MILITARY MEMOIRS.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.

THE

MILITARY MEMOIRS

OF AN

INFANTRY OFFICER.

1809-1816.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,

BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.

MDCCCXXXIII.

Address.

The Work now submitted to the Public, contains an account of the Author's Campaigns during the most memorable period of the late French wars. It pretends to no eminence as a literary composition; but the Author trusts, that it will not be found wanting in accuracy of detail, as to facts falling under his own notice. He trusts that no one who opens it in hope of being amused, will shut it disappointed; and he sincerely hopes that the junior members of his own profession will find in it something which may prove useful to them when they are called upon to suffer hardships—to encounter dangers—and to perform duties similar to those recorded in the following pages.

Perth, 20th March, 1833.

MILITARY MEMOIRS

OF AN

INFANTRY OFFICER.

CHAPTER I.

In the beginning of the summer of 1809, the whole European commonwealth—Austria, Spain, Portugal, and Sicily excepted, were arrayed in arms against the British Isles; and ere the autumnal sun had cheered the heart of the Austrian husbandman, that powerful empire, after a series of sanguinary conflicts, was compelled to sue for peace, and join the ranks of the enemy. The latter unfortunate event reduced the number of our allies from forty to sixteen millions; and consequently gave to our haughty antagonist a numerical superiority of one hundred and fourteen millions—France and her allies forming a body of one hundred and fifty millions, while Britain, and her little band of faithful friends amounted to thirty-six millions of souls only! Such was the unequal division of power in Europe in July 1809, when the grand expedition under the present Earl of Chatham quitted the British shores, to assail the enemy in a quarter then looked upon as the most vulnerable point of his widely extended dominions.

During the awful period of preparation, the eyes of every inhabitant of these realms were directed to the place of rendezvous; while with breathless anxiety they watched the movement of every ship, and of every battalion, as if the fate, not only of the United Kingdom, but of the civilized world depended on the contemplated assault. From the Land's End to John O'Groat's, and from Donaghadee to the southernmost promontory of Erin's green isle, the interest excited on this occasion was every where the same. Throughout Scotland, England, and Ireland—in the mansion of the peer, and lowly abode of the peasant—one prayer only was heard, and that one was for the success of the expedition wherever bound, and a safe return to those embarked in it.

At Deal, Ramsgate, and Portsmouth, scenes of a most animated description were daily presented to the eye of a spectator, from the commencement of the vast preparations, till the last vessel spread her white sails to the wind, and bade adieu to the chalky cliffs of the sea-girt isle. During the whole of that interesting period, the embarkation of men, horses, artillery, and military stores, continued without intermission until all the ships in the fleet were filled with the munitions of war, and those gallant spirits who were destined to apply them to deadly purposes. At the embarkation of some of the battalions, it was truly heart-rending to see the poor women taking leave of their husbands—many of them to meet no more. The agonizing cries,—the piteous lamentations, and the tears which flowed in copious streams down their care-worn cheeks, were more than sufficient to penetrate the hardest heart that ever lay incased in the breast of man. The feelings of the soldiers, also, were on those occasions, not only such as to do them honor, but to convince every individual who witnessed the interesting scenes, that although soldiers may be said to live and move in a region of danger, and not unfrequently surrounded with scenes of horror, in every appalling shape which the field of battle can produce, yet their hearts are stored with a much larger portion of the finer feelings of the human breast, than people in private life have hitherto been disposed to give them credit for. The parting salutations of the distressed couples, no one could hear without being sensibly affected.—"God bless you, Mary; be kind to our babes;" or "Farewell, Betsy; think of me till I return;" were very generally the requests made by the soldiers, when they grasped the hands of their afflicted partners, to bid them adieu,—requests which the latter invariably promised to observe, and then sealed their pledge with a tender embrace.

Scenes of dissipation were also pretty numerous, particularly at Portsmouth, where it was nothing uncommon to see a jolly tar locked so fast in the arms of a help-mate on the beach, that it required considerable exertion to rouse them from their slumber, and not a little persuasive eloquence to make the happy mortals relinquish their unseemly couch on the shore, for one more secluded from public view.

For two weeks previous to the sailing of the expedition, Deal was literally filled to an overflow with naval and military officers of all grades, from the admiral to the little middy, and from the general to the jolly ensign. Every hotel and tavern, and numerous private houses, were so crowded, that four of my friends were one evening compelled to pay one pound four shillings for a room and single bed. Determined to reap a golden harvest, the good honest people of Deal, demanded most exorbitant prices for almost every article we required, and which, I am sorry to say, were but too generally paid, and without a grumble by the thoughtless, and almost countless host of purchasers. During the day, the principal shops were crowded almost to suffocation—particularly those confectionary establishments where the sparkling eyes of the fair shopkeepers formed a point of attraction too powerful for the youthful portion of our fraternity to resist.

By the bye, I should like to know the reason why so many confectioners and fancy snuff retailers, place pretty little interesting creatures behind their counters, for it is a system which I ever have, and will continue to condemn as one of a most pernicious tendency—the giddy and thoughtless portion of our youth viewing it in a light favourable to immorality. Now, this being a fact which no man can deny, and as it should be the grand object of all respectable tradesmen to stand fair with the world, and be at peace with their own consciences, those individuals who now employ decoy ducks, cannot too soon lay aside the practice, for they may rest assured, that no such bare-faced attempts to procure a market for their commodities, will ever be patronized by any good or honourable man.

From the rising to the setting of the sun, Deal and its environs daily presented to the eye of a stranger, a singular and interesting picture. Afloat and on shore, the first disturbers of our nocturnal repose, were the morning guns, and reveille. By their united efforts, thousands of dormant spirits were daily roused into action, some to prepare for a long and a tough pull at the oar—others for a hard cruise on shore. From day-break all was life and gaiety on board; and ere the sun had advanced far on his diurnal journey, hundreds of boats filled with naval and military heroes, were skimming along the surface of the briny deep, and with fearful velocity hastening towards the landing-place. The foraging parties returned to their ships on procuring the provisions of which they stood in need; those on pleasure remained on shore to enjoy the sports of the day. On the departure of the former, stillness reigned through every corner of the town, till noon, when boats, as formidable in point of numbers as before, again approached the beach, and poured fresh cargoes of emigrants into it, to the great annoyance of all, save shopkeepers and publicans. On landing, each officer pursued the route which fancy pointed out. The politician retired to some place of entertainment, and scanned the pages of the newspapers; the sedate and prudent had an eye to their personal comforts; and the loungers made arrangements for a cruise through the town, to torment some unfortunate billiard marker, or make some confectioner, or milliner's shop girl fancy herself a goddess. Engaged in similar interesting and honourable employments, the various groups promenaded the streets, till old father time, pointing to the hour of four, gave the whole a hint to retire and partake of Deal hospitality, or the good things which their friends had provided for them on board. From the latter hour, every hotel, and minor place of public resort, were crowded with warriors of every description, whence hundreds of them, after dedicating many a full flowing cup to those they had left behind, went daily reeling to their boats, as happy as the juice of the grape, or malt could make them, all the way singing,

"How merrily we live who soldiers be."

Whenever the surf ran high at the landing place, these thoughtless mortals afforded their more reflecting brethren a very rich treat; for having generally dipped deeper into the cup of intemperance than prudence dictated, they had so much difficulty in stowing themselves into their skiffs, that a severe bruise or two on the leg, in addition to a complete ducking, were very frequently the fruits of their bacchanalian revels, before they accomplished their object.

A more unique, and on the whole, interesting mass of human beings, was perhaps never before collected within so narrow a compass. In Deal, were congregated men from every country, of every religious persuasion, and of every profession under the sun. So various were the costumes worn, and so numerous the languages spoken by the dense assemblage of naval, military, and civil characters, as they paraded the streets, that had that interesting personage, Mr Paul Pry, been then in existence, and dropped in upon us, ignorant of the cause which had drawn us together, he most assuredly would have taken it for granted, that it was our intention to build a second Babel on one of the heights between Deal and Dover.

Various as were the costumes of the multitude, their shades of character were not less diversified. Having occasion one day to wait upon Sir John Hope, (late Earl of Hopetoun) he, on my taking leave, requested me to carry a letter to Colonel Cameron of the 92d regiment, who, with a portion of his battalion, was then on board of the Superb of 74 guns. On leaving Walmer, I proceeded to the quarter-deck of the venerable bark, and delivered my charge into the hands of the Highland chief. Knowing that Sir John Hope was to take his passage in the Superb, and that orders had been received for her to sail on the following morning, the Colonel instantly communicated the contents of Sir John's note to Admiral ——, whose pendant floated in the wind from the mast of the "Old Superb," as the nautical gentleman generally denominated her. On hearing that Sir John Hope did not expect to embark for three or four days, the Admiral then said he would write to Sir John on the subject, and requested me to forward his letter the moment I landed. The Admiral then hurried into his cabin, and in a few minutes reappeared with the letter in his hand.

On receiving it, I again repeated my pledge to see the letter delivered, and was on the eve of turning round to regain my boat, when the Admiral, without uttering a word, snatched the letter out of my hand, tore it in numerous pieces, and like a flash of lightning, darted into the cabin. This comic scene drew smiles from many a weather-beaten countenance, while to me, the whole matter was totally inexplicable; and in this hopeful state of ignorance I might have remained to the present day, had not a naval friend the same day at dinner satisfied me, that with the exception of a few such occasional occurrences, there was no other draw-back to as gallant and amiable a character as ever graced the quarter-deck of a British man-of-war.

To the same friend I am indebted for the following anecdote of another distinguished naval commander, who held an important command in the fleet, which wafted us to the pestilential marshes of the land of frogs.

A few days previous to the memorable battle of Trafalgar, Admiral Sir R.S. was detached on a special service by Lord Nelson, with several sail of the line. The gallant chief had not been long absent from the grand fleet, when one morning he observed an enemy's fleet of four sail of the line, bearing down, cleared for action. Our lads being as anxious for a bit of fun as their Gallic opponents, accepted the challenge, and to it they went, ship to ship. One of the British ships commanded by Captain ——, less distinguished for beauty than his unconquerable courage, grappled instantly with a French ship of superior force, and in a very short time made her opponent feel, that no enemy, however formidable, is at any time permitted to approach a British man-of-war with impunity; for

Firm are the sons that Britain leads,
To combat on the main.

On perceiving that the fire of his favourite ship was doing great execution, the Admiral, in token of his admiration, threw his hat on the deck, and remained uncovered, amidst dreadful showers of bullets. The fire from the French vessel growing less vivid, Sir R.'s heart was so gladdened with this first prospect of victory, that he began to dance, and with the vigour of years gone by, kept it up, till his hat was turned into innumerable shapes; and in one of the most fantastic, removed from under the Admiral's feet, and replaced on his head. A second favourable omen soon after appearing, the hat was again doomed to descend from its elevated station, to experience from its brave owner the same treatment as before. But fortunately for the chapeau, a third omen of victory soon followed the last, which operated so powerfully on the mind of the gallant Admiral, that he ordered his wig to follow its friend, and in a twinkling again began to trip it on the light fantastic toe, and continued the youthful amusement till every one of the enemy's ships had successively hauled down their colours.

The day at length approached, when it became necessary for all and each of us to lay fun and revelry aside, and prepare for an early meeting with the enemies of our common country. Early on the afternoon of the 27th July, the ominous signal, Blue Peter, was hoisted on board of the head quarter ship. Although nothing had been permitted to transpire which could mark the exact point of debarkation, yet from various movements among the vessels of war, it was not very difficult to discover that our destination was Holland. This was rather a disagreeable discovery, for it was impossible to banish from our remembrance the dreadful hardships which our friends suffered in that country, during the campaigns of 1794 and 1795. These unpleasant recollections, added to the disastrous dispatches which arrived from the banks of the Danube, a few days previous to the sailing of the expedition, produced an unfavourable impression on the minds of almost every individual in both services. But it may very fairly be questioned, whether the appointment of a titled general to a high command in the expedition, did not produce a much more baneful sensation. Report had been for some time particularly busy in assigning to this General the situation which he ultimately held in the expedition; but until the appointment actually appeared in the London Gazette, none attached the smallest credit to it; for there were more than one general officer then at home, not only well qualified for the command of such a force, but who having spent the greater part of their lives on foreign service, looked for such an appointment as a suitable reward for their long and faithful services. That some of the best and bravest of our land felt severely the cold hand of neglect on this occasion, was not only currently reported, but credited in military circles. In fact, report went so far as to assert, that promises had been made in a high quarter to some of the gallant individuals, which, if kept, the noble Earl would have been compelled to remain at home, and live in expectation. Had the appointment of commander-in-chief rested with the troops, their choice would, no doubt, have fallen upon that general, whose military talents shone so conspicuously in the command of the British army in Spain, on the fall of his early and bosom friend, the lamented Moore. Can I adduce a stronger proof in support of this assertion, than the following little incident, to which I was an eye-witness. A private soldier of the 36th regiment, actually refused to embark at Portsmouth; and on being desired to give his reasons for disobeying the orders of his superiors, very coolly replied, that it was because Sir John Hope was not to have the command of the expedition. I may state further, that the soldier was placed in the boat by force; and on quitting the beach, cried, "Sir John Hope for ever;" to which the cheers of those on shore most heartily responded.

So confident were many of my friends that the fleet would never sail from the Downs, that when the signal of preparation was hoisted, hundreds were on shore, so totally destitute of the means of leaving it, that had the fleet got under weigh the same day, a considerable portion of them must eventually have been left behind. As it was, many officers did not get on board till four o'clock on the following morning, and then only on paying the trifling sum of three and four Guineas for a trip of half as many miles.

The troops employed in this expedition, consisted of twelve squadrons of cavalry—forty battalions, besides portions of battalions, of infantry—and from eighty to one hundred pieces of artillery. The whole were formed into sixteen brigades, and the latter again into seven divisions as follows, viz.:

Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote's Division.

1st Brigade.—Colonel Mahon.

Three Squadrons.—9th Light Dragoons, part of 95th Rifle Corps, and Detachment of Royal Staff Corps.

2nd Brigade.—Brigadier General Rottenburg.

The 68th, 1st Battalion, 71st, and one Battalion of 95th Rifle Regiment.

Lieutenant General the Earl of Rosslyn's Division.

1st. Brigade.—Major General Linsingen.

Three Squadrons 3d Dragoon Guards—Three Squadrons 12th Light Dragoons, and Three Squadrons 2d Light Dragoons, King's German Legion.

2nd Brigade.—Major General Stewart.

The 2d Battalions of the 43d and 52d, and Eight Companies of 95th Rifle Corps.

3d Brigade.—Brigadier General Baron Alten.

The 1st and 2d Battalions King's German Legion.

Lieutenant General Sir John Hope's Division, or Corps of Reserve.

1st Brigade.—Brigadier General Disney.

The 1st and 2d Battalions First Foot Guards.

2d Brigade.—Major General the Earl of Dalhousie.

The 1st and 2d Battalions 4th Foot, and 1st Battalion 28th Regiment.

3d Brigade.—Major General Sir William Erskine.

The 20th Foot, and 1st Battalion 92d Regiment.

Lieutenant General the Marquis of Huntly's Division.

1st Brigade.—Major General Leith.

The 2d Battalions 11th and 59th, and 1st Battalion 79th Regiment.

2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Ackland.

The 2d Foot, 76th, and 2d Battalion 84th Regiment.

Lieutenant General Mackenzie Fraser's Division.

1st Brigade.—Major General Dyott.

The 1st Battalions of 5th, 58th, and 91st Regiments.

2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Montresor.

The First Battalions 9th, 38th, and 42d Regiments.

Lieutenant General Grosvenor's Division.

1st Brigade.—Major General Brown.

The 2d Battalions 23d, 26th, and 81st, and First Battalion 32d Regiment.

2d Brigade.—Major General Picton.

The 1st Battalion 36th, 2d Battalion 63d, and 77th Regiments.

Lieutenant General Lord Paget's Division.

1st Brigade.—Major General Graham.

The 3d Battalion 1st Foot, and 85th Regiment.

2d Brigade.—Brigadier General Houston.

The 2d Battalions of the 14th and 51st, and 82d Regiment.

Commander-in-Chief.

Lieutenant General the Earl of Chatham.

Second in Command.

Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote.

Commanding Artillery.

Major General M'Leod.

Chief Officer of Engineers.

General Terrot.

The naval part of the expedition consisted of from 300 to 400 vessels of all denominations, upwards of 100 of whom were ships of the line—frigates, sloops, and brigs of war, &c. The whole were placed under the command of Rear Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, who had Rear Admiral Sir R.G. Keates as his second, on this interesting and important occasion.

