sparsa, vt quæ venatu solo & piscatu viuat. Imberbes feré, & quidem statura cōmuni, vel paulò breuiore ac graciliore quàm nostri, at non degener tamen aut indecora; color non multùm fuscus, faciem vulgò pingunt, & in luctu atrant. Iuris amantes, ac vim latrociniùmque perosi. Quod sanè mirum est in hominibus, qui lege ac magistratu carent. Sui enim quisque dominus est ac vindex. Sagamos quidem habēt, hoc est bellorum ductores, sed quorum omnino precarium sit imperium, si tamen imperium appellandum est, vbi nulla est necessitas parendi. Sequuntur vel exemplo, vel vsu, vel affinitatis [14] aut generis conciliatione inducti, nonnunquam etiam certè cuiusdam [74] potentiæ auctoritate: bella populatim gerunt, ob illatas priuatis iniurias. Genus totum vindictæ auidum; & vt barbarum, in victoriâ insolens, captiuorum capita tanquam opima spolia & torques magno gaudio circumferunt.

We certainly get nothing from that quarter but piercing winds and snow-storms. Elsewhere, however, the appearance of the country is very pleasing, and in many [13] places inviting to the settler and quite promising; and, as experience has shown, it is not unfruitful if cultivated. The natives are not numerous. The Etheminqui number less than a thousand, the Algonquins and the Montagnais together would not amount to much more, the Soriquois would not amount to two thousand. Thus four thousand Indians at most roam through, rather than occupy, these vast stretches of inland territory and sea-shore. For they are a nomadic people, living in the forests and scattered over wide spaces, as is natural for those who live by hunting and fishing only. They are nearly all beardless and of average stature, or even a little shorter and more slender than we, but not degraded nor ill-favored in appearance; their color is not very swarthy; they commonly paint their faces, and, when in mourning, blacken them. They love justice and hate violence and robbery, a thing really remarkable in men who have neither laws nor magistrates; for, among them, each man is his own master and his own protector. They have Sagamores, that is, leaders in war; but their authority is most precarious, if, indeed, that may be called authority to which obedience is in no wise obligatory. The Indians follow them through the persuasion of example or of custom, [14] or of ties of kindred and alliance; sometimes even through a certain authority of power, no doubt. They wage war as a tribe on account of wrongs done to a private individual. The whole race is very revengeful and, after the fashion of savages, insolent in victory, carrying about the heads of their captives as trophies and spoils of victory.

Et quidem dicuntur humanis carnibus non abstinuisse, ídque etiamnum perhibentur & Excommunicati & Armonchiqui facere: verum ab ijs, quorum est cum Gallis consuetudo, tantum scelus procul abest.

They are even said to have been addicted to the eating of human flesh, and the Excommunicated and Armouchiquois tribes are said to have the same practice even now. Those, however, who are intimate with the French are far from being guilty of so great a crime.

Religio tota certis incantationibus, choreis, & veneficijs constat; nimirum vt aut necessaria vitæ conquirant, aut inimicos amoliantur; suos habent Autmoinos, hoc est veneficos, qui malū Dæmonem consulant de vita & morte, futurorúmque euentis; & quidem sese illis mala bellua præsentem sæpe sistit, vt ipsi asserunt, vindictam annuit, renuítque, mortem inimicorum suorumvé, venationem prosperam, & cetera eiusmodi ludibria, quorum vt ne quid desit, [15] etiam somnijs fidem habent: si fortè super placito & bene auspicante somnio euigilauerint, consurgunt, vel de nocte concubia, & omen cantu ac choreis sequuntur. Templa, ædesvé sacras, ritus, cæremonias, disciplinam nullam habent, vti nec leges aut artificia politiamvé vllam, præter certos mores & consuetudinem, quorū sunt retinentissimi. Si quem Veneficus respondit ad certā diem moriturum, is deseritur ab omnibus; quin ipse adeò miser, vtpote iam mortis certus, vltro sibi inediam atque omnium incuriam indicit, credo ne videatur contra fatum pugnare.

