Transcriber's Note.

A [list] of the changes made can be found at the end of the book. In the text, the corrections are underlined by a red dotted line "like this". Hover the cursor over the underlined text and an explanation of the error should appear.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. IV

frontispiece

Jean de Brébeuf, S.J.

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. IV

Acadia and Quebec: 1616-1629

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVII

Copyright, 1897
by
The Burrows Brothers Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

CONTENTS OF VOL. IV

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. IV

PREFACE TO VOL. IV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the Relation of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land. The annalist records what progress the Christian religion has made in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized. Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the savages.

Between the Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of nine years. The Jesuit mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who, in his Relation of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage. Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and beyond the St. Lawrence; but,—as related in the Introduction (Volume [I.] of this series) and in [Notes] to this Volume, post,—finding themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages. The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.

XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec, the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas Viel, of the latter order.

XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.

XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt 1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians. He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the interests of their mission.

XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a short description of the country and the climate; then of the people, their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity; Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France, in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written to France,—chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and "those who have written to me."

Lalemant (see note [20], post, for details) had gone to France for supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits were sent to England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629), but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant returned to France.

XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.

July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to reopen the mission of their order in New France.

The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr. John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L. P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E. Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St. Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C. bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A. Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College, St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College, Buffalo, N. Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., January, 1897.

XIV (concluded)

Biard's Relation de la Nouvelle France

Lyons: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616

Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps. i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.

[8]

CHAPITRE XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

LE PILLAGE DE NOSTRE NAUIRE, & DE NOS GENTS, LES ANGOISSES OÙ NOUS ESTIONS.

L'ANGLOIS victorieux s'en vint à terre, où estoyent nos tentes, & alogements commencés, & fit rechercher nostre Capitaine de tous tous costés, disant, qu'il vouloit voir nos commissiõs; que ceste terre leur appartenoit, & que pour cela ils s'estoyẽt rués sur nous nous y trouuãts, neantmoins que si nous faisions apparoistre de nostre bonne foy, & que nous fussions là venus sous l'autorité de [238] nostre Prince, qu'ils y auroyent esgard, ne voulants en rien contreuenir à la bonne confederation de nos deux Rois. Le malheur fut qu'on ne trouua point la Saussaye, à l'occasion de quoy l'Anglois fin, & subtil se saisit de ses coffres, les crocheta industrieusement, & y ayant trouuée nos commissiõs, & lettres royaux, les saisit; puis remettant toutes les besongnes en sa place, chasque chose tout ainsi qu'il l'auoit trouuée, referma lesdits coffres gentiment. Le lendemain la Saussaye estant venu, le Capitaine Anglois, qui sçauoit fort bien sa leçon, l'accueillit humainement, & luy fit les premiers interrogats auec belles ceremonies: Puis vint au point: luy demandant ses commissions, à celle fin qu'il n'y eust aucune doute, quand reellement on verroit, & considereroit les paroles, & autorité [239] du Roy nostre Sire. La Saussaye respondit que ses lettres estoyent dans ses coffres. On [10] luy apporta ses coffres, & auant qu'il les ouurist auec ses clefs, on l'aduisa qu'il regardast bien si personne y auroit touché; car quant à eux ils y alloyent fort simplement. La Saussaye recognoissoit tout estre en fort bon ordre, mais malheur! il n'y retrouuoit pas ses lettres. Icy le Capitaine Anglois chãgea de mine, & de ton, & se refroignant comm'il falloit, quoy donc (dit-il) vous nous imposez icy? Vous donnés à entendre qu'auez commission de vostre Roy, & n'en pouuez produire aucun tesmoignage? Vous estes des Forbãs & Pirates trestous; vous merités la mort. Et dés lors, il fit la part du butin aux soldats: En quoy il consuma toute l'apres-disnée. Nous de la terre considerions le guaspillement [240] de tous nos biens: car les Anglois nous laissoyent à terre, eux se tenants en mer, & ayãts ioints par ensemble nos vaisseaux au leur, car nous en auions deux, sçauoir est nostre nauire, & vne barque construicte sur le lieu, & equippée de neuf. Nous estions reduits en piteux estat: mais ce n'estoit pas la fin. Le iour suiuant on vint à terre, & on nous pilla encores ce qu'y auions: non pas tout du commencement, ains à passades, & à chasque fois qu'on descẽdoit à terre, tousiours quelque detrousse de nos manteaux, habits, & autres choses. Vne fois on fit quelques violences, & atrocitez de traictement sur la personne de deux de nos gents, ce qui espouuanta tellemẽt vne partie des autres, qu'ils s'enfuirent par les bois comme pauures bestes esgarées, demy nuds, & sans [241] aucuns viures, ne sçachants ce qu'ils pourroyent deuenir.

CHAPTER XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

THE PLUNDERING OF OUR SHIP, AND OF OUR PEOPLE, AND THE DISTRESSES WE ENDURED.

THE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of [238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well, received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission, so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] of the King, our Sire, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought, and before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order, but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates, every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the English had left us on shore while they remained on the water, where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there. Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what would become of them.

Venons aux Iesuites. Ie vous ay dit, que Gilbert du Thet fut outré d'vne mosquetade durant le combat. Les Anglois entrants dans le nauire le mirent[12] entre les mains de leur Chirurgien & luy, & tous les autres blessés. Ce Chirurgien estoit Catholique, & recognu pour tel; & personne fort charitable, & qui nous a faict mille bons offices. Or le P. Biard ayant sceu la blessure de Gilbert du Thet fit demander au Capitaine, que les blessés fussent portés à terre, ce qui fut accordé, & par ainsi ledit Gilbert eust le moyen de se confesser, & de benir & louër Dieu iuste, & misericordieux en la Compagnie de ses Freres, mourãt entre leurs mains. Ce qu'il fit auec grande constance, resignation, & deuotion, [242] vingt & quatre heures apres sa blessure, il eust son souhait, car au despart de Honfleur, en presence de tout l'equipage il auoit haussé les mains, & les yeux vers le Ciel priant Dieu, qu'il ne reuint iamais plus en France, ains qu'il mourust trauaillãt à la conqueste des ames, & au salut des Sauuages. Il fut enterré le mesme iour au pied d'vne grande Croix que nous auions dressée du commencement.

Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic, and known as such. He was very charitable, and did us a thousand kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God, full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew, he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he might never again return to France, but that he might die working for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had erected when we first went there.

Les Iesuites n'estoyent iusques alors recognus des Anglois, sinon que pour Prestres. Or le P. Biard & le P. Enemond Massé s'en allerẽt au nauire parler au Capitaine Anglois, & luy expliquerẽt ouuertement comm'ils estoyẽt Iesuites, venus en ces quartiers-là pour la cõuersiõ des Sauuages, puis le supplierent par le sang de celuy, qu'il recognoissoit pour Sauueur, & [243] par les misericordes qu'il en attendoit, qu'il luy pleust auoir pitié de ces pauures François, sur lesquels Dieu luy auoit dõné puissance, & qu'en leur misere il recognust combien les affaires de ce monde varient: qu'il luy pleust leur donner & leur moyenner retour en leur pays de France. Le Capitaine les ouyt fort paisiblement, & leur respondit auec pareil [14] honneur: mais (dit-il) dissimulant, ie m'estonne fort comme vous autres Iesuites, lesquels on tient communement pour gens de conscience, & de Religion, vous vous retrouuiez icy, neantmoins en la compagnie des forbans, & picoreurs, gens sans adueu & sans loy, ny honneur. Le P. Biard respondit & preuua auec tant d'arguments, que toute leur troupe estoit de gens de bien, & recommandés par sa Majesté [244] tres-Chrestienne: & refuta si peremptoirement toutes objections contraires, que le Capitaine Anglois fut contrainct de faire semblant, qu'il s'y accordoit, vaincu par ses raisons. Certes (adiousta-il) il y a bien eu de la faute, à ce que ie voy, d'ainsi perdre vos lettres. Neantmoins ie traicteray de vostre retour auec vostre Capitaine, & dés lors iusques au depart, il fit tousiours manger à sa table lesdits deux Peres, leur mõstrant beaucoup de respect & hõnesteté. Or il auoit vn'espine au pied, qui le tourmentoit; c'estoit le Pilote, & les Matelots, qui estoyent euadés, & desquels il ne pouuoit sçauoir nouuelles. Ce Pilote appellé le Bailleur, de la ville de Roüen, s'en estant allé pour recognoistre (ainsi que vous a esté dit) ne peut point retourner à temps au nauire pour le defẽdre, [245] & partant il retira sa chaloupe à l'escart, & la nuit venuë print encores auec soy les autres Matelots, & se mit en sauueté hors la veuë, & le pouuoir des Anglois. De nuict il nous venoit trouuer pour auiser auecques nous ce qui seroit de faire. Il fit en particulier ce bon office aux Iesuites: car il vint trouuer le P. Biard, & le prenant par la main le coniura de ne se point meffier de luy, pource qu'il estoit de la Pretenduë, l'asseurant qu'il ne manqueroit ny à luy, ny a aucun des Peres: & qu'il supplioit Dieu, que tout [16] ainsi il ne l'abandonnast point, comm'il le disoit de cœur syncere. Le P. Biard le remercia de bonne affection, & luy promit de se souuenir de ceste si bonne volonté: il luy dit neantmoins qu'il ne vouloit encores penser à soy, iusques à ce qu'il vit tous les autres en beau [246] chemin. Que lors il deuiendroit ce qu'à Dieu plairoit, admonnestant ledit Pilote de se garder de tomber és mains des Anglois: parce que le Capitaine buttoit fort à le pouuoir attraper. Ledit Pilote fit sagement son profit de cest aduertissement, & de celuy des autres. Car de là à deux ou trois iours, il passa à la barbe des Anglois, comme se sauuant, & s'en allant chercher nauire, & leur disant que ce n'estoit pas pour ceste fois là, qu'il le falloit attẽdre. Mais il se retira seulement derriere quelques Isles non loin de là pour y estre aux escoutes & considerer quelle fortune nous arriueroit. Cela fit à mon aduis, que le Capitaine Anglois se resolut plustost à ne nous pas faire pis, toutesfois il en auoit quelque volõté, ce que ie ne sçay. De vray par les coniectures de ce que nous auons experimẽté [247] despuis, il estoit bien Capitaine fort sage & rusé, mais neãtmoins gentil-homme ayant le courage noble: ses gents aussi n'estoyẽt point inhumains, ny cruels contre personne de nous.

Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English, except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of this world, allow them to return to France, their native country, and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said he) dissembling, "I am very much astonished at you Jesuits, who are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him, conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters. Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of whom he could get no news. This pilot,[1] called "le Bailleur," from the city of Roüen, had gone out to reconnoitre (as has been stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it; [245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety, out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to mistrust him because he was of the Pretended[2] Religion, assuring him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from a sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however, that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced [247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain, but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his men inhuman or cruel to any of us.

Or ne sçauroit-on croire les angoisses ausquelles nous estions en ce temps, car nous ne sçauions où donner de la teste. Du costé des Anglois, nous n'attendions que la mort, ou du moins la seruitude: aussi d'arrester sur le pays, & viure parmi les Sauuages a leur façon tout vn an entier, & tant de gens, nous sembloit estre vne mort bien longue & miserable. [18]Ces bons Sauuages ayants ouy nostre desastre s'en vindrent à nous, & nous offroyent leur possible, promettants de nous alimenter durant l'Hyuer, & monstrants vne grande cõpassion. Mais nous ne pouuions pas esperer mieux, [248] qu'ils n'ont. Aussi de trouuer autres expedients en vn tel desert: nous n'en voyons point. Voicy en fin comme Dieu nous pourueut.

Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death. These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could hope for nothing better [248] than they had; also we could see no prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see how God provided for us.

[20]

CHAPITRE XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

LES EXPEDIENTS TROUUEZ POUR REUENIR EN FRANCE, & COMME TRENTE DE NOS GENS Y ARRIUERENT APRES PLUSIEURS TRAUAUX.

LE Capitaine Anglois appellé Samuel Argal, & son Lieutenant, dit Guillaume Turnel, commencerent à traicter de nostre retour selon leur promesse auec nostre Capitaine la Saussaye. Les Anglois offroyent des conditions bien iniques, mais pour le faire court, la conclusion fut qu'vne [249] chaloupe nous restant de deux, q̃ nous en auions, ils nous en l'aisseroyent vne, & qu'auec icelle nous allassions où Dieu nous conduiroit. Le Capitaine Anglois, cauteleux qu'il est; voulut auoir vn escrit, signé de la main de la Saussaye, par lequel il tesmoignast, que c'estoit de son choix, que ce parti auoit esté prins.

CHAPTER XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

THE MEANS WHICH WERE FOUND TO RETURN TO FRANCE, AND HOW THIRTY OF OUR PEOPLE ARRIVED THERE AFTER MANY TRIALS.

THE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his Lieutenant, William Turnel,[3] began, as they had promised, to treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short, the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was, wished to have a written acknowledgement signed by la Saussaye, in which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this course had been taken.

Ceste conclusion ouye, le P. Biard s'en alla trouuer ledit Capitaine, & luy representa, qu'ils restoyent trente personnes, & qu'il estoit impossible que tant de gens peussent estre entassez dans vn si petit vaisseau, tant s'en faut qu'ils peussent dans iceluy faire cent cinquante lieües, & trauerser des bayes de dix & douze lieuës, comme il leur conuenoit faire, auant que trouuer aucũ nauire François, auquel ils se peussent refugier: que cela estoit manifestement [250] nous ietter à la mort, & au desespoir. L'Anglois respondit, q̃ la Saussaye ne le croyoit pas ainsi: mais que si on vouloit descharger ladicte chaloupe, qu'il en ouuriroit [22]bien vn moyen: qu'il conduiroit à la Virginie les artisants qui voudroyent y venir sous promesse, qu'on ne les forceroit point en leur Religion, & que, apres vn an de seruice, on les feroit repasser en France. Trois accepterent ceste offre.

When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain, and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly [250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so; that he would take to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there, under promise that they would not force them in the matter of Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them back to France. Three accepted this offer.

Pareillement le sieur de la Mote dés le commencement auoit consenti de s'en aller à la Virginie auec ledit Capitaine Anglois, qui l'honnoroit beaucoup, parce qu'il l'auoit trouué l'espée au poing, & voyoit en luy plusieurs autres bõnes qualitez, ce qui profitoit de beaucoup à toute nostre troupe. On luy auoit aussi permis de mener auec soy aucuns, qui de mesme [251] seroyent asseurez sous sa faueur. Le Capitaine Flory se resolut pareillement de tenter la mesme fortune, parce qu'on luy donnoit esperance qu'il y pourroit recouurer son nauire. Le P. Biard pria, que quatre qu'ils estoyent, sçauoir est deux Iesuites, & deux autres fussent portez au Isles de Pencoit, & que là on les recommandast aux pescheurs Anglois, qui y sont d'ordinaire, à celle fin que par leur moyen ils peussent repasser en France, ce que le Capitaine Anglois luy octroya fort volontiers.

Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them, namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the English Captain granted very willingly.

En ceste façon la chaloupe se trouua conpetemment deschargée, & toute nostre troupe fut diuisée en trois egales bandes: Car quinze estoyent auec la Pilote: quinze restoyent auec les Anglois; & quinze entroyent dans la chaloupe accordée. De ces quinze [252] le P. Enemond Massé en estoit l'vn, car le choix ayant esté baillé à la troupe de ceux, qui deuoyent entrer dans la chaloupe à ce qu'ils peussent eslire de tous les trois Iesuites celuy qu'ils aimeroient mieux pour leur faire compagnie; ce fut luy, qu'ils agreerent le plus.

Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot, fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one, for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.

[24] Ceste chaloupe donc fut deliurée entre les mains de la Saussaye, & dudit P. Enemond Massé, Iesuite, que le Capitaine Anglois hõnora beaucoup. Il la liura quelque peu amonitionnée de viures, & autres prouisions. Mais nos pauures gens furent bien en peine, quand il la fallut conduire: car ils n'estoyent pour tout, que deux, ou trois mariniers, & iceux n'auoyent ny carte, ny cognoissance des lieux. En ceste destresse Dieu les secourut fort à poinct: car le Pilote, qui auoit mis ses gens en [253] seurté, desireux de sçauoir en quel estat estoit le reste de la troupe, se desguisa en Sauuage & s'en vint espier sur les lieux. L'Ange de Dieu le conduisit par le bon endroit; car il rencontra tout à propos ceste chaloupe, qui s'en alloit, & ne sçauoit comment ceste bonne fortune parut de si bon augure aux rencontres, qu'ils s'asseurerent dés lors, que Dieu leur vouloit faire misericorde, mesmes que pour surcroit de grace, ils firent vne fort belle pesche de gros Aumars ou Canchres de mer, & les Sauuages leur donnerent liberalement force oyseaux, & poissons, & de tout ce qu'ils auoyent auec grande signification de compassion.

This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble when they had to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation. This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat, that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.

En ceste façõ ils se vindrẽt ioindre à la chaloupe des Matelots, & de compagnie gagnerent l'Isle de Menano. C'est'Isle est à l'emboucheure [254] de la Baye Françoise, & d'icelle iusques à l'Isle Longue, où falloit qu'ils trauersassent dix lieües de pleine mer fort fascheuses à cause des grandes marées, qui y courent, & bouillent: & de mal'heur, mauuais temps les retint icy huict, ou neuf iours. Leurs maux & apprehensions les firent recourir à Dieu par vœus, & prieres, qui furent exaucées, comme il parut par le beau [26]temps qui vint selon leur souhait: à la faueur duquel ils paruindrent à l'Isle Longue, où pour tenir leur promesse ils planterent vne Croix, celebrerent la Saincte Messe, & firent vne processiõ. Là aussi Dieu leur auoit preparé vn magasin: car ils y trouuerent vn bon monceau de sel, que le sieur de Biencourt y auoit autrefois delaissé, & pour l'employer ils firent vne fort bonne, & heureuse pesche. Ainsi prouisionnez [255] ils passerẽt au Cap Forchu, auquel lieu ils trouuerent le Sagamo Louys Membertou, qui fit grand accueil au P. Enemond Massé, & le vouloit retenir à toute force. Mais ledit Pere s'excusa sur la necessité de ne point delaisser sa compagnie. Le Sauuage leur fit à trestous Tabagie d'vn Orignac, ce qui leur fit grand bien, & en doublerent plus ioyeusement despuis le Cap de Sable. Estants ja proches du Port au Mouton, ils eurent au deuant d'eux quatre chaloupes de Sauuages, qui reuenoyent de la trocque. C'estoit Roland, & autres Sagamos, qui aussi tost recogneurent ledit P. Enemond, & luy firent leurs liberalitez bien grandes certes: demie Galette de pain à chacun des cõpagnons, & vne entiere à luy. C'estoit le monde renuersé, les Sauuages fournissoyent du pain, aux [256] François gratuitement. Ce pain sembloit de la Manne à nos tribulez: car de trois sepmaines ils n'en auoyent mangé. Et pour le comble de souhait, les Sauuages leur dirent, que non guieres loin de là y auoit deux nauires Frãçois, l'vn à Sezambre, & l'autre à Passepec. Ce qui fit diligenter nos Pelerins à ce qu'ils ne les perdissent.

Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse; for they found in this place a good pile of salt, which sieur de Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When they were in the neighborhood of Port au Mouton, they saw before them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.

Ces deux nauires estoyent Maloüins, l'vn appartenant au Ieune Dupont, duquel nous auons souuent parlé cy deuant, d'enuiron cinquante tonneaux seulement: [28]le Capitaine Vible Bullot commandoit à l'autre, qui estoit de cent tonneaux, & (de bon augure) s'apelloit le Sauueur. Chacun de ces deux print sa moitié de toute la troupe, mais ceux du petit vaisseau patirent beaucoup: car tout leur defailloit: place, viures, eau: & furent horriblement agitez de [257] tempestes & contrarieté de vents: nostre meschef neantmoins arriua prosperemẽt pour ce vaisseau, parce qu'il auoit perdu beaucoup de ses gens, & à peine s'en fut-ils peu reuenir sans ce rencontre, & nouueau renfort de nos desbandez.

These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur." Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the smaller vessel suffered a great deal, being in need of everything, room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257] tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew, and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.

Au grand vaisseau, appellé le Sauueur, on fut mieux, mesmes que les Matelots furent si charitables, que de leur propre gré ils retrancherent leur ordinaire, & quitterent plusieurs bonnes places pour accommoder leurs hostes. Le P. Enemond Massé fut retiré en cestuy-cy, & le Pilote Alain Yeon luy fit beaucoup de charitez. Ils furent accueillis pareillement de tempestes, & experimenterent estre vray, ce qu'on dit du feu S. Elme, où Freres consolants, que quand ils apparoissent deux à la fois, c'est bon signe. Car deux apparurẽt [258] vn quart d'heure sur leurs Antemnes, & bien tost apres les bourrasques & furies de mer s'accoiserent.

In the larger vessel, called the Sauveur, they fared better, as the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will, they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the consoling Brothers,—that when two appear at once, it is a good omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the sea abated.

Tous les deux nauires arriuerent en sauueté à S. Malo, quasi en mesme temps quoy que le Sauueur fust parti douze iours plus tard. La ioye, qu'ils receurent vous la pouuez estimer, repassant par la memoire les dangers dont ils se voyoyent eschappez. Le P. Enemond Massé, & toute la troupe, se loüent beaucoup de l'humanité & bon accueil, qu'ils receurent en ladicte ville de Sainct Malo, de mon Seigneur l'Euesque, de Monsieur le Gouuerneur, de MM. les Magistrats, Marchands, & generalement de tous.

Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time, although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.

[30]

CHAPITRE XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] LE VOYAGE DE LA VIRGINIE; & LE RETOUR EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

DIEV soit beny. Voyla ja les deux tiers de nostre troupe reconduits en France sains & sauues parmi leurs parents, & amis, qui les oyent conter leurs grandes auantures. Ores consequemment vous desirez sçauoir que deuiendra l'autre tiers, qui est encores demeuré entre les Anglois. Certes bien plus longue, & plus variable fortune les attend, & tous n'en sortiront pas bagues sauues.

CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

GOD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred, who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not emerge therefrom unharmed.

Les Anglois auoyent trois vaisseaux, sçauoir est le leur, auec lequel ils nous auoyent prins, de cent trente tonneaux. Le nostre, qu'ils auoyent saisi de cent tonneaux, [260] & vne barque de douze tonneaux, laquelle pareillement ils tenoyẽt de nous, & ne la nous auoyent point voulu quitter, pour fournir à nostre retour. Ils remplirent ces trois vaisseaux de leurs gens, & nous partagerent entre eux. Le sieur de la Mote, le Capitaine Flory, & le reste d'vne moitié faisant en tout huict personnes, furent logez en la Capitanesse, & les autres en nombre de sept, demeurerent dans le nauire captif, duquel le Lieutenant Turnel estoit faict Capitaine.

The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people, and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.

Or pour commencement de mal-heur, on ne conduisit point les Iesuites aux Isles de Peucoit, selon la promesse, ains on les mena droit à la Virginie auec le reste de la troupe, laquelle on consoloit par belles [32] esperances d'autant que (disoit-on) le Mareschal de la Virginie, qui a toute charge, [261] & autorité de iurisdiction, estoit grand amy des François, cõme ayant obtenu tous les principaux honneurs par la recommandation de feu Henry le Grand, & ayant esté son soldat, & son pensionnaire. Cela nous preschoit on souuent.

Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal of Virginia,[4] who has full power [261] and authority of jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured all his more important honors through the recommendation of the late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This was preached to us frequently.

Mais nos prescheurs ne prenoyent pas leur texte de l'Euangile. Car ce beau Mareschal, qui à leur dire auoit le fil, & la trempe si Françoise, ayant ouy nouuelles de nous, ne parloit que de harts & gibets, & de nous faire pendre trestous. L'espouuante nous en fut donnée, & aucuns en perdirent le repos, ne s'attendants plus qu'à monter ignominieusement par vne eschelle, & deualer miserablement par vne corde. Mais le Capitaine Argal se mõstra genereux à nous defendre: car il resista audit Mareschal, opposant la [262] foy par luy donnée. Et comm'il se vid trop foible en ceste oppositiõ; il publia nos commissions, & lettres Royaux, dont ie vous ay parlé cy deuant, qu'il auoit subtilement enleué des coffres de la Saussaye. Et c'est par ce moyen que nous auons sceu qu'il auoit vsé de telle ruse, car autremẽt nous n'en eussions peu rien descouurir. Le Mareschal voyant ces autoritez de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, & la resolution du Capitaine, n'osa passer plus outre, ainsi apres quelques iours & quelques autres apprehensions, on nous fit sçauoir, que parole nous seroit gardée.

But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise would be kept.

Or comment on nous la garderoit, & quel moyen on nous trouueroit de nous renuoyer en France, c'estoit vne grande question. Le General, le Mareschal & tous les Principaux chefs de la Virginie s'assemblerent [34] en Conseil. [263] Sur icelle le resultat & conclusion des opinions fut de pis faire que iamais, puis qu'il leur sembloit d'en auoir le moyen. Car il fut ordonné que le Capitaine Argal auec ses trois vaisseaux retourneroit en la nouuelle France, pilleroit, & raseroit toutes les forteresses, & habitations des François qu'il trouueroit en toute la coste jusques à Cap Breton: c'est à dire iusques au 46 degré, & demy: (parce qu'ils pretendent à tout tãt de pays: qu'il feroit pendre la Saussaye, & tous ceux de ses gens, lesquels il trouueroit estre demeurez dans ces confins; pilleroit de mesme tous les vaisseaux, qu'il rencontreroit, trouuant toutesfois moyen aux personnes de se pouuoir retirer en France: en cas qu'ils ne fissent point de resistance; & qu'on nous mettroit nous autres vieux prisonniers en compagnie [264] de ceux à qui en ceste façon lon feroit grace de la vie. Telle fut la deliberation. Mais Dieu estoit par dessus, & cõme vous orrés, il en disposa autrement, quant à plusieurs articles.

Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,[5] the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their consultation was to act still worse than ever, since it seemed to them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton: namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a number of things.

Selon ceste conclusion, Argal reprint vn'autrefois la route de la nouuelle France, plus fort que deuãt, car il auoit trois vaisseaux, & auec meilleure esperance: parce que le butin, qu'il auoit faict sur nous luy accroissoit, & la cupidité, & l'espoir. Il ne print cependant auec soy la moitié de nos gens, ie ne scay pourquoy. Dans son vaisseau estoit le Capitaine Flory, & quatre autres; dans celuy du Lieutenant Turnel (qui estoit le nostre captif) les deux Iesuites, & un garçon.

In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.

Le premier lieu où ils tirerent fut S. Sauueur. Car ils s'attendoyẽt d'y trouuer la Saussaye: & vn nauire [36][263 i.e., 265] nouuellement venu. Ils furẽt trompez, d'autant que la Saussaye estoit en France, ainsi qu'a esté dit: ils bruslerent nos fortifications, & abbatirent nos Croix, en dressants vne pour marque, qu'ils se saisissoyẽt du pays, comme Seigneurs.

They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there. They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the country, and were the Masters thereof.

Ceste Croix portoit le nom graué du Roy de la grande Bretaigne. Ils pendirent aussi vn de leurs hommes, pour cause d'vne conspiration au mesme endroict, où huict iours au parauant ils auoyent abbatu la premiere de nos Croix.

This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down the first of our Crosses.