At day-break, on the 28th of July, all hands were piped on deck to assist at the capstone, and most cheerfully did every man, soldiers and sailors, join in the good old British cry of "Yeo—heave ho!" In less than an hour, a considerable portion of the fleet had unfurled their white sails to the wind, and were ploughing their way towards the Scheldt, their decks covered with thousands of warriors, chaunting, as they cast a long and lingering look behind—

"Ye beautuous maids your smiles bestow,
For if ye prove unkind,
How can we hope to beat the foe,
Who leave our hearts behind."

The vessels of war moved outside of the transports, and the gun-boats, with the assistance of some buoys, marked the route of the whole. The appearance of the fleet this morning, was even more magnificent than when it rode at anchor in the Downs. Nothing could move more beautifully than the largest class of our men-of-war, as they dashed through the foaming billows, leading the way to the scene of action. For some hours I paced the deck of our little brig, admiring with feelings of national pride, the noble—the unrivalled spectacle before me; and on my eyes being sufficiently feasted, I descended into our little crib, and there craved from the Giver of Victory, success in some degree commensurate with the magnitude of the armament.

On weighing anchor, the wind was favourable, and blowing what our nautical friends called a gentle breeze; but as we receded from the British shore, it freshened, and during the rest of the day blew hard. A few hours after leaving our anchorage, and when something like order was restored on deck, we retired into the cabin to partake of our morning repast. The servants, however, having neglected to lash the table to the cabin floor, we had not been seated many minutes, when one dire hitch of our little jade, tumbled every thing topsy-turvy. In an instant, away went seats and sitters, table, tea-pot, cups, bread, butter, and eggs, all towards one common centre—the portly person of our worthy quarter-master, a man nearly six feet four inches in height. The latter no sooner felt an inclination to slide backwards, than he, like a drowning man grasping at a straw, rather unluckily caught hold of the table, which being as ready for a piece of fun as his own seat, at once yielded to the impulse of the venerable hero, and most cheerfully accompanied him in his trip to the then lower part of the cabin. Failing in this attempt to preserve his position, our messmate had now no other alternative than to permit matters to take their course, so down went the head, and up flew the heels of the warrior, who in a moment lay weltering—not in his blood—but in tea, and nearly suffocated with the caresses of his friends, who in their journey to the same quarter of the cabin, found the veteran an obstacle not to be avoided.

The wind had increased so much in the night of the 28th, that at day-break on the 29th, the sailors called it a stiff gale. Two hours after sun-rise, the sea presented to the view of all on board, such an unusual appearance, that every one fancied that the vessels in rear were descending a considerable declivity. As the day advanced, the wind increased, till the surrounding waters became so agitated, that when the masters of transports were plying between their own vessels and those of their respective commodores, they frequently appeared to us all but engulphed in the roaring element. The small craft rolled and pitched most fearfully, and the crews of the gun-boats had work enough on their hands. The decks of the latter being raised very little above the surface of the water, almost every wave passed over them, drenching the crews so thoroughly, that the poor fellows, long ere night, had more the appearance of belonging to some amphibious tribe, than the human race. In the afternoon, the cries of some of the latter for help, were truly deplorable. Previous to the sailing of the expedition from the Downs, the competition amongst the junior naval officers for the command of the gun-boats, was extremely keen, each candidate bringing into play all the interest he could command, to obtain for him the object of his ambition. But I am pretty certain, that had a sense of honour permitted them, not a few of those spirited individuals would, on this occasion, most gladly have made use of the same interest to have themselves removed back to their former situations.

About nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, the person on the look-out duty, descried the Dutch coast a-head, and towards noon, a great many vessels dropped their anchors in the Room-Pot, but subsequently moved to a safer anchorage in the Vere-Gat, between the islands of Schowen, and North Beveland. Here the whole armament re-assembled the same evening and following day.

Every thing being ready for an immediate descent on the enemy's coast, part of the army destined to act against Flushing, were removed into flat bottomed boats; and at four o'clock in the afternoon of the 30th, moved off in beautiful order towards the shore. Under cover of a few bomb vessels and gun-brigs, the small craft advanced with great regularity, till within a short distance of the landing place, when a general cry of, "Devil take the hindmost," ran from right to left. The landing of troops in face of an enemy, being at all times a hazardous operation, considerable anxiety was apparent in every countenance, till the friends who had preceded us in the road to honour, had obtained a footing on the enemy's soil. Having effected a landing on the island of Walcheren, at a place called the Bree-sand, and about a mile from Fort Der Haak, part of the troops under General Fraser, were sent against the latter; which, on his approach, being evacuated by the enemy, he continued his offensive movement towards Ter-Vere. The governor of this fortress shewing an unwillingness to resign his command, the place was regularly invested on the land side, and bombarded from the river, with great effect during the night of the 30th, and the whole of the 31st. These summary proceedings caused the commandant to listen to terms, and ultimately to surrender the town, garrison, and military stores, into our hands on the following day.

Middleburgh, the capital of this little island, surrendered to Sir Eyre Coote, on the 31st July, and Fort Ramakens on the 3d of August, but not before the place was regularly invested, and our batteries about to open on its defences.

Pending these operations, a portion of the fleet under Sir Richard Keates, having on board the reserve, commanded by Sir John Hope, proceeded up the eastern branch of the Scheldt, and on the 1st of August effected a landing on the island of South Beveland, the whole of which fell into our hands, during that and the following day. The brigade of guards under General Disney, were pushed forward towards Fort Batz, a place of some strength, at the upper extremity of the island, which being evacuated by the enemy, was taken possession of by them on the 3d of August. The brigade commanded by the Earl of Dalhousie, was directed to support the Guards in this movement, and Sir William Erskine's brigade occupied Ter Goes, the chief town, and some adjacent villages. A few days after, the latter brigade moved forward six or seven miles, and took possession of the towns of Capelle, Biesling, &c.

After a good deal of severe fighting between the troops under Generals Graham, Houston, Lord Paget, and the enemy, Flushing was closely invested on the 1st of August. From that day the duties of our companions engaged in the siege were unremitting; and owing to the natural dampness of the soil, and copious rains which daily deluged the earth around them, extremely severe. In constructing their batteries, and carrying forward their other field operations, the British troops had to contend with most unseasonable weather, and an active and enterprising enemy. But every individual bore his allotted portion of privations and danger, with a firmness and resolution which at once commanded the admiration and thanks of their superiors. Honour, country, liberty,—words to the military slave, or mercenary, unknown,—carries the British soldier through every danger and difficulty, and makes him lay down with pleasure even life itself, if by such a sacrifice, offered on the altar of his country, he can transmit to his posterity, untarnished and unimpaired, the liberties and honour of his native land.

From the 1st of August, daily affairs of posts took place between the besieged and besiegers—the French commandant allowing no opportunity of retarding the progress of his opponents to pass unimproved. His efforts to prolong the siege, or utterly defeat the plans of his antagonists, were ceaseless. His dreadful salvos of artillery from the ramparts, at one time, and his well-planned and ably executed sorties, at another, caused us a loss in time, as well as many valuable lives. But notwithstanding all his exertions, our batteries were constructed, and reported ready to open on the 12th of August.

Every moment of our time being precious, preparations were made for a combined attack on Flushing, by land and sea, on the following morning. The land batteries, accordingly, opened at ten o'clock, and were for some time gallantly seconded by a number of our vessels of war. But the fire of the latter not proving so effective as was anticipated, Sir Richard Strachan withdrew them from under the enemy's guns, resolved to make another trial on the succeeding day.

Accordingly, at ten o'clock on the morning of the 14th, Sir Richard Strachan again weighed anchor, and carrying six or eight ships of the line close under the enemy's batteries, instantly opened his fire upon the town, and by rapid and dreadful broadsides from his floating castles, assisted by the batteries on shore, soon set Flushing on fire in numerous places. For some hours General Monnet returned the salutes of our batteries and ships with much spirit and considerable effect; but towards four o'clock the flames had spread over the greater part of the town, and so many of his guns had been disabled, that before five o'clock his fire almost entirely ceased. Conceiving the moment favourable to transmit the governor a summons to surrender, Sir Eyre Coote accordingly sent in a flag of truce, about five o'clock, and gave him one hour to consider the conditions on which his submission would be accepted. No answer having arrived at the expiry of the above period, the cannonade was instantly re-commenced, and continued with unabated violence, till almost the whole of the devoted town was in a complete blaze. Being now fully convinced that it would only be a waste of human blood to continue the contest longer, General Monnet offered to capitulate, on condition of being sent into France. This offer being refused, he then agreed to accept the terms dictated by the British commanders, which in substance were,—that he should surrender himself, and all the troops under his command, prisoners of war, and deliver up all his cannon, and military stores, into the hands of the conquerors. The total loss sustained by the enemy on this occasion, consisted of 6079 men killed, wounded, and prisoners, 224 pieces of cannon, 2000 barrels of gun-powder, and an immense quantity of military stores.

The roaring of the artillery, in and around Flushing, had no sooner reached the ears of the good people in that quarter of South Beveland where I was then stationed, than the roofs of all the churches and wind-mills in our vicinity, were crowded with anxious spectators, almost all of whom had friends or relations residing in Flushing on that eventful day. Although the distance between us and the belaboured fortress was considerable, yet the spectacle produced by the operations of the belligerents, was forced upon our notice in the most magnificent, but melancholy form, which we could possibly have desired. None, however, but those who were close to the scene of action, can form any idea of the dreadful scene which followed in the wake of the last cannonade. But even at the distance at which we viewed the conflagration, its appearance was so truly appalling, that although there was no one thing which we more ardently wished for than the fall of Flushing, yet as men and as Christian soldiers, we could not refrain from dropping a tear of sympathy for the innocent inhabitants, who, surrounded with flames, and threatened with instant death by our shot and shell, had spent a day and a night of horror, which none but those who have been similarly situated can possibly describe.

At day-break on the 15th, Flushing had all the appearance of a vast charnel-house, for whichever way a person turned his eyes, there was nothing to be seen but houses

Tottering in frightful ruins, as the flames
Had left them, black and bare;
And half-burnt bodies, which allured from far
The wolf and raven,—and to impious food
Tempted the houseless dog.

Having all along looked forward to the fall of Flushing as a signal for the simultaneous advance of both army and navy, to prosecute, to a successful close, our ulterior operations against the enemy, language cannot express in terms sufficiently strong, the severe disappointment which all of us experienced, when, instead of being ordered to act a part worthy of the land of our birth, the whole army was kept in cantonments, and in the full enjoyment of an inglorious ease, till the troops became so sickly, that it seemed to be a matter of doubt how far prudence would lend the sanction of her name to any further military operations against Antwerp. To settle this point, however, a council of war was held, but not till TEN DAYS AFTER the surrender of Flushing. The deliberations of the council were, as a matter of course, kept a profound secret. But report was busy on the occasion, and if it spoke truth, a naval officer of rank offered, with a given number of frigates, &c., to lead the way to Antwerp, and there take, burn, or otherwise destroy the whole of the enemy's fleet and stores, provided he was supported by Sir John Hope, with a mixed force of 22,000 men. The offer, though not accepted, must have shewn the members of the council, that there was one of their number, who did not occupy that place at their board which his great military talents entitled him to fill. For on the same day it was also reported, that on the breaking up of the meeting of the general officers, more than one of them expressed an intention of returning to England, that they might no longer be an obstacle in the way of his appointment to the supreme command of the army in Holland. If none of the lieutenant-generals, senior to Sir John Hope, expressed themselves in the manner above stated, then report must have been amusing its auditors with a tale of fiction; but until the assertion is shewn to be groundless, by the testimony of one or more of the lieutenant-generals then present, (two of whom, viz. the Duke of Gordon, and Earl of Rosslyn, are still alive,) I shall consider myself entitled to hold the same opinion I have hitherto done in regard to this matter.

About the 20th of August, the troops were first attacked with fever and ague. Towards the latter end of the month it had appeared in the ranks of every battalion, but in some with more virulency than in others. A great part of the men being quartered in barns, it frequently occurred that all the inmates, (six or eight,) of some of those places, were seized with the disease in the same night. This, however, we were not much surprised at; for the natural dampness of the barn-floors, and the humidity of a Dutch atmosphere, were of themselves more than sufficient to engender disease, even had the barns been placed on situations of much greater altitude. As an antidote to the pestilential vapours incident to the climate, a wholesale system of bathing was recommended by our medical friends. When it was intended to indulge the soldiers with a little of this cooling amusement, they were generally marched down to the right bank of the Western Scheldt about mid-day. At a given sound of the bugle, the lads of our battalion undressed, but not a man durst move into the water, till the shrill notes of a second bugle intimated to the interesting group that they had permission to do so, dressed in Adam's first covering. The scene which followed can only be pourtrayed by the pencil of a Cruickshank,—language would fail in the attempt. Some were highly amused with the exhibition; but I must confess that I looked upon the whole proceedings with loathing and disgust. I most readily concede, that the feelings of a considerable portion of the private soldiers are not of a very refined description,—but as men of various characters are to be found in every mixed society,—who will assert that there were not many individuals in the battalion, whose feelings were deeply wounded on these occasions, by making them figure in an exhibition, no less novel than indecent. It is bad policy to place men in situations, where, if any change in their conduct is produced, that change must be for the worse.

But Sir William Erskine, who was intimately acquainted with the nature of the malady, strongly recommended to our notice the following recipe,—one glass of brandy before dressing, one at breakfast, one after dinner, and another in the evening. This antidote, being much more congenial to the habits and tastes of a great majority of his brigade, than an ablution in the Scheldt, raised the fame of Sir William as a son of Æsculapius, far above others of greater pretensions.

But regardless of all our antidotes, death appeared in our ranks about the latter end of August. His power continuing to increase, it was deemed advisable to remove all our sick to England, on the 1st of September. On the 2nd, our division, the reserve, received notice to prepare for embarkation; and on the following morning we marched to the left bank of the Eastern Scheldt—went on board of transports ready to receive us, and afterwards dropped down to the anchorage of the Vere-Gat. Here, by some of those unaccountable occurrences which but too often follow the failure of a military enterprise, we were detained nearly a week, inhaling infection at every breath, when we might have been enjoying the healthful breezes of our native land. The consequences were such as any man of common understanding would have anticipated. Fever and ague, in its worst form, increased so rapidly, that before we reached our own coast, more than a-half of the men were under medical treatment, and the whole as uncomfortable as our most inveterate enemy could wish.

On the morning subsequent to our re-embarkation, between twenty and thirty of the men on board of the transport in which I took my passage, were attacked with the pestilence. To prevent it spreading, the worst cases were removed from the hold, into boats placed under an awning on deck. In one of these temporary hospitals, ten or a dozen fine fellows were confined on the evening of the 5th September, when the first victim on board ship, a tall, handsome grenadier, took leave of this world. His companions taking it for granted that their dissolution was also approaching, became so agitated, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be prevailed upon to remain in their berths. Being on deck when the grenadier died, and perceiving the state into which his melancholy exit had thrown them, I endeavoured, but unsuccessfully, to soothe their excited feelings, and banish the dreadful notions which seemed to haunt their minds; but the prospect of immediate dissolution, and its attendant horrors, stared them so fully in the face, that no language I could use seemed to have the smallest effect. Their situation, at length, was so truly deplorable, that one of the party, a tall, robust non-commissioned officer, started to his feet with the agility of the hare, leaped from the boat, and then with the countenance of a maniac, ran along the deck, crying in all the bitterness of despair, that he was a dying man, and continued in this state of temporary delirium, till a fresh attack of ague compelled him to resume his place in the boat.

In the same group of patients, there was a grenadier, a man of a most athletic form, but of weak intellect. On perceiving the serjeant leap from the boat, honest Willie Mill attempted to follow his example, but was prevented by the sentry on duty. Early next morning I went on deck, expecting to find Willie in the last stage of the disease, but to my utter surprise I found him soliciting, not the grim king of terrors for a short respite, but the pay-sergeant of his company for a morning repast. Willie's appetite being always keen, he pressed his suit with so much ardour, that the sergeant was frequently on the point of yielding. A sense of duty, however, at length prevailed, and Willie's request was refused. Foiled in his attempt to obtain a substantial breakfast of beef and bread, Willie turned round, and with a look that would have sunk deep into the heart of a savage, very gravely said,—"Weel, weel, sergeant M'Combie, if ye think thae things are o'er strong for my weak stamach, just gang to the cook, and tell him to mak me some stir-about, and to mak it gay'n thick." I need scarcely add, that Willie's second request excited considerable merriment on deck, in which some of his boat-companions, ill though they were, heartily joined. Willie's last appeal was too powerful to be resisted; his appetite was gratified; he recovered, and I believe still lives to enjoy the bounty of his sovereign, which enables him to indulge in a daily allowance of his favourite stir-about.