Their whole religion consists of certain incantations, dances and sorcery, which they have recourse to, it seems, either to procure the necessaries of life or to get rid of their enemies; they have Autmoinos, that is, medicine-men, who consult the evil Spirit regarding life and death and future events; and the evil spirit [great beast] often presents himself before them, as they themselves assert, approves or disapproves their schemes of vengeance, promises them the death of their enemies or friends, or prosperity in the chase, and other mockeries of the same sort. To make these complete they [15] even have faith in dreams; if they happen to awake from a pleasing and auspicious dream, they rise even in the middle of the night and hail the omen with songs and dances. They have no temples, sacred edifices, rites, ceremonies or religious teaching, just as they have no laws, arts or government, save certain customs and traditions of which they are very tenacious. If the Medicine-man predicts that a certain person will die before a fixed date, this man is deserted by all; and, in his misery, feeling certain of impending death, he voluntarily condemns himself to suffer hunger and complete neglect, apparently that he may not seem to contend against fate.

[76] Quin etiam si fortè ad præstitutam diem, vt sæpe fit, moribundus non videatur, pro se quisqʒ proximi vrceis frigidæ in ventrem miseri inuergendis celerant mortem. Hæc pietas est Sathanæ mancipijs: ita quoque nimirùm, quia semper fallax est, diuinus nunquam fallit; quāquam natio ista deceptrix aruspicum multum iam de auctoritate suá ab aduētu Gallorum amisit; passimque nunc quiritantur suos iam Diabolos viribus exidisse, [16] præut quidam ferūt Patrum suorum fuisse temporibus. Mortuorum ita cum corpore sepeliunt memoriam, vt ne nomen quidem deinceps audire sustineant. Dei quidem vnius supremi tenuem quandam habent cognitionem, verumtamen affectibus & vsu deprauati nihilo seciùs, vt dixi, Cacodæmonem etiam colunt; ob vitæ commoda, algoris & inediæ patientes sunt supra modum. Octo, decem dies, si fors ita exigat, feram ieiuni persequūtur, summis niuibus frigoribúsqʒ tum maximè ardet venatio. Et tamen hi ipsi Boreâ, vt sic dicam, & crystallo nati, vbi semel sub suis tugurijs cum præda consederunt, inertes illico, & cuiusuis laboris impatientes fiunt: feminis mandant omnia: hæ præter onerosam liberorum educationē, gestationémque, insuper feram ex eo loco vbi ceciderit, aduehunt: hæ lignatum & aquatum eunt hæ supellectilem conficiunt, curántque: cibos apparant, feras excoriant, pelles fullonis arte conficiunt, vestimenta consuunt, piscantur & conchas maximè ad cibum legunt, sæpe [17] etiam venantur: hæ canoas, hoc est cymbulas miræ celeritatis è cortice [78] compingunt, tuguriola, vbi & quando pernoctandum est, ædificant: denique præter laboriosiorem venationem & bella nihil aliud quidquam viris est pensi. Hac de caussa plures ferè vxores quisque habet, Sagami maximè, vt qui potentiam suam & concursum pluriū tanquam clientium tueri nequeant, non solùm sine pluribus liberis, qui valeant ad terrorem & gratiam, sed etiam sine pluribus mancipijs, quæ necessaria vitæ officia & exequantur & tolerent. Nam feminas mancipiorum loco habent, tractántqʒ. Inter se mirificè liberales sūt, nihil quisquam aut fortunarum, aut sibi habere sustineat, quin partem maximā astantibus eroget, quin etiam qui Tabagiam agit, vt loquūtur, hoc est qui conuiuio alios excipit, non accumbit ipse cum reliquis, sed ministrat, neqʒ partem aliquam dapis residuam sibi facit, sed distribuit omnia, ita vt famem cogatur eo die conuiuator pati, nisi quis inuitatorū, ex eo quod sibi superfuerit, miseratus ei [18] retribuat. Et similis apparuit sæpe liberalitas in Gallos aliquo casu oppressos. Nam erga reliquos, aut hîc aut in nauibus agentes didicerunt à nobis non facilè quicquā gratis dare. Pedunculos capitis quæsitant, & in delicijs habent. In mendicando & postulando importunissimi sunt, & qui esse solent mendicorū & inopū mores, falsi, obloquutores, assētatores, vani. Gallos quidē atqʒ omnes gentes cùm semel saturi sunt, longè despiciunt, irridéntqʒ clanculum omnia; etiam religionē, quam susceperint. Tuguriola sua vbiuis facilè ac raptim sudibus ramificè ædificant, & [80] aut cortice aut pellibus aut etiā tegete cōtegunt. Ignis in medio extruitur. Sed hæc iam satis supérque de regione & hominibus, maximè cùm accuratam regionis Chorographiam mittam; ex quo vno intuitu, quidquid de terrarum & maris situ dixi, liquidò apparebit.

