XIV

Biard's Relation de la Nouvelle France

Lyons: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616

Source: Text is reprinted from the original, in Lenox Library; Title-page is photographic facsimile of original, in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.

Peculiarities of Original: The text only, is paged. P. 191 is wrongly numbered, 181; p. 256 to the last page (340), are wrongly numbered, 263 to 338. Chap. xi. is wrongly numbered xii.; succeeding chapters are consecutively numbered therefrom, xiii., xiv., etc., except that Chap. xix. in this arrangement, is wrongly numbered xxi.; but this transposition of letters has not affected the numbering of subsequent chapters.

Chaps. i.-xxv. (correct numbering) are given in the present volume; the rest of this document will appear in Volume IV.

RELATION
DE LA
NOVVELLE
FRANCE, DE SES
TERRES, NATVREL DV
Païs, & de ses Habitans,

ITEM,

Du voyage des Peres Iesuites ausdictes
contrées, & de ce qu'ils y ont faict
iusques à leur prinse par
les Anglois.

FAICTE

Par le P. Pierre Biard, Grenoblois
de la Compagnie de Iesvs.

A LYON,
Chez LOVYS MVGVET, en
ruë Merciere.

M. DCXVI.
Auec Priuilege du Roy.

RELATION
OF
NEW FRANCE,
OF ITS LANDS,
NATURE OF THE COUNTRY,
and of its Inhabitants,

ALSO,

Of the voyage of the Jesuit Fathers to said
country, and of their work there up
to the time of their capture
by the English.

WRITTEN

By Father Pierre Biard, of Grenoble,
of the Society of Jesus.

LYONS,
Lovys Mvgvet,
ruë Merciere.

1616.
By Royal License.

[iii] Av Roy.

SIRE,

[26] Si ie presente à vostre Majesté ces Discours de vostre nouuelle France, la description du païs, & le recit des mœurs, & façons de faire estrange, & sauuage des Canadins: Ie suis obligé par toutes sortes de deuoir à ce faire. Son commandement expres, ioinct à celuy de la Royne vostre tres-honnorée mere lors Regente, m'y a porté, auec quelques miens Compagnons, plus fauorablement que le vent, & la marée, vostre liberalité Royale m'y a entretenu quelques années, & son authorité puissante m'a deliuré des mains de certains Corsaires Anglois, qui ennemis de nostre saincte [iv] foy (de laquelle nous jettions quelque semence en ces Terres Neuues, auec esperance d'en faire vne moisson plantureuse, seul motif de nostre voyage, & de vostre iussion, SIRE,) nous ont faict quitter la place à nostre grand regret, & nous ont tenu comme prisonniers quelques moys dans leur vaisseau, & preparé cent fois la hart, & la potence pour nous faire perdre la vie: le seul respect de V. Majesté les ayant empeschez d'executer leurs mauuais desseings, particulierement sur ma personne, laquelle possible la diuine prouidence a voulu reseruer par l'entremise vostre, pour estre commandée derechef de faire voile aux mesmes contrées, & continuer la culture de ce peuple sauuage. Eschappé donc de ce danger, & tout mouïllé encores du naufrage sur le port de vostre France; i'offre à vos pieds ce peu de cayers, comme vne table de tres-humble recognoissance, que si i'escris, si ie vis, c'est (apres Dieu) par vostre moyen, & faueur, SIRE. Et [v] ceste obligation signalée m'estant tousiours deuant les yeux, fera que ie prieray Dieu continuellement, auec tous [28] ceux de ma robbe, que V. Majesté croissant d'aage, & de zele puisse vn iour arborer l'estendart de la Croix auec ses fleurs de lys Royales, aux terres plus escartées des Infideles: tandis que ce grand Roy des Roys luy prepare au Ciel vne couronne tissuë d'honneur, & de gloire perpetuelle, que ie vous souhaitte, apres auoir porté la vostre en terre longuement, & heureusement; de mesme cœur, & affection que ie suis, De vostre Majesté,

Tres-humble, & tres-obeïssant subject, & seruiteur,

Pierre Biard.

[iii] To the King.

SIRE,

If I present to your Majesty these Discourses upon your new France, the description of the country, and the account of the manners and strange and barbarous ways of the Canadians, I am bound to do it by every consideration of duty. Your express command, with that of the Queen, your highly esteemed mother, then Regent, carried me and some of my Companions thither more propitiously than wind and tide; your Royal generosity supported me there for some years; and your mighty authority delivered me from the hands of certain English Pirates, enemies of our holy [iv] faith, (of which we cast some seeds in this New World, with the hope of one day having a plentiful harvest, sole object of our voyage and of your royal command, SIRE,) they compelled us to leave the place, to our great regret, and held us prisoners several months in their ship, and a hundred times prepared the rope and the gallows for our execution; respect for Your Majesty alone having prevented them from carrying out their wicked designs, particularly upon my person, which possibly divine providence has wished to preserve through your agency, to be again ordered to sail away to the same country, and to continue the education of this barbarous people. Delivered now from this danger, and still wet from the shipwreck in the port of your France, I lay at your feet this little book as an evidence of very humble gratitude that, if I am living and writing, it is due (after God) to your help and favor, SIRE. And [v] this signal obligation, being always before my eyes, will cause me to pray God continually, with all those of my order, that, as Your Majesty's years and zeal increase, you may one day plant the standard of the Cross with its Royal fleurs de lys upon the most distant Infidel lands, while the great King of Kings prepares for you in Heaven a crown of honor and of everlasting glory, which I wish for you, after having worn your crown upon earth long and happily, with the same love and devotion from which I am your Majesty's

Very humble and very obedient subject and servant,

Pierre Biard.

[vi] Avant-Propos.

[30] A GRANDE raison (amy Lecteur) vn des plus anciẽs Prophetes, nous depeignant mystiquement soubs le sensible, & historial degast de la Iudée, les horribles rauages, exterminations, & ruines, que Satan opere, où sa fureur peut auoir le domaine, a dit emphatiquement; Au deuant de luy la terre est vn Paradis de delices, & derriere luy la solitude d'vn desert. Car certes, qui iettera ses yeux sur tout le vaste contour de la terre, & y considerera les nations illuminées du Soleil de Iustice, nostre Sauueur Iesvs-Christ, arrousées de son sang, & precieux Sacrement; nourries de sa grace & parole; viuifiées, & resiouyes de son [vii] esprit; cultiuées, & regies de ses diuins Offices, honnorées de son oracle, & presence réelle; Qui, dy-ie, contemplera cecy, aura grãde occasion de s'escrier, Qu'au deuant du destructeur infernal, Et, où il ne peut atteindre; la terre est vn Paradis de delices, ou toutes benedictions, mesmement temporelles, & seculiere felicité accompagnẽt les peuples; estant planté au milieu d'eux, le vray arbre de vie, nostre Redempteur Iesus-Christ. Mais au contraire, si lon destourne la veuë, & que lon regarde derriere ce maudit tyran, Lucifer, & par où il a peu exercer ses intolerables cruautez, on ne trouuera que destructions & solitudes, cris & lamentations, que desolatiõ, & ombre de mort. Ores il n'est ja besoin, que nous sortions hors de nostre hemisphere, pour voir à l'œil, & recognoistre [viii] ceste verité; La Grece, & la Palestine, [32] jadis vn bel Eden, auiourd'huy vn pitoyable desert nous sont deuant les yeux. Que s'il vous plaist que nous nous regardions nous mesmes, pour, touchãt à la main cela mesme, rendre loüange au liberal donateur de nos biens: Ie vous prie suiuons ce Soleil corporel, qui nous esclaire, & l'accompagnons en son couchant, pour sçauoir, à qui par droicte ligne de nous, il va donner le bon iour au delà de nostre Ocean, nous ayant icy recommandé au repos de la nuict. C'est la nouuelle France, ceste nouuelle terre, dy-ie, descouuerte premierement au dernier siecle, par nos François, terre iumelle auec la nostre, subiecte à mesmes influences, rangée en mesme parallele, située en mesme climat; terre vaste, & pour ainsi dire, infinie: [ix] terre que nous saluons, regardans nostre Soleil en son vespre: terre cependant, de laquelle vous pourrez meritoirement dire, si vous considerez Satan en front, & venant de l'Occident pour nous abbatre: Deuant luy est vn Paradis de delices, & derriere luy la solitude d'vn desert: Car en pure verité toute ceste region, quoy que capable de mesme felicité que nous, toutefois par malice de Satan, qui y regne, n'est qu'vn horrible desert, nõ guiere moins calamiteux pour la malencontreuse disette des biens corporels, que pour celle, qui absoluëment rend les hommes miserables, l'extreme nudité des parements, & richesses de l'ame: & ne faut ja en accuser le sol, ou malignité de la terre, l'air, ou les eaux, les hommes, ou leurs humeurs: Nous sommes tous faicts, & releuons de mesmes principes: [x] Nous respirons soubs mesme eleuation de pole, mesmes constellations nous temperent: & ne croy point, que la terre, laquelle produit là d'aussi hauts, & beaux arbres que les nostres, ne produisist [34] d'aussi belles moissons, si elle estoit cultiuée, D'où vient donc vne si grande diuersité? d'où ce tant inegal partage de bon, & mal heur? de jardin & desert? de Paradis, & d'Enfer? Que m'interrogerez-vous? Interrogez celuy, qui du Ciel aduisoit son peuple, de considerer ceste tant opposite diuision entre Esaü & Iacob, freres iumeaux, & comme cestuy-là estoit logé en l'air auec les dragõs, & bestes sauuages; & cestuy-cy en la moüelle, & mammelle de la terre auec les Anges.

[vi] Preface.

VERY appropriately (dear Reader) one of the earlier Prophets, depicting to us allegorically, under the visible and historical downfall of Judah, the horrible ravages, exterminations, and ruin wrought by Satan, where his fury can have full sway, has said emphatically: Before him the land is a Garden of pleasure, and behind him a desolate wilderness. For truly, whoever will cast his eyes over all the vast circumference of the earth, and will consider the nations thereof which are illuminated by the Sun of Justice, our Savior Jesus Christ; bedewed with his blood and precious Sacrament; nourished by his grace and word; animated and gladdened by his [vii] spirit; enlightened and governed by his divine Offices, honored by his utterances and actual presence; whoever, I say, will contemplate this, will have great reason to cry out, Beyond the infernal destroyer, and, Where he does not extend, the earth is a Garden of delight, where all blessings, even temporal and worldly happiness, follow the people, the real tree of life, our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, being planted in their midst. On the contrary, if we turn aside our gaze, and look behind this cursed tyrant, Lucifer, and upon the places where he has exercised his intolerable cruelties, we shall find only destruction and solitude, cries and lamentations, only desolation and the shadow of death. Now we need not go out from our own hemisphere to see and recognize [viii] this truth; Greece and Palestine confront us, formerly as beautiful as Eden, to-day a mournful desert; but if you wish that we should look upon our own country, that, having a striking proof thereof, we may render praise to the liberal giver of our blessings; I pray you let us follow this corporal Sun, which gives us light, and accompany it to its setting, to learn to whom, in a direct line from us, it goes forth to give good day across our Ocean, leaving us here to the stillness of the night. It is new France, this new land, first discovered in the last century, by our countrymen, a twin land with ours, subject to the same influences, lying in the same latitude, and having the same climate; a vast country, and so to speak, infinite; [ix] a country which we greet, facing our Sun at eventide: a land moreover, of which you may well say, if you consider Satan opposite and coming up from the West to smite us; A Garden of delight lies before him, behind him a solitary wilderness. For verily all this region, though capable of the same prosperity as ours, nevertheless through Satan's malevolence, which reigns there, is only a horrible wilderness, scarcely less miserable on account of the scarcity of bodily comforts than for that which renders man absolutely miserable, the complete lack of the ornaments and riches of the soul; and neither the sun, nor malice of the soil, neither the air nor the water, neither men nor their caprices, are to be blamed for this. We are all created by and dependent upon the same principles: [x] We breathe under the same sky; the same constellations influence us; and I do not believe that the land, which produces trees as tall and beautiful as ours, will not produce as fine harvests, if it be cultivated. Whence, then, comes such great diversity? Whence such an unequal division of happiness and of misfortune? of garden and of wilderness? of Heaven and of Hell? Why do you ask me? Ask him, who from Heaven counsels his people, to consider the so opposite division between Esau and Jacob, twin brothers, the former cast out to dwell with dragons and wild beasts; the latter in the lap and bosom of the earth with the Angels.

Ceste consideration de vray est puissante, & deuroit occuper d'admiration tous nos sentimens, [xi] nous retenãt en vne pieuse crainte, & affectiõnée volonté de communiquer charitablement ce comble de biẽ du Christianisme; qui nous vient si gratuitement au rencontre: Car autrement certes il est facile à nostre benin Pere de croiser ses bras comme fit Iacob, & mettre sa dextre sur le puysné, & sa gauche sur le plus grand. O mon Dieu! où est icy l'ambition des Grands? où la contention des forts? où la monstre des riches? où l'effort des vertueux? y a-il champ de Marathon, ou lices Olympiques plus propres aux courageux? où est-ce que la gloire d'vn Chrestien le peut esleuer plus heureusement, que où elle apporteroit la felicité corporelle tout ensemble, & la spirituelle à ses consorts; & ou comme grand outil de Dieu, il feroit d'vn desert vn Paradis? où [xii] il dompteroit les Monstres infernaux, & introduiroit la police, & la milice du ciel en terre? où les generations, & generations à milliers, & iusques aux derniers siecles beniroyent son nom & memoire sans cesse, & le ciel mesme (qui se peupleroit de ses biẽfaits) se resiouyroit des graces, & benedictions, versées dessus luy?

This consideration is certainly powerful, and ought to inspire all our sentiments with admiration, [xi] keeping us in pious fear, and in loving desire to benevolently impart this highest of all the blessings of Christianity, which comes to us so gratuitously and of its own accord. For otherwise it is certainly easy for our kind Father to cross his hands as did Jacob, and put his right upon the younger, and his left upon the elder. Oh, my God! where is here the ambition of the Great? where, the contention of the strong? where, the display of the rich? where, the endeavor of the virtuous? is there a field of Marathon, or are there Olympian games, more fitting to the brave? Where can the glory of a Christian more successfully ennoble him, than there where it brings both bodily and spiritual happiness to his brethren; and where, as one of God's great instruments, he would make a Garden out of the wilderness; where [xii] he would subjugate satanic Monsters, and would introduce the order and discipline of heaven upon earth; where generations upon generations, by thousands and to the remotest ages, would forever bless his name and memory, and heaven itself (which would be peopled by his good deeds) would rejoice at the thanksgivings and blessings bestowed upon him.

[36] Or c'est (amy Lecteur) l'ardent desir, & zele de voir ceste nouuelle France, que ie dy, cõquise à nostre Seigneur: qui m'a fait prendre la plume en main pour vous depeindre briefuement, & en toute verité ce que i'ay recogneu de ses cõtrées. Il y a quatre ans, que i'y fus enuoyé pas mes Superieurs: &, Dieu punissant mes pechez, i'en ay esté despuis enleué par les Anglois, ainsi que ie raconteray cy-apres.

Now (dear Reader) it is this my eagerness and ardent desire to see this new France converted to our Lord, which has made me take my pen in hand to describe to you briefly, and in all truth, what I have found out about these lands. It is four years since I was sent there by my Superiors; and, as God's punishment for my sins, I was taken away from there by the English, as I shall relate hereafter.

Relation de la Novvelle France, et le Voyage des Peres Iesvites en icelle.

CHAPITRE I.

[1] QUEL PAÏS EST LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, & CEUX QUI PREMIEREMENT L'ONT VOULU HABITER.

[38] NOVS appellons Nouuelle France; les terres, & païs de l'Amerique, ou Indes Occidentales, qui sont à l'autre bord de l'Ocean de Guienne, vers le Soleil couchant, opposites à nous, & droictement correspondantes en mesme ligne de l'Orient à l'Occident. [2] On leur a imposé ce nom de Nouuelle France, pour deux raisons principalement. La premiere, d'autant que (comme i'ay dit) ces terres sont paralleles à nostre France, n'y ayant rien entre la Guienne & ces dictes contrées, sinon nostre mer d'Occident, large en son plus estroict, de huict cens lieües & d'auantage; En son plus ample peu moins de mille lieües ou enuiron. La seconde raison est d'autant que ce païs a esté premierement descouuert par les François Bretons, l'an 1504. Il y ja cent & onze ans; Et qui despuis n'ont cessé de la frequenter. Les Normans de mesme ont contribué à ce trauail des premiers; entre lesquels nous lisons, que le Capitaine Thomas Aubert, Dieppois y fit voile, l'an 1508. & en ramena des Sauuages du païs, lesquels il fit voir auec admiration, [3] & applaudissement à la France. Deux ans auant luy le Capitaine Ieã Denys de Honfleur auoit [40] fait la mesme descouuerte; Mais par ce qu'il n'en auoit rapporté que des poissons, & des cartes Geographiques, son renom en est demeuré plus obscur, que de Thomas Aubert. Depuis l'an 1523. Iean Verazan courut toute la coste, dés la Floride iusques au Cap Breton, & en prit possession au nom de François I. son maistre. Ie croy que ç'a esté ce Iean Verazan, qui a esté le Parrain de ceste denomination de Nouuelle France: Parce que Canada, (duquel nom aussi on l'appelle communement) n'est point à proprement parler toute ceste tenuë de païs, qu'ores on nõme Nouuelle France; Ains est celle tant seulement, laquelle s'estend au long des riuages du grand Fleuue Canadas, & [4] le Gelfe de S. Laurens; qui n'est seulement, que la partie la plus Septentrionale de la Nouuelle France; ainsi qu'il vous appert par la carte Geographique, que nous vous apposons icy.

Relation of New France, and the Jesuit Fathers' Voyage to that country.

CHAPTER I.

[1] ON THE LOCATION OF NEW FRANCE, AND THOSE WHO FIRST ATTEMPTED TO SETTLE THERE.

WE call New France,[1] the lands and countries of America or the West Indies, which are upon the other shore of the Ocean of Guienne,[2] towards the setting Sun, opposite us and lying directly in the same line from East to West. [2] They have given it this name of New France principally for two reasons. The first, because (as I have said) these lands are parallel to our France, nothing lying between Guienne and said countries, except our Western sea, in its narrowest part more than eight hundred leagues wide; in its widest, a little less than a thousand leagues, or thereabout. The second reason is that this country was first discovered by French Bretons, in the year 1504, one hundred and eleven years ago, and since then they have not ceased to visit it. The Normans also assisted in these early discoveries; among whom we read that Captain Thomas Aubert,[3] of Dieppe, sailed in the year 1508, and brought back from there some of the Natives, whom he exhibited to the wonder [3] and applause of France. Two years before him, Captain Jean Denys,[4] of Honfleur, had made the same discovery; but, as he brought back only some fish, and Geographical charts, he has not become so renowned as Thomas Aubert. After the year 1523, Jean Verazan[5] skirted all the coast from Florida to Cape Breton, and took possession of it in the name of his master, Francis I. I believe it was Jean Verazan who was Godfather to this title of "New France;"[1] for Canada (a name by which they also frequently call it) is not, properly speaking, all this extent of country which they now call New France; but it is only that part, which extends along the banks of the great River Canada, and [4] the Gulf of St. Lawrence;[6] this being only the most Northern part of New France, as will be seen from the Geographical chart which we insert herein.[7]

A Canada touche l'Acadie, ou pays des Souriquoys plus bas vers le Sud: Et plus bas encores au delà de la Baye Françoise est la Norambegue. De ces deux mots de Norambegue & de Acadie, il n'en reste plus aucune memoire sur le pays; ouy bien de Canada, laquelle fut principalement descouuerte par Iacques Cartier, l'an 1524. & puis par vn second voyage dix ans apres l'an 1534.