On the 8th September, the transports containing our regiment, quitted their anchorage on the Dutch coast, and on the 10th cast anchor in the Downs. On the following morning we sailed for Harwich, where, by reason of foul winds, we did not arrive till the afternoon of the 13th. Early on the 14th our worst cases were landed and consigned to the care of the medical staff at Harwich, and a few of those who could with safety be removed farther by water, were transported in boats to Ipswich. In the afternoon the rest of the battalion, including all the remaining sick, landed at Land-Guard Fort, and proceeded to Woodbridge barracks—the former on foot, the latter on waggons. Never did I witness a spectacle more heart-rending than the removal of the sick from the transports to the shore, and thence to Woodbridge. The emaciated figures, and long thin pale visages of the poor sufferers as they lay stretched in the boats and on the waggons,—the piercing shrieks and agonizing groans which the jolting of the latter drew from their death-like lips, forced tears from my eyes as I moved along with the melancholy throng. This scene however, distressing as it was, was soon to be eclipsed by others of a still more mournful description. For several weeks after our arrival at Woodbridge, our sick-list daily increased, till upwards of four hundred of our men were immured within the cheerless walls of an hospital. Of these, two, three, and even four, were frequently removed in one day to the place of interment, and there consigned to the silent tomb, by those few whom a merciful Providence was pleased to bless with health and strength. At first the dead were buried with military honours; but this mark of respect was latterly withheld, on a representation being made to the commanding-officer by the medical attendants, that the long-roll of the muffled drum operated so powerfully on the minds of the sick, as to renew the alarming symptoms which had previously yielded to the power of medicine. As each mournful procession crossed the barrack-square, the lamentations of friends, or the wailings of a widow, and her orphan children, struck upon every ear, and penetrated every heart. Never, no never, shall these distressing scenes, the fruits of rashness and mismanagement, be banished from my remembrance.

During the first two months of our residence in Woodbridge, the duties of the regimental medical staff were unremitting and severe—particularly those of assistant surgeon Dunn, whose humanity would never permit him to absent himself from the bed of the poor sufferers, so long as his medical advice could be of service. For this praise-worthy attention to those under his charge, the blessings of the soldiers saluted him at every step, and no doubt encouraged him to persevere in the same laudable conduct throughout. I have been induced to notice these facts, in order to shew my young medical friends that it is only by a humane, diligent, and faithful performance of their duties, that they can expect to obtain the grateful and sincere respect of those whose comforts and happiness, on similar occasions, are generally increased or lessened, in exact proportion to the zeal with which the surgeon and his assistants discharge the duties of their stations.

With regard to the loss which we sustained in this most disastrous expedition, I may remark that the effective strength of the battalion, which, on landing in South Beveland, was 998 rank and file, was so much reduced by the Dutch pestilence, that, in the month of October following, between 200 and 300 only were fit for duty. One morning, indeed, the grenadier company could only bring two non-commissioned officers, and three privates, to the public parade. But had the deaths, numerous as they were, constituted the whole of our loss, a few additional recruiting parties would very soon have made good the deficiency. Unfortunately, however, in our battalion, as in almost every other employed on the same service, the deaths formed but a small portion of our real loss. For the repeated attacks of the malady had made such inroads on the constitutions of the survivors, that, when put to the test in the Peninsula, they were found to be no longer the same men. Their frames had become so enervated, that exposure to the night air, or a heavy shower of rain, sent many of them shivering to their beds; then to an hospital, where they but too frequently led a life of suffering and misery, till they sank into a premature grave.

Placed in Woodbridge under the circumstances just now stated, it cannot be considered surprising that the months of October and November should have appeared to us cheerless, and have passed slowly away. Indeed I believe, that but for the grand jubilee parade, subscription ball, and dinner, on the 25th of October, we should have died of perfect ennui. In the afternoon of that day, the garrison, consisting of four battalions of infantry, a considerable body of artillery, and some German cavalry, were marshalled in the barrack-square, by Baron Alten, and almost immediately on the troops taking their stations, the thundering of the cannon right and left,—the vollies of musketry,—the cheers of the soldiers, re-echoed by dense masses of the populace, proclaimed to the surrounding country, that George the Third, the Father of his people, had completed the fiftieth year of his eventful reign.

At the conclusion of this interesting pageant, the officers threaded their way towards Woodbridge, where, at five o'clock, they sat down to an elegant dinner, consisting of all the varieties and delicacies of the season. Almost every officer in the garrison was present, and for some time every thing went off with eclat. On occasions of this kind, however, it but too frequently happens that the young and inexperienced allow reason to resign her seat to folly, and are then betrayed into actions the most extravagant and absurd. Inexperience has, no doubt, been often permitted to be pleaded in mitigation of the offence of an unfledged youth; but some young men are led to the commission of offences which even youth cannot palliate. This being the case, I trust I shall be permitted to express a hope, that in future the young and thoughtless portion of our military youth will attentively listen to, and ponder over the advice of their more experienced brethren, before they place themselves under the guidance of a tutor reared in the school of folly. For by doing so, they may rest assured that they will at all times glide along the surface of life as smoothly as a little bark, skimming along the surface of unruffled water, and like her, at length find their way into port without meeting with any thing materially to lessen the pleasure of the voyage of life.

On the 6th of March, 1810, I bade adieu to Woodbridge, and proceeded to Scotland, on my way to join the second battalion of my regiment in Ireland. Being in a delicate state of health, I amused myself a few weeks in Edinburgh, and then proceeded to the country to inhale the air of my native hills.

CHAPTER II.

Completely restored to health, I took leave of the Land of Cakes for that of true hospitality, in the very centre of which I beat up the quarters of my friends in the second battalion, in the latter end of June 1810.

It was originally my intention to take no other notice of my services in this part of the world, than what is to be found in the above paragraph, and perhaps a similar one on my taking leave of the second battalion for the Peninsula. But a much-valued friend, conceiving that the Memoir would be incomplete, without a few articles descriptive of the duties which soldiers are but too frequently called upon to perform in Ireland, and of the enemies against whom they generally act, has pressed me so strongly on this point, that I have, in deference to his opinion, selected the following for insertion.

Athlone is a very ancient town, and stands on both banks of the river Shannon, over which there is an old, ugly, ill-built, narrow bridge. The general appearance of Athlone is extremely antiquated, and far from prepossessing. It is just what we may very aptly denominate a finished town. Dull and lifeless, however, as every thing appeared during the day, yet with the kind attentions of the families residing in the town and vicinity, we contrived to pass the monotonous hours of a soldier on home service pleasantly enough. But pleasant as the private parties generally were, they did not constitute our only sources of amusement. We possessed within our own circle others no less captivating, amongst which I may mention a garrison weekly club, as not the least attractive. The expense was limited to half-a-crown, for which each member was entitled to supper, and a couple of tumblers of punch. The officers of the different corps always assembled at seven o'clock, played cards, chess, or backgammon, till ten;—then attacked the poldowdies; and after destroying a few hundreds of them, and doing ample justice to the poteen, retired to our respective cages before the mid-night hour, always in good humour with ourselves, and all those friends who five hours before we were happy to meet, from whom we were sorry to part, but with whom we would be happy to meet again.

Since that time, I have heard many individuals who arrogated to themselves a larger share of common sense, or worldly wisdom, than their neighbours, inveigh with considerable asperity against regimental messes and garrison clubs, on the plea that they were apt to lead the young officers from the path of temperance to that of dissipation. Had those people taken a less superficial view of military society, they would have come to a very opposite conclusion. Young officers, like the young men in every civil society, are no doubt in danger of being led astray by the seductive orations of the dissolute portion of their fraternity. For the latter, on finding themselves lowered in the estimation, and shunned by their discerning and more honourable-minded brethren, invariably employ every stratagem they can think of, and all the most fascinating language at their command, to induce the inexperienced and unsuspecting youth to quit the paths of virtue and honour; and this is too often done under the specious, but false pretext, that dissipation, and its accompanying vices, are most becoming the officer and gentleman. From this candid acknowledgment of the dangers to which officers are exposed on joining their corps for a first time, some may think it totally impossible for a youth to escape the wiles of the enemies of virtue. But I request all those to bear this in remembrance, that the moment an officer joins his regiment, he is from that time surrounded with men of high character and honour, who are ever ready to throw a protecting shield round the head of a junior brother, against which the shafts of vice, from whatever quarter they may be directed, usually prove pointless. Yes; I repeat that five-sixths of the officers are always ready to act in this manner; for as the misconduct of any one member of a battalion never fails to cast a deep shade over the characters of the others, it is evidently the interest, no less than the duty, of all those officers who have any regard for themselves or their profession, to check every attempt made by a brother officer to swerve from the paths of duty, of virtue, and of honour, and endeavour to impress on the mind of their frail friend the important truth, that those paths alone lead to rank and military renown. From whatever motives, therefore, the great body of British officers may act,—whether from a high sense of honour or interested feeling,—it is quite obvious that their youthful associates are equally safe, for in either case their heads must at all times be so protected, as to render the utmost efforts of the profligate to lead them into a ruinous course of low and degrading pleasures, altogether unavailing.

In almost every newspaper we open, we find detailed the proceedings of some religious meeting, convened for the purpose of raising funds to send missionaries into foreign parts to convert the heathen to Christianity. Now, though I readily admit that this is a most laudable and praise-worthy object, yet I cannot help thinking, that before we expend any more of our British gold in attempts to convert the heathen inhabiting the burning sands of Asia and Africa, or the cold and inhospitable wilds of Europe and America, we should endeavour to bring the British heathen to know and adore the infinite goodness of the All-wise and Omnipotent Ruler of heaven and earth. Some of those pious individuals who have assisted to fill the coffers of foreign missions, will no doubt read "British heathen" with surprise, if not with the eyes of a sceptic. But to those who have doubts that such people really reside within the British isles, I at once say, take a trip to the other side of the Irish Channel and have them fully removed. Lest, however, it may not be convenient for every one of them to take this step, I beg to state for their information, that on every fine Sunday evening during the summers of 1810 and 1811, an immense concourse of people assembled a little north of the batteries at Athlone, where two roads intersect each other, and there, to the sounds of the Irish bag-pipe and violin, danced and gamboled till night spread her sable mantle around the heathenish groups, and put an end to their unholy sports.

Now, as this unhallowed sport was not confined to Athlone, but was equally common in various other parts of Ireland, I was then of opinion, and I have seen no reason to change it, that to this open profanation of the Lord's day a great proportion of the outrages which have so long disgraced that country must be ascribed. For when people of either sex totally disregard these sacred duties which the day of rest imposes on them as Christians, it is not to be expected that they will be more attentive to the moral and political duties of their station. When a man once breaks the Sabbath, he is then easily led on from one crime to another, until he becomes so involved in the vortex of vice, that all other pleasures, save the most sinful and detestable, are at length perfectly abhorrent to his nature. Whenever religion loses its hold in the mind,—when the day set apart for rest, prayer, humiliation, and thanksgiving, is converted into one of dissipation, riot, and profanity, what check remains, I ask, to curb the unruly passions of men, and restrain them from the commission of every description of crime, but the dread of a capital punishment on earth? Now, as the man who knows not the great Author of his being, cannot be supposed to dread the power of his Almighty arm, and as men, when engaging in any criminal enterprize, generally indulge the hope of eluding the lynx-eye of justice, they,—on having their hopes realized, are frequently so much elated with their good fortune, that they gradually get rid of that terror which the law inspires, and are soon prepared to execute the most hazardous and most atrocious offences. Have we not lamentable proofs of this afforded us every day, by the confessions of those whose lives have become forfeited to the laws of their country?

One market-day, a countryman all in his glory, with a "sprig of shilellah" poised above his head, and a "shamrock so green" neatly entwined in the band of what had once been a hat, made his appearance at the upper part of the market-place of Athlone, challenging to mortal combat all and sundry the lieges, from the veteran of threescore and ten, down to the stripling of sixteen. After capering and vapouring for some time, to the great terror of egg and crockery merchants, and no one appearing inclined to volunteer a tilt with him, Pat, afraid that he would be done out of a customer, knocked a neighbour down for pure love, in order to procure the grand object of his ambition—a row. The whack had scarcely been given, when more than fifty shilellahs flew like flails round as many heads, with which they instantly came in contact. A few of them fell on the head of the aggressor, but, as on all similar occasions in Ireland, the principal object of the belligerents is to keep up the row at whatever expense, the greater proportion of the weapons came in collision with the craniums of individuals, who were no otherwise interested in the matter than that their skulls lay rather more convenient for a crack than that of the object of their rage. One man after another continuing to join in the grand fracas, the combatants at length became so numerous, and their conduct so extremely outrageous, that the local authorities found it necessary to apply for military aid. One hundred men were instantly dispatched from the barracks to the scene of action, and by charging along the market-place, separated the combatants, and caused a suspension of hostilities. Pat, however, far from being satisfied with the issue of the conflict, embraced the earliest opportunity, after the soldiers retired, to renew the sport. To it again they went as gallantly as before. For the following half-hour there was no scarcity of men—of shilellahs—of blows—or of blood, which ultimately flowed copiously from numerous wounds. Heads were cracked—arms damaged—and many an odd bone complained of fractures—and yet none thought of yielding. Every thing in fact was progressing as favourably as Pat could wish, when the same party of "lobsters," as Jack would say, put an end to the glorious sport, by charging a second time the motley assemblage, which, but for the officers, would have received a hearty drubbing from the soldiers, as a proper reward for their barbarous foolery. After clearing the market-place, the soldiers retired, and left the combatants to bind up their wounds, and splice their fractured limbs in the best manner they could. As for the unfortunate wretch, the sole cause of the bloodshed, he was found in the evening on the banks of the canal, close to the town, beat almost to a mummy, but in life; and such was his ghastly appearance, that it was with the utmost difficulty that any person could be prevailed upon to admit him within their door, even for a single night.

With a party of fourteen men, and an excise-officer, I left Athlone one evening at 10 o'clock, on a still-hunting excursion. At day-break we seized upon one of the delinquents engaged in the illicit traffic, who, with all his apparatus, but no whisky, we lodged in safe keeping in Athlone. This duty every officer most cordially detested, but it was much relished by the greater portion of the men, who, for every still captured, received, in addition to their pay, serjeants 18s., corporals 10s. 6d., and privates 7s. In the spring of 1811, a party of our corps, and a few dragoons, captured in thirty hours, no fewer than twenty-two stills, and for each every man received payment in the foregoing proportions. These are no doubt startling facts, and ought, I think, to convince those who have the Irish revenue laws in their keeping, that a system which requires so much money to keep it in a working condition, must be founded on principles radically unsound.

Parties of the lawless portion of the peasantry then denominated Carders, having administered an unlawful oath to a considerable number of rather respectable people in the counties of Roscommon and Galway, detachments were ordered from our garrison in the month of February 1811, to various places from fifteen to thirty miles from Athlone, in order to put a stop to their treasonable proceedings. Those parties having been recalled, and others ordered out to replace them, I, at the head of one of those detachments, marched from Athlone on the 11th of April, and having taken an early dinner with a brother officer at Roscommon, proceeded in the evening to Ballymoe Bagot, in the county of Galway. In this village my quarters were of the most miserable description, the only apartments I could procure, being a small room and closet, neither of which had any ceiling. In fact, the only thing between the clay under my feet, and the thatch above my head, was large quantities of soot, so neatly suspended from the roof, in long and beautifully curled rows, that the whole dangled in nearly as becoming a manner, as the black feathers on a Highlander's bonnet. Notwithstanding this, it was with more than ordinary regret that I quitted Ballymoe, after a six weeks residence, for I never experienced more genuine hospitality than I did during my stay in that rural village.

Soon after I parted with my friend at Roscommon, a large assemblage of town and country people attacked his barracks, broke all his windows, and threatened to break his head also, and those of the men under his command. These threats, and the entire demolition of his windows, raised the temperature of my friend's blood to such a degree, that, regardless of the consequences, he moved his band of twenty out of the barracks, fixed bayonets, charged along the market-square, and in an instant cleared it of the rioters, one of whom received a deep probe in the breech. Called upon for a detail of his operations, the gallant commander transmitted to General Sir James Affleck, then commanding the western district, a long and whimsical dispatch, in which, after enumerating the names of all those who had distinguished themselves in the engagement, (and which I believe included every man in the detachment) he concluded, "It now only remains for me to express my sincere regret, that the nature of the service on which I have lately been engaged, will not permit me to recommend any of my brave followers for promotion." Poor L——! he fell in a more memorable conflict—that of Quatre Bras.