If, however, he does not appear to be in a dying condition by the time predicted, his friends and relatives even hasten his death by pouring jars of cold water over his stomach. Such is the piety of these servants of Satan. Thus, no doubt because he is always deceitful, the soothsayer never appears to deceive himself; although this lying race of prophets have lost much of their authority since the coming of the French, and now universally complain that their Devils have lost much of their power, [16] if compared with what it is said to have been in the time of their Ancestors. They so completely bury the very remembrance of the dead with their bodies that they will not even suffer their names to be mentioned afterwards. Of the one supreme God they have a certain slender notion, but they are so perverted by false ideas and by custom, that, as I have said, they really worship the Devil. To obtain the necessaries of life they endure cold and hunger in an extraordinary manner. During eight or ten days, if the necessity is imposed on them, they will follow the chase in fasting, and they hunt with the greatest ardor when the snow is deepest and the cold most severe. And yet these same Savages, the offspring, so to speak, of Boreas and the ice, when once they have returned with their booty and installed themselves in their tents, become indolent and unwilling to perform any labor whatever, imposing this entirely upon the women. The latter, besides the onerous rôle of bearing and rearing the children, also transport the game from the place where it has fallen; they are the hewers of wood and drawers of water; they make and repair the household utensils; they prepare food; they skin the game and prepare the hides like fullers; they sew garments; they catch fish and gather shellfish for food; often [17] they even hunt; they make the canoes, that is, skiffs of marvelous rapidity, out of bark; they set up the tents wherever and whenever they stop for the night—in short, the men concern themselves with nothing but the more laborious hunting and the waging of war. For this reason almost every one has several wives, and especially the Sagamores, since they cannot maintain their power and keep up the number of their dependents unless they have not only many children to inspire fear or conciliate favor, but also many slaves to perform patiently the menial tasks of every sort that are necessary. For their wives are regarded and treated as slaves. These Savages are extremely liberal toward each other; no one is willing to enjoy any good fortune by himself, but makes his friends sharers in the larger part of it; and whoever receives guests at what they call a Tabagie does not himself sit down with the others, but waits on them, and does not reserve any portion of the food for himself but distributes all; so that the host is constrained to suffer hunger during that day, unless some one of his guests takes pity on him [18] and gives him back a portion of what remains over from his own share. And they have often shown the same liberality toward the French, when they have found them in distress. For they have learned from us that, toward others than these, whether here or in the ships, nothing is readily given away. They hunt after the lice in their heads and regard them as a dainty. They are most importunate beggars and, after the fashion of beggars and needy people, they are hypocritical—contradicting, flattering and lying to achieve their ends. But when once they have gotten their fill they go off, mocking the French and everybody else at a distance and secretly laughing at everything, even the religion which they have received. They set up their tents easily and quickly in any place with branching stakes, which they cover either with bark or skins or even with mats. The fire is built in the middle. But this is enough, and more than enough, regarding the country and the people, especially as I send an accurate Map of the region, a single glance at which will make clear whatever I have said regarding the geography of land and sea.[12]