Acadie, or the Souriquoys country farther South, is next to Canada, and still farther down, on the other side of French Bay, is Norambegue. Of these two words, Norambegue and Acadie, there no longer remains any remembrance in the country;[8] yet there is of Canada, which was discovered principally by Jacques Cartier in 1524, and then in a second voyage ten years afterwards in 1534.

Or dés le commencement de ces descouuertes, les François ont beaucoup traicté du cultiuage, & habitation de ces deserts. (Deserts sont-ce voirement, tout le pays n'estant qu'vne forest infinie.) [5] Aucuns particuliers en sont encores venus iusques aux tentatiues, comme Roberual & le Marquis de la Roche, & autres. Mais l'entreprinse la plus haute diuulguée, & recente pour cest effect, a esté celle du sieur de Monts [42] Pierre du Gas, qui s'en est acquis grande recommandation. Iceluy ayant fait vn assez notable fonds d'argent; & à cest effect associé aucũs Marchands de Roüen, de sainct Malo, & de la Rochelle; receut de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, pleine puissance, & authorité de Lieutenant de Roy sur ces dictes contrées dés le quarantiesme degré d'eleuation, iusques au quarantesixiesme: car là aboutissoit la puissance, qui luy estoit dõnée de disposer des terres; Ses priuileges neantmoins de la traitte, & gouuernement s'estendoiẽt iusques au 54. degré, ainsi qu'on [6] peut recognoistre par les lettres Royaux qui luy en furent expediées. Par ainsi de ceste Commission du sieur de Monts, il semble, qu'on aye prins occasion de retrecir les limites de la Nouuelle Frãce; Car (comme nous auons dit) auparauãt elle s'estendoit iusques à la Floride vers le Sud, là où maintenãt on la borne quasi communement du trenteneufuiesme degré de latitude Australe, ainsi que vous la voyez en nostre carte. Ses limites à l'Orient, sont nostre mer; à l'Occident ce sera la mer de la Chine, si nous auons assez de valeur & vertu: car autres bornes n'y a-il, qui soient certaines, le pays estant infiny, & plus estendu dix & douze fois que n'est toute nostre France.

Now ever since the first of these discoveries, the French have been talking about cultivating and inhabiting these wildernesses. (Wildernesses they certainly are, the whole country being but an interminable forest.) [5] Certain individuals, such as Roberval and the Marquis de la Roche, and others, have even attempted it.[9] But the most widely known and latest voyage undertaken for this purpose was that of sieur de Monts, Pierre du Gas, who has been very highly commended for it. Having considerable money at his disposal, and having associated with him for this object certain Merchants of Roüen, of saint Malo and of la Rochelle, he received from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, full power and authority, as Lieutenant of the King in these said countries, from the fortieth to the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, for there ended the power given him to dispose of lands. However, his rights of trade and government extended to the 54th parallel, as [6] can be learned from the Royal letters that were sent to him. Thus, by sieur de Monts's Commission, it seems that they took occasion to narrow down the boundaries of New France: for (as we have said) hitherto it had extended as far South as Florida, while now it is generally bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel of latitude, as you see by our chart. Its Eastern boundary is our sea; its Western, will be the China sea, if we have force and courage enough; as to other boundaries, it has none which are definite, the country being unlimited, and ten or twelve times more extensive than our entire France.

Or le sieur de Monts ayant l'authorité & puissance cy-deuant dicte, & assez bien muny, & accompagné [7] partit de France l'an 1604. iustement cent ans apres la premiere descouuerte de ces terres, il s'alla loger en la Coste de la Nõrembegue entre les peuples Eteminquoys, en vne petite Isle, qu'il appella de saincte Croix: Mais le malheur l'y accueillit: car il perdit de maladie vne grande partie de ses gens.

Now sieur de Monts, having the authority and power mentioned, and being well equipped and [7] accompanied, left France in the year 1604, just a hundred years after the discovery of this country, and went to live upon the Coast of Norembegue among the Eteminquoys people, upon a small Island, which he called sainte Croix. But misfortune overtook him there, for he lost a great many of his people by sickness.

[44] Et partant l'année suyuante, cõtrainct par la necessité, il changea de demeure à Port Royal vers l'Est Suest, à quelques vingt six lieües de là, en l'Acadie au païs des Souriquoys, là où il ne demeura que deux ans, d'autant que les Marchands associez, voyants que leur mise surmontoit la recepte ne voulurẽt plus tenir coup: Ainsi fallust, que tous reuinssent en Frãce, ne laissans pour monument de leur exploict, sinon deux alogements tous vuides, celuy de saincte [8] Croix, & celuy de Port Royal; Et n'en rapportant autre guieres plus grand fruict, que les Topographies, & descriptiõs des Mers, Caps, Costes, & Riuieres, qu'ils auoient parcouru. Voilà tous les principaux actes de nos diligẽces, iusques aux années 1610. & 1611. desquelles nous parlerons tantost, quãd il nous y faudra conduire les Iesuites. Mais au preallable, selon nostre promesse, & comme l'exige la condition de nostre dessein, nous monstrerons l'Horoscope, & Geniture de ces terres: Ie veux dire les aspects du ciel, sur icelles, leurs temps, saisons, temperature, & qualitez.

Leaving there the following year, forced by necessity, he changed his dwelling place to Port Royal, towards the East Southeast, some twenty-six leagues away, in Acadie or the Souriquoys country. Here he remained only two years, for the associated Merchants, seeing that their outlay exceeded their receipts, no longer cared to continue the experiment. So they all had to return to France, leaving nothing as a monument of their adventure, except two dwellings entirely empty, that of sainte [8] Croix, and that of Port Royal; and bringing no greater spoils back with them, than the Topography and description of the Seas, Capes, Coasts, and Rivers, which they had traversed. These are all the chief results of our efforts up to the years 1610 and 1611, of which we shall speak hereafter in conducting the Jesuits there. But as a preliminary, according to our promise, and as the nature of our purpose demands, we shall show the Horoscope and Geniture of these lands, I mean their climate, their weather, seasons, temperature, and conditions.

CHAPITRE II.

[9] DES TEMPS, SAISONS, & TEMPERATURE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

[46] CES terres estant, comme nous auons dit, paralleles à nostre France, c'est à dire, en mesme climat, & mesme eleuation, par reigle d'Astrologie, elles doiuent auoir mesmes influẽces, mesmes inclinations, & temperatures: car elles ne different en cela, que cõme differẽt entre nous par exẽple Grenoble, Vienne, & Bourdeaux, Paris & Cornoaille, Marseille, & Bayõne, sçauoir est, q̃ seulemẽt vn lieu est plus Oriẽtal, que l'autre; quant au reste, il a mesme grandeur de iours, mesme aspect des estoilles, mesmes saisons, & temperature. Vray est que la nouuelle France descend trois degrez [10] plus bas vers le midy, que ne faict la nostre, laquelle s'arreste à Fontarabie, c'est à dire, au 42. degré; là où la Nouuelle franchit iusques au 39. pour le moins, & plus loin, s'il plaist à sa Majesté de ne rien rabatre de ce que son predecesseur François I. auoit acquis.

CHAPTER II.

[9] ON THE WEATHER, SEASONS, AND TEMPERATURE OF NEW FRANCE.

THIS country being, as we have said, parallel to our France, that is, in the same climate and latitude, by a principle of Astrology it ought to have the same physical forces, deviations and temperatures; for it does not vary in those particulars any more than, for example, Grenoble, Vienne, and Bourdeaux, Paris and Cornoaille,[10] Marseilles and Bayonne, vary among us; that is, only as one place is farther to the East than the other; also, its days are of the same length, its astral conditions the same, it has the same seasons and temperature. It is true that new France extends three degrees [10] farther south than ours does, which stops at Fontarabie,[11] that is, at the 42nd parallel; while New France extends at least to the 39th, and farther, if it pleases his Majesty not to give up anything that his predecessor, Francis I., had acquired.

Neantmoins, quoy qu'en disent les Astrologues, si faut-il aduouër que ce païs là (parlant vniuersellement, & cõme il est à ceste heure) est plus froid que n'est nostre Frãce, & qu'il y a diuersité grande quant aux temps & saisons de l'vn à l'autre: Dequoy les causes n'en estãs au ciel, il les faut rechercher en terre. Ie tesmoignerai fidelemẽt des effects lesquels i'ay experimẽté deux ans & demy continuels; Ie [48] dirois trois ans & demy, n'estoit que i'ay consumé presqu'vn an à diuerses reprinses en nauigations faictes loin du Continent. Le lieu [11] de ma plus longue demeure a esté Port Royal, presque à 45. degrez de hauteur polaire. Là donc la neige nous arriuoit sur la fin de Nouembre, & ne se fondoit iamais entierement dedans les bois, que sur la fin de Feurier, s'il n'arriuoit, comme souuent, quelque grosse pluye, ou quelque fort vent de Midy qui la fondist. Mais elle n'estoit pas si tost fonduë qu'il en tomboit d'autre. Hors des bois, & au descouuert elle n'y croupit guiere plus qu'en Frãce, mais il y nege plus souuent que d'ordinaire en France: la plus haute nege, que i'y aye veu ç'a esté d'vn pied & demy, encore non pas. Quand le Norouest (qu'icy nous appellõs Galerne) se met en ses fougues, le froid y est intolerable, mais cela ne dure que huict, ou dix iours pour le plus, puis le temps s'adoucit pour vn espace, cõme en France; [12] & ne seroit on non plus empesché de trauailler à quelque mestier, voire d'aller & venir, qu'en France; si lon y estoit accommodé, comme en France. Mais ce n'a esté qu'vne extreme pauureté de tout ce que i'y ay veu. Des miserables cabanes ouuertes en plusieurs endroits: nostre viure pois, & febues, encores biẽ escharsement; nostre boire l'eau pure: les hardes, & habits de nos gens tous frippez; nos prouisions, d'aller au bois du iour à la iournée, nos medicaments, vn verre de vin aux bonnes festes; nos restaurans, quelque peu de chasse, ou de gibier par bonnes auentures; le lieu inhabité, les chemins sans vestige aucun, la chaussure du pied propre pour le foyer. Allez auec cela & dittes qu'il ne fait point d'hyuer en Canada. Mais au moins ne [50] dittes, que les eaux n'y soyent fort [13] bonnes, & l'air fort salubre: car c'est de vray chose merueilleuse comme nonobstant toutes ces miseres nous nous sommes tousiours fort bien portés, estans tousiours pour le moins vingt en nombre; Et si en trois ans n'en sont morts de maladie que deux tant seulement, vn de S. Malo, & vn autre Breton: encores ce dernier mourut plus à faute d'auoir vn peu de pain & de vin pour se restaurer, (tout cela nous estant failly) que non pour atrocité de symptome; ou cruauté de maladie.

Nevertheless, whatever the Astrologers may say, it must be confessed that that country (generally speaking, and as it is at present) is colder than our France, and that they differ greatly from each other in regard to weather and seasons. The causes thereof not being in the sky, we must seek them upon the earth. I shall show accurately some experiments I made continuously for two years and a half, I might say three years and a half, only I consumed nearly a year at various times in voyages away from the Mainland. The place [11] where I remained the longest was Port Royal, almost on the 45th parallel of north latitude. Now at that place the snow came towards the end of November, and it never entirely thawed in the woods until about the last of February, unless, as often happened, a heavy rain, or strong South wind came to melt it. But no sooner did this snow melt than more fell. Outside the woods, and in the open places, it did not last any longer than it does in France, but it snows oftener there than it usually does in France. The deepest snow I have seen in that country was not quite a foot and a half. When the Northwest wind (which we call here Galerne) lashes itself into a fury, the cold there is insufferable, but it lasts only eight or ten days at the most, then the weather becomes milder for a while, as it is in France, [12] and people would no longer be prevented from going on with their work, or even from going back and forth, as in France, if they had the same accommodations we have here. But whatever I saw here was extreme poverty. Some wretched cabins, open in many places; our food, peas and beans, rather scarce in quantity; our drink, pure water; the clothes of our people all in rags; our supplies found in the woods from day to day; our medicine a glass of wine on great holidays; our restoratives, perchance a trifle from the chase of a little feathered game; the place uninhabited, no footprints upon the paths, our shoes only fit for the fireside. After this, go and say there is no winter in Canada. But at least do not say that the water there is not [13] excellent, and the air not healthful; for it is certainly wonderful that, notwithstanding all these discomforts, we always kept our health, being never less than twenty in number, and that in three years only two of us died of disease, one a man from St. Malo and the other a Breton; yet the latter died more for want of a little bread and wine to restore him (there being a dearth of all those things) than from the gravity of the symptoms or malignancy of the disease.

Que si nous nous souuenons comme Iacques Quartier perdit quasi toutes ses gens, la fois qu'il hiuerna premieremẽt en ces pays; & comme de mesme le sieur de Monts en perdit bien la moitié la premiere année de S. Croix, & l'an suiuant, qui fut le premier de port Royal, encores sentit-il grãd [14] dechet, moindre toutesfois, & puis moindre la troisiesme année. De mesmes aussi que depuis à Kebec la premiere année plusieurs furẽt troussés, & non pas tant à la seconde. Cest amas de mesmes accidents nous pourra seruir à recognoistre les causes des maladies & de la santé, que tant diuersement nous auons senti. La maladie commune a esté le Scorbut, qu'on appelle maladie de la terre, les iambes, cuisses & face enflent; les leures se pourrissent, & leur suruiennent de grandes excroissances, l'haleine est courbe, auec vne fascheuse toux, les bras meurtris, & le cuir tacheté, toute la personne languit auec grand ennuy, & douleur, sans rien pouuoir aualer, sinon quelque peu de liquide. Le sieur Champlain philosophant sur cecy, attribue la cause de ces maladies aux vapeurs [15] que ceux-là boiuent, qui labourent, renuersent, & habitent premierement [52] ces terres, lesquelles n'ont iamais esté descouuertes du soleil. Son dire n'est pas impertinent, ny sans exemples: neantmoins on peut opposer, que les mariniers, qui ne vont qu'à la coste pour pescher, & ne defrichent aucunes terres, ny ne les habitent: nonobstant souuent tombent en ce mal, & sur tous les Bretõs. Car il semble que ce mal les va triant d'entre tous les autres. Item, que nous, qui nous sommes bien portés, comme i'ay dit, renuersions neantmoins prou de terres, & les euentions, & si n'auons nous iamais sceu que c'estoit de ce mal, horsmis vn peu moy, qui au secõd hyuer, que i'y ay passé deuins fort enfle auec vne fieure, & alteratiõ incroyable: Mais i'eus tousiours les genciues, & leures entieres, & [16] mon mal se perdit en dix, ou douze iours. Ie croy bien, que cela y seruoit de beaucoup, que nostre logis n'estoit point nouueau, & que tout estant essarté à l'entour de nostre habitatiõ dés long tẽps, nous auions l'air pur & libre. Et c'est à mon aduis ce que Champlain a principalement voulu dire.

Let us recall how Jacques Quartier lost almost all his people, the first winter he passed in this country; and also how sieur de Monts lost about half of his the first winter at Ste. Croix, and the following one, which was the first at port Royal, he also experienced great [14] loss, but not so much, and the third year still less. Likewise at Kebec, afterwards, several died the first year, and not so many the second. This collection of incidents will serve to show us the causes of sickness and of health, which we have experienced so differently. The common disease was Scurvy, which is called land disease. The limbs, thighs, and face swell; the lips decay, and great sores come out upon them; the breath is short, and is burdened with an irritating cough; the arms are discolored, and the skin covered with blotches; the whole body sinks under exhaustion and languor, and nothing can be swallowed except a little liquid. Sieur de Champlain, philosophizing upon this, attributes the cause of these diseases to the dampness [15] inhaled by those who plow, spade, and first live upon this ground, which has never been exposed to the sun. His statements are plausible and not without examples; but they may be confronted by the fact that sailors, who only go to the coast to fish, and do not clear the land at all, nor live upon it, often fall ill of this malady, and especially the Bretons, for it seems to pick them out from all the others. Also, that we, who were well as I have said, worked a great deal in the soil and out in the open air, yet we scarcely knew what this evil was, except I myself, to a slight degree, during the second winter, when I became very much bloated from fever and extreme weakness; but my gums and lips were not affected, and [16] my illness passed off in ten or twelve days. I believe it was a great benefit to us that our dwelling was not new, and that, the space around the settlement having been cleared for a long time, we had a free and pure circulation of air. And I believe that this is principally what Champlain meant.

I'en ay ouy d'autres, qui philosophoyent autrement, & non sans Physique. Ceux-cy opinoyent, que le demeurer acroupy pendant vn long, & sombre hyuer, tel qu'est celuy de Canada, auoit causé ce mal aux nouueaux habitans. Que de toutes les gens du sieur de Monts, qui premierement hyuernerent à Saincte Croix, onze seulement demeurerent en santé. C'estoyent les chasseurs, qui en gaillards compagnons aimoyent mieux la picorée, que l'air du foyer; [17] courir vn estang, que de se renuerser paresseusement dans vn lict, de pestrir les neiges en abbattant le gibier, que non pas de deuiser de Paris & de ses rotisseurs aupres du feu. Aussi de vray quãd à nous [54] autres, qui auons tousiours esté sains à Port Royal; la disette, en laquelle auons esté, nous a affranchi de deux grands maux; sçauoir d'excés au boire, & au manger; & de faineantise. Car tousiours nous auions quelque bõ exercice: nostre estomach d'autre part n'estoit point surchargé. Certes ie croy que ceste oppiate nous a beaucoup serui.

I have heard of others, who argued differently, and not without Logic. They believed that living inactive during a long and gloomy winter, like that of Canada, had been the cause of this disease among the new inhabitants. Of all sieur de Monts's people who wintered first at Sainte Croix, only eleven remained well. These were a jolly company of hunters, who preferred rabbit hunting, to the air of the fireside; [17] skating on the ponds, to turning over lazily in bed; making snowballs to bring down the game, to sitting around the fire talking about Paris and its good cooks. Also, as to us who were always well at Port Royal, our poverty certainly relieved us of two great evils, that of excessive eating and drinking, and of laziness. For we always had good exercise of some kind, and on the other hand our stomachs were not overloaded. I certainly believe that this medicine was of great benefit to us.

Reprenons nostre tasche des temps, & saisons. I'ay remarqué vne fois les deux iours de Feurier 26. & 27. estre aussi beau, doux, & printaniers qu'on en voye point en France enuiron ce temps-là; neantmoins le troisiesme iour [18] suiuant il negea quelque peu, & le froid reuint. En esté quelque fois le chaud y est autant, ou plus intolerable qu'en France: mais il ne dure pas. Bien tost le temps se broüille. Les arbres y fueillẽt plus tard qu'en France pour l'ordinaire, & qu'ils n'ont fait ceste presente année 1614. Car arriuant en Picardie sur la fin d'Auril, ie n'y ay pas trouué la saison plus auancée. Encores me sembloit-il qu'en Canada tout poussoit d'auantage. Et parlant vniuersellement, le temps, & saison de ce pays-là, est du tout ressemblant à celuy que nous auons experimenté ceste dicte année icy, à Paris, & en Picardie, horsmis quant aux brumes & broüillars, ausquels ledit pays est plus subject. A Port Royal nous n'en auions gueres l'Esté, sinon prés la coste de mer; mais aux Etechemins & à Pentegoet ces [19] broüées tiennent souuent en Esté les trois & quatre iours, c'est chose fort melancholique, & nous a donné apprehension qu'elle ne permettroit point que nos moissons peussent meurir; neantmoins nous auons trop d'arguments au contraire. Car à Port Royal, qui est plus froid, & inegal, elles meurissent, & en ay [56] l'experience de trois ans. Item Champlain asseure qu'à S. Croix, qui est en ceste mesme coste, (en vn endroit fort frilleux & nuageux) toutesfois leurs bleds, & semailles vindrent à maturité.