One afternoon, during my stay in Ballymoe, a brawny, squat, real son of Erin, came running to my quarters all covered with mud and perspiration, and foaming at the mouth like an enraged mastiff. Hat or shoes he had none; and his inexpressibles, and other toggery, as the members of the fair-play club would say, were such as would have secured him ready employment as a scare-crow in any part of Ireland. Conceiving that something was wrong, I hurried to meet him, and rather eagerly inquired the cause of his visit, but the only answer I could obtain was, Och! murder—murder, your honour! And as he continued to return similar answers to my subsequent interrogatories, I was at length induced to look upon the frightful figure before me as a murderer, craving protection from a host of pursuers. Under this impression, I inquired if my suspicions were well-founded. At first he made no reply; but on the question being repeated, he stammered out,—"Och! is it me, your honour, that is a murderer? No, no; I am no murderer; but a murder, and a bloody-murder too, your honour, has been committed in my presence within the last half-hour, and I am come to ask your honour for five or six of your men, to help us to take the vile murderer." On requesting him to favour me with the particulars, he informed me, that a few men and women being at work together in a field between three and four miles from Ballymoe, one of the men raised a pitch-fork, and without the smallest provocation, plunged it into the bowels of a bosom friend. On hearing these facts, I instantly dispatched a sergeant and six men to the scene of blood, but previous to their arrival, the monster had unfortunately escaped.

A few days after this melancholy affair, my assistance was required to root out a band of free-booters, who were so entrenched in the affections of a village peasantry, from ten to twelve miles from Ballymoe, that they committed offences with impunity, and bade the law defiance. At eleven, P.M. I left Ballymoe, taking with me a sergeant, corporal, and sixteen privates. About three o'clock, A.M., I received an addition to my force of eighteen strapping young Irishmen, armed with shilellahs, all of whom had some knowledge of the parties, against which we were marching. At day-break we arrived in sight of the abode of the lawless banditti. On approaching which, I detached four of my own men, and six of my auxiliary corps to the right, and as many to the left of the village, to watch the motions of the nine individuals we were in search of, and with the rest of the soldiers and Irishmen, I pushed forward into the centre of the village to take the whole napping. In this, however, I was disappointed, for early as it was, they had obtained intelligence of our approach, and had all left their houses, save one woman whom we secured. But the non military part of my detachment, who were well acquainted with the village, had their eyes rivetted on the avenues of escape, and consequently, that portion of them who filed round the town, were ready to pounce upon their game, as soon as they made their appearance. The latter being completely rigged for a flight, flew like lightning across dub and mire, and over hedge, ditch, and dykes, till they reached the summit of a gentle acclivity, when, being considerably blown, and seeing some of their bare-kneed assailants gaining rapidly upon them, three of them joined, and with their backs to a stone-wall, offered battle. The challenge being accepted, a bloody affair ensued, which ended in the capture of those three, and another of their associates. All the others escaped.

By this time all the village population had turned out, and hundreds were fast approaching us from all quarters, and as I soon learnt, for the express purpose of releasing the prisoners. Being of opinion that it is at all times infinitely better to prevent crime than to punish it, I caused the men to load, and on doing so, to shew the deluded creatures their balls, before ramming home their cartridges, in hopes of deterring them from making the meditated attempt, which could only have produced streams of blood. And I am happy to state, that the object I had in view was completely obtained, for in a few minutes the whole multitude retired peaceably to their respective places of abode, and left us at liberty to remove the prisoners wheresoever we pleased.

Having dispatched the prisoners to a place of safety, we retraced our steps towards Ballymoe. Ravenous as wolves, we took the liberty to walk into a snug-looking cabin, where two riddles, well filled with smoking murphies, appeared in a most inviting condition for hungry men. Having asked and obtained permission to join the rustic party at their frugal morning repast, we were not long in seating ourselves, and doing ample justice to the praties and butter-milk. During our operations, I could scarcely refrain from smiling at the innocent simplicity which played on the countenances of the little half-clad urchins, who, as each potatoe disappeared, looked wistfully, first at the riddle, then at their mother, and finally, cast a significant glance towards us, as much as to say, "Bad luck to you, be off, or we shall be compelled to honour Duke Humphrey with our company to breakfast." On preparing to resume our journey, I tendered the poor woman a trifle for her excellent fare; but so determined was she not to accept of any thing in the shape of remuneration, that I had no alternative left, but to sprinkle a few small pieces in such a manner on the floor, that they could not be collected till we were completely out of the reach of pursuit.

I shall conclude this chapter with the following anecdote, which was related to me by the gallant major himself.

Major C——, on joining the regiment in November 1810, being obliged to take lodgings in town, was, one morning before day-break, roused by a hideous noise under his windows. Conceiving that this proceeded from a body of carders, on their way to attack the barracks, the major paced the floor in a twinkling, decorated in his military paraphernalia. John, whom the sonorous voice of his master had awakened from dreams of earthly bliss, to ruminate on the troubles of the other world, entered the major's apartment just as the latter was buckling on his sword, and with extended mouth, and eyes half open, eagerly inquired what had happened. "The carders are by this time at the barracks," replied the major. "Did you see them, Sir?" said John, rather anxiously. "Why, no," answered the major, "but I heard their unearthly screams as they passed under the windows." Here a considerable pause ensued; for John, having some doubts on the subject, scratched his head, shrugged his shoulders, and with an unmeaning grin on his countenance, stood as if anxious to state them, but yet afraid to do so. Silence being at length broken by the major inquiring the cause of John's grimaces and shrugs, the latter instantly replied, "I have just been thinking, Sir, that what ye ha'e ta'en for the cheers of thae blackguards, the carders, has probably been the skirlings of some country lassies at a funeral." The morning being uncommonly dark, and the major totally unacquainted with the mode of conducting funerals in Ireland, John's remark, instead of producing any change in the major's original intention, only tended to convince him, that his servant was better fitted for a snug berth in Bedlam, than the one which he held near his person. Fully satisfied, therefore, that the garrison would derive but little assistance from John, Major C——, after bestowing on his servant a few well dove-tailed epithets, was descending the stair on his way to the barracks, when his landlord, who had overheard the latter part of the conversation, pursued his gallant tenant, and soon succeeded in convincing him, that the noise was nothing more than the mellifluous notes of a few of his fair country-women accompanying some departed friend to the place of everlasting repose.

Having thus gratified the wishes of my friend, though perhaps not to the extent he may have expected, we shall now, with his permission, take a temporary leave of Erin, and by easy stages, proceed to the theatre of war in the Peninsula,

"And join the gallant quarrel."

CHAPTER III.

With a detachment, consisting of one major, two captains, four subalterns, one assistant-surgeon, and 248 rank and file, I took leave of Athlone on the morning of the 17th of August 1811, and proceeded to Fairbane, on our way to the place of embarkation. On the 18th we moved forward to Birr—next day to Roscrea—on the 20th to Thurles—and on the 21st to Tipperary, where we halted on the following day. On the 23d our route led us to Mitchelstown, and to Fermoy on the 24th. Here an order had preceded us for forty-eight of the detachment to return to Athlone, they being considered too young to undergo the fatigues of a Peninsular campaign. The poor young lads, on being made acquainted with their new destiny, absolutely shed tears of sincere heart-felt sorrow. Two hours before day-light, on the morning of the 30th, they commenced their retrograde movement; and about as long after day-break we also bade adieu to Fermoy,—proceeded to Cork,—and on the following morning embarked at Monkston, on board of the Minerva transport.

Having previously purchased a competent stock of provisions for our little voyage, we weighed anchor at seven o'clock on the morning of the 7th of September, and shortly after quitted Cove harbour, under a gentle breeze from the land. Continuing to scud along with a favourable gale, we descried the Rock of Lisbon a little after sun-rise on the 19th. About two o'clock a pilot paid us a visit, and carried the old bark up the majestic Tagus in fine style, to a berth opposite Fort-Belem. At three o'clock, p.m. on the following day, we disembarked at the Blackhorse square. The men were quartered in a convent, and the officers upon the inhabitants.

The exterior appearance of Lisbon from the Tagus is extremely beautiful, vieing in splendour with the finest city in Europe. But the interior view of it is so truly disgusting, that we are forced to place it in a scale beneath the rank of the very lowest. The streets, which are narrow and ill-paved, are filthy beyond description. But how can it be otherwise, when every night, between nine and ten o'clock, every thing, no matter how disgusting, is tumbled from the windows and balconies of the houses into the streets, and with so little warning, that the ominous Garde-del'eau seldom reaches the ears of the passengers till they have been completely soused by their brethren in the upper regions. Now, to remove this abominable nuisance, which offends the eye, as well as the nasal organs of every stranger, none of the inhabitants ever contribute either personal service, or pecuniary aid. What, therefore, can be expected in a city such as Lisbon, but filth, particularly when it possesses no scavengers, save the rains of heaven which occasionally descend in torrents, and hordes of half-starved dogs, which are confined all day without meat, and in the evening turned adrift to find food as they best can, to satisfy the cravings of hunger. The piteous howlings of those wretched animals, as they crawl along the streets, would wring a tear of sympathy from the heart of a savage; and yet it produces no other effect on that of a Portuguese, than to excite a laugh at the expense of the individual who may have the humanity to commiserate the cruel fate of the poor four-footed scavengers.

A little before our arrival at Lisbon, a party of officers, on landing from England, agreed to dine together previous to retiring to their respective billets. Happy to meet, and sorry to part, they continued to while away the time so pleasantly, that the clock told nine before they were aware that more than seven hours of the last half of the day had passed away. As their quarters lay in different parts of the city, each individual at parting had to act as his own guide. In the group there was one, who, to an amiable, added rather a timorous disposition. This officer had proceeded but a short way on his journey, when the usual cry, Garde-del'eau, struck his ears from various quarters at the same time. Being alike ignorant of the language, as of the customs of the Portuguese, he fancied himself surrounded by individuals who intended doing him some bodily harm. Pausing a moment, to see if any friendly hand was near, or any loop-hole by which he could effect his escape, he was glad to observe but few people in the street, and that the greater portion of his enemies were several stories above him. This discovery led him to try if a good pair of heels would remove him to a place of greater safety. He accordingly started at a pace which would not have disgraced any of the winners of the Great St Leger, but in the hurry, his foot unfortunately struck the corner of a broken flag, when down he tumbled, amidst shouts of Garde-del'eau, and the contents of numerous mortars from the batteries above. In a twinkling he started to his feet, and bounded along like a deer, he knew not whither, every now and then receiving the partial contents of an additional mortar. At length worn-out, and observing something resembling a guard-house, he walked in. His appearance, however, being a little cadaverous, the officer of the guard (a Portuguese) shewed at first a disinclination to hold converse with him; but on the British hero making his hair-breadth 'scapes known to his foreign brother, the latter, though he deeply commiserated the fate of his visitor's uniform, yet enjoyed a hearty laugh at his expense, in which not only the guard, but the subject of merriment himself, ultimately joined.

From the immense number of British officers and soldiers that were continually parading the streets of Lisbon, a stranger not knowing the cause, would, on first witnessing the novel spectacle, have been apt enough to exclaim, "What! has Portugal become a colony of Great Britain?" From morning to night the Adjutant General, Quarter-master General, and Town-major's offices were constantly filled with officers and non-commissioned officers. Some reporting their arrival from England—others from the army. Some were applying for a passage to England—others for a route to the army on the frontiers. Some were necessarily and usefully employed in copying extracts from the general orders of the army, regarding the marching of detachments to and from the army,—others were in quest of billets,—and the whole were in close pursuit of the Commissary.

Having received our camp equipment, and every other article we required, we embarked in boats at six o'clock on the morning of the 28th of September, and both wind and tide being favourable, the whole disembarked at Valada, forty miles above Lisbon, at two o'clock in the afternoon. This small village stands on the right bank of the Tagus, and at that time almost every house in it bore ample testimony of the friendship which the ruthless invaders entertained for the proprietors.

When Lord Wellington retired from Almeida to the far-famed position of Torres-Vedras, the inhabitants were invited to remove their persons and property to a place of security in rear of the allied army. Amongst the few who were deaf to all entreaty, was an elderly man, who, with his wife, and a beautiful daughter, occupied a house in Valada. On Massena's progress being arrested at Torres-Vedras, the whole country was instantly over-run with his legions, in search of shelter from the inclemency of the weather. Valada, as a matter of course, was occupied, and a party quartered on the obstinate old man. They had not been many days in the house before the sparkling eyes of the beautiful Maria had so far captivated the hearts of the foreign inmates, that two of them successively paid their addresses to her, which, however, she rejected with marked disdain. This so irritated the villains, that from that day they sought the ruin of the family. The eyes of the father being at length opened, he, with the most sincere and poignant grief, beheld for the first time, his daughter standing on the brink of inevitable destruction. But alas, it was too late to retrieve the error into which his obstinacy had betrayed him. An order arriving for the detachment to proceed to Santarem, one of her lovers again made Maria a tender of his hand, which was rejected as before. This was conclusive of her fate. In an instant the innocent girl was dragged from under her father's roof, and he, in an attempt to rescue her from the grasp of the ruffians, received a wound from one of their bayonets, of which he soon after died. Her mother was afterwards maltreated, and the house plundered; in fact nothing was left but the bleeding trunk of the once happy father—the wretched mother—and the once beautiful and happy, but thenceforth the miserable and unhappy Maria. The former then lay hid from the sight of men, but the other two I saw in Valada; the widowed mother mourning over the loss of a beloved husband, and the misfortunes of an only daughter; and poor Maria, deprived of a parent's fostering care, sat brooding over her misfortunes, with misery staring her in the face, being unable to render any assistance to her mother from the barbarous treatment she experienced at the hands of the vile miscreants.

How often since that time have I fancied that I heard this interesting girl repeating, in all the calm utterance of despair,

——"O cover not
His blood, thou earth; nor ye, ye blessed souls
Of heroes, and of murdered innocence,
O! never let your everlasting cries
Cease round the eternal throne, till the Most High,
For all these unexampled wrongs, hath given
Full overflowing vengeance."

Our route led us on the 29th to the once beautiful city of Santarem, but then little better than a heap of ruins. That part of it denominated the New Town, stands on the summit of a considerable eminence, and commands a most extensive and delightful view of the vale of the Tagus, and country on its left bank. The Old Town is built along the eastern base of the hill, close to the bank of the river.

When Marshal Massena retired from before Lord Wellington at Torres-Vedras, he selected the position of Santarem as one admirably adapted for a defensive post, against an assailant moving from the side of Lisbon. The left of the French army rested on Santarem, and the right extended westward a considerable distance. What nature had left unfinished to render the position formidable, Massena endeavoured to accomplish. Field-works of various kinds crowned the eminence, while the face of the hill was studded with innumerable breast-works, from which thousands of Gallic soldiers for some time looked down upon their opponents with the scowl of defiance. From the plain the allied troops could advance by one road only to the assault of the left of the enemy's position, and that was so completely commanded by the works above noticed, that thousands of them would have bit the dust before they could have made the smallest impression in that quarter. For not attempting to drive Massena from this position, the British general was roundly but most unjustly censured by various classes in England. At first the troops were a little disappointed in not being allowed an opportunity of measuring weapons with the enemy; but before Massena finally relinquished his hold of Santarem, I believe there was not a man in the British army but was convinced that their chief acted on that occasion with his usual prudence and caution, in not attacking the crafty Marshal in his almost impregnable post, defended as it was by a numerous and veteran army, and commanded by a general, who, from his numerous successes, had been dubbed by his Imperial Master, the "Child of Fortune."

On the 30th we moved forward to Gallegao, fourteen miles from Santarem. During the last invasion of Portugal, some hundreds of the inhabitants of this large village were turned adrift on the world by the French, who subsequently ransacked and pillaged their houses, and then either threw them down, or burned them. But even these barbarous acts did not always satisfy the enemy. No: when it suited their convenience, murder was added to their long catalogue of crimes.

See yonder cottage, once the peaceful seat
Of all the pleasures of the nuptial state.
The sturdy son, the prattling infant there,
And spotless virgin blessed the happy pair.
In gentle sleep undreaming ill, they lay;
But, oh! no more to see the cheerful day.

Observing a young man of genteel appearance walking rather hurriedly, and apparently in deep meditation, behind the counter of a very small coffee-shop, we stepped in under pretence of purchasing a cup of that excellent beverage, but, in reality, to obtain information relative to the conduct of the French troops during their sojourn in that town and vicinity. After enumerating various acts of uncommon barbarity, he informed us, that before the French invasion, his father, mother, brother, and two sisters, occupied one of the neatest cottages in Gallegao, where, blessed with a competency, they lived in the full possession of every earthly comfort, which a family united within itself, and possessing the esteem and love of its neighbours, could enjoy. Being the reputed possessor of riches, the enemy naturally conceived that the old man would have a portion of his cash secreted near his person, but how to lay their talons on it, they were for some time at a loss to invent a proper excuse. At length, however, the happy thought struck them, that as our informant was then in the ranks of the Portuguese army, nothing could be more plausible than a charge of treason against his father and brother. Accordingly they were seized, tried, and on a charge of corresponding with the British, condemned and executed. Their once happy abode was plundered and unroofed, and his beloved sisters were dragged from their native village, and compelled to accompany the murderers of their parent and brother. Of their fate he was then totally ignorant; but his opinion was, (and tears trickled down his cheek as he spoke,) that if they had escaped the fate of the former, it was not improbable but that both of them, rather than survive their dishonour, had put a period to their wretched existence.