Nvnc ad id venio, quod secundo loco proposui, vt scilicet explicem, quanam tandem via Societas missionem in hanc prouinciam obtinuerit. Et quidem nostri [19] Burdigalenses pro suo animarum zelo à multis retro annis huc respectârant, huc intenderant, vt miseræ nationi opem ferrent: sed pios eorum & ardentes conatus, quos periculi facies non terreret, diu subsidiorum ad agendum inopia frustrata est. Restituta demum in Galliam Societate, agere seriò per P. Cotonum cum Magno Henrico cœperunt, sibi vt liceret in his quoque regionibus laborare, & amplexus est Rex Societatis amans tam piam & propensam voluntatem, sed nihilominus tamen vtilibus consilijs longa adhuc & odiosa mora interuenit. Nulli adhuc Galli regionem incolebant, commorandi animo, & qui antè à Rege missus fuerat, explorandi tentandíque caussâ, alienus à sacris nostris erat, & ijs postmodum rebus, non solùm infectis, sed etiam prope desperatis domum in Galliam redijt: iussit tamen Princeps inuictus ne desponderemus animum, mittendi solùm destinarentur, moniturum se cùm maturum foret; atque adeò vt arrha quædam esset sponsionis, pecuniam ex eo tēpore in [20] viaticum assignauit. [82] Sed hæc agentibus, ecce pij Regis funesta mors intercedit. Nō defuit Devs sub idem anni tempus: ad nouum regem nuntij rediêrunt ab eo, qui anno superiore in has sibi terras coloniā depoposcerat.

Now I shall enter upon my second topic and explain by what means the Society finally secured the sending of a mission to this province. It is true that our adherents at [19] Bordeaux, in their zeal for the saving of souls, had looked forward to this, and had aimed at this for many years back, namely, at bringing help to this wretched race. But their pious and ardent efforts, which recoiled before no danger, were long frustrated by lack of means for prosecuting them. When our Society was at last re-admitted into France, they began to negotiate in earnest with Henry the Great, through Father Coton, to obtain permission to labor in these regions also, and the King, so full of good-will toward our Society, espoused this pious and important project; but, nevertheless, the taking of active steps was preceded by a long and vexatious delay. No Frenchmen as yet inhabited this region with the purpose of settling here, and such as had been sent by the King as explorers and in a tentative way, being indifferent to our holy aims, had soon returned to France, leaving these things not only unaccomplished but even almost hopeless. But our Prince, undeterred by these considerations, bade us be of good heart, and promised, if we would but designate those who were to be sent, that he would let us know when he deemed the time opportune; and, as an earnest of his promise, from that time forward he assigned to us a sum of money for the [20] voyage. But at this point, unhappily, occurred the tragic death of the King. Yet at this very season God came to our help. Some messengers came to the new king from the man who last year solicited the royal permission to found a colony in this country.