De sainct Sauueur ils addresserent à S. Croix, ancienne habitation du sieur de Monts, & parce qu'ils auoyent sceu, que le P. Biard y auoit esté, Argal vouloit qu'il les y conduisit, mais ledit Pere ne le voulut point, ce qui le mit entierement en la disgrace dudit [264 i.e., 266] Argal, & en grand danger de sa vie. Ce neantmoins Argal roda tant en haut qu'en bas, & rechercha tant tous leurs endroits, les confrontans auec les cartes, qu'il nous auoit prinses, qu'en fin il la trouua de soy-mesme; il en enleua vn bon monceau de sel, qu'il y trouua, brusla l'habitation, & destruisit toutes les marques du nõ & droict de France, ainsi qu'il auoit eu commandement.

From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there, Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life. Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by dint of searching all places thoroughly and comparing them with the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there, burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.

[38]

CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

LA PRINSE, & INCENDIE DE PORT ROYAL, DEUX GRANDS DANGERS DU P. BIARD.

LE Capitaine Argal ayant ruiné saincte Croix; ne sçauoit comment addresser, & faire voile à Port Royal selon la commission qu'il en auoit, d'autant qu'il [265 i.e., 267] doutoit de s'aller engouffrer en si dangereuse plage sans conducteur bien cognoissant des lieux, & par l'exemple frais, qu'il auoit du P. Biard, il n'osoit attendre qu'aucun François l'y voulust cõduire, ou l'y conseiller sincerement. A ceste cause il se mit en queste de quelque Sauuage, & fit tant par ses courses, embusches, enquestes, & industries, qu'il surprint le Sagamo, homme tres-experimenté, & entendant au faict du pays; à la conduicte d'iceluy il vint à Port Royal. Or il y eust eu là sans doute du mal-heur pour le regard des François, parce que l'Anglois entrant à la Lune, dans le Port comm'il fit, & venãt anchrer à la veuë de l'habitation à plus de deux lieuës loin, si les Frãçois eussent veillé, ils auoyẽt beau moyen ou de se preparer au combat, ou de se desbagager: car à [266 i.e., 268] cause de la marée, l'Anglois ne fut deuant l'habitation qu'à dix, ou onze heures du iour suiuant. Ie ne sçay ce qu'on fit. Tant y a que l'Anglois mettant pied à terre ne trouua personne dans le fort, & vit des souliers & des hardes esparses. Par ainsi il eust double ioye en ceste prinse: l'vne qu'il ne trouua aucune resistance, [40] ce que iamais il n'eust pensé; l'autre qu'il rencontra vn assez bon butin, à quoy il ne s'attendoit pas.

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT DANGER.

CAPTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission, and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues; so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes and clothing all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture, first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty, which they were not anticipating.

Ce rencontre de butin non attendu, pensa couster la vie au P. Biard: voicy comment. Les Anglois ayant ja perdu beaucoup de temps à chercher saincte Croix: & despuis à attraper vn Sauuage, qui fust leur conducteur, le Lieutenãt Turnel estoit d'aduis de laisser le voyage de Port Royal, & s'en retourner au plustost à la Virginie, alleguant pour raisons, que le lieu [267 i.e., 269] estoit tres-dangereux, & la saison par trop auancée (car c'estoit la fin d'Octobre,) & qu'au bout de tant de peines, ils n'y auroit point de profit, parce qu'on n'y trouueroit rien, sinon misere, & la haine des François, qu'ils s'acquerroyent bien meritoirement par le bruslement qu'ils y alloyent faire, sans recompense d'aucun emolument. Le Lieutenãt Turnel auoit ouy ces raisons du P. Biard, auec lequel il prenoit souuẽt plaisir de deuiser, & les estimoit fort valides. Or le Capitaine Argal ayant eu le bõheur d'vne facile entrée, & despuis dans Port Royal (ainsi qu'à esté dit) vn assez bon butin, en viures, hardes, & vtensiles dans l'habitation; il reprochoit à son dit Lieutenant, son conseil, & la croyance qu'il auoit eu au Iesuite: & mesmes pour ceste cause luy faisoit moindre part de la proye. [268 i.e., 270] Le Lieutenant en estoit en grande cholere, & d'autant plus qu'on l'auoit tousiours en reputation d'homme d'esprit, & de bon conseil, de quoy il se voyoit deçeu à l'occasion comm'il pensoit, du Iesuite.

This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward. Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits: and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268 i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so, as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on account of the Jesuit.

Or il y auoit vn Puritain Anglois, maistre du grand nauire plus malin que tous les autres, dissimulé neantmoins, car ils faisoit les plus beaux semblants du [42] monde: mais les autres Anglois nous aduertissoiẽt de ne no⁹ point fier en luy, d'autant qu'il estoit malignement enuenimé contre nous. Cestuy-cy donc voyant son coup, persuadoit au Capitaine, & au Lieutenant, lesquels il voyoit esmeus, d'abandonner à terre le Iesuite, disant, qu'il estoit estoit indigne que les Anglois, luy donnassent des viures, puis qu'il les auoit voulu empescher d'ẽ auoir, [269 i.e., 271] & mille autres raisons qu'il alleguoit. Ie ne sçay qui secourust tant à propos le Iesuite en ce danger, que sa simplicité. Car tout de mesme, que s'il eust esté bien fauorisé, & qu'il eust peu beaucoup enuers ledit Anglois, il se mit à genoux deuãt le Capitaine par deux diuerses fois, & à deux diuerses occasions, à celle fin de le flechir à misericorde enuers les François dudit Port Royal esgarés par les bois, & pour luy persuader de leur laisser quelques viures, leur chaloupe, & quelqu'autre moyen de passer l'Hyuer. Et voyez combien differentes petitions on faisoit audit Capitaine: car au mesme temps, que le P. Biard le supplioit ainsi pour les François, vn François crioit de loin auec outrages, & iniures tres indignes à haute voix, qu'il le falloit massacrer. Or Argal (qui est d'vn cœur [270 i.e., 272] noble,) voyant ceste tant syncere affection du Iesuite, & de l'autre costé ceste tant bestiale & enragée inhumanité de ce François, laquelle ne recognoissoit ny sa propre nation, ny biens-faicts, ny Religion, ny estoit domtée par l'affliction & verges de Dieu, estima que ce luy seroit tousiours reproche, & impropere, si sans iugement, & sans auoir ouy parties, il venoit à delaisser pour vne accusation subtile, celuy à qui il auoit donné sa parole. Et par ainsi reietta tout ensemble, [44]& la suasion de l'Anglois, & la forcenerie du François, d'autant plus appaisé enuers le Iesuiste, que plus il le voyoit attaqué sans qu'il remarquait en luy changement, ou alteration.

Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us. So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore, saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e., 271] and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees before the Captain, two different times and upon two different occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [270 i.e., 272] heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses, nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account of a sly and cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word. And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was no change or deterioration in his conduct.

Or ledit Capitaine ayant enleué de Port Royal tout ce qui luy sembla commode, iusques aux [271 i.e., 273] ais, verroils, serrures, & cloux; il y mit le feu. Chose certes bien pitoyable, car dans vn'heure ou deux on vit reduit en cendres le trauail & despense de plusieurs années & personnes de merite. Et plaise à nostre Seigneur que ce mesme feu aye tellement destruit tous les pechés, qui peuuent auoir esté commis en ceste place, que iamais ils ne resuscitent plus en aucune part, ny ne prouoquent la iuste & redoutable vengeance de nostre Dieu. L'Anglois (comme i'ay dit autre part) effaçoit par tout, tous monuments, & indices de la puissance Françoise: ce qu'il n'oublia pas icy iusques à faire vser du pic, & ciseau sur vne grosse & massiue pierre, en laquelle estoyent entaillés les nõs du sieur de Monts, & autres Capitaines auec les fleurs de lys. Ce faict, il leua l'anchre pour s'en aller; mais [272 i.e., 274] il fut retenu par le mauuais temps à l'emboucheure du Port trois, ou quatre iours.

Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards, bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people, during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins, which may have been committed in this place, that they may never again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.