Next morning we occupied Punhete, once a neat village, but then almost a ruin. It stands on a piece of level ground, at the confluence of the Tagus and Zezere, and is completely surrounded with hills, as barren as they are uninteresting to the eye. To those who have not witnessed the distressing spectacle, no language can properly convey the most distant notion of the destruction of property by the enemy at Punhete, in spring 1811.

Almost every piece of furniture, and every door and window in the village was removed to the French bivouac, in its vicinity, but not one article ever returned; for every thing was consigned to the flames, when the enemy took a final leave of Punhete. The village church was not even held sacred by the unhallowed crew. No: from under the sacred roof every thing portable was removed, and the interior of the building was then converted into a place of repose for mules and asses. God grant that a similar calamity may never befal the sacred edifices of our own happy isle!

On the 2nd of October, we entered Abrantes. This ancient city crowns the summit of a hill, two sides of which, the south and the east, are extremely steep and difficult of access. The base of the eminence on these sides, and part of the west, is washed by the Tagus, over which there was then a bridge of boats, by which all reinforcements and stores for the army, proceeding from Lisbon by Abrantes, crossed to the left bank, up which, those intended for General Hill's corps, ascended as far as Alpalhao, and turned to the right; and those for the main army, as high as Villa-Velha, where they again crossed the noble stream by a similar conveyance, and then proceeded to their destination by Castello-Branco. The claims of Abrantes to rank high as a military station, will be taken into consideration, along with those of Elvas and Castello-Branco.

Having rested our limbs on the 3rd, we advanced to Gavao on the 4th. Crossing by the bridge before mentioned, our route led us two leagues over a sandy plain, studded with cork trees; and then a similar distance over a heath as barren and uninteresting as any spot I had ever before traversed. In a morning when a little fog is skimming along the surface of the ground, the country around Gavao, when viewed from the spire of the village church, or any other building of equal height, presents a singular appearance—its natural undulations giving to the whole surrounding space, as far as the eye can reach, all the appearance of the mountain waves of a watery expanse, when violently agitated by a dreadful gale of wind.

At Alpalhao, on the 5th, the people complained bitterly of their poverty; but when they found that we required nothing from them, they praised the English and cursed the French, as roundly as the greatest enemy of the latter could have wished.

Early on the following morning we quitted Alpalhao, and moved forward to Portalegre, then the head-quarters of General Hill, as well as of our first battalion. Our march was a very dreary one; but the warm reception which we met with from our friends, who on our arrival hastened to welcome us to share their dangers and their glory, soon banished all traces of it from our remembrance.

On the breaking up of the allied army from its encampment in the vicinity of Estremoz, on the 1st of August, the main body under Lord Wellington, proceeded towards Almeida, and the remaining portion of it was formed into a corps of observation, which, at the date of our arrival at head-quarters, was composed of the following brigades of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-General Rowland Hill.

Allied Artillery.

Three Brigades, British and Portuguese.

Allied Cavalry.

Commanded by Lieutenant General Sir William Erskine.

British Brigade.—Major-General Long.

The 9th and 13th British Light Dragoons, and 2nd Hussars King's German Legion.

Portuguese Brigade.—Colonel Campbell.

The 4th and 10th Light Dragoons.

2nd Division, Allied Infantry.

Under the temporary command of Major-General Howard.

1st British Brigade.—Major-General Howard.

The 1st Battalions of the 50th, 71st, and 92nd Regiments, and one company 5th Rifle Battalion 60th Regiment.

2nd Brigade.—Colonel Byng.

The 1st Battalions of the 3rd and 57th, and 2nd Battalions of the 31st and 66th Regiments.

3rd Brigade.—Colonel Wilson.

The 1st Battalion 28th, and 2nd Battalions of the 34th and 39th Regiments.

4th, or Portuguese Brigade.—Colonel Ashworth.

The 6th and 18th Regiments of the Line, and 6th Cacadores.

General Hamilton's Division of Portuguese Infantry.

1st Brigade.—Brigadier-General Campbell.

The 2nd and 14th Regiments of the Line.

2nd Brigade.—Brigadier-General De Costa.

The 4th and 10th Regiments of the Line.

CHAPTER IV.

General Murillo having advanced from the frontiers of Portugal, towards Caceres in Spanish Estremadura, for the double purpose of procuring recruits, and supplies for the 5th Spanish army under his command;—the Count D'Erlon, on the first intelligence of these movements reaching him, instantly detached General Gerard with a division of the 5th French corps, and a considerable body of cavalry, from Merida, to arrest his progress. The belligerents came in sight of each other a short distance from Caceres, but no serious collision took place, for Morillo's force being far inferior to Gerard's, both in point of numbers and discipline, the former conceived it prudent to withdraw his troops towards Malpartida, and subsequently to Arroyo-del-Puerco and Aleseda.

On these facts being communicated to Lord Wellington, he instantly transmitted instructions to General Hill to advance and drive the enemy behind the Guadiana. General Hill accordingly broke up from his cantonments at Portalegre on the 22d of October, and with a portion of his troops moved towards the frontier. Two leagues from Portalegre, we passed Allegrete, the last Portuguese town in this direction, and three leagues farther we arrived at Codeceira, the first Spanish village, where, under torrents of rain we bivouacked. The whole of the officers being in light marching order, many of them were but ill prepared for such a visitation. A few, who were really very slenderly covered, formed a circle round a blazing fire, and each with his head resting on the legs of the friend immediately before him, they endeavoured to make themselves as comfortable as men whose bodies are two-third parts frozen, and one-third part roasted, can expect to be.

Next morning we advanced to Albuquerque, an ancient city, built on the northern slope of the Sierra-de-Montanches. On a rock, a little above the town, stands a castle, which, from its antiquated appearance, must, I should imagine, have braved the buffeting of the pitiless storm, from a period anterior to the introduction of gun-powder. Its situation is commanding, and could a full supply of good water be introduced within its walls, it might become a useful military station.

Our brigade, and three pieces of Portuguese artillery, moved forward to Cantallana on the 24th, and on the following forenoon, a league farther to Aleseda, where we found the third brigade, other three pieces of artillery, and some Spanish cavalry, commanded by Colonel Downie. The road between Cantallana and Aleseda, was so miserably bad, that the guns had to be removed from their carriages, and carried up a considerable acclivity by a party of our brigade.

On arriving at Aleseda, we were ordered to cook with all expedition. This we subsequently found to be rather an ominous order, being generally the precursor of a long march, or a sharp battle; and not unfrequently of both. At this time, the bullocks on which we were to dine, were running and jumping around us, as free as the air of heaven, but in less than an hour, they were amusing us with more interesting leaps in our camp-kettles. The soup, just removed from the fire, having been placed before us, at the same time that the bugle called us to arms, we were compelled by dire necessity to despatch it into the regions of the stomach, in a state little colder than boiling lead. "This is comfortable employment for a cold day," said I to a friend near me, as we gulped down the boiling liquid. "True, but don't you think," said he, "that the comfort would be greatly enhanced, if we could lift up the veil which hides the future from our view." "Quite the reverse, my friend," replied I, "much wiser and better for the human race, has it been ordered by an all-wise and over-ruling Providence—who—

From all creatures hides the book of fate,
All but the page prescribed their present state;
From brutes what men, from men what spirits know;
Or who would suffer being here below?
The lamb, the riot, dooms to bleed to-day,
Had he thy reason, would he skip and play?
Oh, blindness to the future! kindly given,
That each may fill the circle marked by heaven."

On leaving Aleseda, about four o'clock, P.M. the evening was rather mild; but as the sun dropped behind the western curtain, the clouds began to lower, and soon after, the sluices of the heavens were opened, and with great violence poured their fury on our heads, as we groped our way towards Malpartida. Marching under the cloud of night, even in the finest summer weather, is a most unpleasant operation. How much more unpleasant, therefore, must it be to a poor soldier in a dark stormy night, on a road covered to the depth of several inches with mud and water, and a surface so uneven, that every twenty or thirty yards the foot either sinks deep into a rut, or comes bump upon a stone, throws the owner completely off his balance, and precipitates him headlong into the puddle. Such were the pleasures we enjoyed on our trip from Aleseda to Malpartida, which occupied the whole of the night. So pale and worn-out were some of the men at dawn, on the 26th, that had the enemy been at a greater distance, not a few of them would have laid themselves down, and waited the coming of the morning sun to guide them on their cheerless course.

The enemy having given us the slip, by retiring from Malpartida before day-break, the German hussars were sent in pursuit of the fugitives, who retired to Caceres, and subsequently to Torra-Mocha. There being no prospect of bringing the French to action, General Hill ordered us under cover in Malpartida. Early on the 27th, we resumed the offensive, and finding that the enemy had retired from Torra-Mocha to Arroyo-del-Molinos, we marched first to Aldea-del-Cano, then to Casa-de-Don-Antonio, and subsequently a forced march to Alcuesca, three miles from Arroyo-del-Molinos.

Fully resolved to attack the enemy on the following morning, all the troops, save the 71st, were placed in bivouac, in rear of the village, and completely out of the enemy's view. No fires were permitted; and the 71st regiment which occupied the town of Alcuesca, placed piquets all around the village, to intercept any spy, or disaffected person that might attempt to carry to Gerard any intelligence of our movements. About six in the evening the rain again descended on our heads in perfect torrents, and continued with unabated violence throughout the whole of the ensuing night. On being desired to make themselves as comfortable as they could, without the aid of fires, the troops, without a murmur, consigned themselves to rest, and bore their allotted portion of misery like men and soldiers.

At two o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the sergeants went round their respective companies, and in a whisper bade their men prepare for action; the utmost silence being indispensably necessary to ensure the success which our general anticipated. A few minutes were sufficient to put the column in motion, and a few more to shew us the enemy's fires, at the appearance of which our poor fellows were quite overjoyed, being to them a sure indication that the birds had not flown. Although the distance between the belligerents was little more than three miles, yet from the broken state of the road, the darkness of the morning, and the inclemency of the weather, we were fully four hours in traversing that space. The whole moved in one column, right in front, until we arrived within half-a-mile of Arroyo-del-Molinos, when the various battalions closed up, and under cover of a little eminence, were formed into the following columns of attack:—

The left column, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, 50th Regiment, was composed of the 1st brigade, 50th, 71st, and 92d regiments, one company 60th, and three field-pieces; and the right column, led by Major-General Howard, consisted of the 28th, 34th, and 39th regiments, one company 60th, 6th regiment of Portuguese infantry of the line, 6th Portuguese Caçadores, two field-pieces and a howitzer. The centre was formed of the 9th and 13th light dragoons, 2d German Hussars, and the Conde-de-Penne Villamur's Spanish cavalry, and was commanded by Sir William Erskine.

The formation being completed, the columns advanced in the following order:—The 71st and 92d regiments, and 60th rifle company, moved direct upon the village, at quarter-distance, and the 50th in close column, with the artillery a little in rear as a reserve. The right column, having the 39th regiment as a reserve, moved to the right, crossed the plain to the right of the town, in order to cut off the enemy's retreat by any of the roads leading from Arroyo-del-Molinos to Truxillo, Medellin, or Merida. The centre column moved between the other two, and was kept in readiness to act wherever its services might be required. General Morillo, with the Spanish infantry, supported the left column.

The 71st and 92d regiments entered the village at a quick pace, and, at the point of the bayonet, soon cleared it of the enemy, who were quite unprepared for such an unceremonious visit. One brigade of the French infantry had unfortunately marched from Arroyo to Medellin previous to our arrival, and the others were filing out of the village for a similar purpose, when the British huzza fell on their ears, and arrested their progress. Finding it totally impossible to escape without giving battle, Gerard faced to the right-about, and made the best disposition in his power for a determined resistance. The infantry he formed into two squares, on the roads leading to Merida and Medellin. The right square was posted not more than one hundred yards from the village,—the other was at a greater distance, and had its left flank protected by their cavalry. On arriving at the eastern extremity of the principal street, the 71st moved to their left—lined some of the village garden walls, and peppered their antagonists in very good style. The 92nd regiment following close on the heels of their companions, filed to the right, formed line, prepared to charge, but were not permitted to fire a single shot. This was extremely galling to the soldiers, who saw their officers and comrades falling around them without daring to retaliate upon the enemy. This was no doubt an unpleasant situation to be placed in, but knowing that the success of an enterprise frequently depends on the manner in which orders of this description are attended to, the Highlanders, with a praise-worthy forbearance, resisted every temptation to commit a breach of their orders, and with a patience not very peculiar to their countrymen, waited the arrival of the decisive moment.

During the time occupied by the 92nd regiment in completing their new formation, the three pieces of artillery were brought forward, and on being posted on our right, fired with terrible effect on the enemy's masses, carrying death into their thickest ranks. In a few minutes the French troops appeared extremely uncomfortable, and in a few more something like a wavering in their squares was observable. The moment so anxiously looked for having now arrived, the Highlanders moved forward to the charge, but the French declined the honour intended for them, wheeled to the right-about, and with rather a hasty step retired towards a steep hill in their rear, over which their general fancied he should be able to conduct them to more comfortable quarters.

Pending these operations against the enemy's right, General Howard manœuvred round their left, and after cutting off their retreat upon Merida and Medellin, endeavoured to interpose his whole force between the enemy and the mountain in their rear. Our cavalry were also very actively employed. On perceiving it to be General Gerard's intention to gain the rock with his mixed force, they advanced, cut off the French cavalry from their infantry, charged them repeatedly, routed them, and captured all their artillery. These movements reduced the French general to the choice of two very bad alternatives—unconditional surrender, or a hazardous flight across the mountains. Giving a preference to the latter, he retired upon the most inaccessible point of the hill, which his troops ascended, and then fired down upon us from behind the rocks, with which the whole face of it was thickly covered. To prevent the enemy from reaping all the advantages which he anticipated from this movement, General Howard pushed them closely with the 28th and 34th regiments, and detached the 39th, and Colonel Ashworth's Portuguese, round the eastern corner of the mountain, to charge the fugitives in flank. The left column also kept close to the enemy on their retreat; and the Spaniards prepared to ascend the hill considerably to our left, to assist in the capture of the flying host. By these various movements, the latter became so sensible of their own inability to continue the conflict, but at a very unnecessary sacrifice of human life, that after throwing away their arms, or rendering them useless, they attempted to escape from our toils; but the great proportion seeing that to be impossible, a white flag was at length hoisted on the point of a sword, in token of submission. The remainder continuing their retrograde movement across the mountain, and the British troops being much in want of repose, General Hill gave over the pursuit of the fugitives to General Morillo, who followed them twenty miles—killed a number, and made many prisoners.

Our loss in this admirably conducted affair, was extremely trifling, compared with that of the enemy. We had only seven killed, fifty-seven wounded, and one officer, Lieutenant Strenuwitz, aid-de-camp to Sir William Erskine, missing.—That of the French, consisted of one general (Brun), Colonel the prince D'Aremberg, two lieutenant-colonels, an aid-de-camp of General Gerard's, thirty other officers, and from thirteen to fourteen hundred non-commissioned officers and soldiers prisoners. The whole of their artillery, money, baggage, and provisions, also fell into our hands. Their loss in killed must have been severe, for besides those who fell in action, Morillo found upwards of six hundred dead in the woods and mountains, when in pursuit of the remains of this little army, which in the action and pursuit, was reduced from 3100 to 300, who with their wounded chief, effected their escape.

The 18th regiment of Portuguese infantry, and Brigadier-General Campbell's brigade of Portuguese infantry, having joined us at the close of the action, these corps, together with General Long's brigade of cavalry, and the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments of British infantry, quitted the field of battle, immediately after the prisoners, &c. were collected, and moved forward to St Pedro, two leagues from Arroyo-del-Molinos.

We had not been long in camp, before a party of twenty-three French dragoons were observed scampering across the plain in our front, in the direction of Medellin. As no time was to be lost, one of our cavalry piquets, consisting of seventeen men, dashed across the plain to intercept them. In a few minutes the two parties stood in the presence of each other, and without much ceremony, proceeded to business. The action, however, was of short duration, for the enemy, after a feebler resistance than was anticipated, agreed to accompany our dragoons into camp, where they were received with three hearty cheers. Both parties being in full view the whole time, the scene was altogether extremely interesting.

At three o'clock in the morning of the 29th, we quitted our bivouac at St Pedro, and after a march of fifteen hours, under torrents of rain, entered Merida, wet, weary, and hungry. The following day being one of rest, all the horses, mules, and asses, captured on the 28th, were sold by auction in the square of Merida, the produce of which, together with the money found in Gerard's military chest, was ordered to be divided at a subsequent period amongst the troops actually engaged on that day.