Is est Ioannes Biencurtius, vulgò Potrincurtius, nobilis & magni animi vir. Ergo accepta occasione agitur cum Regina Regente Maria Medicæa, maximæ pietatis heroina, vt quæ maritus tanta virtute destinâsset, per eam efficerentur, daretur locus duobus è Nostris in eâ naui, quæ proximè huc esset ventura. Annuit Regina, munificéque respondit desiderio. Ergo statim ex Aquitania euocatus Sacerdos vnus, alter ex ipsa Francia desumptus. Sed ecce rursum moras, rursum sese Sathanas excitat. Dieppâ erat soluendum, & ea nauis, quæ huc vela faciebat ita erat mercatoribus Hæreticis obnoxia, vt sine ipsis commouere se non posset. Ergo ij simul ac Nostros vident, negant enimuerò præcisè sese passuros, vt rudens expediatur, si Iesuitæ nauigaturi sint. Obtenditur [21] Reginæ imperium, interponitur etiam Gubernatoris auctoritas. Itur, reditúrque ad Reginam, & ab ea literæ, mandatáque afferuntur, sed obstinationem hæreticam, vt Ecclesiæ, ita nec Regum frangit aut permouet auctoritas. Hæc peruicacia benignissimorum Principum illustriorē pietatam fecit. Namque Antonia Pontia Marchionissa Guercheuilia matrona clarissima, & vt appellant, filiarum Reginæ gubernatrix, vbi has tricas audijt, pro suo in Devm & Societatem amore, non dubitauit à maximis quibusqʒ [84] totius curiæ eleemosynam petere eo nomine, vt victâ hæreticorum contumaciâ Iesuitis liceret in has terras proficisci. Nec difficile ei fuit, in pia caussa suapte sponte propensam Catholicorum Principum benignitatem allicere: breui summa confecta est librarum quatuor millium. Ea & hæreticorum repulit iniquitatem, & Nostros in nauim non iam vt hospites, sed vt magna ex parte Dominos, potentésqʒ imposuit. Ita nimirum Christus, vt solet, per hostium impugnationem cōfirmauit suos, [22] per iniquitatem auxilijs necessarijs instruxit, & per machinationes, atque opprobria è tenebris atque ignobilitate vindicauit: ipsi gloria in sæcula. Amen.

This man is Jean Biencourt, commonly called Potrincourt, of noble birth and a magnanimous man. Accordingly, seizing this opportunity, we made overtures to the Queen Regent, Marie de Médicis, that most pious and exalted lady, begging her to execute what her husband had so piously purposed by giving a place to two of our Fathers in the ship which was to sail shortly for this place. The Queen assented, and responded to our request most liberally. Accordingly one Priest was immediately summoned from Aquitaine, and another was chosen in France. But lo! Satan rouses himself again, and again interposes new delay. We were to sail from Dieppe, but the ship that was to bear us to this country was so completely under the influence of Heretical merchants that it could not stir without their consent. Accordingly, as soon as they saw our Priests they refused outright to let the ship sail if the Jesuits were to embark in it. The order of the [21] Queen was alleged, and the authority of the Governor was interposed. Recourse was had to the Queen, and letters and orders were obtained from her; but even Royal authority is, like that of the Church, unable to break or bend heretical obstinacy. This stubborn resistance lent all the more lustre to the piety of our benignant Rulers. For Antoinette de Pons, Marchioness de Guercheville, a most illustrious lady, and governess to the daughters of the Queen, on learning these petty hindrances did not hesitate, in her love for God and for our Society, to ask in his name for aid from some of the greatest men in the council of this realm, that the contumacy of the heretics might be subdued and the Jesuits permitted to sail to this land. Nor did she have any difficulty in gaining the good-will of the Catholic Princes, inclined of their own accord to sympathize with this holy cause; in a word, the sum of four thousand livres was collected. This not only put an end to the iniquitous resistance of the heretics, but gave our Priests the influence of Masters rather than of mere passengers in the ship. Thus, no doubt Christ, as usual, has strengthened his own followers through the attacks of enemies; [22] through their iniquity he has furnished aid to his own children and protected them from the darkness and the baseness of their foes, even through their intrigues and insult; his be the glory forever and ever. Amen.