Tandis qu'il seiournoit icy à l'Anchre, vn François de ceux dudit Port demanda de parlementer: ce qui luy fut accordé. Or entre les bõs affaires, que ce beau parlementateur vint traicter, fut de dire au Capitaine Anglois, qu'il s'esmerueilloit bien fort, comment il n'auoit pieça deliuré le monde du pernicieux Iesuite, qui estoit en ses nauires, Si ce n'estoit, peut-estre que le mal-heur l'y conseruast pour reuancher les François par quelque trahison meschante, que [46]ledit Iesuite ioüeroit à son coup, & occasion. Car c'estoit (disoit-il) vn vray, & naturel Espagnol, qui ayant commis plusieurs forfaicts en France, à cause desquels il en estoit fuitif, leur auoit encores donné beaucoup [273 i.e., 275] de scandales à Port Royal, & qu'il ne falloit aucunement douter, qu'encores ne fit-il pis aux Anglois. Argal oyant dire, que le P. Biard estoit naturel Espagnol, ne le pouuoit croire; mais on luy donna cest'accusation par escrit, & soub-signé de cinq ou six: & le pressoit-on fort à ce qu'il iettast en terre à l'abandon ledit P. Biard. Mais tant plus qu'on l'en pressoit, tant moins l'Anglois y consentoit, parce que y consentant il ne pouuoit fuir le deshonneur d'auoir manqué de foy, & de iustice; là où le gardant pour la Virginie, il s'attendoit de l'y faire mourir en acquerant loüange de fidelité à son office, & de patience à supporter. Car en communiquant au Mareschal ceste deposition des François, & adioustant par dessus comme ledit Pere n'auoit voulu monstrer l'Isle S. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, & auoit tasché de diuertir les Anglois d'aller à Port Royal; il n'auoit garde deschapper des mains du Mareschal, desquelles à peine l'auoit-on peu arracher, lors mesme, qu'on n'auoit aucune prinse sur luy. Ainsi Dieu le voulut sauuer pour lors, & encores pl⁹ merueilleusement despuis, comme vous orrez. Cependant vous remarquerez sagement iusques à quelle rage le malin esprit agite ceux, qui se vendent à luy, & combien il faut estre reserué à croire les delations & detractiõs, puis que le P. Biard auoit vescu dans Port Royal, & auoit tousiours esté notoirement recogneu pour ce qu'il est, c'est à dire bon François naturel, & qui iamais ne fut en Espagne ny luy, ny son pere, ou mere, ou aucun de ses parens. Or que [48] ce neantmoins vn François se soit trouué si possedé par l'esprit [275 i.e., 277] sanguinaire, que pour le faire mourir il soit venu à imposturer si furieusement, & receuant le chastiment de Dieu n'en aye faict autre profit, que de se prostituer si desesperement à Sathan, & à calomnie, cela surpasse toute apprehension commune de malice, & à peine peut-on conceuoir, qu'vn homme puisse deuenir si vendu, & si desesperement asserui à peché.

While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit, who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps some ill luck might keep him there to take revenge for the French upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he) a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he heard it said that Father Biard was a native Spaniard, could not believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five or six persons, was handed to him; and they urged him strongly to put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him, the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him, and how necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good, native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to and enslaved by sin.

[50]

CHAPITRE XXXI. [i.e., xxx.]

LE DEPART DE PORT ROYAL, LES DIUERSES AUENTURES DES NAUIRES; & COMME NOUS FUSMES CONTRAINTS DE RELASCHER AUX AÇORES.

LE neufuiesme de Nouembre de ceste année 1613. les Anglois departirẽt de Port Royal en intention de s'aller rendre à [276 i.e., 278] leur Virginie, & y iouïr du butin l'hyuer suiuant. Or dés ce temps le Lieutenant Turnel, ne regardoit plus le P. Biard, que comme vn pendard abominable: il le detestoit encores d'auantage, quand il repensoit au passé: car par le passé, il auoit faict estat de le priser, & l'aymer pour sa naïfue simplicité, & ouuerte candeur. Mais ayant veu le tesmoignage par escrit de tant de François, qui l'asseuroyent estre naturel Espagnol, & meschant homme, il aimoit mieux croire, que le Iesuite fust menteur, que non pas tant d'autres, qui l'accusoyent. Par ainsi il haissoit d'autant plus irreconciliablement ceste si profonde & impenetrable dissimulation (comme il pensoit) d'vn Espagnol, contrefaisant le François, laquelle luy, homme reputé pour accort, & bien aduisé, n'auoit sceu descouurir [277 i.e., 279] en tant de temps; ains à laquelle il s'estoit laissé surprendre iusques à vne familiarité, & amitié grande. Telle estoit la cholere du Capitaine Turnel, lequel d'ores en auant i'appelleray absoluement Capitaine & non plus Lieutenant, parce que nous allons nous separer: escoutez comment.

CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., XXX.]

THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.

ON the ninth of November of this year, 1613, the English left Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship. Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.

Le second iour apres nostre depart, veille de S. [52] Martin, vn si grand orage s'esleua, qu'il escarta nos trois vaisseaux en telle façon, que despuis ils ne se sont point reueus ensemble; ains ont tiré trestous bien diuerses routes.

On the second day after our departure, on the eve of St. Martin, so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all sailed away in different directions.

La barque n'a point comparu despuis, & nouuelles aucunes n'en ayant esté ouyes aucuns se doutent qu'elle soit perie, auec les six Anglois, qui estoyent dedans.

The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who were on board.

La Nau Capitanesse, où commendoit Argal, nonobstãt le contraste, vint à port heureusement [278 i.e., 280] à la Virginie dãs trois sepmaines, ou enuiron. Le Mareschal (duquel nous vous auons parlé cy deuant) ouyt fort volontiers du Capitaine Argal, tout ce qui s'estoit passé, & attendoit en bonne deuotion le P. Biard pour luy tost accourcir les voyages, luy faisant trouuer au milieu d'vne eschelle le bout du monde; mais Dieu, maistre de la vie, & des puissances dispose à son bon plaisir de ses creatures, & non à la fantasie du bras humain; prenant plaisir au tiltre, que luy donne son Psalmiste, d'estre le Seigneur, qui deliure le pauure des mains des plus forts, & le destitué, de la puissance de ceux, qui le pillent, comme ie m'en vais vous monstrer, qu'il a faict.

The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist, of being the Lord, Who delivers the poor from the hands of the strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him, as I am going on to show you he did.

Les deux Iesuites, & vn garçon François estoyent dans le nauire captif, sur lequel auoit esté commis le Capitaine Turnel; ce nauire [279 i.e., 281] separé d'auec Argal par la tẽpeste en fut tant incessamment poursuiuy seize iours durant, que le Capitaine perdant esperãce de pouuoir aborder la Virginie, appella tous ses gents, & mit en deliberation, qu'est-ce qu'il faudroit faire pour sauuer leurs vies. Car de combattre les orages plus long temps pour ne se pas esloigner de ladicte Virginie, il n'y auoit point d'apparence, [54] parce que on auoit dans le nauire des cheuaux prins à Port Royal, qui les ruinoyent d'eau tant ils en beuuoyent, les tourbillons rompoyẽt tant de voiles, ausuents, & cordages, qu'il n'y auoit plus de quoy les refaire, & les viures estoyent bien bas, hors la mouluë seulement, de laquelle y auoit assez; mais de pain on n'en auoit eu, par l'espace de trois mois, que deux onces chasque iour pour teste, [280 i.e., 282] bien rarement trois: & si il en restoit fort peu. En ceste deliberation les mariniers furẽt d'aduis qu'il falloit soustenir encores quelques iours pour leur hõneur. Et (approbation de leur conseil) le bon temps leur arriua au iour suiuant, & les conduisit si auant qu'ils ne s'estimoyent pas estre à plus de vingt & cinq lieuës de leur port.

The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279 i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, and these spoiled as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their sails, and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person, [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than twenty-five leagues from their port.

Pour en confesser la franche verité, les Iesuites ne prioyent point pour ce bon temps, car ils sçauoyent assez où c'est qu'il les conuoyoit. Or Dieu, croy-ie, ayãt pitié d'eux, suscita vu gaillard, & fougueux suroüest, qui vint donner droict en face à nos Anglois, & les contraignist de mettre le nauire en cappe (comme l'on dit) de plier toutes les voiles, & de penser à leur conscience.

To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them. Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and vigorous south-wester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth, and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails, and to examine their consciences.

Le Capitaine voyant ceste rage [281 i.e., 283] de vents, & de vagues ne voulut plus s'opiniastrer, ains conclud, qu'il falloit relascher aux Açores à 7. cents lieuës de là, pour s'y pouruoir de leurs necessitez, & attendre le bon temps. Il fit tourner le cap pour adresser là, & aussi tost apres on tua les cheuaux qui nous auoyent gasté & consumé nostr'eau, de maniere qu'elle estoit toute infecte, & puante, & encores la donnoit on en bien petite mesure. Mais la chair de cheual estoit fort bonne, au goust des Iesuites.

The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] of the winds and waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good, according to the taste of the Jesuits.

Or durant ces furieuses, & horrib[l]es tempestes, [56] comme tous auoyent bien occasion de penser à leur conscience, Dieu particulierement disposoit le Capitaine. De maniere, qu'vne fois bien repentant, il appella le P. Biard, & luy tint ces discours, que ie vais inserer quasi de mot à mot: car ce [282 i.e., 284] Capitaine parloit bon François, & beaucoup d'autres lãgues vulgaires, outre le Latin & le Grec, qu'il entendoit bien, homme de grand esprit, & qui a bien estudié: P. Biard, (disoit-il) Dieu est courroucé contre nous, ie le voy biẽ; il est courroucé contre nous, di-je, mais non pas contre vous; contre nous, parce que nous vous sõmes allés faire la guerre, sans la vous premierement denõcer, ce qu'est contre le droict des gens. Mais ie proteste, que ç'a esté contre mon aduis, & mon gré. Ie n'eusse sceu qu'y faire, il me falloit suiure, i'estois seruiteur. Ainsi ie vous dy, que ie voy biẽ que Dieu est courroucé contre nous, mais non pas contre vous, ains à l'occasion de vous: car vous ne faictes que patir. Le Capitaine s'arrestãt icy, vo⁹ pouués estimer si le Iesuite manqua de respõdre à propos. Le Capitaine, [283 i.e., 285] le prit d'vn autre endroit, mais, P. Biard (dit-il) c'est chose estrange, que vos François de Port Royal vous accusent ainsi. Le Pere respondit, Mais mõsieur, m'aués-vous iamais ouy mesdire d'eux? Nenny, dit-il; ains i'ay fort bien remarqué que quand on mesdisoit d'eux, & deuant le Capitaine Argal, & deuant moy, tousiours vous les aués defendus, i'en suis bon tesmoin. Monsieur (dit le Pere) prenez argument de là, & iugés, qui a Dieu, & la verité de son costé; ou les mesdisants, ou bien les charitables. Ie l'entends bien, dit le Capitaine: mais, Pere Biard, la charité ne vous a elle point fait mentir, quãd vous me disiez, que [58] nous ne trouuerions que misere à Port Royal? Le Pere repartit, Pardonnez moy, monsieur, vous priant de vous souuenir, que ie ne vous ay dit [284 i.e., 286] sinon que moy estant là, ie n'y auois veu, & trouué que misere. Cela seroit bon, dit le Capitaine, si vous n'estiés Espagnol, comme l'on dit que vous estes, car l'estãt, ce que vous desirés tant de bien aux Frãçois n'est pas pour amour que vous leur portés, ains pour haine des Anglois. A cecy le Pere Biard respondit fort au long: mais il ne luy peut iamais desraciner cest'opinion, disant, qu'il n'estoit point croyable, que cinq, ou six François constitués en affliction eussent voulu signer vne fausse accusation contre vn leur concitoyen Prestre: n'y ayants autre profit que de le faire perdre, & par ce moyen satis-faire à leur maudite passion.

Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good reason to look into their consciences, God especially inclined the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us, but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283 i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them, of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not charity make you lie, when you told me we should find nothing but misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all right," says the Captain, "if you were not a Spaniard, as they say you are; for, being one, the great good which you desire for the French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.

Ie vous ay faict ce recit à fin que la suaue disposition de la diuine prouidence soit recogneuë, & que vous entendiez, cõme Dieu [285 i.e., 287] alloit preparant peu à peu le cœur du Capitaine. Car il se trouua biẽ perplex, & luy & ses gens, quand ils se virent pres des Açores. La cause en estoit, parce que ces Isles sont habitées des Portugais Catholiques; par ainsi les Anglois consideroyent, que venants à y anchrer, il faudroit souffrir la visite du nauire. Que si en la visite on descouuroit les Iesuites que c'estoit faict d'eux, parce qu'on deliureroit lesdits Iesuites, comme Catholiques: & qu'eux seroyent pendus, ou pour le moins mis à la cadene comme voleurs de Prestres.

I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed, when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits, as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of Priests.

Le remede à ce mal estoit facile, faisant faire ausdits Iesuites vn saut dans la mer. Neantmoins comme ie vous ay monstré, la crainte de Dieu s'estoit [60] resueillée, qui combattoit pour eux. Nostre Seigneur en fin, qui les [286 i.e., 288] protegeoit aux prieres de sa glorieuse Mere, fit que le Capitaine se resolut de les cacher au fonds du nauire, esperant que cela suffiroit pour seurté: comme il suffit aussi, mais la bõne foy des Iesuites y aydant, ainsi que vous entendrés tout à cest'heure.

The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the Jesuits take a leap into the sea. Nevertheless, as I have shown you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted therein, as you will soon hear.

[62]

CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

COMME LE NAUIRE FUT VISITÉ AUX AÇORES, & LA BONNE FOY, QUE LES IESUITES GARDERENT AUX ANGLOIS.

LA main de Dieu estoit euidemment sur les Iesuites pour les proteger, ainsi que vous auez peu apperceuoir par cy deuant: Et fut manifeste en vn autre danger, qu'ils passerent; que nous ne racontons pas icy, pour n'estre longs, auquel neantmoins [287 i.e., 289] ils confessent d'auoir eu plus de peur, qu'en beaucoup d'autres, & non sans cause. Ceste protection diuine se monstra encores clairement en ce quell'osta l'apprehension du peril au Capitaine. Car s'il eust preueu les grands dangers qu'il courut puis apres, ie ne scay s'il eust esté assez conscientieux, ou ses gens pour ne se point resoudre au meurtre, auant que de tomber aux perplexités, ausquelles ils furent reduits, en ceste façon.

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.

GOD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also manifest in another danger through which they passed, and which we do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless, [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain. For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.

Ils arriuerent à l'Isle de Faeal, qui est vne des Açores, & ne se pensoyent à leur arriuée, que d'anchrer aupres de la ville, d'enuoyer leur batteau pour se charger d'eau, de laquelle ils auoyent principalement besoin, & achepter quelque peu de biscuit, & autres necessitez plus pressantes. En ceste façon il estoit fort facile [288 i.e., 290] de cacher les Iesuites, parce qu'on ne visite gueres, que fort legerement ceux qui sont loin de terre, & puis la visite passee: tout le peril est passé. Ceste consideration fit resoudre [64]tant facilemẽt le Capitaine à ne pas vser de cruauté. Mais la fortune trouua bien autres tours, & destours qu'il ne pẽsoit: car il luy fallust entrer dans le haure, & se tenir à la veuë de la ville, & des autres nauires. Là de sinistre accident, nostre nauire s'alla heurter contre vne carauelle Espagnolle, chargée de succre, & luy rompit son beau-pré; l'Espagnol pensa que ce fut vn guet à pens, à celle fin de surprendre son vaisseau, & le voler: tout ainsi qu'auoit faict vn François dans le mesme port, cinq semaines au parauãt, & partant se print à crier au coursaire, faisant armer ses gens, & peu s'en fallut que lon [289 i.e., 291] ne vinst aux mains. Grand bruit & grande esmeute dans la ville, & par tous les nauires qui estoyent là, grand alarme. Il fallust que le Capitaine allast à terre, & y demeurast pour gages, & asseurance: encores ne pouuoit-on croire, qu'il fut autre que Pirate. on vint visiter & reuisiter le nauire, & les Iesuites ioüoyent comme l'on dit a esconsailles, de trou en cachot, & de cachot en fonds, tousiours en quelque nouuelle musse. Or sur le vif, & le chaud des soupçons, & grabuge, les Espagnols venants visiter les pauures Peres & le garcon Francois estoyent derriere vne chaloupe se tenant coys & sans souffler, car si seulement ils eussent soufflé vn peu gros, ou remué la main ou le pied, ils eussent esté descouuerts. La chose estoit si hazardeuse, que nos Anglois en transissoyent de [290 i.e., 292] male-peur. Mais les Iesuites leur voulurent constamment garder la foy pour plusieurs raisõs, & entre autres, pour faire voir par effect aux calomniateurs de l'Eglise Catholique, qu'à tort, & contre verité ils luy imposent d'enseigner, qu'il ne faut point garder la foy aux heretiques. Ce qu'est totalement faux, & contre sa doctrine. [66] Mais reuenons aux Espagnols, ils n'apperceurent iamais lesdits peres en leur visite, & s'en allerent en fort bonne opinion des Anglois, qui les voyants dehors, & reuenants à soy de la grande apprehension en laquelle ils auoyent esté, se prindrent à faire tant de caresses aux Peres, & tant de feste en recognoissance de leur sincérité, qu'en pourroyẽt faire vne troupe de bons parents & amys s'entre rencontrants en paix apres vne absence, & separation [291 i.e., 293] de bien long temps. Les mesmes Anglois ont souuent depuis loüangé lesdicts Peres en la presence de leurs Ministres en Angleterre de ceste leur fidelité, & les Ministres en demonstroiẽt grands signes d'estonnement & admiration.

They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But fate found other ways and means, which he had not considered; for he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e., 291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat, still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud, or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e., 292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a very high opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown, began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment and admiration.

[68]

CHAPITRE XXXII.

LA VENUË EN ANGLETERRE: & LA DELIURANCE DES IESUITES.

LES Anglois demeurerent trois sepmaines entieres engagez en ceste Isle, que nous disons de Fæal, pendant lequel tẽps les pauures Iesuites ne peurent point voir le Soleil. Or parce que lesdicts Anglois auoyent faute d'argent, ils ne peurẽt guieres s'y remplumer, ce qui les fit du tout [292 i.e., 294] resoudre à ne plus retenter la Virginie, ains s'en reuenir en Angleterre, attendu mesmemẽt que ja ils se voyoient dans la presente année 1614. qui estoit le terme de leur seruice.

CHAPTER XXXII.

THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.

THE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which we call Fæal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292 i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia, but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service.

Or estants en la course & voye d'Angleterre, la tempeste nous ietta hors la marche (qu'on appelle) c'est à dire, hors le Canal qui est entre France & Angleterre, & nous fallut refugier au Port de Milfier, en la Prouince de Galles. Là vne autre fois toutes prouisiõs nous defaillirent, ce qui contraignit nostre Capitaine d'aller à Pembroch, ville principale de cest endroit, & Viceadmirauté, mais à Pembroch il fut arresté prisonnier, sur le soupcon qu'on auoit qu'il ne fust Pirate. Le soupçon naissoit de ce que luy, & ses gens estoient Anglois, & leur nauire toutesfois estoit faict à la [293 i.e., 295] Frãçoise, ce qui faisoit presumer, qu'il venoit du Port de Gryp aux Isles de l'Arcin, pardeçà le Cap Escumant. Le Capitaine se [70]iustifia du mieux qu'il peust, disant la verité: mais on ne luy croyoit pas, d'autant qu'il n'auoit point de Commissions: & n'en pouuoit auoir, parce que n'estant que Lieutenant, il suiuoit son Capitaine, & ne s'estoit separé d'auec luy que par accident de tempeste, ainsi qu'auez ouy. A ceste cause il fut contrainct de produire pour tesmoins de sa preud'homie les deux Iesuites, qu'il auoit dans son nauire, gens irreprochables, ce disoit-il, & disoit vray.

Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che[6] (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty. But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e., 295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did not believe him, inasmuch as he had no Commission, and could not have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm, as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship, irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.

Aussi tost par commandement du Magistrat lesdits Iesuites furẽt appellés à terre; & interrogés en Iustice, auec grand respect. Eux conterent la verité du faict, & à leur deposition le Capitaine fut [294 i.e., 296] tenu gentil-homme d'honneur, & de bien; sauf à demesler nos differents touchant la nouuelle Frãce par deuãt le Roy. Neantmoins il fallut seiourner vn grand long temps audit Pembroch attendãt response de Londres, car il fut necessaire d'y enuoyer tant pour auoir de l'argent, que pour aduertir de cest affaire le grand Admiral, & la compagnie des Marchands, qui ont charge de la Virginie.

Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully interrogated in a Court of Justice. They stated the real facts of the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296] acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants who have charge of Virginia.

Et cest icy, où l'admiration arreste, & mon haleine, & mon pas; pour m'escrier auec le Sage, Que les dispositions de la Diuine prouidence sont veritablement dressées au compas, articulées au nombre, & mesurées au poids, & trebuchet, iusques à vn demy grain. Car cest appel des Iesuites fut sans doute, vne industrie de ceste paternelle prouidẽce, qui les assistoit par tout: d'autant que [295 i.e., 297] s'ils fussent demeurés dans le nauire, comm'ils y estoyent, destitués de tout, au cœur de l'hyuer (car c'estoit en Feurier) & ce, quatre sepmaines durant, il est vraysemblable qu'ils fussent morts de froid, & de misere: mais au moyen [72]de cest appel, ils furent cogneus par le Iuge, lequel fort hõneste & graue personnage qu'il est, ayant entendu combien ils estoyent mal dans le nauire, les fit loger chez le Maire de la ville, & paya pour eux, disant, que s'ils auoyent dequoy, ils le luy rendroyent: sinon que cela seroit donné pour Dieu: car autrement ce nous seroit trop de honte, (disoit-il) si gens tant honnestes, & sçauants ne trouuoyẽt de la courtoisie parmy nous. Ce bon Seigneur s'appelle Nicolas Adams, Vice-admiral dudit Pembroch.

And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out with the Wise Man, That the dispensations of Divine providence are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured by weight and balance even to the half of a grain. For this call of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e., 297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of this summons, they became known to the Judge, honorable and grave personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city, and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.

Or pendant ce sejour toute [296 i.e., 298] sorte de gens les alloient voir, & de bien loin, par curiosité de voir des Iesuites en leur habit, ainsi qu'ils estoient, & ont tousiours esté iusques à leur retour en Frãce. Ministres, Iusticiers, Gentilshommes, & autres venoyent conferer auec eux; Vn Milord mesmes du grãd Conseil voulut auoir le plaisir de les accarer en dispute rangée auec quatre Ministres. Ie dy Ministres pour m'accommoder à l'intelligence Françoise: car en Angleterre ils les appellent Prestres: Et le Chef de la dispute estoit vn Archidiacre, parce que les Anglois retiennent encores beaucoup de l'Eglise Catholique, comme l'Ordre de la Hierarchie Ecclesiastique, Archeuesques, Euesques, Prestres, Archiprestres, Archidiacres, Curez, Chanoines, &c. L'imposition Episcopale des mains en la creation des Prestres, [297 i.e., 299] & moindres Ordres, & en la confirmatiõ des enfans, Le Cresme, & les ceremonies, le signe de la Croix, & l'Image d'icelle, & d'autres: La Psalmodie, & culte ordinaire, les festes ordonnées des Saincts, & Sainctes, les Vigiles, les Ieusnes, le Caresme, l'Abstinence des viandes au Vendredy, & Samedy, les habits Sacerdotaux, & vaisseaux sacrez: Et ceux [74]qui condamnent toutes ces choses, comme font les Caluinistes de France & d'Escosse, & les appellent superstitions damnables, & inuentions de l'Antechrist, sont nommez des Anglois, Puritains, & les detestent comme pestes execrables.

Now during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always have been until their return to France. Ministers, Justices, Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests. And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church, as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297 i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children; the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship, the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the Calvinists of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions, and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.

Or en fin, response venant de Londres, on sceut, que Monsieur l'Ambassadeur de France auoit esté aduerty de l'arriuée de ce nauire, & en poursuiuoit la reddition, [298 i.e., 300] & particulierement des Iesuites, ayant eu commandement de ce faire de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne. Ce fut vn autre effect de la Prouidence diuine, lors qu'elle moyenna ce nostre arrest, en la Prouince de Galles, à celle fin qu'il fust cogneu de tous: car nous auons de grands indices: & vous en verrez tantost aucuns, que si les Marchands, qui ont surintendance de la Virginie, en pouuoient faire à leur gré, pas vn estranger, qui auroit esté en ladicte Virginie, ne reuiendroit iamais en son pays.

When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the Ambassador of France[7] had heard about the arrival of this ship, and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence, since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever have returned to his own country.

Pour tost finir nostre discours, notez que les Iesuites furent conduits par vn long circuit au Port de Sanduicts; & de là ramenez à Douure par le commandement du Roy, & de Douure à Calais, où ils rendirent graces à Dieu pour tant de signalez benefices, [299 i.e., 301] & prouidence sienne, & en auoyent bien occasion, ayants demeuré neuf mois & demy entre les mains des Anglois. Le sieur d'Arquien, Gouuerneur dudit Calais, & Monsieur la Baulaye, Doyen, leur firent de leur grace fort bon accueil, & leur aumosnerent assez pour se conduire iusques à leur College d'Amiens.

To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them with means to return to their College at Amiens.

[76]

CHAPITRE XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

LE RETOUR DU SIEUR DE LA MOTE, DU CAPITAINE FLORY, & DE QUELQUES AUTRES. ET LA REDDITION DU NAUIRE.

PEV apres ceste deliurance des Iesuites, Dieu recueillit encores par sa misericorde, quasi tout le reste du naufrage en ceste façon.

CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.

SHORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the following way.

Le garçon qui estoit auec les Iesuites, appellé Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] fut conduit à Londres, & de là renuoyé à son Pere à Honfleur.

The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at Honfleur.

Sur ce mesme temps le sieur de la Mote reuint aussi en Angleterre dans vn vaisseau de la Bermude, qui auoit passé par la Virginie.

At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.

Le Capitaine Argal combatit genereusement contre le Mareschal Thomas Deel (que vous auez ouy estre fort aspre en ses humeurs) à fin d'obtenir de luy permission du retour, pour ledit sieur de la Mote, & l'obtint en fin.

Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel[4] (of whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it was granted.

Or ledict sieur la Mote fut fort estonné, que subitement estant arriué en Angleterre, personne ne luy parloit plus, personne ne le voyoit, il estoit delaissé de tous; & le pis est, que sur ce il tomba malade dans le nauire. Il se soupçonna incontinent du danger où il estoit, & d'où il venoit: sçauoir est, des marchands de la Virginie, [301 i.e., 303] qui eussent desiré se desfaire de luy, & ne sçauoyent comment. Il tascha donc par subtilité, & en trouua le moyen, de faire sçauoir de ses nouuelles à Monsieur de Bisseaux, digne Ambassadeur de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, qui aussitost [78] luy manda deux Gentilshommes, & le fit deliurer, & bien traicter, ainsi qu'il meritoit pour son courage, & valeur.

Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came; namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he tried by secret means, and finally succeeded in having his story made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his courage and his valor.

En ce mesme temps aussi Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille enuoya la Saussaye à Londres, à celle fin de solliciter la reddition du nauire, & la reparation des torts receus par vn vol tant inique. Le nauire a esté rendu, mais on n'a rien obtenu d'auantage iusques à maintenant.

At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has been obtained.

Or ainsi que nostre nauire ayãt mainleuée prenoit ja le vol en France, païs de son origine: voicy, que le Capitaine Flory son Maistre [302 i.e., 304] arriua comme à poinct nommé, pour entrer dedans, & y commander.

And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the scene to step in and take command of her.

Le Capitaine Argal s'en reuenant en Angleterre l'auoit encores arraché des mains du Mareschal, & luy, & deux autres François. Certes ledit Argal s'est monstré tel, que nous auons occasion de luy souhaitter, qu'il serue d'ores-en-auant vne meilleure cause, & où sa noblesse de cœur puisse paroistre, non à la perte, ains à la manutention des gens de bien.

Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the preservation of honest men.

De tout nostre nombre, trois sont morts à la Virginie, & quatre y restẽt encores, à la deliurance desquels on trauaille autant que faire se peut. Dieu par sa misericorde leur donne patience, & tire de nostre affliction le bien que sa prouidence, & bonté aggreent. Ainsi soit-il.

Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy. Amen.