Let us return to our discourse upon the weather and seasons. I noticed once, that two February days, the 26th and 27th, were as beautiful, mild, and spring-like as are those in France about that time; nevertheless, the third day [18] after, it snowed a little and the cold returned. Sometimes in summer the heat is as intolerable, or more so than it is in France; but it does not last long, and soon the sky begins to be overcast. The foliage appears upon the trees later than it usually does in France, yet it has not done so this year, 1614, for when I arrived in Picardie towards the end of April, I did not find the season any more advanced there. Indeed it seemed to me that in Canada everything sprouted sooner. And, speaking in general, the weather and season over there are just like what we have experienced here this year in Paris and Picardie, except for the drizzling rains and fogs, which are more common in that country. At Port Royal we had scarcely any during the Summer, except near the coast. But among the Etechemins and at Pentegoet, these [19] fogs often continue for three and four days, a very discouraging thing, and we were afraid they would keep our crops from ripening; nevertheless, we have too many arguments to the contrary. For at Port Royal, which is colder, and more changeable, they ripened, and I had a three years' experience there. Also, Champlain asserts that at Ste. Croix, which is upon this same coast (in a very chilly and cloudy location) their wheat and other crops always ripened.

Voire, mais quelle peut estre la cause de ces frimas, & de ce plus grand froid, que nous ne sentons d'ordinaire en France? Car il y a bien à considerer, veu mesmes que la Norembegue, où estoit nostre habitation de S. Sauueur, est autant Australe, que nos Prouinces, [20] qui le sont le plus, la Guiẽne, Languedoc, & Dauphiné. Si n'en faut-il point assigner la cause aux montagnes. Car nous n'en voyons point là de fort hautes, telles que sont nos Seuenes, Mesain, la Chartreuse, & vne grande partie d'Auuergne, Velay, Dauphiné & Prouence, & seroit hors de toute apparence que ce peu de haut pays, qu'on remarque en la Norembegue, peust causer si grandes alterations en si vaste estẽduë de Prouince; mesmes que le grand froid de ce pays là ne vient pas du costé où plus y a de haut pays, qui est le Nordest, (ainsi que vous pouués apperceuoir en la charte) ains du Noroüest, qui est tout plat.

But in truth what can be the cause of these hoar-frosts and cold, so much greater than we usually have in France? For, it is well to consider it, since even Norembegue, where our settlement of St. Sauveur was located, is as far South, as our most Southern Provinces, [20] Guienne, Languedoc, and Dauphiné. But we cannot assign the cause to the mountains, for we have not seen any very high ones there, such as our Sevenes, Mesain, Chartreuse, and a large part of Auvergne, Velay, Dauphiné and Provence; and it would be out of all question that so slight an elevation as is to be seen in Norembegue, could cause so great a variation in such a vast extent of country; also the great cold of that country does not come from the coast, where the greatest elevations are to be found, which is the Northeast (as you can see from the chart), but from the Northwest, which is entirely flat.

Les defenseurs des influences tiennent icy bon dans leur Casematte, & auancent leurs armes defensiues estre tout, sçauoir est, [21] leurs causes incogneuës; disants qu'il y a ie ne sçay quoy au ciel, qui cause cest effect en ces terres: & semblablement le Drach, passant par la mer Occidentale de ces regions, à l'endroit de la nouuelle Albion, au dessous du destroict d'Auian, à 40. 42. & 44. d'eleuation Septentrionale, il y trouua si grand froid, qu'il fust contrainct de rebrousser chemin. De mesmes qu'au pays de Counibas, qui est en mesme latitude au dedans des [58] terres, les Espagnols y ont trouué de grandes mõtagnes, & si grand froid, qu'ils n'y ont peu durer. Que ces pays là sont à nostre Oüest, d'où les plus horribles froidures procedent, & que ceste pourroit bien estre la cause de ces gelées, & gry-temps par vne continuation d'air. Mais pourquoy, & en la nouuelle Albion, & au pays de Connibas y glace-il si fort? On [22] n'en peut pas bien sçauoir la cause, disent-ils, & faut croire qu'il y a certaines influences, que nous ne descouurons pas. C'est bien certes bailler de fortes aisles au froid, le nous faire venir de quatre, ou cinq cens lieuës. Car ie croy qu'il y en a bien autant, voire plus, iusques à la nouuelle Albion: cependant nous voyõs que souuent vne seule lieuë de pays & encores moins, donne changement notable de chaud, & de froid, de clair & d'obscur, de sec & d'humide, & toutes autres telles variations ainsi qu'il est notoire. De plus cela est ridicule, apres auoir fait cinq cents lieuës pour trouuer le froid en son giste, & cauerne originaire, ne rencontrer sinon ie ne sçay quelles influẽces, qu'on ne peut nommer, & certaines impressions occultes. N'eussiez vous pas plustost fait desloger [23] ces aspects, impressions, & causes anonymes, & absconses que vous dites sur Canada mesme, ou dessous elle, ou dedans, que de les aller chercher si loing en vn pays où vous ne fustes iamais?

Here the defenders of silent forces hold themselves well intrenched in their Fortress and simply advance their defensive weapons, i.e., [21] their unknown causes, saying that there is an inexplicable something in the sky which causes this effect upon these lands: and also Drake, traversing the sea West of this country, in the region of New Albion, below the strait of Auian, at 40°, 42°, and 44° North latitude, encountered such severe cold that he was forced to turn back.[12] Likewise that in the Counibas[13] country, which is in the same latitude in the interior of the continent, the Spaniards found high mountains, and such severe cold, that they could not remain there; that those countries, from which comes the most severe cold, are West of us, and that this might well be the cause of these frosts and fogs, through a continuous current of air. But why, both in new Albion and in the Connibas country, does it become so cold? We [22] cannot know the cause thereof, they say, and must believe that there are certain influences, which we do not discover. They must give the cold rather strong wings to make it come to us from four or five hundred leagues. For I believe there are as many and more than that, up to new Albion; however, we often notice that a single league and even less makes a noticeable difference in the heat and cold, light and darkness, dryness and humidity, and all such other variations, so much so that it is remarkable. Moreover, it is ridiculous, after having gone five hundred leagues to find the cold in its native lair, not to encounter anything except inexplicable influences, which cannot be named, and certain mysterious agencies. Would you not rather seek out [23] these aspects, agencies, and unknown and hidden causes which you talk about, in Canada itself, either below or within it, rather than to look for them so far away in a country where you have never been?

Quant à nous, apres auoir prou disputé, nous n'auons trouué que deux causes de la disproportion qu'il y a entre ce pays là, & cestui-cy, quant au temps & saisons: l'vne est, que Canada est plus Aquatique: & l'autre quell'est inculte. Car premierement si vous regardez mesmes la charte Geographique, vous verrez ceste region estre fort entrecoupée de seins & bayes de mer, & ses terres eschancrées d'eau, ell'est outre [60] plus fort arrousée de riuieres, & occupée de plusieurs estangs, & lacs, ce qui seroit vn grand ornement, & commodité du pays s'il estoit habité, mais aussi tout cela cause du [24] froid, & des bruisnes, mesmement aux bords de la mer, & riuieres. Or nous n'auons iamais demeuré autre part. Car nous ne sommes point entrés dedans les terres, sinon par les moyen de la mer & des riuieres. L'Acadie autrement ditte les Souriquoys, où est Port Royal, est quasi peninsule: aussi est elle plus frilleuse, & plus inegale, que n'est la Norambegue, laquelle sans doute est meilleure, & en toutes façons plus habitable, & plantureuse.

As to us, after having sufficiently discussed the matter, we found only two causes for the difference between the two countries, as to weather and seasons; one is that Canada has more Water, and the other that it is uncultivated. For, in the first place, if you merely look at the chart, you will see that this region is very much indented with gulfs and bays, and that its lands, hollowed out by the waters, are much more intersected by rivers, and occupied by a number of ponds and lakes, which would be a great ornament and convenience to the country if it were inhabited; but all this also causes the [24] cold and fogs, as well upon the borders of the sea and rivers. Now we have never lived anywhere else, for we have not penetrated into the country except through the sea and rivers. Acadie, otherwise called the Souriquoys, where Port Royal is, is almost a peninsula; also it is more chilly and more variable than Norambegue, which without doubt is better and in every way more habitable and fertile.

La seconde cause du froid est toute semblable, sçauoir est la sauuagine & friche du pays: car ce n'est tout qu'vne forest infinie: Partant le sol ne peut estre de lõg temps eschauffé par le soleil, soit pource qu'il a la crouste dure, n'estant iamais labouré, soit à cause des arbres, qui l'ombragent perpetuellement, soit parce que la nege, [25] & les eaux y croupissent long temps, sans pouuoir estre consumées. Par ainsi de ces terres ne se peuuent esleuer, que des vapeurs froides, mornes & relentes: & ce sont les bruines lors que le vent cesse, ce sont aussi nos gelées cuisantes, lors que l'agitation & le souffle les met en cholere. Là où si la terre estoit habitée, & cultiuée, outre que d'elle, & des logis des habitans monteroyent des exhalations, c'est à dire, des fumées chaudes, & seches: le soleil de plus la trouueroit disposée à sentir ses rayons, & dissipper le froid, & broüillars: ce qui nous estoit fort oculaire, & sensible. Car en ce peu que nous auions labouré, tousiours la nege s'y fondoit plustost qu'autre part, & de là d'ordinaire les broüees commençoyent à se dissiper, & peu à peu s'esuanouïr.

The second cause of the cold is very similar; namely, the wild and primitive condition of the land; for this is only a boundless forest, and so the soil cannot be readily warmed by the sun, either because it has a hard crust, never having been ploughed, or on account of the trees, which cast upon it a perpetual shade, or because the snow [25] and water stagnate there for a long time with no possibility of being consumed. Thus, from these lands nothing can arise except cold, gloomy, and mouldy vapors; and these are the fogs when the wind ceases, and our piercing cold when they are put in motion and blown into a fury. Whereas, if the land were inhabited and cultivated, from it and from the dwellings of the inhabitants would arise exhalations, that is, warm and dry fumes; furthermore, the sun would find it prepared to feel its rays, and to scatter the cold and fogs; this was very evident to us from actual observation. For upon the small part which we ploughed, the snow always melted sooner than upon the other parts, and from there, the fogs usually began to scatter, and little by little to disappear.

CHAPITRE III.

[26] DES TERRES, DE LEURS PEUPLES, & DE CE QU'Y ABONDE.

[62] LES terres, à mon aduis, principalement en la Norambegue, sont aussi bonnes qu'en France: cela cognoissez-vous à leur couleur noire, aux arbres hauts, puissants, & droicts, qu'elles nourrissent, aux herbes & foin aussi haut souuent qu'vn homme, & choses semblables. A S. Sauueur, nous auions semé à la my-Iuin des grains, des pepins, des poix, des febues, & toutes sortes d'herbes de jardinage. Trois mois apres, c'est à sçauoir, à la my-Septẽbre, nous reuinsmes voir nostre labourage: le froment n'apparoissoit point (aussi auoit-il esté semé hors de saison,) l'orge estoit espié, mais non pas meur, les pois & faisoles bonnes parfaictement, mais encores vertes, les febues [27] n'estoyent qu'en fleur: tout le reste estoit admirablement biẽ venu, mesmement les oignons, & ciboules, les pepins auoyent ietté, les aucuns d'vn pied tout entier, les moindres d'vn demy pied.

CHAPTER III.

[26] ON THE SOIL, TRIBES AND VEGETATION.

THE soil, it seems to me, principally in Norambegue, is as good as that of France; you know this by its black color, by the high trees, strong and straight, which it nourishes, by the plants and grasses, often as high as a man, and similar things. At St. Sauveur, in the middle of June, we planted some grain, fruit seeds, peas, beans, and all kinds of garden plants. Three months afterwards, i.e., in the middle of September, we returned to see the results of our husbandry; the wheat had not come up (it was not sown in season) the barley was tufted, but not ripe, the peas and phasels perfectly good, but still green, the beans [27] were only in blossom; all the rest had come up admirably, even the onions and scallions; the fruit seeds had shot up, some a whole foot, the lowest ones a half a foot high.

Ie vous ay dit cy deuant, que tout le pays n'est qu'vne perpetuelle forest: car il n'a rien d'ouuert sinon les marges de la mer, les lacs & riuieres & où le flux de la mer, & des riuieres se desbordants causent des prairies, il y a quelques tels endroits bien beaux, & vastes en herbage, & pasturages, comme est la Baye de Chinictou, & la riuiere de Port Royal, & autres. Mais icy faut esuiter vne illusion, de laquelle plusieurs [64] par mesgarde sont abusez. Car oyants parler ceux qui viennent de pays loingtains, & qui en racõtent les biens, & fertilité prou souuent auec amplification, (car [28] ainsi pensent-ils deuoir faire pour estre plus attentiuemẽt escoutez.) Ils estimẽt que ce qu'on leur magnifie de ces pays, se trouue tout par tout abondamment. Comme par exẽple, qui parlant de la Frãce diroit, Qu'il y a veu les bois & forests n'estre to⁹ que chastagniers, orẽgiers & oliuiers, que poiriers & pommiers, tous si charges qu'ils en rõpoiẽt: certes celui-là diroit vray, car il est ainsi. L'estrangier neantmoins escoutãt y seroit trõpé: parce qu'il s'imagineroit qu'ẽ tous les quartiers de la Frãce, ou en la pluspart, tout cela se trouue: Et ne cõsidereroit pas, que les chastagniers sont en Perigord, à cent lieuës des orangiers, qui sont en Prouence: & les pommiers sont au pays de Caux en Normãdie, à cent lieuës des chastagniers, & à deux cents des oliuiers. Or quand le pays est bien peuplé, & habité ainsi qu'est la France, ceste recommandation [29] monstre grand heur, parce qu'au moyen du charroy & commerce, on se communique toutes ces opulences; mais en vn pays inculte & non ciuilisé, comme est Canada, il n'y a guiere plus de difference, que s'il n'y auoit qu'vne chose en vn lieu. Ie dy cecy parce que ceste prudence importe de beaucoup à ceux qui vont defricher nouuelles contrées, ainsi que nous autres François y allons volontiers à yeux clos, & teste baissée: croyants par exẽple, qu'estants en Canada, & ayants faim nous ne ferons qu'aller en vn' Isle, & là escrimãts d'vn gros baston à dextre, & à senestre, autant de coups, autant arresterons nous d'oiseaux, desquels chacun vaudra bien vn canart. Voila qui est bien dit, & ainsi l'ont fait nos gens plus [66] que d'vne fois, & plus qu'en vn lieu. Cela va fort bien, si vous [30] n'auiés iamais faim sinon au tẽps que ces oiseaux se trouuent en ces Isles, & si lors mesme vous estiez proches d'eux. Car si vous en estes à cinquante, ou soixante lieuës, que ferez-vous?

I have said before that the whole country is simply an interminable forest; for there are no open places except upon the margins of the sea, lakes, and rivers, and where meadows have been made by the overflows of the sea and rivers; there are many such places which are very beautiful, immense fields of grass and pasture, like those near Chinictou Bay, and the river of Port Royal, and others. But here we must avoid an illusion by which many have been inadvertently imposed upon. For hearing those who come from foreign countries tell about their wealth and fertility, very often with exaggeration (for [28] thus they think they will get a better hearing), they suppose that the things boasted about in these countries are found everywhere in abundance. As, for example, if some one were speaking of France, he might say that he had seen groves and forests of nothing but chestnut, orange, olive, pear, and apple trees, so loaded that they were breaking down; indeed, he could say this truthfully, for it is so. But the stranger hearing this would be deceived by it; for he would suppose that in all parts of France, or in nearly all, he would find this condition of things; not taking into consideration the fact that the chestnuts are in Perigord, a hundred leagues away from the oranges, which are in Provence; and the apples are in the region of Caux in Normandy, a hundred leagues from the chestnuts and two hundred from the olives. Now when the country is well peopled and settled, as France is, this favorable representation [29] may show great good fortune, for, by means of transportation and trade, all these riches can be interchanged; but in an uncultivated and uncivilized country, like Canada, it makes no more difference than if they only had one thing in a place. I say this because prudence is of great importance to those who go to clear new lands, as we Frenchmen are so willing to go there with our eyes shut and our heads down; believing, for example, that in Canada, when we are hungry, all we will have to do is to go to an Island, and there by the skillful use of a club, right and left, we can bring down birds each as big as a duck, with every blow. This is well said, as our people have done this more than once and in more than one place. It is all very well, if you [30] are never hungry except when these birds are on the Islands, and if even then you happen to be near them. But if you are fifty or sixty leagues away, what are you going to do?

Pour reuenir à mon propos, il n'y a point de difficulté de rencõtrer vn bon endroit en vne chose. Vn bon & bel haure: des belles prairies, vn sol bien fecond; vne colline de bel aspect, vne agreable riuiere, ou ruisseau, &c. Mais lotir vne place, où toutes les qualitez desirables vniment se r'assemblent, ce n'est pas la bonne fortune d'vn homme prattiquant, dit tres bien Aristote; ains le project & idee d'vn sagement enquerãt: car en fin en la practique, le bõ sort & perfection d'vne place, cõme d'vn homme, ce n'est pas que rien ne manque, ains que rien d'essentiel, & principal ne manque. [31] C'est ce qui m'a fait dire, que le tout consideré, le prenant tant pour tant, i'estime que les terres de là, vaudroyent celles d'icy, quand elles seroyent bien cultiuees: mais nous voudrions, que là tout fust en vn petit destroit: ce que mesmes nous ne trouuons pas icy en vn bien ample Royaume, apres si long temps de cultiuage.

To return to my theme. There is no difficulty in finding a place that is good for one thing—a good and beautiful harbor; fine meadows and a very fertile soil; a picturesque hill, a pleasant river, or brook, etc. But to choose a place where all desirable qualities are united, is not the good fortune of an ordinary man, as Aristotle truthfully says, but the purpose and idea of a wise investigator: for, after all, the uses, success, and perfection of a place, as of a man, is not really that it be complete, but that there be no lack of what is essential and important. [31] That is why I say that all things considered, and taking it upon the whole, I believe that the country over there will be worth as much as this one, after it is well cultivated; but we should prefer that there everything be in a small space, which we ourselves do not find here in our extensive Kingdom, after so long a period of cultivation.

En plusieurs endroits nous auons trouué de la vigne, & des lambruches meures en leur tẽps. Ce n'estoit point le meilleur terroir où nous les trouuiõs: c'estoit quasi sable, & grauier, sẽblable à celuy de Bourdeaux. Il y en a beaucoup à la riuiere S. Iean à 46. d'eleuation, là void on aussi plusieurs noyers & coudriers, & si le fõds de terre n'y est guiere bõ. On ne trouue point autre sorte d'arbres fruictiers en tout ce païs, ouy biẽ toute espece de sauuageons, & forestiers, comme [32] chesnes, hestres, charmes, peupliers, &c. [68]Et des cedres, au moins que les François appellẽt cedres.

In several places we found the grape, and wild vines which ripened in their season. It was not the best ground where we found them, being full of sand and gravel, like that of Bourdeaux. There are a great many of these vines at St. John river, in 46° of latitude, where are to be seen also many walnut and hazel trees, and yet the under layer of soil is not good there. No other kinds of fruit trees are found in all this country; but there is every species of wild shrub and forest trees, such as [32] the oak, beech, elm, poplar, etc., and some cedars, at least what the French call cedars.[14]

Si le pays estoit habité, il pourroit approfiter ses mines: car il y en a vne d'argent en la Baye S. Marie, au rapport du sieur Chãplain: & deux de beau, & franc cuiure, l'vne à l'entrée de Port Royal, & l'autre à la Baye des mines: vne de fer à la riuiere S. Iean, & d'autres autre part. Le gré, l'ardoise, la taille, le charbon de terre, & toutes sortes de pierres n'y manquent pas.