Our mission into Estremadura being ended, the whole of the troops in Merida, retired on the 31st to Montejo, and on the 1st of November, to Campo Major. The distance being fully seven leagues, we marched two hours before day-break, and at twelve o'clock, halted to refresh the soldiers. Having a few minutes before crossed a deep, rapid, narrow river, which struck some of our men a little under the arm-pits, our situation at the time was not very comfortable. However, a two hours rest, before a rousing fire, aided by a glass of grog, and the rays of a powerful sun, soon banished all traces of our ducking. In high spirits, therefore, we quitted our temporary bivouac. But we had not proceeded above four hundred yards, before another river, broader, deeper, and more rapid than the other, crossed our path, and again drenched us to the neck. How we came to halt in such a position, none could form any notion; but all were agreed, that however amusing the spectacle of a few thousand men standing in water to the neck may be to members of the Quarter-Master General's department, those individuals must be told that mistakes such as this cannot be tolerated, for to the weary, and but too often heated pedestrians, duckings such as those just mentioned, are the prolific sources of almost every disease, which on service, hurries the young soldier into a premature grave.

We remained in Campo-Major on the 2nd of November, and on the 3rd moved to Arronches, an old fortress, the walls of which seemed tottering to their base. Resuming our retrograde movement next morning, we re-entered Portalegre about one o'clock, amid the loud acclamations of a grateful and delighted populace. Satisfied that the spontaneous and grateful effusions of the multitude on this occasion, flowed from hearts untainted with hypocrisy, we received them as a people's thanks—the noblest reward a soldier can receive.

Thus terminated our memorable trip into Spain, the success attending which very far exceeded the expectations, either of the noble individual who planned it, or the gallant and truly amiable General who carried the plan into execution. And it is but justice to the soldiers to state, that by a praise-worthy exercise of those military qualities—patience, firmness, and valour, in a manner peculiarly their own, their General was enabled to surmount every obstacle which attempted to arrest his progress.

CHAPTER V.

If General Gerard required evidence to convince him that it is easier to prevent a surprise, than to banish the effects which are generally produced by this worst of all military misfortunes, the issue of the conflict on the 28th of October must have furnished him with proof of the most ample description. Prolific as the page of history is in examples of surprises of a similar nature, yet I doubt much whether it affords one where the officer surprised, reposed in a more criminal security than General Gerard did on the above occasion. When first informed that the British troops were in motion, and advancing upon the town in order of battle, the French chief who was then in bed, raised himself on his elbow, and said to his informant, "Pooh, pooh, the English troops will not march in such a morning as this!" and then threw himself into his former position.

Almost the greatest military blunder which any officer can commit, is that of allowing himself to be surprised. When a general loses a battle, his honour and reputation remain unsullied, provided he has discharged the duties of his office with fidelity and zeal. But the very reverse befalls that general, who through carelessness, or a gross dereliction of the duties confided to him, permits himself to be surprised and beaten. Any general may have the laurel torn from his brow, however conspicuous his military talents may be; but a shameful defeat is rarely the reward of that individual, who, as far as his means will permit, provides against every contingency; who adopts every precaution in his power to prevent a surprise; and who never for a moment leaves any thing to chance, lest fortune, if trusted too far, may prove faithless; and, as in the case of General Gerard at Arroyo-del-Molinos, entail on himself and followers, defeat, and an overwhelming load of disgrace.

The military annals of the world exhibits to our view a long list of commanders, who by forming too high an opinion of their personal military qualifications, and spurning the advice of generals of inferior rank, have placed themselves and followers in situations of imminent peril. In this list, I fear we must insert the name of General Gerard. At all events, his conduct at Arroyo-del-Molinos should serve as a beacon to warn all officers of the dangers to be apprehended from the smallest neglect of duty, from whatever cause it may arise, and also to convince them of the folly of rejecting the advice of an experienced or talented friend, simply because he may be junior in rank to themselves.

The necessity of British troops being instructed in every description of field and camp duty, previous to quitting their native shore, was never more clearly developed than in our bivouac at Codeceira on the 22nd of October. Our arms were no sooner piled, than the old stagers flew like lightning through the woods in search of comforts. But our poor Johnny Raws, as all young soldiers were denominated, instead of imitating their brethren in their laudable vocation, formed themselves into little groups, and seated on their knapsacks, sat shivering in expectation that fire, water, and beef would be provided them without any personal trouble. The fruits of this gross ignorance of camp duty were soon obvious. In two hours the experienced soldiers were called to dinner—the young ones had not then placed their camp-kettles on the fire.

It would be an act of gross injustice, however, to throw the smallest blame on the shoulders of those young men, for the ignorance exhibited by them on that occasion. Totally uninstructed in field-cookery, or any other portion of camp duty, what else could be expected of them? But, should the British soldiers be longer permitted to embark for a foreign clime in this state of ignorance? Should they not rather be marched regularly as the state of the weather will permit, to a convenient piece of ground in the vicinity of their cantonments, then encamp, and after being instructed in every description of camp duty which they can be called upon to perform in the face of an enemy, return to their quarters in the evening. Some such plan as this is indispensably necessary, for it is principally owing to their total ignorance in the mode of cooking in the fields, and sheltering themselves from the surly attacks of the mid-night hurricane, that so many of our best and bravest spirits are hurried into hospital in the early stages of a first campaign. Some individuals would, no doubt, grumble and growl like bears at the new duty, but these would always be few in number; for there are but few officers or soldiers who would not willingly exchange a little inconvenience at home, for health and some little comfort when roughing it at a distance from their native land.

On crossing an extensive plain between Malpartida and Aldea-del-Cano on the 27th of October, the troops were highly entertained by the mounted officers of the corps, the latter having accidentally started a hare, all the greyhounds belonging to the corps, were instantly put in requisition to run down poor puss. The little, timid, short-legged elf, ran hard for existence, but notwithstanding all its arts and stratagems, it at length fell under the snouts of its numerous pursuers. Perceiving that the soldiers were highly delighted with the sport, the officers set about coursing in earnest, and continued to amuse their companions, till they arrived at the extremity of the plain. Trifling as this little piece of attention may appear, it produced a much greater effect on the spirits of the men, than the most sanguine promoter of the sport anticipated. Time was so wonderfully beguiled, that on the arrival of the column at Alcuesca, many of the men conceived that they had not marched above half the distance they had really done. Should not this tend to convince us that much good may at times be effected by the officers finding harmless amusements for the soldiers under their command?

The 34th French infantry having preceded their commandant to the field of honour at Arroyo, the latter who was still in his quarters when we passed through the town, mounted his charger soon after, and with his powerful arm raised for mischief, galloped along one of the principal streets, resolved to rejoin it, or perish in the attempt. Colonel Cadogan, 71st regiment, happening to be in the same street, attempted to stop him, but in making a cut at the head of his opponent, Cadogan completely neglected to guard his own, which the former perceiving, returned the favour of his antagonist with such effect, that, but for the tough materials surmounting it, the head of Cadogan would have been severed in two. The gallant Frenchman, however, was made prisoner, and having on various occasions shewn a great deal of disinterested kindness to British officers who had had the misfortune to be made prisoners, the same marked attention was shewn to him at Portalegre. As a more memorable reward for his humanity towards our countrymen, he, soon after his arrival in England, received permission to return to the bosom of his family in France. Were all officers to act a similar part to those who fall into their hands, the horrors of war would be considerably mitigated, and much of that ferocity which but too frequently characterizes the actions of men in the field of strife, would be altogether unknown.

The numerous escapes which soldiers have had from instant death in the field of battle, would, if collected and published, form a most interesting volume. Buttons, pen-knives, stocks, pencil-cases, keys, watches, pocket-combs, sword-handles, and pieces of old paper, would be found recorded as instruments made use of by Divine Providence to prolong the lives of thousands of them. Amongst those whose lives have been thus preserved by the kind interposition of the Divine Being, I may name Colonel Cameron of the 92nd regiment. The captain of the grenadier company of his regiment having been wounded early in the action, the senior lieutenant, on assuming the command of it, made a false movement, on perceiving which, the Colonel greatly irritated, repeated his former orders in a voice of thunder, and as was his usual custom when displeased, he struck his left breast with his right hand, which then grasped the hilt of his sword. The last syllable of his orders had just been delivered, and his right hand had scarcely touched his breast, when a bullet, dispatched by one of the enemy's riflemen, struck the Colonel on the first joint of the middle finger, shattered the bone, passed through the handle of the sabre, and then struck the breast so violently, that he relinquished the command of the battalion to Major Mitchell, in the full conviction that the ball had passed into his body. On being undeceived, however, the gallant Colonel instantly rejoined his battalion, and with his middle finger dangling by a small piece of skin only, and the blood flowing from the wound in copious streams, he remained at the head of his Highlanders to the close of the engagement.

A few days previous to the battle of Arroyo-del-Molinos, a private soldier of very weak intellect, named Brown, lost his firelock, but where, or in what manner, he could give no proper account. On the circumstance being reported to the commanding officer, he was so enraged, that he ordered Brown to be taken into the first action without arms. The captain of his company, however, feeling for the situation of the poor fellow, ordered him to fall out when close to the village of Arroyo. But no: the proud spirit of the half-witted creature would not permit him to accept of the kind indulgence tendered him. Brown continued in his proper place in the ranks, during the whole of the engagement. Seeing some firelocks without owners, Captain D—— desired Brown to arm himself with one of them, but the latter replied, "Colonel Cameron having been pleased, Sir, to order me into action without arms, here I will remain unarmed until the action is over, or poor Jack Brown is sent into another world;" which resolution the heroic simpleton faithfully kept.

CHAPTER VI.

The commanding officer conceiving that five of us who had accompanied the detachment from Ireland, properly belonged to the 2nd battalion, applied to Lord Wellington on our return to Portalegre, for permission to send us home. Leave being granted, we, after mutual expressions of regret, parted with our friends at Portalegre, on the 22nd day of November, and proceeded to Gaffeta. Next day we moved to Gavao, but finding an officer there taking quarters for Colonel O'Callagan, and the first battalion, 39th regiment, we departed instantly for Villa Franca, a small village two leagues from Abrantes. On approaching the residence of the chief magistrate, in order to procure billets, that worthy personage testified his joy at our arrival, by throwing the door in our faces. Enraged at the insult offered us, it is possible we might have adopted a summary mode of obtaining an interview with this truly amiable personage, had not a most interesting and lady-like woman introduced herself, and kindly offered us all the shelter of her rural abode for the night. Having previously invoked a blessing upon our patrona and her interesting family, for her genuine hospitality, we bade adieu on the following morning to the residence of this most excellent woman, and proceeded to Abrantes.

After stowing away our baggage, and putting every thing in a fair train for dinner, we strolled about the streets and ramparts of Abrantes for a couple of hours, and then returned to head-quarters, where we fancied a nice dish of soup and a beef-steak would greet our return. Our disappointment therefore may be more easily conceived than described, when I state, that instead of such excellent fare greeting our entrance, we were welcomed by two servants with rueful countenances, and each relating, in a plaintive strain, tales of woe, sufficient to melt a heart of adamant. Moving as these were, however, they proved but a poor substitute for dinner. To work, therefore, we went; and partly by threats, and partly by entreaty, procured from the inmates a few culinary articles, which they very kindly had refused our servants. Our disappointments, however, were not yet at an end, for when every thing was ready, the amiable couple refused us even a single piece of earthen-ware to put it on. Had Cruickshank witnessed the infernal pair standing sentry over their stone-ware, the wife at one cupboard, and the husband at the other, he must have acknowledged that a finer subject for his pencil was never afforded, for truly they had more resemblance to the inhabitants of Pandæmonium, than of this world.

After disposing of our baggage animals, we embarked at Abrantes in a small commissariat boat on the 26th, and with a gentle breeze, glided down the surface of the majestic Tagus, till the shades of night made it dangerous to proceed farther. On arriving at a point opposite to the neat, clean village of Chamusca, we hauled our boat ashore, and proceeded to the town, where we were treated with true hospitality. On the following day we dropped down to Valada, where, on the 28th, we embarked in a large boat, and after spending a rather uncomfortable night, landed at day-break next morning, at the Black Horse Square in Lisbon.

On the 2nd of December, thousands of hand-bills were circulated in Lisbon, intimating that at one o'clock on the following day, a British officer, accoutred in cork-boots, would walk across the Tagus, from Fort Belem, to the nearest point of land on the opposite shore. Conceiving this to be the project of some hair-brained or unfortunate individual, who, tired of life, was about to solicit the assistance of old Neptune to carry him into another world, I walked down to Belem to view the sports of the day. By eleven o'clock, the various streets leading from the city to Belem, were literally crammed with people of all nations and conditions, from the peer to the peasant, hurrying along to the starting-post, some on foot, and the rest on every kind of conveyance, from the humble donkey, to the carriage-and-four. Being admitted into Belem Fort, I had a fine view of almost every person, place, and thing in the vicinity. The Fort was filled to an overflow with officers and ladies. Belem Castle was crowded with Portuguese nobility and gentry, and the whole space around, and between these two places, was completely covered with carriages, equestrians, and pedestrians. Of the former, I at one time counted four hundred and fifty. The river, for a considerable distance around the spot whence the hero was to start, was covered with hundreds of boats, carrying immense numbers of ladies and gentlemen, a great proportion of the latter wearing the naval and military uniforms of Old England. Six, eight, and even ten dollars were given for the hire of a boat from Lisbon, on this occasion—the ordinary fare of which was only about two shillings.

As the hour of one was announced by the bell of an adjoining clock, the dense masses on shore pushed and jolted each other so much, in order to get a peep at the cork accoutred hero before he set out on his perilous excursion, that the company of Portuguese militia stationed to preserve an opening for the officer to get to the river, kept their ground with great difficulty. Soon after one, a voice announced the hero's approach, but the intimation was premature. Two o'clock was chimed, still he was absent. Three o'clock was at length tolled, but he was not forthcoming. Not long after this, the people, whose appetites were getting a little keen, whetted, no doubt, by the fresh breeze from the Tagus, began to steal slily away, and by four o'clock the greater proportion of the immense multitude, between forty and fifty thousand, had retired to their respective domiciles, fully satisfied that they had been completely hoaxed, and vowing vengeance on the British officer and his cork-boots.

Having received a letter of recal from my commanding-officer, I parted with my friends of the second battalion on the evening of the 4th, and early next morning embarked at Belem, with a detachment which had just landed from England, and after spending an uncomfortable night, we landed at Valada next day at noon. On the 7th we marched to Santarem—on the 8th to Gallegao—9th to Punhete—the 10th to Abrantes, where we halted the 11th and 12th. On the 13th we proceeded to Gavao—the 14th to Gaffeta—and on the following morning bade our companions in Portalegre all hail.

CHAPTER VII.

The well picked bones of a Christmas goose had scarcely been removed from our mess-table, when an orderly entered, and announced the unwelcome intelligence that our attendance was required at the alarm-post next morning before day-break,—and worst of all, in light marching order. Had this personage been the bearer of a warrant for the execution of the whole party, our countenances could not have presented a more rueful appearance. We could have wished the evil day put off for twenty-four hours, but as any memorial to that effect would only have been productive of further disappointment, we at once resolved to make a virtue of necessity, and accordingly retired to our respective quarters, and made the necessary preparations for another excursion into Spain.

A little before sun-rise on the 26th December, the whole of the troops quartered in Portalegre bade a temporary adieu to that friendly town, and in the evening our brigade occupied Codeceira. Next day we moved to Albuquerque, and on the 28th quitted that city for Merida. Two leagues from the former we passed to the right of the Castle of Zagala, beautifully situated on the summit of a hill, from which there is a delightful view of the surrounding country. Three leagues farther we passed through the miserable village of La Rocka, and on the western slope of an eminence, a few hundred yards in front of it, we went into bivouac. General Dombrousky being in possession of Merida, with a mixed force of 1500 men, General Hill requested commanding-officers of corps to have their fires as much under the hill as possible, in order to favour the design he then meditated of taking the Pole napping. The object, though not expressed, was so obvious to every one, that the order was readily and most cheerfully obeyed.

Next morning at day-break we quitted our bivouac, and under cover of a dense fog, moved towards the point of attraction. General Hill not being aware that the enemy had, the previous evening, pushed forward a party of 150 cavalry, and 300 infantry, to the village of La Nava, about half-way between our bivouac and Merida, the cavalry, under General Long, were permitted to precede the infantry some miles. This movement turned out unfortunately; for General Long being also in ignorance of the proximity of this body to his own, came bump upon one of the enemy's videttes close to La Nava, and made him prisoner, but not till by discharging his carabine he had made his friends aware of the danger that threatened them. The density of the fog at the time rendering it impossible for either party to ascertain the other's real numerical strength, the French troops rushed to arms, and in a few minutes were formed ready for action, on an eminence in rear of the village; but the British cavalry halted so long, that before General Long finally resolved to attack, the favourable moment had fled—never to return.