Dieppâ soluimus incommodissimo tempore, vigesimo sexto Ianuarij Anni huius CIↃ.IↃD.XI. Nauis erat non magna, & haud satis instructa, nautæ ex magna parte hæretici; & vt hyeme in procelloso mari, multis grauissimísqʒ tempestatibus perfuncti sumus, tenuítqʒ nauigatio menses ipsos quatuor. Ex quibus apparet, quàm multa omnis generis perferenda fuerint. Certè alter nostrûm magnam itineris partem æger, debilitatúsque iacuit. Conati tamen sumus consueta Societatis munia exhibere. Manè ac vespere ad orationem vectores conuocabantur quotidie: festis etiam officia quædam Ecclesiastica decantabantur; sæpe habebantur cohortationes piæ, interdum nonnullæ cum hæreticis disputationes: iurandi cōsuetudo & verborū lasciuia reprimebatur. Non omittebantur multa simul humilitatis, simul charitatis exempla.

We sailed from Dieppe in a most unfavorable season, on the 26th of January, of this year 1611. The ship was not large and was insufficiently equipped; the sailors were mostly heretics. As it was winter and the sea was stormy, we encountered many severe tempests and the voyage lasted four whole months, from which it is apparent how many sufferings of every kind we underwent. Indeed, during the greater portion of the voyage one or the other of us lay sick and debilitated. Yet we attempted to discharge the usual duties, of our Society. Morning and evening, every day, the passengers were called together for prayer; on holidays certain Ecclesiastical services were held, pious exhortations were frequently made, and sometimes disputations with the heretics took place. The habit of swearing and using obscene language was repressed. Nor were there wanting many examples of humility and of charity.

[86] [23] Denique illud Dei beneficio obtentum est, vt Hæretici, qui nos antè velut monstra è suorū videlicet ore Ministrorum reputabant, non solùm agnouerint suorum in hac re impostorum malitiam, sed etiam multis postea locis laudum nostrarum prædicatores extiterint; hic ergo summatim fuit noster in has terras ingressus.

[23] Finally, with God's blessing, we brought the Heretics, who, evidently through the preaching of their own Pastors, regarded us as monsters, to recognize the malice of these impostors in this matter, so that they afterwards on many occasions stood up to proclaim our praises. Such, in brief, was our voyage to this land.

Seqvitvr iam ex initio propositis tertium, nimirum vt exponatur, quonam tandē loco rem Christianam his in locis offenderimus. Certé ante hoc tempus vix vnquam à Gallis vacatum fuit conuertēdis incolarum ad Christum animis. Obstabant multa. Nam & peregrinabantur huc tantùm, non cōmorabantur: & qui commorari voluerunt, tam aduersis conflictati sunt casibus, vt ei rei dare operam sanè multam non potuerint. Deuehebantur duntaxat interdum nonnulli in Galliam, ibíq; baptizabantur, sed ijdem vt nec satis instituti, & à pastoribus destituti, simul ac in has oras remigrauerant, ad solita prorsus & vsitata reuoluebantur. Appulimus huc nos [24] vigesimâ secundâ Maij, ipso sacro Pentecostes die, anni huius CIↃ.IↃC.XI. Quo duntaxat anno is, quem sæpius appellare necesse est, D. Potrincurtius ad sedes hîc domiciliúmqʒ figendum peruenerat, secúmqʒ Sacerdotem sæcularem aduexerat. Is Sacerdos per eum annum dicitur capita ferè centum baptimo initiauisse; in his celebrem inter Sagamos, & de quo nos infra plura dicemus, Henricum Membertou cum familia vniuersa, hoc est cum tribus liberis iam cōiugibus. [88] Sed, vt fit, cùm nec Sacerdos ipse, nec alius quisquam linguam nôsset, nisi quātum attinet ad vitæ & mercimoniorum necessitatem, erudiri videlicet neophyti non potuerunt.