If the country were inhabited there might be some profit made from its mines; for there is a silver one at the Baye Ste. Marie, according to sieur Champlain; and two of beautiful and pure copper, one at the entrance to Port Royal, and the other at the Bay of the mines; one of iron at the river St. John, and others elsewhere. Sandstone, slate, mica, coal, and all kinds of stone are not lacking.[15]

Toute ceste nouuelle France est diuisée en diuers peuples, chasque peuple a sa langue, & sa contrée à part. Ils s'assemblent l'Esté pour trocquer auec nous, principalement en la grande riuiere. Là aussi viennent de bien loing plusieurs autres peuples. Ils trocquẽt leurs peaux de castors, de loutres, [33] d'eslants, de martres, de loups marins, &c. contre du pain, pois, febues, pruneaux, petun, &c. chauderons, haches, fers de fleche, aleines, poinçons, capots, couuertes, & toutes autres telles commoditez, que les Frãçois leur apportent. Aucuns peuples ont maintenant implacable guerre contre nous. Comme les Excomminquois, qui sont ceux qui habitent au costé Boreal du grand Golfe S. Laurens, & nous font de grands maux. Ceste guerre a cõmencé (comme lon dit) à l'occasion de certains Basques, qui voulurent faire vn meschant rapt: mais ils payerẽt biẽ leur maudite incontinence, & non seulement eux, ains à leur occasion & ceux de S. Malo, & beaucoup d'autres ont paty, & patissent beaucoup tous les ans. Car ces Sauuages sõt furieux, & s'abandonnent desesperémẽt [34] à la mort, pourueu qu'ils ayent esperance de tuer, ou mesfaire. Il n'y a que trois peuples qui nous soyẽt [70] familiers, & bõs amis. Les Montaguets, les Souriquois, & les Eteminquois. Pour les Etechemins, & Souriquois i'en suis tesmoin, car i'ay demeuré parmy eux, pour les Montaguets i'en ay ouy parler. Quant aux autres peuples, il n'y a point de fiance. Aussi les François ne les hantent, que pour descouurir leurs riuages, & encores s'en sont-ils mal trouués, horsmis Champlain en ses dernieres descouuertes contremont la grãde riuiere, qui ne s'en plaint point.

All this new France is divided into different tribes, each one having its own separate language and country. They assemble in the Summer to trade with us, principally at the great river. To this place come also several other tribes from afar off. They barter their skins of beaver, otter, [33] deer, marten, seal, etc., for bread, peas, beans, prunes, tobacco, etc.; kettles, hatchets, iron arrow-points, awls, puncheons, cloaks, blankets, and all other such commodities as the French bring them. Certain tribes are now our implacable enemies, such as the Excomminquois, who inhabit the Northern coast of the great Gulf of St. Lawrence and do us a great deal of harm. This warfare was begun (as they say) when certain Basques tried to commit a wicked outrage. However, they paid well for their cursed incontinence, but not only they, for on their account both the St. Malo people and many others suffered, and still suffer a great deal every year. For these Savages are passionate, and give themselves up [34] to death with desperation, if they are in hopes of killing, or doing any one an injury. There are only three tribes which are on good terms of friendship with us, the Montaguets, the Souriquois, and the Eteminquois. I myself can witness to the friendship of the Etechemins and Souriquois, for I have lived among them, and for the Montaguets I have heard others speak. As to other tribes, no confidence can be placed in them. The French have nothing to do with them except to explore their coasts, and even then they are badly treated, although Champlain does not complain of these savages at all, in his latest explorations up the great river.

Cest'amitié & fidelité desdits peuples enuers les François a paru remarquablement apres nostre desroute faicte par les Anglois, ainsi qu'ouyrez. Car eux l'ayants sceu s'en vindrẽt à nous, de nuict, [35] & nous cõsoloyẽt au mieux qu'ils pouuoyent, nous presentãts leurs cauots, & leur peine pour nous conduire où nous voudrions. Ils nous offroyent encores, que s'il nous plaisoit de demeurer auec eux, ils estoyent trois Capitaines Betsabes, Aguigueou & Asticou: desquels vn chacun prẽdroit pour sa part dix de nostre troupe, (puis que nous restions trente,) & nous nourriroit iusques à l'an suiuant, quand les nauires Françoises arriueroyent à la coste, & qu'en ceste façon nous pourrions repasser en nostre pays sans tõber aux mains de meschãts Ingrés. Car ainsi appellẽt-ils pour dire les Anglois. Ce n'estoyent point mines, ou pieges à nous surprendre: car vous entendrés cy apres le bon traictement qu'ils firent au P. Enemond, & à sa troupe, & à Port Royal durant trois hyuers, qu'on a eu bon [36] besoin d'eux, on les a experimenté fideles & secourables. Que si leur dessein eust esté de nous mesfaire, les belles & opportunes occasions ne leur ont pas manqué.

This friendship and fidelity of the said tribes was especially noticeable after our rout by the English, as you will hear. For, as soon as they heard about it, they came to us at night, [35] and consoled us as best they could, offering us their canoes and their help to take us anywhere we wished to go. They also made the proposition, that if we wanted to live with them, there were three Captains—Betsabes, Aguigueou and Asticou,[16] each one of whom, for his share, would take ten of our band (since there were thirty of us left), and would take care of us until the following year, when the French ships would arrive upon the coast; and that in this way we should be able to go back to our own country without falling into the hands of the wicked Ingrés, as they call the English. These were not false pretenses nor snares to entrap us, for you will hear farther on of the good treatment received from them by Father Enemond and his band; and at Port Royal during three winters, when we had great [36] need of them, how faithful and reliable we found them,—although, if they had intended to do us any harm, excellent and convenient opportunities for doing so were not wanting.

CHAPITRE IV.

DU NATUREL DES SAUUAGES, DE LEURS HABITS, HABITATIONS, & VIURE.

[72] LE naturel de nos Sauuages est de soy liberal, & point malitieux: ils ont l'esprit assez gaillard & net, quant à l'estime, & iugement des choses sensibles, & communes & deduisent fort gentiment leurs raisons, les assaisonnant tousiours auec quelque iolie similitude. Ils ont fort bonne memoire des choses corporelles, cõme de vous auoir veu, des qualitez d'vne place, où ils auront esté, [37] de ce qui aura esté fait devãt eux, despuis vingt & trente ans, &c. Mais d'apprendre par cœur, là est l'escueil: il n'y a moyen de leur mettre dans la caboche vne tirade rengée de paroles. Ils n'ont point de barbe, autant peu les hõmes que les fẽmes, horsmis quelques vns plus robustes, & virils. Souuent ils m'ont dit, ̃q nous leur semblions du commencemẽt fort laids, auec nos cheueux, aussi bien sur la bouche que dessus la teste: mais peu à peu ils s'accoustument, & nous commençons à ne plus leur paroistre si difformes. Vous ne sçauriez recognoistre les ieunes garçõs d'auec les ieunes filles, sinon à la façon de se ceindre. Parce que les femmes se ceignẽt dessus & dessous le ventre, & sont plus couuertes que les masles: elles sont aussi d'ordinaire plus parées de matachias: c'est à dire, de [38] chaines, & affiquets, & semblables parures à leur mode: à ce que vous sçachiez que par [74] tout telle est la nature du sexe, amoureuse d'embellissemẽt. Vniuersellemẽt parlant ils sont de taille vn peu moindre que nous, principalemẽt quant à l'espaisseur: Belle toutesfois & bien prinse, comme si nous demeurions en l'estat qu'auons à l'age de vingt & cinq ans. Vous ne rẽcõtreriez point entr'eux vn vẽtru, bossu, ny contre-fait: ladres, gouteux, pierreux, insensés, ils ne sçauent que c'est: ceux d'entre nous qui sont tarez, comme borgnes, lousches, camus, &c. sont aussi tost remarqués par eux, & mocqués largement, specialemẽt par derriere, & quand ils sont entr'eux: car ils sont bons compagnons, & ont le mot & sobriquet à commandement, fort aises quand ils se pensent auoir occasion de [39] nous mespriser. Et certes (à ce que ie vois) c'est vne contagion dont personne n'est exempte que par la misericorde de Dieu: que de se trop estimer soy-mesme. Vous verriez ces pauures barbares, nonobstant leurs si grands manquements de police, de puissance, de lettres, d'arts & de richesse: neãtmoins tenir si grãd compte d'eux, qu'ils nous en déprisẽt beaucoup, se magnifiants par dessus nous.

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE CHARACTER, DRESS, DWELLINGS, AND FOOD OF THE SAVAGES.

THE nature of our Savages is in itself generous and not malicious. They have rather a happy disposition, and a fair capacity for judging and valuing material and common things; deducing their reasons with great nicety, and always seasoning them with some pretty comparison. They have a very good memory for material things, such as having seen you before, of the peculiarities of a place where they may have been, [37] of what took place in their presence twenty or thirty years before, etc.; but to learn anything by heart—there's the rock; there is no way of getting a consecutive arrangement of words into their pates. They have no beards, the men no more than the women, except some of the more robust and virile. They have often told me that at first we seemed to them very ugly with hair both upon our mouths and head; but gradually they have become accustomed to it, and now we are beginning to look less deformed. You could not distinguish the young men from the girls, except in their way of wearing their belts. For the women are girdled both above and below the stomach, and are less nude than the men; also they are usually more ornamented with matachias, that is, with [38] chains, gewgaws, and such finery after their fashion; by which you may know that such is the nature of the sex everywhere, fond of adornment. Generally speaking, they are of lighter build than we are; but handsome and well-shaped, just as we would be if we continued in the same condition in which we were at the age of twenty-five. You do not encounter a big-bellied, hunchbacked, or deformed person among them: those who are leprous, gouty, affected with gravel, or insane, are unknown to them. Any of our people who have some defect, such as the one-eyed, squint-eyed, and flat-nosed, are immediately noticed by them and greatly derided, especially behind our backs and when they are by themselves. For they are droll fellows, and have a word and a nickname very readily at command, if they think they have any occasion to [39] look down upon us. And certainly (judging from what I see) this habit of self-aggrandizement is a contagion from which no one is exempt, except through the grace of God. You will see these poor barbarians, notwithstanding their great lack of government, power, letters, art and riches, yet holding their heads so high that they greatly underrate us, regarding themselves as our superiors.

Leurs habits sont chamarrés de peaux, que les femmes passent, & conroyent du costé, qui n'est pas velu: elles conroyent souuent les peaux d'elan de tous les deux costés, comme nostre buffetin, puis le barricolent de peinture en forme de passements bien ioliment, & en font des robes: de ces mesmes peaux elles leur font des souliers, & des greues. Les masles ne portent point de hauts [40] de chausses, parce que (disent-ils) cela les entraue trop, & met comme aux ceps, ils portent seulemẽt vn linge an deuãt de leur nature, l'Esté ils vsent fort de nos capots, & l'Hyuer [76] de nos couuertes de licts, lesquelles ils s'accommodent en chamarre les redoublants: ils s'aident aussi fort volontiers de nos chapeaux, souliers, bonnets de laine, chemises, & du linge, pour nettoyer leurs enfants de maillot, car on leur trocque toutes ces denrees contre leurs peaux.

Their clothes are trimmed with leather lace, which the women dress and curry on the side which is not hairy. They often curry both sides of elk skin, like our buff skin, then variegate it very prettily with paint put on in a lace-like pattern, and make gowns of it; from the same leather they make their shoes and strings. The men do not wear [40] trousers, because (they say) they hinder them too much, and place them as it were, in chains; they wear only a piece of cloth over their middle; in Summer they often wear our capes, and in Winter our bed-blankets, which they improve with trimming and wear double. They are also quite willing to make use of our hats, shoes, caps, woolens and shirts, and of our linen to clean their infants, for we trade them all these commodities for their furs.

Quelque part qu'ils soyent arriués; la premiere chose c'est de faire du feu, & se cabaner, ce qu'ils ont faict dans vn heure, ou deux: souuent en demy heure. Les femmes vont au bois, & en apportent des perches, lesquelles on dispose par en bas en rond à lentour du feu; & par en haut on les enfourche entr'elles pyramidalement, [41] de maniere qu'elles se reposent l'vne contre l'autre droit au dessus du feu; car là est la cheminée. Sur les perches on iette des peaux, ou bien des nattes, ou des escorces. Au pied des perches dessous les peaux se mettent les sacs. Toute la place à l'entour du feu est ionchée de fueilles de pin, à fin de ne sentir l'humidité de la terre: dessus les fueilles de sapin ils iettẽt souuẽt des nattes ou des peaux de loup marin aussi delicates que le velours; là dessus ils s'estendent à l'entour du feu ayant la teste sur leurs sacs. Et ce qu'on ne croiroit pas, ils sont tres-chaudement leans dedans à petit feu, voire aux plus grandes rigueurs de l'Hiuer. Ils ne se cabanẽt point, qu'aupres de quelque bonne eau, & en lieu de plaisant aspect. En Esté leurs logis changent de figure: car ils les font larges & longs, [42] à fin d'auoir plus d'air; aussi les couurent-ils lors quasi d'escorces, ou de nattes, faictes de roseaux tendres, & sont beaucoup plus minces & delicates que les nostres de paille, si artistement tissuës, que quand elles pendẽt, l'eau coule tout au long, sans point les percer.

Arrived at a certain place, the first thing they do is to build a fire and arrange their camp, which they have finished in an hour or two; often in half an hour. The women go to the woods and bring back some poles which are stuck into the ground in a circle around the fire, and at the top are interlaced, in the form of a pyramid, [41] so that they come together directly over the fire, for there is the chimney. Upon the poles they throw some skins, matting or bark. At the foot of the poles, under the skins, they put their baggage. All the space around the fire is strewn with leaves of the fir tree, so they will not feel the dampness of the ground; over these leaves are often thrown some mats, or sealskins as soft as velvet; upon this they stretch themselves around the fire with their heads resting upon their baggage; And, what no one would believe, they are very warm in there around that little fire, even in the greatest rigors of the Winter. They do not camp except near some good water, and in an attractive location. In Summer the shape of their houses is changed; for then they are broad and long, [42] that they may have more air; then they nearly always cover them with bark, or mats made of tender reeds, finer and more delicate than ours made of straw, and so skillfully woven, that when they are hung up the water runs along their surface without penetrating them.

[78] Leur viure est ce que la chasse, & la pesche leur donnent: car ils ne labourent point: mais la prouidence paternelle de nostre bon Dieu, laquelle n'abandonne pas les passereaux mesmes, n'a point laissé ces pauures creatures, capables de luy, sans prouisiõ cõuenable, qui leur est comme par estape, assignee à chasque lune, car ils cõtent par Lunes, & en mettẽt treze en l'an: Par exemple donc, en Ianuier ils ont la chasse des loups marins: car cest animal, quoy qu'il soit aquatique, fraye neantmoins [43] sur certaines Isles enuiron ce temps. La chair en est aussi bõne q̃ du veau; & de plus ils font de sa graisse vn'huyle, qui leur sert de sausse toute l'annee, ils en rẽplissent plusieurs vessies d'orignac, qui sont deux ou trois fois plus amples & fortes que les nostres de porc; & voila leurs tonneaux de reserue. En ce mesme mois de Feurier, & iusques à la my-Mars, est la grande chasse des Castors, loutres, orignacs, ours (qui sont fort bons) & des caribous, animal moitié asne, moitié cerf. Si le tẽps leur dit, ils viuent lors en grand' abondance, & sont aussi fiers que Princes & Roys; mais s'il leur est contraire, c'est grãde pitié d'eux, & souuent meurent de miserable faim. Le temps leur est contraire, quand il pleut beaucoup, & ne gele pas; parce que lors ils ne peuuent chasser ny aux eslans, ny aux [44] castors. Item: quand il nege beaucoup, & ne gele pas là dessus, car ils ne peuuent pas mener leurs chiens à la chasse, pource qu'ils enfoncẽt dedans, ce qu'ils ne font pas eux, parce qu'ils s'attachent des raquettes aux pieds à l'aide desquelles ils demeurent dessus: si ne peuuent-ils tant courir qu'il faudroit, la nege estãt trop molle. Autres tels miserables accidents leur arriuent, qui seroyent longs à raconter.

Their food is whatever they can get from the chase and from fishing; for they do not till the soil at all; but the paternal providence of our good God, which does not forsake even the sparrow, has not left these poor creatures, worthy of his care, without proper provision, which is to them like fixed rations assigned to every moon; for they count by Moons, and put thirteen of them in a year. Now, for example, in January they have the seal hunting: for this animal, although it is aquatic, nevertheless spawns [43] upon certain Islands about this time. Its flesh is as good as veal; and furthermore they make of its fat an oil, which serves them as sauce throughout the year; they fill several moose-bladders with it, which are two or three times as large and strong as our pig-bladders; and in these you see their reserve casks. Likewise in the month of February and until the middle of March, is the great hunt for Beavers, otters, moose, bears (which are very good), and for the caribou,[17] an animal half ass and half deer. If the weather then is favorable, they live in great abundance, and are as haughty as Princes and Kings; but if it is against them, they are greatly to be pitied, and often die of starvation. The weather is against them if it rains a great deal, and does not freeze; for then they can hunt neither deer nor [44] beavers. Also, when it snows a great deal, and does not freeze over, for then they cannot put their dogs upon the chase, because they sink down; the savages themselves do not do this, for they wear snowshoes on their feet which help them to stay on top: yet they cannot run as fast as would be necessary, the snow being too soft. They have other misfortunes of this kind which it would be tedious to relate.

[80] Sur la my Mars le poisson commence à frayer, & monter de la mer en haut contre certains ruisseaux, souuent en si grand' abondance, que tout en formille. A peine le croiroit, qui ne l'auroit veu. On ne sçauroit mettre la main dans l'eau, qu'on ne rencõtre proye. Entre ces poissons l'eplan est le premier: cest eplan est deux & trois fois plus grand que [45] n'est le nostre de riuiere: apres l'eplan suit le harenc à la fin d'Auril, & au mesme temps les outardes arriuent du Midy, qui sont grosses cannes au double des nostres, & font volontiers leurs nids aux Isles. Deux œufs d'outarde en valent richement cinq de poule. A mesme termoyement vient l'estourgeon, & le saumon, & la grande queste des œufs par les Isletes, car les oiseaux pescherets, qui sont là en treſ grande foison, pondent lors, & souuent couurẽt de leurs nids ces Islettes. Dés le mois de May iusques à la my-Septembre, ils sont hors de tout esmoy pour leur viure: car les mouluës sont à la coste, toute sorte de poisson & coquillage; & les nauires François auec lesquels ils trocquent; & sçauez vous s'ils entendent bien à se faire courtiser. Ils tranchent des freres auecques [46] le Roy, & ne leur faut rien rabattre de toute la piece. Il faut leur faire des presents, & les bien harãguer auant qu'ils accordent la traicte; & icelle faicte, faut encores les Tabagier, c'est à dire, les banqueter. Alors ils danseront, harangueront & chanteront Adesquidex, Adesquidex, Sçauoir est, qu'ils sont les bons amys, alliés, associés, confederés, & comperes du Roy, & des François.

In the middle of March, fish begin to spawn, and to come up from the sea into certain streams, often so abundantly that everything swarms with them. Any one who has not seen it could scarcely believe it. You cannot put your hand into the water, without encountering them. Among these fish the smelt is the first; this smelt is two and three times as large as [45] that in our rivers; after the smelt comes the herring at the end of April; and at the same time bustards, which are large ducks, double the size of ours, come from the South and eagerly make their nests upon the Islands. Two bustard eggs are fully equal to five hen's eggs. At the same time come the sturgeon, and salmon, and the great search through the Islets for eggs, as the waterfowl, which are there in great numbers, lay their eggs then, and often cover the Islets with their nests. From the month of May up to the middle of September, they are free from all anxiety about their food; for the cod are upon the coast, and all kinds of fish and shellfish; and the French ships with which they traffic, and you may be sure they understand how to make themselves courted. They set themselves up for brothers of [46] the King, and it is not expected that they will withdraw in the least from the whole farce. Gifts must be presented and speeches made to them, before they condescend to trade; this done, they must have the Tabagie, i.e. the banquet. Then they will dance, make speeches and sing Adesquidex, Adesquidex, That is, that they are good friends, allies, associates, confederates, and comrades of the King and of the French.