The fog soon after this first collision began to disperse, which enabled our advanced guard to get a peep of their opponents. Continuing to clear away, General Long was at length enabled to draw near to the enemy without any fear of being surprised. Although formed in square, the General resolved to attack, and if possible compel them to surrender; but the little band of French infantry received his charge with firmness, and finally beat him off. This success gave the enemy some idea of their own strength, for they instantly commenced a retrograde movement towards Merida, fully convinced, no doubt, that they could effect their escape, should no other opponents take part in the deadly feud. Charge succeeded charge,—but from each our cavalry were forced to retire with loss, and without making the least impression on the little column. These repeated assaults proving ruinous to us, the dragoons were ordered to hang on the flanks of the retiring foe, and take advantage of any opening that might occur, either from the inequality of the ground over which he had to retire, or the fire of two pieces of artillery, which latterly joined in the pursuit. Accordingly, a gap no sooner appeared, than our cavalry instantly prepared to renew the assault; but before any advantage could be taken of it, some other brave spirits had stepped forward and filled it up. Not one of the enemy's infantry ever once appeared to shrink from the terrible conflict; on the contrary, the whole party, individually and collectively, exhibited throughout the action a degree of coolness and firmness which none but the truly brave can possess in the hour of danger. In the manner now described the parties traversed several miles, till the French being reinforced from Merida, our cavalry gave over the pursuit, more than satisfied that a body of well-disciplined infantry, when under the guidance of an officer of courage, experience, and prudence, has nothing to fear from a body of cavalry of double their numerical strength. In the evening our corps closed up, and bivouacked in front of La Nava, and next morning moved forward to Merida, which the enemy had precipitately evacuated during the night, leaving behind them a considerable quantity of corn.

The conduct of the French captain and his little band at La Nava, affords to all officers and soldiers one of the noblest examples for imitation on record. It is when placed in situations such as this, that the prudence of an officer, and the courage of himself and soldiers, is put to the severest trial. It is on occasions of a similar kind that the soldier who combats for honour and glory, possesses such decided advantages over him whose mercenary propensities lead him to look upon honour and military renown as secondary objects. Bear this then in remembrance, my brave fellow-countrymen, that it is when duty calls you to defend a post against great numerical superiority, that your courage is put to the severest trial; but never forget, that it is also on those occasions you may expect to reap the richest harvest of military renown.

When honour does the soldier call
To some unequal fight,
Resolved to conquer or to fall,
Before his general's sight.
Advanced—the happy hero lives,
Or, if ill-fate denies,
The noble rashness heaven forgives,
And gloriously he dies.

The 31st was a day of rest; but at day-break on the 1st of January 1812, the whole corps crossed the Guadiana, and moved towards Almendralejo, where we expected our arrival would be announced by a royal salute from the field artillery of the Count D'Erlon. For a league and a-half our route led us over a very barren heath, then across a large, rich, but partially cultivated plain. As the road between these two places rises with a gentle acclivity for at least five miles from the banks of the river, the leading battalions enjoyed a delightful view of the long and party-coloured columns, as they winded along the heath towards their destination; and I have no doubt but the spectacle would have appeared still more gratifying, could we have banished from our recollection the object of our movement—the destruction of our fellow-creatures. But notwithstanding this, shall I say, almost only draw-back to a military life, we enjoyed the interesting scene while it lasted; and when deprived of that, we jogged along the plain as cheerily and merrily, as the fatiguing nature of the march would permit us, till our proximity to the enemy told us to prepare for battle.

It was now one o'clock, and a dense fog so enveloped every surrounding object, that it was quite impossible to discover any thing beyond a few paces from where we stood. As this unfavourable state of the atmosphere prevented General Hill from ascertaining whether the enemy held possession of Almendralejo, with FIVE hundred, or twice as many thousands; the cavalry, a few pieces of artillery, and the 1st brigade, moved towards the town in order of battle. We had not proceeded far, when the cavalry came into contact with the French piquets, which were instantly attacked and driven in. To be prepared for whatever might occur, the rear brigades quickly moved up on our left, and occupied the stations assigned them. When the first collision took place, the French troops in Almendralejo were busily engaged in preparing their dinners, and consequently had their thoughts rivetted on something more palatable than either gun-powder, bullets, or bayonets. Part of them instantly moved to the support of the piquets, and the remainder retreated to a rising ground in rear of the town. The former, on receiving a few shots from our artillery, wheeled also to the right about, and in a few minutes were alongside of their friends. On the re-union of the two bodies, the whole retired towards a height a considerable distance from the town, over which runs the roads to Villa-Franca, and Fuente-del-Maestre. Our light troops pursued the fugitives closely, skirmishing with them all the way, and we followed, in hopes that the Count would make his appearance at the head of his corps, ready to receive us. In this, however, we were disappointed, for on the fog clearing away, we were sorry to find that he had withdrawn to Zafra with the main body, leaving behind him a strong rear-guard only to cover his retreat.

As the fog died away, the rain which began to fall about one o'clock, continued to increase in violence, till about three, when one would actually have supposed that it was falling from buckets. Under these circumstances, night approaching, and there being no chance of bringing the enemy to close quarter, General Hill gave orders for strong piquets to be posted on all the roads around Almendralejo, and the rest of the troops to march into the town—which were obeyed with the greater cheerfulness, that not one of them had a dry jacket or shirt on their backs.

On taking possession of the quarters allotted to another officer and myself, the poor people instantly pointed to the dinners of seven Frenchmen, which in their hurry, they had found it necessary to leave behind in a stew-pan by the fire. Preferring, however, a little tea, to a mess of beef, pork, beans, garlic, and oil, we desired the family to make use of it themselves. Permission was no sooner granted, than the contents of the stew-pan was emptied into a large stone bason, into which, sixty fingers and thumbs were instantly plunged, and then, grasping a piece of the delicious morsel, carried to the mouth, streaming with grease, like as many candles receiving a polishing touch at the hands of their maker. The scene was a laughable one, but very short, for in two or three minutes not a vestige of any part of the dinner was visible.

The enemy shewing a reluctance to retire from Villa-Franca and Fuente-del-Maestre, two detachments were despatched from Almendralejo on the 3rd of January to dislodge them. The one which moved against Villa-Franca, consisted of the 9th and 13th light dragoons, two pieces of artillery, the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, and 60th rifle company, and was commanded by Major-General Howard. The other which was under the command of the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Abercromby, 28th regiment, was composed of the 2nd hussars, king's German legion, the 4th and 10th Portuguese cavalry, and 28th British regiment of infantry. Both detachments moved from Almendralejo, at twelve o'clock. On a height about half way between the latter place and Villa-Franca, we first obtained a view of the enemy, drawn up on a commanding piece of ground, a few hundred yards from the town, on the road to Los-Santos. Soon after this, the detachment was formed into two columns, the right composed of the 92nd regiment, 60th rifle company, and one piece of artillery, was placed under Colonel Cameron; and the left, which consisted of the remainder of the detachment, was led by Major-General Howard in person. The left column moved direct upon the town, in order to attack their right flank and centre, while the right was to co-operate with the right battalion of the left column, in its assault on the centre, if it could not throw itself in rear of the left wing. The enemy not only appeared prepared for a visit from us, but for some time gave most unequivocal indications that they would pepper us well before they retired. Indeed so satisfied were we all of this, that we looked forward to a tight little affair with them. But appearances on this, as on many former occasions, proved deceitful;—for just as we had approached that point from which we intended to apply those means, by which British soldiers are accustomed to remove every obstacle which attempts to arrest their progress, the French chief considering it imprudent to stake the fate of his little corps on the issue of a brush with us, faced about, and walked off towards Los-Santos, pursued by our cavalry.

Lest the enemy should attempt to pay us home in the coin of Arroyo-del-Molinos, piquets composed of whole companies were posted on every road branching from Villa-Franca. The rest were thrown into the town, with orders to remain accoutred, to be ready to turn out at a moment's warning, and to be on the alarm-post two hours before day-break. From nine o'clock in the evening, till seven o'clock on the following morning, rain and hail fell in such prodigious quantities, and was forced to the earth with such violence by the wind, which blew a perfect hurricane, that all those who were on piquet, joined their battalions in the morning in a most deplorable condition. One of the officers in particular, was to all appearance a perfect maniac. Two hours before day-light, we who were in Villa-Franca proceeded to the alarm-post, where, in ten minutes, we were as thoroughly drenched as if we had just emerged from a six months ablution in the Bay of Biscay. Never before did I witness such a tempest. After a four hours exposure to its utmost fury, we departed from Villa-Franca, and returned to Almendralejo.

The detachment under Colonel Abercromby was more successful in killing and maiming than we were. On the road to Fuente-del-Maestre, a French regiment of cavalry crossed the path of the detachment. On coming in sight of the enemy, the 2nd German dragoons flew at them like as many bull-dogs, and being supported by the Portuguese, the enemy was defeated with the loss of twenty killed and wounded, and thirty-one taken prisoners. Our loss was trifling. This detachment also rejoined the main body on the 4th, and the whole retraced their steps to Merida on the following day.

None but those who were present can have any idea of the fatigue which the soldiers endured from the 1st to 5th January, from the wretched state of the roads from Merida to Villa-Franca. On returning to Merida, they had more the appearance of troops that had been six months under canvass, than men returning to cantonments after a ten day's campaign. On the marches of the 1st, 3rd, 4th and 5th, a great many of the soldiers sunk deep into clay of such an adhesive quality, that in extricating themselves from its grasp, many of them tore their gaiters to pieces, and some of them actually left their shoes behind them, and trudged along in their stockings. On these occasions I seldom had less than four pounds of clay at my feet, which fatigued me so much, that on retiring to rest each night, I dropped asleep without the aid of any stimulant. Such then being my situation, who had neither musket, knapsack, canteen, or haversack to carry, what must the soldiers have suffered who had to march encumbered with all these, weighing altogether nearly three stone?

To those who are eternally croaking about the half-pay and pensions of those officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, who served in the late war, I wish no greater punishment than to be made to serve but one short campaign in a country where hardships and dangers, similar to those the British troops encountered in Spain, may stare them in the face at every step, and where their only comforts, when summed up, may, as in the Peninsula, consist of a daily allowance of one pound of tough beef, and a similar quantity of hard biscuit; being well convinced that on their return to their native land, they will have tasted so freely of the sweets of a soldier's life, when engaged in the active operations of the field, that they will be prepared to convert their hoarse murmurs of disapprobation of the half-pay and pension-list, into a sweet-sounding and rapturous applause.

In the suite of General Hill, on the 1st of January, moved the Marquis of Alemeida, a Spanish nobleman, between fifty and sixty years of age. Having suffered severely from French rapacity, the Marquis, as may be supposed, was one of their bitterest enemies. Being a warm admirer of the British character, he not only accompanied us in all our wanderings, but laid aside his native habit, and assumed the scarlet, in humble imitation of his friend, our worthy General. In addition to a long scarlet coat, the Marquis generally wore a cocked-hat, always decorated with one, sometimes with two, and not unfrequently with three long red and white feathers dangling to his shoulders, in as many different directions. His appearance altogether was rather odd, but the singularity of his costume soon ceased to attract notice, and in a little time he became a considerable favourite with all classes.

On arriving in front of the enemy's piquets, the Marquis had no idea that he was so close upon the enemy, until the unexpected intelligence was announced to him by one—two—three from our artillery, a few yards in front. Neither the worthy nobleman or his horse being prepared to accede to this mode of conversing with the plunderers of his estates, the former stared, and the latter reared and plunged, as if anxious to get quit of its burden, fancying, no doubt, that the Marquis was the sole cause of his being in such noisy company. On the third gun being fired, the Marquis, with a countenance which at once denoted the fervour of his prayer, exclaimed,—"Oh, Jesus, Maria, Jose!" and then casting a glance towards those around him, as much as to say, "I am off," put spurs to his willing nag, which being as anxious to get out of the scrape as its master, flew like lightning in the direction which it was supposed the Marquis wished him, and in a twinkling both were lost to our view in the fog.

A private soldier of the 28th regiment having sipped rather freely of the juice of the grape, previous to our departure from Almendralejo on the 5th of January, fell out of the ranks unperceived, laid himself down to banish all traces of the copious draught, and enjoyed his nap so comfortably, that night's sable shroud had shut every earthly object from the view of man before he awoke. Alone, enveloped in darkness, and in a part of the country totally uninhabited, the poor lad frequently fancied during the stillness of the night, that he saw his name as a deserter to the enemy, handed in to the Adjutant-General—the members of the court-martial assembling to try him—the sentence of death passed, and the provost-marshal at the head of his party, ready to carry the sentence into execution. With such thoughts as these darting across his mind, the victim of dissipation rose from his cold and cheerless couch at dawn, on the 6th, and bended his steps towards Merida. Afraid to join his corps, however, the bragge slasher proceeded to a small village about three miles from head-quarters on the opposite bank of the Guadiana, in hopes that some humane individual would intercede for him at head-quarters.

Receiving information soon after his arrival that there were two French soldiers concealed in the village, the worshipper of Bacchus proceeded with a few of the natives to their residence, and after securing them, and fastening their hands, he marched them off in triumph for Merida. Strolling on the bridge with a few friends, when the trio were first observed, and considering it rather an odd circumstance to see a British soldier marching two Frenchmen as prisoners from the left bank of the Guadiana, where there were no British soldiers then quartered, we inquired at the worthy Hibernian where he became possessed of the friends in his company? Shewing some disinclination to satisfy our curiosity, we repeated our query in a more peremptory manner. We had scarcely done so, however, when we perceived the poor man struggling hard to give utterance to his inward thoughts, but notwithstanding his utmost exertions, he could not utter a syllable, till his heart was relieved by a few pearly drops trickling over his weather-beaten cheeks. On these drying up, the repentant soldier related to us the foregoing particulars, and then with a palpitating heart, (the vision of the previous night being still before his eyes,) he moved into town with his prisoners. He was of course placed in confinement, and but for this singular adventure, would have paid dearly for his libations to Bacchus at Almendralejo.

If the various members of the British army would reflect for a moment on the consequences which but too generally follow in the train of dissipation, before seating themselves to taste the pleasing, but intoxicating beverage, numerous crimes which now stain the pages of the character-books of every regiment in the service, would never be heard of. The conduct of the Macedonian conqueror on various occasions, shews us to what a degrading condition this most detestable vice sometimes reduces the most celebrated individuals, and his death furnishes a memorable example, that dissipation hurries all its votaries to the narrow house, without any regard to age or station in society. On launching into the world, therefore, all military men should ever be on their guard against the assaults of dissipation, for by dipping deep into the cup of intemperance, they will not only destroy their mental faculties, ruin their pecuniary resources, as well as their constitutions, but may at length be led to commit crimes, for which, like Alexander on the death of Clitus, they may be made to suffer all the horrors which a conscience, burdened with the murder of a fellow-creature, and that individual a bosom friend, can inflict upon them.

CHAPTER VIII.

Sir Rowland Hill having received an order early in the morning of the 12th of January, to retrace his steps to Portalegre, we marched from Merida at nine o'clock, A.M. and in the afternoon bivouacked behind La-Nava. Next evening we reposed on the bank of a little river, under the castle of Zagala, and on the 14th returned to Albuquerque. We retired to Alegreta on the 16th, and to Portalegre on the 17th. On the succeeding day, the men were busily employed in renewing their stock of clean linen; and on the 19th, we moved to Alpalhao, on our way to the North, to tender Lord Wellington our assistance, should his lordship require it. We reached Niza on the 20th, where, on the following morning, we received the glad tidings of the fall of Ciudad-Rodrigo. As Marmont, however, still shewed a disposition to give battle, we advanced from Niza to the Tagus on the 25th, crossed that river by a bridge of boats at Villa-Velha, and then moved two leagues farther, and occupied a few miserable villages. Next day we entered Castello-Branco, where we had the pleasure of meeting with the French garrison of Ciudad-Rodrigo, on their way to British transports.

Marmont having withdrawn his army to Salamanca, to wait an opportunity of resuming the offensive, when his chances of success should appear more inviting, we bade adieu to Castello-Branco on the 1st of February, and retraced our steps as far as Villa-Velha, where we bivouacked. On the 2nd, we occupied Niza, the 3rd Alpalhao, and re-entered Portalegre the following morning.

The siege of Ciudad-Rodrigo, forms one of the most glorious achievements of the late Peninsular war, and marks in an eminent degree the consummate military talent of the General who brought it to a successful conclusion.