Now follows the third of the topics proposed in the beginning—the setting forth, namely, of the condition in which we found the Christian religion in this country. Certainly before this time scarcely any attention has ever been given by the French to converting the souls of the natives to Christ. There have been many obstacles. For the French only wandered through these regions, but did not remain here, and those who wished to remain were harassed by so many calamities that they assuredly could not give much thought to this matter. Some natives, it is true, were occasionally brought to France and baptized there, but these not being sufficiently instructed, and finding themselves without shepherds as soon as they returned to these shores, immediately resumed their former habits and traditions. We landed here [24] on the 22nd of May, on the holyday of Pentecost of this year 1611. In this very same year Sieur Potrincourt, whom I shall have occasion to mention several times, had come here to establish himself permanently, and had brought a secular Priest with him. This Priest, it is said, baptized nearly a hundred persons during the year, among them one of the most celebrated of the Chiefs, of whom we shall have to speak again later, Henry Membertou, with his whole family, that is, three children already married. But, since neither this Priest nor any one else knew their language, save so far as pertains to the merest necessities of intercourse and trade, the neophytes could of course not be instructed in our doctrines.

Baptismum accipiebant velut sacrum aliquod signum similitudinis & confœderationis cum Gallis. De Christo, de Ecclesia, de Fide ac Symbolo, mandatis Dei, oratione ac Sacramentis vix quidquam nouerant, ignari & crucis efformandæ, & ipsius nominis Christiani. Itaque nunc vulgò sciscitantibus nobis, Christianus es? negat optimus quisque, [25] scire se quid rogetur. Mutata interrogatione quærentibus, baptizatus es? Annuit vero ac propemodum sese iam Nortmannum pronuntiat; nam Gallos ferè omnes Nortmannos appellitant. De cætero nulla omnino in Christianis à Gentilium ritu mutatio. Iidem mores, consuetudo & vita, idem chorearum, rituum, cantuum, atque adeò veneficiorum vsus, prorsus antiqua omnia. De vno Deo & bonorum retributione docti sunt aliqua, sed quæ se ipsi semper ita audiuisse & credidisse profiteantur. Sacellum reperimus vnum valde angustum & miserum, sed nec profectò reliqua habitatio, vt in principijs, aut valde laxa aut commoda est.

They accepted baptism as a sort of sacred pledge of friendship and alliance with the French. As regards Christ, the Church, the Faith and the Symbol, the commandments of God, prayer and the Sacraments, they knew almost nothing; nor did they know the sign of the cross or the very name of Christian. So, even now, whenever we ask any one, "Are you a Christian?" every one of them answers that he does not understand what [25] we are asking him. But when we change the form of our question and ask, "Are you baptized?" he assents and declares himself to be already almost a Norman, for they call the French in general Normans. In other respects there is almost no change from the religion of the Gentiles to Christianity. They keep up the same manners and traditions and mode of life, the same dances and rites and songs and sorcery; in fact, all their previous customs. Concerning the one God and the reward of the just, they have learned some things, but they declare that they had always heard and believed thus. We found one little chapel here, a very small and poor one, but the other dwellings also, as is to be expected among new settlers, are by no means large or commodious.

Vnica hîc adest D. Potrincurtij familia, sine feminis capita sumus viginti. Nos duo é Societate tuguriolum habemus ligneum, in quo vix positâ mensâ commouere nos possumus. Et reliqua sunt huic certè habitationi ac nostræ professioni, hoc est, paupertati [90] cōsentanea. Vtinam ab humilibus principijs exurgat aliquādo, & efflorescat salus animorum; [26] huc incumbimus, sed vt languidi cultores non magno successu, qualis tamen, quantúsque is fuerit, hoc mihi iam narrandum est, quoniam id iam explicui, quod tertium erat ex propositis, videlicet quonam in statu vineam hanc seu potiùs virgultum offenderimus.

Sieur Potrincourt's family is the only one here; without the women we number twenty. We two of the Society have a wooden cabin in which we can scarcely turn around when we have a table in it. And everything else is certainly in keeping with our dwelling and our vocation in life, that is, poverty. God grant that from these humble beginnings may rise and greatly flourish the work of salvation; [26] to this we bend all our efforts, though, as we are but feeble workers, with no great success. What the nature and extent of this success has been I must now relate, since I have already treated my third topic, namely, the description of the state in which we found this vineyard, or rather this wildwood.