Le gibier d'eau y abonde; celuy de terre non, sinon à certain temps les oiseaux passagiers comme outardes [82]& oyes grises & blãches. On y trouue des perdrix grises, qui ont vne fort belle queuë, & sont deux fois plus grosses que les nostres; on y voit force tourtes, qui viennent manger les frãboises au mois de Iuillet. Plusieurs oiseaux de proye & quelques lapins & leuraux.

Water game abounds there, but not forest game, except at certain times birds of passage, like bustards and gray and white geese. There are to be found there gray partridges, which have beautiful long tails and are twice as large as ours; there are a great many wild pigeons, which come to eat raspberries in the month of July, also several birds of prey and some rabbits and hares.

[47] Or nos sauuages sur la my-Septembre se retirent de la mer, hors la portée du flux, aux petites riuieres, où les anguilles frayent & en font prouision, elles sont bõnes & grasses. En Octobre & Nouembre est la seconde chasse des castors & des eslans: & puis en Decembre (admirable prouidence de Dieu) vient vn poisson appellé d'eux ponamo, qui fraye sous la glace; Item lors les tortues font leurs petits, &c. Tels donc mais en bien plus grand nombre sont les reuenus, & censiues de nos Sauuages, telle leur table & entretiẽ, le tout cotté & assigné chasque chose en son endroit & quartier. Iamais Salomon n'eust son hostel mieux ordonné & policé en viuandiers, que le sont ces pensions & les voicturiers d'icelles. Aussi vn plus grand que Salomon les a constitués. A luy soit gloire à tout'eternité.

[47] Now our savages in the middle of September withdraw from the sea, beyond the reach of the tide, to the little rivers, where the eels spawn, of which they lay in a supply; they are good and fat. In October and November comes the second hunt for elks and beavers; and then in December (wonderful providence of God) comes a fish called by them ponamo,[18] which spawns under the ice. Also then the turtles bear little ones, etc. These then, but in a still greater number, are the revenues and incomes of our Savages; such, their table and living, all prepared and assigned, everything to its proper place and quarter. Never had Solomon his mansion better regulated and provided with food, than are these homes and their landlords. But then a greater one than Solomon has made them; to him be the glory through all eternity.

[48] Pour bien iouyr de ce leur appanage; nos syluicoles s'en vont sur les lieux d'iceluy auec le plaisir de peregrinatiõ & de proumenade, à quoy facilement faire ils ont l'engin, & la grande commodité des cauots qui sont petits esquifs faicts d'escorce de bouleau, estroits & resserrés par les deux bouts, comme la creste d'vn morion; le corps est en façon de berceau large, & ventru; Ils sont lõgs, de huict, ou dix pieds; au reste si capables, que dans vn seul logera tout vn mesnage de cinq, ou six personnes auec tous leurs chiens, sacs, peaux, chauderons & autre bagage bien pesant. Et le bon est qu'il prennent terre, où[84] leur plaist, ce que nous ne pouuõs faire auec nos chaloupes ou bateaux mariniers; parce que le cauot le plus chargé ne sçauroit cueillir demy pied d'eau, & deschargé il est si [49] leger, que vous le souspeseriés facilement, & transporteriez de la main gauche; si viste à l'auiron qu'à vostre bel-aise de bon temps vous ferés en vn iour les trente, & quarente lieuës: neantmoins on ne voit guieres ces Sauuages postilonner ainsi: car leurs iournees ne sont tout que beau passetemps. Ils n'ont iamais haste. Bien diuers de nous, qui ne sçaurions iamais rien faire sans presse & oppresse; oppresse di je, parce que nostre desir nous tyrannise & bannit la paix de nos actions.

[48] In order to thoroughly enjoy this, their lot, our foresters start off to their different places with as much pleasure as if they were going on a stroll or an excursion; they do this easily through the skillful use and great convenience of canoes, which are little skiffs made of birch-bark, narrow and closed at both ends, like the crest of a morion; the body is like a large hollow cradle; they are eight or ten feet long; moreover so capacious that a single one of them will hold an entire household of five or six persons, with all their dogs, sacks, skins, kettles, and other heavy baggage. And the best part of it is that they can land wherever they like, which we cannot do with our shallops or sailing boats; for the most heavily-loaded canoe can draw only half a foot of water, and unloaded it is so [49] light that you can easily pick it up and carry it away with your left hand; so rapidly sculled that, without any effort, in good weather you can make thirty or forty leagues a day; nevertheless we scarcely see these Savages posting along at this rate, for their days are all nothing but pastime. They are never in a hurry. Quite different from us, who can never do anything without hurry and worry; worry, I say, because our desire tyrannizes over us and banishes peace from our actions.

CHAPITRE V.

LA POLICE & GOUUERNEMENT DES SAUUAGES.

[86] ON ne peut auoir plus de police, que de Communauté, [50] puis que police n'est autre, que l'ordre & regime de la Communauté. Or ces Sauuages n'ayants point grande Communauté ny en nõbre de personnes, puis qu'ils sont rares, ny en biens, puis qu'ils sont pauures, ne viuans qu'au iour à la iournee, ny en lien & conionction, puis qu'ils sont espars, & vagabonds, ils ne peuuent auoir grande police. Si ne peuuent-ils s'en passer, puis qu'ils sont hõmes & associés. Celle donc qu'ils ont, est telle. Il y a le Sagamo, qui est l'aisné de quelque puissante famille, qui par consequent aussi en est le chef & conducteur. Tous les ieunes gents de la famille, sont à la table & suitte d'iceluy; aussi est-ce à luy d'entretenir des chiens pour la chasse, & des cauots pour les voituriers, & des prouisions, & reserues pour le mauuais temps, & voyages. Les ieunes gens le [51] courtisent, chassent, & font leur apprentissage sous luy, incapables de rien auoir auant qu'estre mariés: car lors seulemẽt ils peuuent auoir chien & sac: c'est à dire, auoir du propre, & faire pour soy, toutesfois ils demeurent encores sous l'authorité du Sagamo, & le plus souuent en sa compagnie, comm'aussi plusieurs autres, qui manquent de parents, ou encores qui de leur propre gré se rangent sous sa protection, & conduicte, pour estre foibles d'eux-mesmes, & sans suitte. [88] Tout ce donc que les garçons conquestẽt, appartient au Sagamo: mais les mariés ne luy en donnent qu'vne partie, que si ces mariés se departant d'auecques luy, cõm'il le faut souuent pour la commodité de la chasse, & du viure, retournants apres ils payent leur recognoissance, & hommage en peaux, & [52] semblables presents. A ceste cause il y a des querelles, & des ialousies entr'eux aussi bien qu'entre nous, mais non pas si atroces. Quand quelqu'vn par exemple commence à s'emanciper, & faire le Sagamo, quand il ne rẽd point le tribut, quand ses gents le quittent ou que d'autres les luy soustrayent; & comm'entre nous, aussi entr'eux y a des reproches & mespris, cestuy-là n'est qu'vn demy Sagamo, c'est vn nouuellement esclos, comm'vn poussin de trois iours, la creste ne luy faict que de naistre: c'est vn Sagamochin, c'est à dire, vn Aubereau de Sagamo, vn petit nain. Et à celle fin que vous sçachiés que l'ambition a son regne encores dessous le chaume, & les roseaux, aussi bien que dessous les toicts dorés: Et qu'il ne faut point no⁹ tirer beaucoup l'aureille pour apprẽdre ces leçons.

CHAPTER V.

THE POLITY AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SAVAGES.

THERE can be no more polity than there is Commonwealth, [50] since polity is nothing else than the regulation and government of the Commonwealth. Now these Savages not having a great Commonwealth, either in number of people, since they are few; nor in wealth, since they are poor, only living from hand to mouth; nor in ties and bonds of union, since they are scattered and wandering; cannot have great polity. Yet they cannot do without it since they are men and brethren. So what they have is this. There is the Sagamore, who is the eldest son powerful family, and consequently also its chief and leader. All the young people of the family are at his table and in his retinue; it is also his duty to provide dogs for the chase, canoes for transportation, provisions and reserves for bad weather and expeditions. The young people [51] flatter him, hunt, and serve their apprenticeship under him, not being allowed to have anything before they are married, for then only can they have a dog and a bag; that is, have something of their own, and do for themselves. Nevertheless they continue to live under the authority of the Sagamore, and very often in his company; as also do several others who have no relations, or those who of their own free will place themselves under his protection and guidance, being themselves weak and without a following. Now all that the young men capture belongs to the Sagamore; but the married ones give him only a part, and if these leave him, as they often do for the sake of the chase and supplies, returning afterwards, they pay their dues and homage in skins and [52] like gifts. From this cause there are some quarrels and jealousies among them as among us, but not so serious. When, for example, some one begins to assert himself and to act the Sagamore, when he does not render the tribute, when his people leave him or when others get them away from him; then as among us, also among them, there are reproaches and accusations, as that such a one is only a half Sagamore, is newly hatched like a three-days' chicken, that his crest is only beginning to appear; that he is only a Sagamochin, that is, a Baby Sagamore, a little dwarf. And thus you may know that ambition reigns beneath the thatched roofs, as well as under the gilded, and our ears need not be pulled much to learn these lessons.

[53] Ces Sagamies se partagent la region, & sont quasi distribuees par bayes, ou riuieres. Par exemple, en la riuiere de Pentegoet vn Sagamo; vn autre à celle de S. Croix; vn autre à celle de S. Iean, &c. Quand ils se visitent c'est au recepuant de bien-veigner, & faire tabagie à ses hostes, autant de iours qu'il peut; les hostes luy font des presents: mais c'est à la charge que le visité reciproque, quand ce vient au départ, si le visitant est Sagamo, autrement non.

[53] These Sagamies divide up the country and are nearly always arranged according to bays or rivers. For example, for the Pentegoet river there is one Sagamore; another for the Ste. Croix; another for the St. John, etc. When they visit each other it is the duty of the host to welcome and to banquet his guests, as many days as he can, the guests making him some presents; but it is with the expectation that the host will reciprocate, when the guest comes to depart, if the guest is a Sagamore, otherwise not.

C'est l'Esté principalemẽt qu'ils font leurs visites, [90] & tiennent leurs Estats: ie veux dire, que plusieurs Sagamos s'assemblent, & consultent par entr'eux de la paix, & de la guerre, des traictés d'amitié, & du bien commun. Il n'y a que lesdits Sagamos, qui ayent voix en chapitre, & qui harenguent, ne fussent quelques vieux, & renommés [54] Autmoins, qui sont comme leurs Prestres, car ils les honnorent fort, & leur donnẽt seance la mesme qu'aux Sagamos. Il arriue quelque fois, qu'vn mesme est tout ensemble & Autmoin & Sagamo, & lors il est grandement redouté. Tel a esté le renõmé Membertou, qui se fit Chrestien, ainsi que vous ouyrez bien tost. En ces assemblées donc, s'il y a quelques nouuelles d'importance, comme que leurs voisins leurs veulẽt faire la guerre, ou qu'ils ayent tué quelqu'vn, ou qu'il faille renouueller alliance, &c. Lors messagers volent de toutes parts pour faire la plus generale assemblée, qu'ils peuuent de tous les confederez qu'ils appellent Ricmanen, qui sont quasi tous ceux de mesme langue. Neantmoins souuent la confederation s'estẽd plus loin, que ne faict la langue, & contre [55] ceux de mesme langue, s'esleuant quelquefois des guerres. En ces assemblees ainsi vniuerselles se resout ou la paix, ou trefue, ou guerre, ou rien du tout, ainsi qu'arriue souuent és deliberations, où y a plusieurs testes sans ordre, & subordinatiõ, d'où lon se depart plus confus souuent & des-vny qu'on n'y estoit venu.

It is principally in Summer that they pay visits and hold their State Councils; I mean that several Sagamores come together and consult among themselves about peace and war, treaties of friendship and treaties for the common good. It is only these Sagamores who have a voice in the discussion and who make the speeches, unless there be some old and renowned [54] Autmoins, who are like their Priests, for they respect them very much and give them a hearing the same as to the Sagamores. It happens sometimes that the same person is both Autmoin and Sagamore, and then he is greatly dreaded. Such was the renowned Membertou, who became a Christian, as you will soon hear. Now in these assemblies, if there is some news of importance, as that their neighbors wish to make war upon them, or that they have killed some one, or that they must renew the alliance, etc., then messengers fly from all parts to make up the more general assembly, that they may avail themselves of all the confederates, which they call Ricmanen, who are generally those of the same language. Nevertheless the confederation often extends farther than the language does, and war sometimes arises against [55] those who have the same language. In these assemblies so general, they resolve upon peace, truce, war, or nothing at all, as often happens in the councils where there are several chiefs, without order and subordination, whence they frequently depart more confused and disunited than when they came.

Leurs guerres ne se font quasi que de langue à langue, ou de pays à pays, & tousiours par surprinse & trahison. Ils ont l'arc & le pauois, ou targue, mais ils ne se mettẽt iamais en bataille rãgée, au moins de ce que i'en ay peu apprendre. Et de vray ils sont de leur naturel paoureux & coüards, quoi qu'ils ne [92] cessent de se vanter, & facent leur possible d'estre censés, & auoir le nom de Grand cœur. Meskir Kameramon, Grand cœur chez eux, c'est toute vertu.

Their wars are nearly always between language and language, or country and country, and always by deceit and treachery. They have the bow and the shield, or buckler, but they never place themselves in a line of battle, at least from what I have been able to learn. And, in truth, they are by nature fearful and cowardly, although they are always boasting, and do all they can to be renowned and to have the name of "Great-heart." Meskir Kameramon, "Great-heart," among them is the crowning virtue.

[56] Si les offenses ne sont pas de peuple à peuple, ains entre compatriotes, & combourgeois, lors ils se battent par entr'eux pour les petites offenses, & leur façon de cõbat, est cõm'icy celle des femmes, de se voler aux cheueux: saisis par là, ils se luittẽt & secoüent d'vne terrible façon, & s'ils sont fort esgaux, ils demeureront tout vn iour voire deux sans se quitter iusques à ce qu'on les separe, & de vray pour la force du corps, & bras, ils nous sont esgaux, le prenant de pareil à pareil, & si sont plus adextres à la luicte, & plus agiles à courir: mais ils n'entendent point à l'escrime des poings. I'ay veu vn de nos petits garçons faire fuir deuant soy vn Sauuage plus grãd que luy d'vn pied: quãd se mettant en posture de noble combattant, il fermoit le pouce sur les doigs, luy disant, Approche: [57] mais aussi, quand le Sauuage pouuoit le happer par le tronc du corps, il luy faisoit crier mercy.

[56] If the offenses are not between tribes, but between compatriots and fellow-citizens, then they fight among themselves for slight offenses, and their way of fighting is like that of women here, they fly for the hair; holding on to this, they struggle and jerk in a terrible fashion, and if they are equally matched, they keep it up one whole day, or even two, without stopping until some one separates them; and certainly in strength of body and arms they are equal to us, comparing like to like; but if they are more skillful in wrestling and nimble running, they do not understand boxing at all. I have seen one of our little boys make a Savage, a foot taller than himself, fly before him; placing himself in the posture of a noble warrior, he placed his thumb over his fingers and said, "Come on!" [57] However, when the Savage was able to catch him up by the waist, he made him cry for mercy.

Reueuant à mon propos les petites offenses querelles sont facilement appaisees par les Sagamos & communs amis. Et certes ils ne s'offensent guieres, qu'on sçache. Ie dy qu'on sçache. Car nous n'en auons rien veu, ains tousiours vn grand respect, & amour entr'eux. Ce qui nous donoit vn grãd creue-cœur lors que nous tournions les yeux sur nostre misere. Car de voir vne assemblee de François sans reproches, mespris, enuies, & noises de l'vn à l'autre, c'est autant difficile, que de voir la mer sans ondes, ne fust dedans les Cloistres & Conuents, où la grace predomine à la nature.

Returning to my subject. The little offenses and quarrels are easily adjusted by the Sagamores and common friends. And in truth they are hardly ever offended long, as far as we know. I say, as far as we know, for we have never seen anything except always great respect and love among them; which was a great grief to us when we turned our eyes upon our own shortcomings. For to see an assembly of French people without reproaches, slights, envy, and quarrels with each other, is as difficult as to see the sea without waves, except in Monasteries and Convents, where grace triumphs over nature.

[94] Les grandes offenses, comme si [58] quelqu'vn auoit tué vn autre, s'il luy auoit desrobé sa femme, &c. C'est à l'offensé de les venger de sa propre main: ou s'il est mort, c'est à ses plus proches parents, ce qu'arriuant personne ne s'en remuë, ains tous demeurent contents sur ce mot, habenquedouïc, il n'a pas commencé, il le luy a rendu: quittes & bons amis. Que si le delinquant, repentant de sa faute desire faire sa paix, il est receu d'ordinaire à satisfaction, moyennant presents & autres reparatiõs conuenables.

The great offenses, as when [58] some one has killed another, or stolen away his wife, etc., are to be avenged by the offended person with his own hand; or if he is dead, it is the duty of the nearest relatives; when this happens, no one shows any excitement over it, but all dwell contentedly upon this word habenquedouïc, "he did not begin it, he has paid him back: quits and good friends." But if the guilty one, repenting of his fault, wishes to make peace, he is usually received with satisfaction, offering presents and other suitable atonement.

Ils ne sont nullement ingrats entr'eux, ils s'entredonnent tout. Nul oseroit esconduire la priere d'vn autre, ny manger, sans luy faire part de ce qu'il a. Vne fois que nous estions allés bien loin à la pesche, passerent par là cinq ou six femmes, ou filles bien chargées & lasses: nos gents par courtoisie, [59] leur donnerent de leur prinse, ce qu'elles mirent cuire tout aussi tost dans vn chauderon, que nous leur prestasmes, à peine le chauderon boüilloit, que voicy vn bruit, que d'autres Sauuages estoyent là qui venoyẽt, alors nos pauures femmes à s'enfuir viste dans les bois à tout leur chauderon demy cuit: car elles auoyent bonne faim. La raison de la fuite estoit pour-autant que si elles eussent esté veuës, il eust fallu par loy de ciuilité, qu'elles eussent faict part aux suruenants de leur viande, qui n'estoit point trop grande. L'on rit bien alors; & plus encores quand elles apres auoir mangé, voyants lesdits Sauuages venus aupres de nostre feu, firent semblant de n'y auoir pas touché, & de passer tout ainsi, que si elles ne nous eussent point veu au parauant, elles dirent à nos gents [60] tout bas où c'est qu'elles auoyent laissé le chauderon, & eux comme bons compagnons, cognoissans le mystere [96] sçeurent bien seruir aux belles mines, & pour mieux aider au jeu, les pressoyent de s'arrester & gouster vn peu de leur pesche, mais elles ne voulurent rien faire, tant elles auoyent de haste, disants, coupouba, coupouba, grand mercy, grand mercy. Nos gẽts respondirẽt: Or allez de part Dieu, puis qu'auez si grand haste.