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CHAPITRE XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

[303 i.e., 305] QUEL PROFIT A ESTÉ FAICT QUANT À LA RELIGION CHRESTIENNE EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

MAINTENANT quelqu'vn ayant ouy tout nostre recit à bon droict nous dira: Or sus, voila beaucoup de trauaux, que vous nous auez conté, plusieurs entreprinses loüables, & diuers accidents bien sauuages; Mais quoy? Est-ce là tout le profit quant à l'auancement du culte de Dieu? N'auez-vous couru que pour ainsi vous lasser? despendu que pour consumer, paty sinon pour encores par dessus en estre diffamez en France? Car si Canada ne rend point autre reuenu, nous vous dirons, qu'aucun, s'il n'est fol, ne trauaille pour seulement patir; [304 i.e., 306] & ne despend pour seulemẽt s'espuiser. Ains a tres-biẽ dit le sainct Apostre, Que, qui laboure, c'est en esperance de recueillir du fruict. Quel fruict doncques nous apportez-vous de vos trauaux.

CHAPTER XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

[303 i.e., 305] WHAT PROGRESS THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION HAS MADE IN NEW FRANCE.

NOW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves? expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool, works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle, That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit. What fruit then do you bring us from your labors?"

A cela ie responds que par tout, & aussi bien en France, qu'en Canada, il faut semer auant que moyssonner, & planter auant que recueillir, & ne point tant estre ou auare, ou impatient, qu'on vueille, comme les vsuriers, aussi tost le profit que le prest. Combiẽ que certes au seruice de Dieu il n'y auroit que despenses, & trauaux, elles ont de soy-mesme assez grand emolument, & salaire; non ja pour estre despenses & trauaux, ains pour estre preuues, & exercices [82]de nostre deuoir, & pieuse volonté enuers nostre liberal donateur de toutes choses nostre Dieu tout-puissant. Car il [305 i.e., 307] ne poise pas, ny n'estime nos conseils, & desseins à la balance & au poids des euenements, qui sont en sa main, & ordonnance; ains à la solidité de nostre vouloir, à la massiueté de l'entreprinse, à l'integrité de la deuotion, & deliberation.

To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada, it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish, like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful God. For he [305 i.e., 307] does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.

Il dispose les euenements comme il luy plaist, les rendant souuent plus heureux, & plus fructueux, que moins on les recognoit pour tels. Car celuy, qui plante n'est rien, ny celui qui arrouse; ains celui, qui donne accroissement; lequel accroissement se fait premierement soubs terre, & hors la veüe des hommes.

He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such. For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who giveth the increase; and this increase is first made under the ground, and out of the sight of men.

Quant à moy, i'estime vn tres-grand profit en ce que nous auõs tousiours mieux, & mieux descouuert le naturel de ces terres, & païs: la disposition des habitans: le moyen de les pouuoir ayder: [306 i.e., 308] les contrarietez, qui peuuent suruenir au progrez de l'œuure: & les secours, qu'il faut opposer à l'ennemy. L'architecte qui fait, & deffaict ses plans & modeles iusques à la cinq, & sixiesme fois, ne se pense pas pour cela n'auoir rien faict en son premier, & second essay, lesquels il aura deffaits pour s'arrester, au sixiesme; Parce que, dira-il, ce dernier n'a sa perfectiõ, que de l'imperfectiõ des premiers. De mesme en est-il de l'orateur, qui efface & raye deux, & trois fois ce qu'il auoit escrit de premiere ardeur, parce que la beauté, & force des concepts, & paroles, qu'il substituë pour la quatriesme fois, luy naist de la reiection, & du desplaisir des precedentes. Aussi de vray, ce n'est pas autrement, que Dieu nous donne pour l'ordinaire la prudence, & l'ameliorement des choses; sinon [307 [84]i.e., 309] par diuerses experiences, & pour la pluspart de nos fautes & de celles d'autruy. Nous auons donc vne partie de nos pretensions, nous auons experimenté: nous sçauõs ce qu'il faut, & ce qui nuit: & où gist le poinct principal de l'affaire. Les moyens, qu'on a employé n'ont point esté si grands, ne si proportionnez à plus haute fin, qu'il faille nous beaucoup mescõtenter de ce que Dieu nous dõne.

For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned more and more about the nature of these territories and lands, the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them, [306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309] through various experiences, and for the most part through our own faults and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the work. The means which have been employed have not been so great, nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly dissatisfied with what God gives us.

Mais encores d'autre costé c'est vn grand fruict, que la confiance & amitié que les Sauuages ont prinse auecques les François, par la grande familiarité, & hantise, qu'ils ont eu auec eux. Car tousiours faut-il mettre ceste base auant que d'esleuer le chapiteau; sçauoir est, de les nous rendre ou citoyens, ou bons hostes, & amis auant que de les auoir pour freres. Or ceste confiance, & ceste [308 i.e., 310] priuauté est ja si grande, que nous viuons entr'eux auec moins de crainte, que nous ne ferions dans Paris. Car dans Paris nous n'oserions dormir, que la porte bien verrouïllée; mais là nous ne la fermons que contre le vent, & si n'en dormons pas pour cela moins asseurez. Au commencement ils nous fuyoiẽt, & craignoyent: ores ils nous desirẽt. A nostre premiere descente, & visite de S. Sauueur, nous fismes semblant, que la place ne nous agreoyt pas, & que voulions aller autrepart, ces bonnes gents du lieu en pleuroyent, & lamentoyent. Au contraire, le Sagamo de Kadesquit, appellé Betsabes, s'en vint pour nous y attirer auec mille promesses, ayant ouy que nous pretendiõs de nous y aller loger. Est-ce peu que d'auoir ce si bon fondement de Iustice en nos peuplades, & ce tant [309 i.e., 311] asseuré gage de bon succez? Et ne faut point estimer que les autres Nations ayent porté ceste amitié aussi bien que nous. [86] Car nous sommes tesmoins oculaires, comme lesdicts Sauuages ayants rencontré vn auantage (à leur aduis) contre les Anglois, se ruerent sur eux furieusement, pensants comme ie croy tirer quelque reuenche de l'iniure, qui nous auoit esté faicte: mais le bon-heur ne les seconda pas en leur attaque. Pareillement, sur la fin de l'an 1611. les Holandois voulans seulement descendre au Cap de la Heue, pour y faire aiguade, nos Sauuages les assaillirent brusquement, & en defirent six, entre lesquels estoit le Capitaine du nauire. Il me semble, que nous serons indignes de ceste bienvueillance, si nous ne faisons, qu'elle leur profite à aymer celuy, de qui nous [310 i.e., 312] receuons tous nos biens.

But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"[8] came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne this friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.

Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux, dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants. En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires, ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir, comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.

Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.

[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulemẽt vne vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans, [88]hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi aucũs des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode: c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ. Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314] sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.

[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of sickness, and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.

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CHAPITRE XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

AUCUNES MERUEILLES, QUE DIEU A OPERÉ EN LA GUERISON DES SAUUAGES.

MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, & douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des maladies corporelles.

CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.

BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.

La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües [313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres, puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, & gaillarde, & s'en [92]alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.

Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts[9] (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers: then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her cross hanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.

La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu, & recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.

The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.

La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete, & le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien loin, deux ou trois [94]fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; & de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort, ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant, qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton; car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle, s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien, qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy, ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa, l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants quelque grand effect, se [96] presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit. Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere, presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit. Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles, sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes. Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison, peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans admirables effects.

The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times cries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.[10] Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what would happen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.

[98]

CHAPITRE XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

LES RAISONS DES FRANÇOIS, PAR LESQUELLES ILS S'APPROPRIENT À BON DROICT LES TERRES DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, CONTRE LA PRETENSION DES ANGLOIS.

MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322] parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay raconté les comportemẽs des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute, qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres iusques à ce temps.

CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.

NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.

[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques [100]vne nouuelle France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les Isles de Cap Breton.

[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound it by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.

Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an 1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322 i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa, & y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent arriuez, ils furẽt en fin contraints de le quitter entierement, n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroyẽt dans [323 i.e., 325] ce destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607. le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.

The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.[11]

Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes & enseignements, que nos contendants apportent [102]pour se maintenir en droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.

So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within the limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:

1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e., 326] icelles auec exception specifique: Nous leur donnons toutes les terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien. Or est-il, que lors de la datte de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an 1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne.

1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince. Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.

2. En apres, si les Anglois veulẽt dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594. qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir, s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse faire.

2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach—this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done.

[104] Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. & 1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328] 39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt leurs propres maximes.

It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,[12]—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,—took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.

3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous respondons aux Anglois.

3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.

4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout autre Prince Chrestiẽ, par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent & dix ans.

4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.

5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la France; [106]commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre vingts & dix ans.

5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.

6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à qui ne tiẽt du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.

6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier[13] first entered the great river in two voyages that he made, and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.

7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.

7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.[14]

8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré, ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au 46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par lettres [108]expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullemẽt estrãgere.

8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.[15] Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one.

[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine. ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.

[330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines. ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.[16]

10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant; & auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.

10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,[17] and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.[18]

[110]

CHAPITRE XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]

[331 i.e., 333] RAISONS POUR LESQUELLES ON DEUROIT ENTREPRENDRE À BON ESCIENT LE CULTIUAGE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite biẽ plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux hommes, les escriuant.