They are in no wise ungrateful to each other, and share everything. No one would dare to refuse the request of another, nor to eat without giving him a part of what he has. Once when we had gone a long way off to a fishing place, there passed by five or six women or girls, heavily burdened and weary; our people through courtesy [59] gave them some of our fish, which they immediately put to cook in a kettle, that we loaned them. Scarcely had the kettle begun to boil when a noise was heard, and other Savages could be seen coming; then our poor women fled quickly into the woods, with their kettle only half boiled, for they were very hungry. The reason of their flight was that, if they had been seen, they would have been obliged by a rule of politeness to share with the newcomers their food, which was not too abundant. We had a good laugh then; and were still more amused when they, after having eaten, seeing the said Savages around our fire, acted as if they had never been near there and were about to pass us all by as if they had not seen us before, telling our people [60] in a whisper where they had left the kettle; and they, like good fellows, comprehending the situation, knew enough to look unconscious, and to better carry out the joke, urged them to stop and taste a little fish; but they did not wish to do anything of the kind, they were in such a hurry, saying coupouba, coupouba, "many thanks, many thanks." Our people answered: "Now may God be with you since you are in such a hurry."

CHAPITRE VI.

DE LEURS MARIAGES & PETIT NOMBRE DE PEUPLE.

[98] AV cõtraire de nous, ils font en leurs mariages, non que le pere donne doüaire à sa fille pour la loger auec quelqu'vn; ains [61] que le poursuiuant face de bons, & beaux presens au pere, à ce qu'il luy donne sa fille pour espouse. Les presents seront proportionnément à la qualité du pere, & beauté de la fille; des chiens, des castors, des chauderons, & haches, &c. Mais la façon de courtiser, est bien sauuage: car l'amoureux dés qu'il se professe pour tel, n'oseroit regarder la fille, ny luy parler, ny demeurer aupres d'elle, sinon par occasion, & lors il faut qu'il se commande de ne la point enuisager, ny donner aucun signe de sa passion, autrement il seroit la mocquerie de tous, & sa fauourie en rougiroit. Apres quelque temps, le père assemble la parẽtée, pour auec eux deliberer de l'alliance. Si le recherchant est de bon aage; s'il est bon, & dispos chasseur, sa race, son credit, sa gaillardise; & s'il leur aggrée, ils luy [62] allongeront, ou accourciront, ou conditionneront le temps, & façon de sa poursuitte, ainsi qu'ils aduiseront, au bout duquel temps pour les nopces y aura solemnelle Tabagie & festin, auec harangues, chants, & danses.

CHAPTER VI.

ON THEIR MARRIAGES, AND SPARSENESS OF POPULATION.

CONTRARY to our custom, in their marriages the father does not give a dower to his daughter to establish her with some one, but [61] the lover gives beautiful and suitable presents to the father, so that he will allow him to marry his daughter. The presents will be in proportion to the rank of the father and beauty of the daughter; dogs, beavers, kettles, axes, etc. But they have a very rude way of making love; for the suitor, as soon as he shows a preference for a girl, does not dare look at her, nor speak to her, nor stay near her, unless accidentally; and then he must force himself not to look her in the face, nor to give any sign of his passion, otherwise he would be the laughingstock of all, and his sweetheart would blush for him. After a while, the father brings together the relatives, to talk over the match with them,—whether the suitor is of proper age, whether he is a good and nimble hunter, his family, his reputation, his youthful adventures; and if he suits them, they will [62] lengthen or shorten, or make stipulations as to the time and manner of his courtship as they may think best; and at the end of this time, for the nuptials there will be solemn Tabagie and feasts with speeches, songs and dances.

Selon la coustume du païs, ils peuuent auoir plusieurs femmes, neantmoins la pluspart de ceux que [100]i'ay veu n'en ont qu'vne: plusieurs des Sagamos pretendent ne se pouuoir passer de ceste pluralité, non ja pour cause de luxure (car ceste nation n'est point fort incontinente,) ains pour autres deux raisons, l'vne à fin de retenir leur authorité, & puissance ayants plusieurs enfans; car en cela gist la force des maisons, en multitude d'alliés, & consanguins: la seconde raison est leur entretien & seruice, qui est grand, & penible, puis qu'ils ont grande famille & [63] suitte, & partant requiert nombre de seruiteurs & mesnagers: or n'ont ils autres seruiteurs, esclaues, ou artisants que les femmes. Les pauurettes endurent toute la misere & fatigue de la vie: elles font & dressent les maisons, ou cabannes, les fournissent de feu, de bois & d'eau, apprestent les viandes, boucannent les chairs & autres prouisions, c'est à dire les seichent à la fumée pour les conseruer; vont querir la chasse ou ell' a esté tuée, cousent & radoubent les cauots, accommodent & tendent les peaux, les conroyent & en font des habits, & des souliers à toute la famille; vont à la pesche, tirent à l'auiron: en fin subissent tout le trauail, hors celuy seulement de la grande chasse: outre le soin & la tant oppressante nourriture de leurs petits. Elles emmaillottent leurs enfans [64] sur des petits ais, tels que sont ceux qui pendẽt aux espaules des crocheteurs de Paris, les aisles en estãt ostees. Ces ais pendẽt à vne large courroye attachée à leur front, & ainsi chargees de leurs enfans s'en vont à l'eau, au bois, à la pesche. Si l'enfant crie elles se mettent à dansotter & chanter, bersants ainsi leur petit, lequel cessant de plourer, elles poursuiuent leur besongne.

According to the custom of the country, they can have several wives, but the greater number of them that I have seen have only one; some of the Sagamores pretend that they cannot do without this plurality, not because of lust (for this nation is not very unchaste) but for two other reasons. One is, in order to retain their authority and power by having a number of children; for in that lies the strength of the house, in the great number of allies and connections; the second reason is their entertainment and service, which is great and laborious, since they have large families and [63] a great number of followers, and therefore require a number of servants and housewives; now they have no other servants, slaves, or mechanics but the women. These poor creatures endure all the misfortunes and hardships of life; they prepare and erect the houses, or cabins, furnishing them with fire, wood, and water; prepare the food, preserve the meat and other provisions, that is, dry them in the smoke to preserve them; go to bring the game from the place where it has been killed; sew and repair the canoes, mend and stretch the skins, curry them, and make clothes and shoes of them for the whole family; they go fishing and do the rowing; in short, undertake all the work except that alone of the grand chase, besides having the care and so weakening nourishment of their children. They bind their babies [64] upon little slats like those which hang from the shoulders of street-porters in Paris, with the wings taken away. These slats hang from a broad strap fastened to their foreheads; thus burdened with their children, they go to the water, to the woods, and to fish. If the child cries they begin to dance and sing, thus rocking their little one, and when it stops crying they go on with their work.

Pour ces raisons doncques aucuns Sauuages veulent defendre leur Polygamie, allegans outre ce, qu'ils[102] viendroyent autrement à defaillance par extreme paucité; ignorants la benediction du mariage Chrestien. Et partant est digne de plus grande loüange ce leur insigne Membertou, qui quoi qu'il ait esté le plus grãd Sagamo, le plus suiuy, & le plus redouté qu'ils ayẽt eu de plusieurs siecles, [65] si n'a-il voulu auoir plus que d'vne femme à la fois, mesmes estant Payen, iugeant par instinc naturel, que ceste pluralité estoit & infame, & incommode à raison des riottes, qui en sourdent tousiours, tãt entre les femmes, qu'entre les enfans de diuers licts.

So for these reasons some of the Savages try to defend their Polygamy, further alleging that otherwise there would be an extinction of the family for lack of descendants; ignoring the blessings of Christian marriage. And therefore their renowned Membertou is worthy of greater praise, because although he was the greatest Sagamore, the most followed, and the most feared, that they had had for several centuries, [65] yet he did not care to have more than one wife at a time; although a Pagan, judging from instinct that this plurality was both infamous and troublesome, on account of the quarrels which always arose from it, as much among the wives as among the children of different mothers.

Or les femmes, quoy qu'elles ayent tant de peine, comme i'ay dit, si n'en sont elles pas plus cheries. Les maris les battent comme plastre, & souuent pour bien leger subject. Vn iour certain François osa tancer quelque Sauuage, à cest'occasion: le Sauuage luy repliqua en cholere. Et quoy? Mais as-tu que voir dans ma maison, si ie bats mon chien? La comparaison estoit mauuaise, la response estoit aiguë. Peu de diuorces arriuent entr'eux, & (comme ie croy) peu d'adulteres. Si la femme s'oublioit en cela, ie ne pense pas qu'il [66] y allast de moins que de la vie de tous les deux adulterans. La faute des filles n'est pas tant estimée, ny elles ne perdent point pour cela de trouuer party; c'est tousiours honte neantmoins.

Now these women, although they have so much trouble, as I have said, yet are not cherished any more for it. The husbands beat them unmercifully, and often for a very slight cause. One day a certain Frenchman undertook to rebuke a Savage for this; the Savage answered angrily: "How now, have you nothing to do but to see into my house, every time I strike my dog?" The comparison was bad, the retort was keen. Few divorces occur among them, and (as I believe) little adultery. If the wife should so far forget herself I do not believe that it [66] would be less than a matter of life and death to the two adulterers. The immorality of the girls is not considered so important, nor do they fail for this reason to find husbands; yet it is always a disgrace.

Quant à l'exterieur habit, port & facon, les femmes & filles sont fort pudiques & honteuses, les hommes aussi ne sont point impudens, & sont fort mal edifiés, quãd quelque fol François ose se iouër auec leurs femmes. Certain esceruelé s'estant vne fois licentié en cela, ils vindrent aduiser nostre Capitaine qu'il reprimast ses gẽts, l'aduertissant que celuy n'auroit pas[104] beau jeu, qui le recommenceroit, qu'on l'estendroit par terre. On dresse tousiours vne cabane à l'escart pour les femmes, qui ont leurs mois, car ils les estimẽt estre alors contagieuses.

As to their dress, demeanor, and manners, the women and girls are very modest and bashful; the men also are not immodest, and are very much insulted, when some foolish Frenchman dares to meddle with their women. Once when a certain madcap took some liberties, they came and told our Captain that he should look out for his men, informing him that any one who attempted to do that again would not stand much of a chance, that they would kill him on the spot. They always put up a separate cabin for the women when they have their menses, for then they believe them to be infectious.

Ils s'estonnent & se plaignent [67] souuẽt de ce que dés que les Frãçois hantent & ont commerce auec eux, ils se meurent fort, & se depeuplent. Car ils asseurent qu'auant ceste hantise, & frequentation, toutes leurs terres estoyent fort populeuses, & historient par ordre coste par coste, qu'à mesure qu'ils ont plus cõmencé à traffiquer auecques nous, ils ont plus esté rauagez de maladies: adjoustans, que la cause pourquoy les Armouchiquoys se maintiennent en leur nombrosité, c'est à leur aduis, parce qu'ils ne sont point nonchalants. Là dessus ils alambiquent souuent leur cerueau, & tantost ils opinent, que les François les empoisonnent, ce qui est faux: tantost qu'ils donnent du poison aux scelerats, & peruers de leur natiõ, pour s'en seruir à l'exequution de leur malice. Ceste posterieure coniecture n'est pas sans [68] exemple: car nous auons veu du reagal, & du sublimé entre leurs mains, lequel ils disoyent auoir acheté de certains Chirurgiens François, à fin de faire mourir tous ceux qu'il leur plairoit, & se vantoyent l'auoir ja experimenté sur vn captif, lequel (disoyent-ils) estoit mort vn iour apres la prinse. Autres se plaignent qu'on leur desguise souuent, & sophistique les marchandises, & qu'on leur vend des pois, febues, prunes, pain, & autres choses gastees? & que c'est cela qui leur corromp le corps, & dont s'engendrẽt les dysenteries & autres maladies, qui ont coustume de les saisir en Automne. Ceste raison de mesme ne se propose pas sans productiõ d'exemples, dont ils ont[106] esté souuent sur le poinct de rompre auecques nous, & de nous faire la guerre. Certes il y auroit bon besoin de [69] pouruoir à ces meurtres execrables, par remedes conuenables si lon en pouuoit trouuer aucun.

They are astonished and often complain [67] that, since the French mingle with and carry on trade with them, they are dying fast, and the population is thinning out. For they assert that, before this association and intercourse, all their countries were very populous, and they tell how one by one the different coasts, according as they have begun to traffic with us, have been more reduced by disease; adding, that the reason why the Armouchiquois do not diminish in population is because they are not at all careless. Thereupon they often puzzle their brains, and sometimes think that the French poison them, which is not true; at other times that they give poison to the wicked and vicious of their nation to help them vent their spite upon some one. This last supposition is not without [68] foundation; for we have seen them have some arsenic and sublimate which they said they bought from certain French Surgeons, in order to kill whomsoever they wished, and boasted that they had already experimented upon a captive, who (they said) died the day after taking it. Others complain that the merchandise is often counterfeited and adulterated, and that peas, beans, prunes, bread, and other things that are spoiled are sold to them; and that it is that which corrupts the body and gives rise to the dysentery and other diseases which always attack them in Autumn. This theory likewise is not offered without citing instances, for which they have often been upon the point of breaking with us, and making war upon us. Indeed there would be great need of [69] providing against these detestable murders by some suitable remedy if one could be found.

Neantmoins la principale cause de toutes ces morts & maladies n'est pas ce qu'ils disent: ains c'est à leur honte; que l'Esté nos nauires venus ils ne cessent de plusieurs sepmaines s'engorger outre mesure de plusieurs viandes non accoustumés auec oisiueté, d'yurongner, & au vin adiouster encores l'eau de vie; dont n'est pas de merueille si despuis l'Automne suiuant, il faut qu'ils endurent des trenchées de ventre. Ceste nation est fort peu soucieuse de l'auenir, ainsi que tous les autres Americains, qui iouyssent du present: & ne sont poussez au trauail, que par la necessité presente. Tandis qu'ils ont dequoy, ils font tabagie perpetuelle; chants, danses & harangues: & s'ils sont [70] en troupe, n'attendez pas autre chose; il y a lors belles treues par les bois. Parler de reserue s'ils ne sont en guerre, sont propos de sedition. Ils auront faim l'Hyuer, leur dirés vous: Endriex, vous respondront: c'est tout vn; nous l'endurons facilement: nous passons les sept & huict iours, voire les dix aucunefois sans manger, si n'en mourons point pour cela. Toutesfois s'ils sont à part, & où leurs fẽmes puissent estre creuës (car les femmes sont par tout plus mesnageres) ils feront aucunesfois des magasins pour l'Hyuer, où ils se reserueront quelques chairs boucanées: quelques racines, du gland espeluché en noyaux, quelques pois, ou febues, ou pruneaux de la trocque, &c. La façon de ces magasins est telle. Ils mettent ces prouisions dans des sacs qu'ils enueloppent dans des [71] grandes & amples escorces;[108] lesquelles ils suspendent en l'air aux branches de deux ou trois arbres, liées par ensemble, à ce que les rats ny les autres bestes, ny l'humidité de la terre, ne les endommage. Voila leurs magasins. Qui les gardera? eux s'en allants: car s'ils demeuroyent, leurs magasins iroyent bien tost par terre; ils s'en vont doncques autre part iusques au temps de famine: Telles sont les gardes, qu'ils y mettent. Aussi de vray ceste nation n'est point larronnesse. Pleust à Dieu, que les Chrestiens, qui vont à eux ne dõnassent en cela point de scandale. Mais auiourd'huy si on soupçonne aucun Sauuage d'auoir desrobé, aussi tost il vous mettra deuant le nez ceste belle defense. Nous ne sommes point larrons, comme vous, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

Nevertheless the principal cause of all these deaths and diseases is not what they say it is, but it is something to their shame; in the Summer time, when our ships come, they never stop gorging themselves excessively during several weeks with various kinds of food not suitable to the inactivity of their lives; they get drunk, not only on wine but on brandy; so it is no wonder that they are obliged to endure some gripes of the stomach in the following Autumn. This nation takes little care for the future, but, like all the other Americans, enjoys the present; they are not urged on to work except by present necessity. As long as they have anything, they are always celebrating feasts and having songs, dances and speeches; if there is [70] a crowd of them you need not expect anything else; there are then some fine truces in the woods. To speak of restraint, when they are not at war, is equal to proposing a riot. If you tell them that they will be hungry in the Winter: Endriex, they will answer you, "It is all the same to us, we shall stand it well enough: we spend seven and eight days, even ten sometimes, without eating anything, yet we do not die." Nevertheless, if they are by themselves and where they may safely listen to their wives (for women are everywhere better managers), they will sometimes make some storehouses for the Winter, where they will keep smoked meat, roots, shelled acorns, peas, beans, or prunes bought from us, etc. The storehouses are like this;—They put these provisions in sacks, which they tie up in [71] big pieces of bark; these they suspend from the interlacing branches of two or three trees so that neither rats nor other animals, nor the dampness of the ground, can injure them. These are their storehouses. Who is to take care of them when they go away? for, if they stay, their stores would soon be consumed; so they go somewhere else until the time of famine. Such are the only guards they leave. For in truth this is not a nation of thieves. Would to God that the Christians who go among them would not set them a bad example in this respect. But as it is now, if a certain Savage is suspected of having stolen anything he will immediately throw this fine defense in your teeth, We are not thieves, like you, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

Reuenants à la paucité de ce [72] peuple, il y a encores des autres raisons d'icelle, ceste-cy principalement: qu'en vne vie tant inegale, si disetteuse, & tant laborieuse, le naturel luy peut durer, s'il n'est bien fort; & le fort mesme y reçoit des accidents souuent, & heurts irremediables. Leurs femmes aussi à cause du grand trauail ne sont pas si fecondes: car c'est le plus, si elles enfantent de deux en deux ans. Aussi ne pourroyent elles nourrir leur fruict, si elles accouchoyẽt plus souuent; veu mesmes qu'elles alaictent leurs enfans iusques à trois ans, si elles peuuẽt. Leur couche ne dure guieres, deux heures: souuent en chemin elles se deliurent, & vn peu apres reprendront leur trauail comme deuant.

Returning to the sparseness of the [72] population, there are still some other reasons for it; this being the principal one, that in a life so irregular, so necessitous and so painful, a man's constitution cannot hold out unless it be very strong, and even then he is liable to accidents and irremediable injuries. Their wives, on account of their heavy work, are not very prolific, for at most they do not have children oftener than every two years, and they are not able to nourish their offspring if they have them oftener, as they nurse them for three years if they can.[19] Their confinement lasts hardly two hours; often the children are born on the march, and a little while afterward the mothers will go on with their work as before.

Ie me suis enquis souuent, combien grand pourroit estre le nombre de ce peuple: I'ay trouué par [73] la Relation des Sauuages mesmes, que dans l'enclos de la grande riuiere, dés les Terres Neufues iusques à [110] Chouacoët, on ne sçauroit trouuer plus de neuf ou dix mill'ames. Regardez la carte, & ie vous en donneray le denombrement. Tous les Souriquoys 3000. ou 3500. Les Eteminquois iusques à Pentegoët 2500. Dés Pentegoët iusques à Kinibequi, & de Kinibequi iusques à Chouacoët 3000. Les Montaguets 1000. Voila enuiron dix mill'ames, & ie crois que c'est pour le plus. Les autres peuples ne nous sõt pas cogneus. Aduisez combien veritablement, & emphatiquement a parlé le S. Esprit par la bouche d'Isaye de ces pauures Sauuages dispersez, soubs la metaphore propre & conuenable d'vn grãd vergier, ou parterre sauuagin, & forestier. Il ne fait que florir encores, sur le temps de la recolte, [74] dit-il, Il germe, quand il deuroit estre venu à maturité: Il le faut lors émonder, & tailler; C'est pourquoy ses fruicts sont delaissez aux oyseaux des montagnes & bestes de la terre: Les oyseaux jucheront sur luy tout l'Esté; & toutes les bestes de terre hyuerneront sur luy. Car certainement, ce pauure peuple, comme vn grand plan de sauuageons mal nez, & de mauuaise venuë, quand par le laps & experience des siecles, il deuroit estre venu à quelque perfection des arts, sciences, & raison: Qu'il en deuroit auoir produict fruict abondant en philosophie, police, mœurs, & commoditez de la vie; qu'il deuroit estre ja disposé à la maturité du S. Euangile, pour estre recueilly en la maisõ de Dieu: voila qu'on ne le voit sinon chetif & rare, donné la pasture des corbeaux, hiboux & cocus infernaux: & la curee maudite des renards, [75] ours, sangliers, & dragons spirituels. O Dieu de misericorde! n'aurez vous point pitié de ce desastre? Ne ietterez-vous point vos yeux de douceur sur ce pauure desert? [112] Benin, & pieux laboureur, faictes que la prophetie, qui suit se verifie en nous en nostre âge. En ce tẽps là present sera apporté au Seigneur des Armées par le peuple rompu, & deschiré, par le peuple terrible, apres qui n'en y a point d'autre; La nation attendãte, attendante, & mesprisee, de qui les fleuues ont gasté la terre; au lieu où est inuoqué le nom du Seigneur des Armées à la montagne de Sion. Ainsi soit-il.

I have often wondered how many of these people there are. I have found from [73] the Accounts of the Savages themselves, that in the region of the great river, from Newfoundland to Chouacoët, there cannot be found more than nine or ten thousand people. Look at the chart and I will give you the enumeration of them. The Souriquoys, in all, 3000, or 3500. The Eteminquois to Pentegoët, 2500. From Pentegoët to Kinibequi and from Kinibequi to Chouacoët, 3000. The Montaguets, 1000. This is about ten thousand souls, and I believe it is the highest number. The other tribes are not known to us. Consider how truly and emphatically the Holy Spirit has spoken through the mouth of Isaiah about these poor scattered Savages, under the fitting and appropriate comparison of a great orchard or garden, wild and uncultivated. He says: At the time of the harvest there are still nothing but buds, [74] At the time of the ripening, they are springing up: Then must he cut off the sprigs with pruning hooks: Therefore the fruits are left to the fowls of the mountain, and to the beasts of the earth; the fowls shall Summer upon them, and all the beasts of the earth shall winter upon them. For in truth this people, who, through the progress and experience of centuries, ought to have come to some perfection in the arts, sciences and philosophy, is like a great field of stunted and ill-begotten wild plants, a people which ought to have produced abundant fruits in philosophy, government, customs, and conveniences of life; which ought to be already prepared for the completeness of the Holy Gospel, to be received in the house of God. Yet behold it wretched and dispersed, given up to ravens, owls, and infernal cuckoos, and to be the cursed prey of spiritual foxes, [75] bears, boars, and dragons. O, God of mercy! wilt thou not have pity upon this misery? Wilt thou not look upon this poor wilderness with a favoring eye? Kind and pious husbandman, so act that the prophecy which follows may be fulfilled upon us and in our time. In that time shall a present be brought unto the Lord of Hosts from a people rent, and torn in pieces, a terrible people, after which there hath been no other; A nation expecting, expecting, and trodden under foot, whose land the rivers have spoiled; to the place of the name of the Lord of Hosts, the mount Sion. Amen.

CHAPITRE VII.

[76] DE LA MEDECINE DES SAUUAGES.

[114] IL est asseuré, que les disettes grandes suffoquent l'esprit, & l'oppressent de leur importun & tyrannique seruice, en sorte qu'à peine peut-il reuenir à soy iamais, ou se regaillardir en quelques gentiles considerations: non pas mesme songer aux autres moindres necessitez pour leur aller au deuant, ou les alleger; preoccupé tousiours & violenté par les plus fortes. Nous voyons cecy en nos pauures Sauuages, lesquels pour ne viure qu'au iour à la iournée, & par consequent tousiours asseruis à la crainte de la faim, premiere, & plus forte necessité de toutes, n'ont moyen de cultiuer leur esprit en la recherche des [77] sciences; non pas mesme de se pouruoir des ars, & industries pour l'aisance, & ameliorement de la vie, ny pour fournir aux autres defauts, quoy que bien pressants. A ceste cause donc ils manquent non seulement de toutes lettres & beaux artifices; ains aussi (chose miserable) de medecine, soit pour l'entretenement de leur santé, soit pour le secours de leurs maladies, sinon en ce peu que ie diray.

CHAPTER VII.

[76] ON THE MEDICINE OF THE SAVAGES.

IT is true that great poverty stifles the spirit, and overwhelms it with its importunate and despotic sway, so that it can seldom turn to itself, or revel in agreeable meditations, nor even dream of something better to prevent or lighten it, being always absorbed in and possessed by the greatest needs. We see this in our poor Savages, who live only from hand to mouth, and hence are always subject to the fear of hunger, first and strongest of all wants; they have no opportunity of developing their minds in the pursuit of [77] knowledge; not even of providing arts and trades for the relief and amelioration of life, nor to satisfy other wants however pressing. Now for this reason they not only lack all literature and fine arts, but also (unfortunately) medicine, whether for the preservation of their health, or for the cure of their diseases, except the little that I shall describe.

Ils entretiennent leur santé (l'Esté principalement) par l'vsage des estuuées & sueurs, & du baigner. Ils se seruent aussi de friction, apres laquelle ils s'oignent tout le corps d'huyle de loup marin. Ce qui les rend fort fascheusement puants à qui n'y est accoustumé. Neantmoins ceste onction faict, que le chaud & le froid leur en sont plus tolerables, que leurs [78] cheueux [116] ne sõt prins par les bois, ains glissent, que la pluye & mauuais temps ne leur nuit à la teste, ains coule en bas & iusques aux pieds. Item, que les moucherons (qui là sont cruels en Esté, & plus qu'on ne croiroit) ne les tourmentent point tant és parties nuës, &c. Ils vsent aussi du petun, & en boiuent la fumée, de la façon commune en France. Cela leur profite sans doute, voire leur est du tout necessaire, veu les grandes extremitez qu'ils endurẽt de froid & mauuais temps, de faim, & de repletion ou saturité, mais aussi beaucoup de maux leur en aduiennent; à cause de leur excés en cela, c'est tout leur deduit quãd ils en ont, & de certains François aussi bien que d'eux, qui s'y accoquinent, tellement que pour boire de ces fumées, ils vendroyent leur chemise. Tous leurs deuis, [79] traictés, bien-veignements, & caresses se font auec ce petun. Ils se mettẽt en rond à l'entour du feu, deuisants, & se baillants le petunoir de main en main, & s'entretenants en ceste façon plusieurs heures auec grand plaisir. Tel est leur goust, & coustume.

They keep themselves well (principally in Summer) by the use of hot rooms and sweat boxes, and by the bath. They also use massage, afterwards rubbing the whole body with seal oil, causing them to emit an odor which is very disagreeable to those not accustomed to it. Nevertheless, when this oiling process is over, they can stand heat and cold better, and their [78] hair is not caught in the branches, but is slippery, so that rain and tempest do not injure the head, but glide over it to the feet; also that the mosquitoes (which are very vicious there in Summer, and more annoying than one would believe) do not sting so much in the bare parts, etc. They also use tobacco, and inhale the smoke as is done in France. This is without doubt a help to them, and upon the whole rather necessary, considering the great extremes of cold and bad weather and of hunger and overeating or satiety which they endure; but also many ills arise from it, on account of its excessive use. It is the sole delight of these people when they have some of it, and also certain Frenchmen are so bewitched with it that, to inhale its fumes, they would sell their shirts. All their talks, [79] treaties, welcomes, and endearments are made under the fumes of this tobacco. They gather around the fire, chatting and passing the pipe from hand to hand, enjoying themselves in this way for several hours. Such is their inclination and custom.

Or ceux qui professent entre eux la medecine, sont les mesmes, qui maintiennent l'estat de la Religion, sçauoir est, les Autmoins, qui en charge representeroyent nos Prestres d'icy, & nos Medecins. Mais en verité, ils ne sont Prestres, ains vrais sorciers; ny Medecins, ains Triacleurs mensongers, & trompeurs. Toute leur science est en la cognoissance de quelque peu de simples laxatifs, ou astringents, chauds ou froids, lenitifs, ou corrosifs, pour le foye, ou pour le roignon; & le hasart de bonne fortune, voila tout. [80] Mais leurs malices, & tromperies sont grandes, desquelles ie vous presenteray icy vn eschantillon; [118] vous asseurant n'y auoir rien de feint, ou controuué en tout ce que ie vous en raconteray, quoy qu'il semble incroyable.

Now those among them who practice medicine, are identical with those who are at the head of their Religion, i.e. Autmoins, whose office is the same as that of our Priests and our Physicians. But in truth they are not Priests, but genuine sorcerers; not Physicians, but Jugglers, liars, and cheats. All their science consists in a knowledge of a few simple laxatives, or astringents, hot or cold applications, lenitives or irritants for the liver or kidneys, leaving the rest to luck; nothing more. [80] But they are well versed in tricks and impositions, of which I shall give you a sample, assuring you that I have not misrepresented or fabricated anything of all that I shall tell you, although it may seem incredible.

Le Sauuage se sentant mal extraordinairement, se couche tout au long du feu: lors on dit; Ouëscouzy. Ouëscouzy. Il est malade. En son temps on luy donnera sa part de ce qu'on aura rousty, boüilly, ou trainé par les cendres; tout ainsi qu'aux autres, car de luy chercher ou apprester quelque chose de particulier, ils n'en ont point l'vsance. Si donc le malade mange ce qu'on luy aura baillé, bon prou luy face; sinon, lon dira, qu'il est bien malade. Et apres quelques iours (si lon peut) on mandera querir l'Autmoin, que les Basques appellent Pilotoys, c'est à dire, sorcier. [81] Or ce Pilotoys ayant consideré son malade, le souffle, & resouffle auec ie ne sçay quels enchantements; vous diriés que ces vents pectoraux doiuent dissiper la cacochymie du patient. Que s'il voit apres quelques iours, que pour tout son boursoufflement le mal ne disparoit point, il en trouue bien la cause à son aduis, c'est dit-il, pour-autant que le Diable est là, au dedans du malade, le tourmentant, & empeschant la guerison. Mais qu'il faut l'auoir le mauuais, l'enleuer de force, & le tuer. Lors tous se preparent à ceste heroique action, que le tuer Belzebut: Et l'Autmoin les aduertit d'estre bien sur leurs gardes: car il se peut biẽ faire que cest audacieux se voyant mal mené par luy, se ruë sur quelqu'vn de la troupe, & l'estrangle là. Pour ceste cause il distribue à chascun son acte de la [82] fable: mais elle seroit trop longue à raconter, car elle dure bien trois heures.

A Savage, feeling very ill, stretches himself out near the fire: then they say: Ouëscouzy, Ouëscouzy, "he is sick." When his turn comes, they give him his share of whatever they have boiled, roasted, or dragged over the coals, just the same as the others, for they are not accustomed to seek or prepare any special food for him. Now if the sick man eats what is given him, it is a good sign; otherwise, they say that he is very sick, and after some days (if they can) they will send for the Autmoin, whom the Basques call Pilotoys; i.e., sorcerer.[20] [81] Now this Pilotoys, having studied his patient, breathes and blows upon him some unknown enchantments; you would say that these chest winds ought to dispel the vitiated humors of the patient. If he sees after some days, that notwithstanding all his blowing the evil does not disappear, he finds the reason for it according to his own ideas, and says it is because the Devil is there inside of the sick man, tormenting and preventing him from getting well; but that he must have the evil thing, get it out by force and kill it. Then all prepare for that heroic action, the killing of Beelzebub. And the Autmoin advises them to be upon their guard, for it can easily happen that this insolent fellow, seeing himself badly treated by him, may hurl himself upon someone of the crowd, and strangle him upon the spot. For this reason he allots to each one his part of the [82] farce; but it would be tedious to describe, for it lasts fully three hours.

Le sommaire est, que le Iongleur enfoüit dans vn creux bien profond en terre vne cheuille, à laquelle [120] il attache vne corde. Puis ayant fait diuers chants, danses & hurlements sur le trou, & sur le malade, qui n'en est pas loin, tel qu'il y en auroit assez pour estourdir vn homme bien sain; il prend vn' espee toute nuë, & s'endemene si furieusement çà & là, qu'il en suë à grosses gouttes par tout le corps, & baue comm'vn cheual. Sur quoy les spectateurs estant ja intimidés: luy d'vn effroyable & vrayement energumenique ton, redouble ses denontiations, & mugissements, qu'on se garde, il est en fougues le Satan, il y a du grand danger. A ce cry les pauures abusez deuiennẽt pasles, [83] à demy morts comme linge, & tremblent comme la fueille sur l'arbre. En fin cest affronteur s'escrie d'vn autre accent plus gaillard. Il en a le maudit cornu: Ie le vois là tout estendu aux abois, & pantelant dedans la fosse. Mais courage; il le faut auoir du tout, & l'exterminer entierement. Adonc le monde present bien-aise, & tous les plus robustes de grande ioye se iettent à la corde pour enleuer Satan, & tirent, tirent. Mais ils n'ont garde de l'auoir: l'Autmoin ayãt trop biẽ fiché la cheuille. Ils tirẽt encore vn' autrefois tant qu'il peuuẽt, mais pour neant. Tandis le Pilotoys de temps en temps va descharger ses blasphemes dessus la fosse, & faisant semblant de donner à l'ennemy d'enfer de grandes estocades, deschausse peu à peu la cheuille, laquelle en fin à force de tirer s'arrache, apportant [84] auec soy quelques badineries, que le charlatant auoit attachée au bout, comme des ossements pourris de mouluë, de roigneures de peaux chargées de fiente, &c. Alors ioye par tout; il a esté tué le meschant Lucifer. Nepq. Nepq. Tenez, en voyez-vous les marques? O victoire! vous guerirez, malade; Ayez bonne esperance, [122] si le mal n'est point plus fort que vous: ie veux dire, si le Diable ne vous a ja blessé à mort.

The sum and substance of it is that the Juggler hides a stick in a deep hole in the ground, to which is attached a cord. Then, after various chants, dances, and howls over the hole, and over the sick man, who is not far away, of such kind that a well man would have enough of it to deafen him, he takes a naked sword and slashes it about so furiously that the sweat comes out in great drops all over his body and he froths like a horse. Thereupon the spectators, being already intimidated, he, with a frightful and truly demoniac voice, redoubles his roars and threats that they must take care, that Satan is furious and that there is great peril. At this cry the poor dupes turn pale [83] as death, and tremble like the leaf upon the tree. At last this impostor cries out in another and more joyous tone: "There is the accursed one with the horn: I see him extended there at bay and panting within the ditch. But courage, we must have him all and exterminate him entirely." Now the audience being relieved, all the strongest with great joy rush for the cord to raise Satan, and pull and pull. But they are far from getting him, as the Autmoin has fastened the stick too well. They pull again as hard as they can, but without success, while the Pilotoys goes, from time to time, to utter his blasphemies over the hole; and, making as if to give great thrusts to the diabolical enemy, little by little uncovers the stick which, at last, by hard pulling, is torn out, bringing [84] with it some rubbish, which the charlatan had fastened to the end, such as decayed and mouldy bones, pieces of skin covered with dung, etc. Then they are all overjoyed; wicked Lucifer has been killed. Nepq. Nepq. Stop, do you see his tracks? Oh victory! You will get well, sick man; be of good cheer, if the evil is not stronger than you, I mean, if the Devil has not already given you your deathblow.

Car icy est la derniere Scene de la farce. L'Autmoin dit, que ja le Diable estant tué, ou bien blessé, ou du moins dehors, ie ne sçay, ou bien loin: Il reste à sçauoir s'il aura point laissé le malade blessé à mort. Pour deuiner cela il faut qu'il songe: aussi a-il bon besoin d'aller dormir: car il est fort trauaillé: cependant il gaigne temps pour voir les crises de la maladie. [85] Ayant bien dormy, & songé, il reuoit son malade, & selon les prognostiques, qu'il recognoit, il le prononce deuoir, ou viure, ou mourir. Il n'est ja si sot de dire, qu'il viura, s'il n'en a des prorretiques asseurez: Il dira doncques qu'il mourra, par exemple dans trois iours. Or oyez maintenant vne belle façon de verifier ses propheties. Premierement le malade dés qu'il est ainsi iugé à mort ne mange point, & lon ne luy donne rien plus. Que si le troisiesme iour venu il ne meurt point encores, ils disent, qu'il y a ie ne sçay quoy du Diable, qui ne le permet pas expirer à son aise: par ainsi on s'en court à l'ayde: Où? A l'eau. Quoy faire? En apporter des pleins chauderons. Pourquoy? Pour la luy verser toute froide dessus le vẽtre, & ainsi luy esteindre toute chaleur vitale si aucune [86] luy reste. Il faut bien qu'il trespasse le troisiesme iour, puis que s'il ne veut mourir de soy, on le tuë.

For this is the last Scene of the farce. The Autmoin says, that the Devil being already killed, or seriously hurt, or at least gone away, whether very far or not, I do not know, it remains to be seen if he has given a death wound to the patient. To guess this he will have to dream; indeed he is in great need of sleep, for he has worked hard. Meanwhile he gains time to observe the crisis of the disease. [85] Having slept well and dreamed he looks again at his patient and, according to the symptoms which he observes, he declares that he is either to live or to die. He is not so foolish as to say that he will live, if the symptoms are not encouraging. He will then say, for instance, that he will die in three days. Hear now in what a fine fashion he verifies his prophecies. In the first place the sick man, since he has been thus appointed to die, does not eat, and they no longer offer him anything. But if he does not die by the third day, they say that he has something of the Devil in him, I know not what, which does not permit him to die easily, so they rush to his aid. Where? To the water. What to do? To bring kettles full of it. Why? To pour the cold water over his navel, and thus extinguish all vital heat, if any [86] remain to him. He is indeed obliged to die the third day, since if he is not going to do it of himself, they kill him.

Le Pere Enemõd Massé se rencontra vne fois en vn tel badinage, & en conuainquit manifestement la piperie, & fausseté. Mais on ne sçauroit dire combien peut la coustume, & l'authorité ja preiugée, encores mesmes contre les demonstratiõs oculaires. Car [124]toutes vos raisons, & apportez-en mille si vous voulez, sont biffées, par ce seul traict, qui leur est en main. Aoti Chabaya, c'est (disent-ils) la façon de faire des Sauuages. Vous vsez de la vostre, nous de la nostre. Chacun prise ses merceries, mais en despit de ces malencontreuses predictions Autmoinales nous en auons veu par la grace de Dieu, qui sont eschappez & reuenus en santé, par le bon soin & [87] cure des François, comme Membertou, que Monsieur de Potrincourt retira d'vne toute telle mort, & despuis de nostre temps son fils Actodin. Ce qui a grandement decredité ces desastrez Magiciens, & a ouuert les yeux à ceste pauure Gentilité, à la grande gloire de nostre Sauueur, & consolation de ses seruiteurs.

Father Enemond Massé once found himself in the midst of this kind of foolery, and demonstrated to them plainly the trickery and falsity of it. But it is impossible to tell to how great a degree custom and influence can prejudice, even in the presence of ocular proof. For all your arguments, and you can bring on a thousand of them if you wish, are annihilated by this single shaft which they always have at hand, Aoti Chabaya, (they say) "That is the Savage way of doing it. You can have your way and we will have ours; every one values his own wares." But in spite of these lugubrious Autmoinal predictions, we have seen some who, by the grace of God, have been saved and have recovered their health, through the good care and [87] nursing of the French, as for instance Membertou, whom Monsieur de Potrincourt delivered from just such a death as this; and in our time his son, Actodin; which has greatly discredited these baleful Magicians, and has opened the eyes of these poor Heathen, to the great glory of our Savior, and satisfaction of his servants.

Pour la cure des playes, les Autmoins n'y entendent guieres plus: car ils ne sçauent que succer la blesseure & la charmer, y apposant quelques simples au rencontre de la bonne auenture. Cependant la cõmune opinion est, qu'il faut faire plusieurs & bons presents à l'Autmoin, à celle fin qu'il aye meilleure main: car, disent-ils, cela y fait beaucoup en toutes sortes de symptomes. Les mesmes Pilotoys ont aussi ce priuilege, que de receuoir de tous, & de ne [88] dõner à personne; Ainsi que s'en venta vn faux vieillard, audict P. Enemond Massé. C'est vne belle exemption de taille, que ceste-là: Ne rien donner, & receuoir tout.

In regard to the cure of sores, the Autmoins know no more; for all they can do is to suck the wound and charm it, applying to it some simple remedies at random. However, the general impression is, that they must make many and valuable presents to the Autmoin, so that he may have a more skillful hand: for they say that that counts a great deal in all kinds of diseases. Likewise the Pilotoys have also this privilege, that of receiving from all and [88] giving to none, as a wicked old man boasted to Father Enemond Massé. This is a fine exemption from taxes, indeed: Give nothing and take all.

CHAPITRE VIII.

DE LEUR TESTAMENT, LEURS OBSEQUES, & ENTERREMENT, & DE LEUR RELIGION.

[126] LE malade ayant esté iugé à mort par l'Autmoin, ainsi que nous auons dit: Toute la parentée, & les voysins s'assemblẽt, & luy, au plus haut appareil qu'il peut, fait la harangue funebre: recite ses gestes, donne des enseignements à sa famille, recommande ses amis: en fin, dit à Dieu. Voyla tout leur testament: Car de dons, ils n'en font point, ains tout au contraire de nous, les suruiuants [89] en font en mourant, ainsi qu'ouyrez. Seulement faut excepter la Tabagie, parce qu'elle est vne rubrique generale qu'il faut obseruer par tout, à fin que les ceremonies soyent selon le droict.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON THEIR WILLS, FUNERAL RITES, AND BURIALS, AND ON THEIR RELIGION.

THE sick man having been appointed by the Autmoin to die, as we have said, all the relations and neighbors assemble and, with the greatest possibles solemnity, he delivers his funeral oration: he recites his heroic deeds; gives some directions to his family, recommends his friends: finally, says adieu. This is all there is of their wills. As to gifts, they make none at all; but, quite different from us, the survivors [89] give some to the dying man, as you will hear. But we must except the Tabagie, for it is a general injunction which must be observed everywhere, so that the ceremonies may be according to law.

Doncques, si le mourãt a quelques prouisions, il faut qu'il en face Tabagie à tous ses parents, & amis. Cependant qu'elle cuit, les assistants luy font reciproquemẽt leurs presents en signe d'amitié, des chiens; des peaux, de flesches, &c. On tue ces chiens pour les luy enuoyer au deuãt en l'autre monde. Lesdits chiens encores seruẽt à la Tabagie, car ils y trouuent du goust. Ayant banqueté, ils commencent leurs harengues de commiseratiõ, & leurs Adieus pitoyables, que le cœur leur pleure, & leur saigne de ce que leur bon amy les quitte, & s'en va; mais qu'il s'en aille hardimẽt puis [90] qu'il laisse de beaux enfans, qui seront bons chasseurs, & vaillants hommes: & des bons amis, qui bien vengerõt les [128] torts qu'on luy a faicts, &c. Ce train dure iusques à ce que le trespassant expire, ce qu'arriuant ils iettẽt des crys horribles, & est chose furieuse, que de leurs Nænies, lesquelles ne cessent ny iour, ny nuict, quelque fois durẽt toute vne sepmaine; selon que le defunct est grand, & que les complorants ont de prouision. Si la prouision defaut entierement, ils ne font qu'enterrer le mort, & different ces obseques, & ceremonies à vn autre temps, & lieu, au bon plaisir du ventre.

So if the dying man has some supplies on hand, he must make Tabagie of them for all his relatives and friends. While it is being prepared, those who are present exchange gifts with him in token of friendship; dogs, skins, arrows, etc. They kill these dogs in order to send them on before him into the other world. The said dogs are afterwards served at the Tabagie, for they find them palatable. Having banqueted they begin to express their sympathy and sorrowful Farewells; their hearts weep and bleed because their good friend is going to leave them and go away; but he may go fearlessly, since [90] he leaves behind him beautiful children, who are good hunters and brave men: and good friends, who will avenge his wrongs, etc. They go on in this way until the dying man expires and then they utter horrible cries; and a terrible thing are their Nænias [funeral dirges] which continue day and night, sometimes lasting a whole week, according to how great the deceased is, and to the amount of provisions for the mourners. If there are none at all, they only bury the dead man, and postpone the obsequies and ceremonies until another time and place, at the good pleasure of their stomachs.

Cependant tous les parents & amis se barboüillent la face de noir: & prou souuent se peignent d'autres couleurs; mais c'est pour se faire plus beaux & iolis; le noir leur est marq̃ du dueil & tristesse.

Meanwhile all the relatives and friends daub their faces with black, and very often paint themselves with other colors; but this they do to appear more pleasing and beautiful. To them black is a sign of grief and mourning.

[91] Ils enterrent leurs morts en ceste façon. Premierement ils emmaillottent le corps, & le garrotent dans des peaux; non de son long, ains les genoux contre le ventre, & la teste sur les genoux tout ainsi que nous sommes dans le ventre de nostre mere. Apres, la fosse estant faicte fort creuse, il l'y logent, non à la renuerse ou couché comme nous: ains assis. Posture en laquelle ils s'aimẽt fort, & qui entr'eux signifie reuerence. Car les enfans, & ieunes, s'assient ainsi en presence de leurs peres & des vieux qu'ils respectent. Nous autres nous en rions, & disons, que c'est s'asseoir en guenon, eux prisent ceste façon & la trouuent commode. Depuis le corps logé, & n'arriuant pas à fleur de terre pour la profondeur de la fosse; Ils voutent laditte fosse auec des bastons, à celle [92] fin que la terre ne retombe dedans, & ainsi couurent le tombeau au dessus. Si c'est quelqu' illustre personnage, ils bastissent vne forme de Pyramide, [130]ou monument à tout des perches liées par ensemble: aussi cupides de gloire en cela, que nous en nos marbres, & porphyres. Si c'est vn homme, ils y mettent pour enseignes & marque son arc, ses flesches, & son pauois: Si vne femme des cueilliers, des matachias, ou iouyaux, & parures, &c.

[91] They bury their dead in this manner: First they swathe the body and tie it up in skins; not lengthwise, but with the knees against the stomach and the head on the knees, as we are in our mother's womb. Afterwards they put it in the grave, which has been made very deep, not upon the back or lying down as we do, but sitting. A posture which they like very much, and which among them signifies reverence. For the children and the youths seat themselves thus in the presence of their fathers, and of the old, whom they respect. We laugh at them, and tell them that way of sitting is the fashion with monkeys, but they like it and find it convenient. When the body is placed, as it does not come up even with the ground on account of the depth of the grave, they arch the grave over with sticks, so [92] that the earth will not fall back into it, and thus they cover up the tomb. If it is some illustrious personage they build a Pyramid or monument of interlacing poles; as eager in that for glory as we are in our marble and porphyry. If it is a man, they place there as a sign and emblem, his bow, arrows, and shield; if a woman, spoons, matachias or jewels, ornaments, etc.

I'ay pensé m'oublier du plus beau: c'est qu'ils inhument auec le defunct tout ce qu'il a, comme son sac, ses fleches, ses peaux, & toutes ses autres besongnes & bagage, & encores ses chiens, s'ils n'ont esté mangés. Voire les viuants y adioustent encores plusieurs telles offrandes pour amitié. Estimés par là, si ces bonnes [93] gens sont loing de ceste maudite auarice, que nous voyons entre nous; laquelle pour auoir les richesses des morts, desire & pourchasse la perte, & trespas des viuants.

I have nearly forgotten the most beautiful part of all; it is that they bury with the dead man all that he owns, such as his bag, his arrows, his skins and all his other articles and baggage, even his dogs if they have not been eaten. Moreover, the survivors add to these a number of other such offerings, as tokens of friendship. Judge from this whether these good [93] people are not far removed from this cursed avarice which we see among us; who, to become possessed of the riches of the dead, desire and seek eagerly for the loss and departure of the living.

Ces obseques ainsi faictes, ils s'en fuyent du lieu, & hayssent deslors toute la memoire du mort. S'il arriue, qu'il en faille parler, c'est sous vn autre nom nouueau. Comme par exemple le Sagamo Schoudon, estant mort, il fut appellé le Pere; Membertou nommé le grand Capitaine. Et ainsi du reste.

These obsequies finished, they flee from the place, and, from that time on, they hate all memory of the dead. If it happens that they are obliged to speak of him sometimes, it is under another and a new name. As for instance, the Sagamore Schoudon[21] being dead, he was called "the Father" [Père.] Membertou was called "the great Captain," and so on.

Or toute leur Religion, pour le dire en vn mot, n'est autre qu'és sorceleries & charmes des Autmoins, tels que nous vous auons recité cy deuant, parlants de leurs maladies. Ils ont beaucoup d'autres semblables sacrifices faicts au Diable, pour auoir bonne fortune [94] à la chasse, pour la victoire, pour le bon vent, &c. Ils croyent aussi aux songes, à fin que nulle sorte de folie ne leur manque. Aussi, dit-on, que souuent ces Necromantiens de Pilotoys prouoquent des spectres, & illusions aux yeux de ceux qui les croyent, faisants apparoistre des serpents & autres bestes, qui entrent & sortent de leur bouche [132] tandis qu'ils harenguent: & plusieurs autres semblables traicts de Magicien. Mais ie ne me suis iamais rencontré en tels spectacles. On nous donnoit aussi à entendre deuant qu'arriuer là, que le malin esprit tourmẽtoit sensiblemẽt le corps de ces pauures gẽts auãt le baptesme, & non apres; ie n'ay rien veu de tout cela, ny ouy dire estant sur le lieu, quoy que ie m'en sois fort enquesté. Ce que ie mets icy, à fin de rembarrer les [95] faux tesmoins de Dieu, comme les appelle S. Paul: c'est à dire, ceux qui racontent des faux miracles pour honnorer Dieu. Combien que l'escriuain du factum, qui a controuué tel mensonge, n'auoit pas dessein d'honnorer Dieu, en auançãt ces miracles: ains de charger les Iesuites cõmẽt que ce fust.

Now all their religion, to speak briefly, is nothing else than the tricks and charms of the Autmoins, as we have related before in speaking of their illnesses. They have many other similar sacrifices which they make to the Devil, so they will have good luck [94] in the chase, victory, favorable winds, etc. They believe also in dreams, that no kind of nonsense may be wanting to them. Furthermore, they say that the Magic of the Pilotoys often calls forth spirits and optical illusions to those who believe them, showing snakes and other beasts which go in and out of the mouth while they are talking; and several other Magical deeds of the same kind. But I never happened to be present at any of these spectacles. We were given to understand before we went there, that the evil spirit greatly tormented the bodies of these poor people before baptism, but not afterwards; I saw nothing of all this, nor heard of it while I was there, although I inquired into the matter very carefully. I put this down here in order to confute the [95] false witnesses of God, as St. Paul calls them; namely, those who relate false miracles in order to glorify God; to show that the writer of the memoir,[25] who has forged such a lie, does not intend to glorify God in advancing these miracles so much as to charge that they were manufactured by the Jesuits.

Les Sauuages m'ont bien souuent dit, que du temps de leurs Peres, & auant la venuë des François, le Diable les mastinoit fort, mais qu'il ne le faict plus maintenant, comm'il appert. Membertou aussi m'a asseuré qu'estant encores Autmoin (car il l'auoit esté, & fort celebre) le Diable s'estoit apparu souuẽtesfois à luy: mais qu'il l'auoit quitté, ayant fort bien cogneu qu'il estoit meschant, parce qu'il ne commandoit iamais que de mal faire. Voila tout ce que i'en ay peu apprendre.

The Savages indeed have often told me that, in their Fathers' time, and before the coming of the French, the Devil tormented them a great deal, but that he does not do it any more, as it appears. Membertou has assured me that when he was still Autmoin (for he was one, and very celebrated too), the Devil appeared to him many times; but that he had avoided him, knowing well that he was wicked, because he never commanded him to do anything but evil. Now this is all I have been able to learn on this subject.

[96] Ils croyent vn Dieu, ce disent-ils: mais ils ne sçauent le nommer que du nom du Soleil Niscaminou, Ny ne sçauent aucunes prieres, ny façon de l'adorer. Vn ieune Autmoin interrogé par moy sur cela, respondit: Que quand ils estoyent en necessité il prenoit sa robe sacrée, (car les Autmoins ont vne robe precieuse, exprés pour leurs Orgies) & se tournant vers l'Orient disoit, Niscaminou hignemoüy ninem marcodam: [134] Nostre Soleil, ou nostre Dieu, donne nous à manger. Qu'apres cela ils alloyẽt à la chasse, & volontiers auec bõheur: autre chose ne me sceust il dire. Ils tiennent l'immortalité de l'ame, & la recompense des bons & des mauuais, cõfusément & en general; mais ils ne passent point plus auant en recherche ny soucy, comment cela doit estre, occupés tousiours & preoccupés ou [97] des necessitez de la vie, ou de leurs vs & coustumes. Voila briefuement le plus principal de ce que i'ay peu apperceuoir de ces nations, & de leur vie.

[96] They believe in a God, so they say; but they cannot call him by any name except that of the Sun, Niscaminou,[22] nor do they know any prayers or manner of worshipping him. When I asked a young Autmoin about this, he answered, that when they were in great need he put on his sacred robe (for the Autmoins have a precious robe, expressly for their Orgies) and turning toward the East said, Niscaminou, hignemoüy ninem marcodam: "Our Sun, or our God, give us something to eat;" that after that they went hunting cheerfully and with good luck; he could not tell me anything more. They have an incoherent and general idea of the immortality of the soul and of future reward and punishment: but farther than this they do not seek nor care for the causes of these things, occupied and engrossed always either [97] in the material things of life, or in their own ways and customs. Now these are briefly the principal features of what I have been able to learn about these nations and their life.

Mais si ores nous venons à sommer le tout, & apparier leurs biẽs, & leurs maux auec les nostres, ie ne sçay si en verité ils n'ont point bonne raison de preferer (comm' ils font) leur felicité à la nostre, au moins si nous parlons de la felicité temporelle, que les riches & mondains cherchent en ceste vie. Car si bien ils n'ont pas toutes ces delices, que les enfans de ce siecle recherchent, ils sont frãcs des maux qui les suiuent, & ont du contentement, qui ne les accompagne pas. Il est vray neantmoins, qu'ils sont purement, & absoluement miserables, tant parce qu'ils n'ont aucune part en la felicité naturelle, qui est en la contemplation [98] de Dieu, & cognoissance des choses grandes, & perfectiõ des parties nobles de l'ame, comme principalemẽt parce que ils sont hors la grace de nostre Seigneur Iesvs-Christ, & le chemin du salut Eternel.

But now if we come to sum up the whole and compare their good and ill with ours, I do not know but that they, in truth, have some reason to prefer (as they do) their own kind of happiness to ours, at least if we speak of the temporal happiness, which the rich and worldly seek in this life. For, if indeed they have not all those pleasures which the children of this age are seeking after, they are free from the evils which follow them, and have the contentment which does not accompany them. It is true, nevertheless, that they are purely and absolutely wretched, as much because they have no part in the natural happiness which is in the contemplation [98] of God, and in the knowledge of sublime things and in the perfection of the nobler parts of the soul, but chiefly because they are outside the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the way of Eternal salvation.

CHAPITRE IX.

QUEL MOYEN IL Y PEUT AUOIR D'AIDER CES NATIONS À LEUR SALUT ETERNEL.

[136] VOVS auez ouy iusques icy, quel est le naturel des terres de la nouuelle France, & les façons, arts, & coustumes principales des habitans. Or maintenant le tout bien consideré, en fin, ie croy, que le resultat de toutes les opinions, aduis, experiences, raisons, & coniectures des Sages ne pourroit estre guieres que [99] cestui-cy, sçauoir est, qu'il n'y a point d'apparence de iamais pouuoir cõuertir, ny aider solidement à salut ces Natiõs, si lon ny fonde vne peuplade Chrestienne, & Catholique, ayant suffisance de moyens pour viure, & de laquelle toutes ces contrées dependent, mesmes quand aux prouisions, & necessités temporel. Tel est le resultat, & conclusion des aduis.

CHAPTER IX.

ON THE MEANS AVAILABLE TO AID THESE NATIONS TO THEIR ETERNAL SALVATION.

YOU have heard up to the present about the nature of the lands of new France, and the more important habits, arts, and customs of the inhabitants. Now, after considering the whole subject thoroughly, the result of all these opinions, sentiments, experiments, arguments, and conjectures of the wise can hardly be otherwise than [99] this; namely, that there is no probability of ever being able to convert or really help these Nations to salvation, if there is not established there a Christian and Catholic colony, having a sufficiency of means to maintain it, and upon which all the countries depend, even as to provisions and temporal needs. Such is the result and conclusion of our investigations.

Or comment est-ce que s'y pourroit dresser, fournir, & entretenir ceste colonie, & peuplade? Ce n'est point icy le lieu d'en minuter, & articuler les chefs. Seulement aduertiray-ie, que c'est vne grande folie à des petits compagnons, que de s'imaginer des Baronnies, & ie ne sçay quels grands fiefs, & tenements en ces terres, pour trois ou quatre mille escus, par exemple, qu'ils auront à y foncer. Le pis seroit, quand [100] ceste folle vanité arriueroit à gens qui fuyent la ruine de leurs maisons en France: car à tels conuoiteux infailliblement aduiendroit, non que, borgnes ils [138] regneroient entre les aueugles, ains qu'aueugles ils s'yroient precipiter en la fosse de misere, & possible feroiẽt-ils au lieu d'vn chasteau Chrestiẽ, vne cauerne de larrons, vn nid de brigands, vn receptacle d'escumeurs, vn refuge de pendarts, vn attelier de scandale, & toute meschanceté. Qui seroit lors plus en peine à vostre aduis? ou des gens de bien & craignãts Dieu, se trouuans enueloppés emmy telle compagnie, ou telle compagnie se trouuant liée, & contrainte par des gens de bien entremeslez? Il y auroit des secousses infailliblement des vns contre les autres, & Dieu sçait, quelle en pourroit estre l'yssuë.

Now how can these colonists and emigrants be sheltered, provided for, and kept together there? This is not the place to go into details about it or even to enumerate the chief points. I shall only suggest that it is great folly for small companies to go there, who picture to themselves Baronies, and I know not what great fiefs and demesnes for three or four thousand écus, for example, which they will have to sink in that country. It would be still worse if [100] this foolish idea would occur to people who flee from the ruin of their families in France: for to such covetous people it invariably happens, not that, being one-eyed, they would be kings among the blind, but that, blind, they would go to throw themselves into a wretched pit; and possibly instead of a Christian stronghold, they would found a den of thieves, a nest of brigands, a receptacle for parasites, a refuge for rogues, a hotbed of scandal and all wickedness. Who would then be more afflicted, do you think; the honest and God-fearing people finding themselves surrounded by such company, or such company, finding itself hemmed in and restrained by the presence of honest people? There would undoubtedly be some friction among them, and God knows what would be the result thereof.

[101] Aussi de l'autre costé; si ne faut-il point tant exaggerer les despenses, difficultez, & inconueniens possibles, qu'on en desespere les moyens, & bon euenement. Car à la verité, pourueu qu'il y eust du mesnage & bonne conduitte; i'estime qu'il y a plusieurs maisons particulieres dans Paris, & autre part, qui ont les moyens esgaux à l'entreprinse, voire & sans grandement incommoder leurs affaires par deçà; si Dieu leur en donnoit la volonté.

[101] Also, on the other hand, the expenses, difficulties, and possible inconveniences ought not to be so greatly exaggerated that the resources and success of the enterprise are despaired of. For in truth, if it should be managed and conducted well, I believe that there are several private houses in Paris, and elsewhere which have the means necessary for such an undertaking, even without greatly interfering with their affairs over here, if God would but give them the desire to do it.