The Marshals Marmont, Soult, and Suchet, viewing the inactivity of the allied army in the latter months of 1811, as something tantamount to an acknowledgment on the part of the British chief, that he was not in a condition to undertake any offensive movement of importance, formed a triple league, by which Marmont appears to have agreed to favour his brother Marshals with a few of his brigades during the winter months, on condition of receiving a similar favour from them in the following summer. Marmont's reinforcements quitted the banks of the Tormes and Tagus in the end of November and beginning of December 1811, and moved towards the seat of war in the east and south of Spain. On the approach of their friends, Soult laid siege to Tariffa, and Suchet to Valencia.

Having instantly discovered the deep game which his powerful opponents were playing, Lord Wellington took measures to render it a losing one. With the eye of the eagle, he watched their every movement, but never attempted to derange their plans, or arrest the progress of the brigades, till the latter had arrived at a point so distant, that they could not return to the banks of the Agweda in time to prevent his Lordship carrying into execution his designs upon Ciudad-Rodrigo. But on Marmont's troops arriving at that point, instructions were immediately transmitted to Sir Rowland Hill, to carry into execution the first part of those admirably planned operations, which terminated in the capture of that important military post.

No better proof can be adduced of the ability with which the whole of these operations were planned and executed, than the signal advantages which resulted from them to the common cause. Sir Rowland Hill's grand object in marching upon Merida, being to draw the attention of the enemy to a point far distant from that to be assailed, his movement was attended with all the success which could have been anticipated, The Count D'Erlon no sooner heard of our arrival on the banks of the Guadiana, than he withdrew precipitately from Almendralejo, and for a day or two after, dispatched a courier to Soult every two hours, soliciting immediate assistance, otherwise he would be inevitably devoured by the "Arroyo-del-Molinos devils," who were in close pursuit of him. Being totally ignorant as to the number of "devils" that were following his friend D'Erlon, Soult, on receiving a few of these applications for succour, transmitted instructions to General Laval, commanding before Tariffa, to raise the siege of that place, and at the expence of all his battering-train, &c. fly with all possible celerity to the Count's relief, which instructions were implicitly obeyed. From these proceedings of the enemy in Andalusia, and the subsequent tardy movements of Marmont on the side of Ciudad-Rodrigo, it appears quite evident that the eyes of the two were rivetted too long upon our movements, for before they recovered from the panic which our march created amongst them, they thus allowed the British flag proudly to wave over the turrets of Ciudad-Rodrigo.

With all deference to the experience and high military characters of the three Marshals, it seems evident that their plan of operations was based on a capital military error,—that of under-rating the strength of their opponent. By adopting this view of Lord Wellington's forces, Marmont denuded himself of the means of affording the necessary protection to that portion of the Spanish territory which his Imperial Master had placed under his charge, and as a natural consequence of such conduct, lost possession of Ciudad-Rodrigo. Soult, on the other hand, committed another error, little inferior in magnitude to the one just mentioned, that of over-rating the force under General Hill. By doing so, Soult not only raised the siege of Tariffa in a disgraceful manner, but allowed his attention to be completely abstracted from that point towards which the eyes of every Frenchman in the Peninsula should have been directed. These facts, I conceive, shew us the folly of any general either under-rating or over-rating the numbers, courage, or discipline of an opponent's forces. For although I most readily admit that it may be a little difficult at times for a general to banish from his breast the timidity of a Druet, who exaggerated the danger that threatened him, or the temerity of a Marmont, who as much underrated them; yet I am quite satisfied, that unless a general's experience and knowledge of his duties are such as will enable him to steer clear of timidity on the one hand, and temerity on the other, he should be held incapable of conducting any field operation, if the result is expected to have any influence on the issue of the campaign.

On passing a church one morning during our residence in Portalegre, a melancholy sound struck my ear,—it was a funeral dirge. In a few minutes the mournful procession entered the portal of the church, and being anxious to observe the ceremony, I followed. Around the bier stood an assemblage of priests and friars, who for a considerable time chaunted hymns for the soul of the deceased. At the conclusion of the service I stepped forward to view the coffin, and the piece of inanimate clay it contained. The coffin being open, I beheld a female figure laid out in the usual manner, with her face uncovered, and decorated in a rich muslin dress. The countenance, though then in ruins, exhibited marks of beauty. The junior priests having removed the corpse to a grave dug for its reception in the body of the church, the bottom of the coffin was withdrawn, when the body descended into its place of repose, in a manner the most revolting I ever witnessed. But distressing to the feelings as was this disgusting mode of depositing the body of a fellow-creature in the silent tomb, the subsequent operations of the sexton was ten times more so. The latter, after sprinkling a little mould over the body, instantly began to pound it with a log of wood, resembling a paviour's mallet, and continued to do so, after every additional layer of earth, till the whole of the latter had been so far replaced in its original position, as to permit the flag which surmounted the grave to be laid on a level with those around it. During the latter part of the ceremony I remained close to the grave, gazing in silent astonishment at the scene before me. At length, however, I was roused from my reverie, by a most offensive effluvia proceeding from the depository of the deceased. I did not, however, for some time, desert the post which I had assigned to myself; but being at length completely overcome, I made the best of my way towards the door, lest the exertions of the grave-digger might impose on his superiors the disagreeable duty of bearing me to my lodgings.

There being no places of public amusement in Portalegre, time, long before the end of February, had become such a drug on our hands, that the collective wisdom of the garrison was frequently reduced to its last shift to devise a rational mode of employing it. Our walks being few, and miserably bad, and having no books "save the devil's," by scanning the pages of which we could hope to spend a few hours each day with pleasure and advantage, not a few of the idlers paid more visits to a place denominated hell, than were at all profitable either for their purses or their morals. When officers are once induced to give up their time to play, and employ all the powers of their mind to gratify the low, grovelling ambition of acquiring wealth at the expense of those whom they consider their friends and brothers;—when the love of play leads officers to prefer the amusements of the card and billiard-tables, and the rattling of dice, to the faithful discharge of their public and private duties; when they become so wedded to their favourite pursuits, as to consider it a punishment to eat, drink, and sleep, they must be held as totally useless to the service,—to be worthless members of society,—the slaves of vice,—and of that low cunning and chicanery which borders upon villany.

Accursed game! thy blight is every-where,
Thy lawless fingers pilfer every purse;
The smart mechanic, and the pamper'd peer,
Endure alike the pressure of thy curse.
When hopeless ruin hath dissolv'd thy snare,
The pistol or the bowl are things of course;
And few can from thy gripping fangs depart
Without a blighted name or broken heart.

CHAPTER IX.

Lord Wellington having finally resolved upon the siege of Badajoz, the advanced guard approached our cantonments on the 2nd of March. Next day we moved forward to Alegreta, and on the 4th to Albuquerque. Here we remained until every preparation was made which our Generalissimo considered necessary to ensure the success of the enterprise.

On the 16th of March we bade a final adieu to Albuquerque, and with the exception of one Portuguese brigade, the whole of Sir Rowland Hill's corps moved upon Merida. That evening we bivouacked near Zagala, next afternoon at La Nava, and on the 17th we entered Merida.

Sir Rowland Hill finding Merida in possession of a few of the enemy's dragoons, and that the latter were supported by a battalion of infantry, encamped about a mile from the town, on the opposite bank of the Guadiana, gave orders to General Long to cross the river a little below the bridge, with his brigade of cavalry, in order to capture those of the enemy in Merida, and keep the infantry from retreating too quickly, till we could get up to them. On the first alarm, however, the French cavalry fled from Merida, some by the bridge, others by a ford a little above it. The former, by discharging their carabines on the bridge, gave their friends in the wood intimation of their danger. As no time was now to be lost, the 1st brigade, 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, moved towards the town at a trot. In a few minutes we were on the bridge, and a few more carried us across it. Here we halted a minute, and then renewed the pursuit with renovated strength; but notwithstanding all our efforts, and those of our mounted friends, to bring them to action, the enemy retreated at such a goodly pace, that fast as our brigade ran, the fugitives always continued to run faster. Success at length appearing hopeless, and our men being completely blown, we gave over the pursuit, and retraced our steps to Merida, carrying with us a few prisoners, whose joints being less supple than their more fortunate friends, were obliged to fall behind, and were consequently taken.

Sir Thomas Graham crossed the Guadiana on the 16th, at the head of the right wing of the covering army, consisting of the greater part of the cavalry, the 1st, 6th, and 7th divisions of infantry, and then directed his march upon Santa Martha, Zafra, and Llerena. On Sir Thomas' arrival at the latter, the right wing of the covering army rested on the heights on the south of Llerena, and the left on the Guadiana at Don Boneto.

Lord Wellington also crossed the Guadiana on the 16th, invested Badajoz the same evening, and broke ground before the fortress on "St Patrick's day."

At day-break on the 18th, Sir Rowland Hill's corps crossed the Guadiana at Merida, advanced to Almendralejo, and retraced their steps on the 21st. In the afternoon of the 26th, we again crossed the river, moved up its left bank to La Zarza, and next morning still farther to Quarena. On the 28th, the cavalry, one brigade of artillery, and the 1st brigade of infantry, advanced to Medellin and Don Beneto. On the march the detachment was formed into two columns, the left consisting of the 92nd regiment, and two pieces of artillery, moved against Medellin; and the right column, commanded by General Howard, and composed of the cavalry, 50th and 71st regiments, one company 60th rifle corps, and remaining pieces of artillery, against Don Beneto. Medellin was occupied about sun-set without opposition. Informed that the enemy had retired from Don Beneto, General Howard, on arriving close to the village, dispatched Captain Blacier with his rifles into the town, to see that none of the enemy lurked in it, and to obtain an interview with the chief magistrate regarding quarters. The gallant Captain was plodding his way through the streets, thinking on the good things of this world, when all at once his thoughts were rivetted on the things of the world to come. Unconscious of their contiguity to the British, a French cavalry patrol had entered the village on a reconnoitring excursion, and like my friend the Captain, were thinking of every thing but what was before them. Each party was therefore moving along in conscious security, when, on turning the corner of a street, they unexpectedly met. With eyes looking amazement, they gazed at each other for a few moments, and then proceeded in the usual manner to extricate themselves from the dilemma into which false intelligence had led both parties. A pretty little skirmish ensued, in which the balls of the rifles made a suitable return for the favours showered upon their heads by the Gallic sabres. After a few mortal wounds had been given and received, the enemy, suspecting they had got into the wrong-box, wheeled to the right-about, retired rather precipitately, and left the gallant Captain in possession of the well-won honours of the street.

Medellin is built along the base of a lonely hill, on the left bank of, and close to the Guadiana. On the summit of the little conical mount, stands a castle, better calculated to repel the assault of a pop-gun, than a twenty-four pounder. On our arrival, we threw a strong piquet into it, which was followed by the whole battalion two hours before day-break next morning. On ascending the eminence, the air was disagreeably cold, but the scene which opened to our view at sun-rise, soon banished past miseries into the shades of forgetfulness.

Twelve miles to the west lay before us the memorable plains and surrounding hills of Arroyo-del-Molinos, where hundreds of Gerard's followers breathed their farewell sigh on the 28th of October 1811. From the ramparts of Badajoz, the continual rolling of Phillipon's thunder, reminded us every minute that the work of mutual destruction was proceeding with unabated violence. A few miles to the east we had a most commanding and beautiful view of the memorable field of Medellin, where Victor and Cuesta contended for victory in 1810, and where, before the close of that memorable day, victory perched on the standard of Victor, which on that fatal evening soared over the inanimate forms of thousands of warriors, who ever since have soundly slept on the plains of Medellin.

There shall they rest—ambition's honour'd fools,
Yes, honour decks the turf that wraps their clay.
Vain sophistry! in these behold the tools—
The broken tools that Tyrants cast away
By myriads, when they dare to pave their way
With human hearts—to what? a dream alone.
Can despots compass aught that hails their sway?
Or call with truth one span of earth their own,
Save that wherein at last they crumble bone by bone.

The troops in Medellin rejoined their friends in Don Benito on the 29th, and on the 31st, the whole retreated to Quarena. On the 1st of April, we retraced our steps to La Zarza, and next morning to Merida. Sir Thomas Graham being under the necessity of withdrawing his troops from Llerena, retired slowly towards Albuera, where it was generally understood the covering army was to assemble. On the afternoon of the 5th, we again crossed the Guadiana, marched to St Servan, and on the 6th, to a small eminence near the village of Lobon.

Aware that the capture of Badajoz was to be attempted that night, the most intense anxiety pervaded our encampment, for the issue of the terrific conflict. Throughout every corner of our gloomy bivouac, the opinion of almost every individual seemed to be, that our friends would not be able to surmount the numerous obstacles which the besieged had provided to obstruct the passage of the besiegers into the place by the practicable breaches. It was therefore with feelings which I shall not attempt to describe, that we waited the commencement of the struggle in which our companions were about to engage, in order to rescue a suffering people from the iron grasp of a hateful and grinding tyranny.

On the signal being given, the various columns moved forward to the points of attack with extraordinary spirit, but the whole were ultimately beat back with considerable loss. Again they attempted to force a passage into the body of the place, but with no better success. Again and again the intrepid assailants mounted the breaches—renewed the sanguinary conflict with renovated courage, and at these points, maintained the murderous conflict, till the ditches were literally filled with dead, dying and wounded, piled above each other in one undistinguished mass. The scene at length became one of horror; numbers every moment breathed their last, while the heart-rending cries of the wounded in the ditches, intimated to their more fortunate companions, that if they were not soon removed from their dreadful situation, death by suffocation would be their inevitable fate. Appalling as this state of affairs was, yet none seemed inclined to yield till victory should entitle them to decorate their brows with the wreath of the conqueror. All therefore being alike determined to perish rather than yield, it was with no small reluctance that they ultimately obeyed an order of recal to prepare for another and final effort to wrest the place from the enemy. This effort, however, was not required, for General Picton having rather unexpectedly obtained a footing within the castle, General Philippon, the governor, on perceiving the fruits of his own folly, in leaving this part of the fortress without a sufficient body of troops to defend it, retired into Fort St Christoval, and at day-break on the 7th, surrendered himself and garrison prisoners of war.

The loss of the enemy during the siege, was 1200 killed and wounded, and 4000 prisoners; ours amounted to 3860 British, and 1010 Portuguese killed and wounded.

Early on the 7th, Sir Rowland Hill moved from Lobon, to a field on the left bank of the Albuera, a short distance from Talavera-la-Real. Marshal Marmont having dispatched a small body of infantry to the assistance of his friend Soult, Lord Wellington gave orders for two arches of the beautiful bridge of Merida to be destroyed, that their junction with the army of Soult might be retarded to the latest possible period.

Marshal Soult who had arrived in the vicinity of Zafra, Los-Santos, &c. on his way to the relief of Badajoz, became perfectly frantic when he received the first intelligence of the fall of that important fortress. Being seated at breakfast when the unlooked for and unwelcome intelligence reached him, the gallant Marshal raised his foot, and after wishing all the "Leopards at the bottom of the sea," dispatched the breakfast table to the opposite side of the apartment, and made the china, under which it groaned, fly into a thousand pieces.

As soon as this unseemly fit of passion had subsided, Soult gave orders for his followers to wheel to the right-about, and retrace their steps into Andalusia. On being informed of the Marshal's intentions, Sir Stapleton Cotton was ordered to harass the enemy's rear with the allied cavalry. Coming up with a strong body of their dragoons near Villa-Garcia, a sharp conflict ensued, which terminated in the defeat of the French, with a loss of 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners.

On the 10th, the Northern army set out on its return to the banks of the Agueda, to keep Marshal Marmont in order; and we advanced to Almendralejo, to look after Druet,—the Count D'Erlon.

Strolling at a short distance from our bivouac, in company with two friends, on the 6th of April, we perceived a Spanish peasant reposing under the cooling shade of a large tree. After a few preliminary questions, we inquired whence he came, and his business in the vicinity of our camp. To these interrogatories he unhesitatingly replied, that he was an inhabitant of a mountain village, twenty miles distant, and that his only object was to kill as many Frenchmen as he could, after, not in, the great battle which he imagined had become inevitable, from the proximity of the army of Soult to ours. And to prove that such was his intention, he pulled a tremendous knife from his side-pocket, with which he assured us, he sent eleven Frenchmen to sleep with their fathers on the morning subsequent to the battle of Albuera. On upbraiding him for his cruelty, and inquiring how he could perpetrate such cold-blooded atrocities, he very coolly replied, that it was the duty of every loyal Spaniard like himself, to send as many Frenchmen into another world as they could, wherever they might find them, whether in the field of battle, or in a private retreat—whether armed or unarmed—or whether they might be in the enjoyment of health, or writhing under the effects of severe wounds. From this doctrine, we not only most decidedly dissented, but endeavoured to convince him that conduct such as his was highly derogatory to his character as a man; for either revenge or inhumanity towards an enemy, when he can no longer offer resistance, was no less an insult to human nature, than it was contrary to the laws and usages of war. Finding, however, that we could not bring him to coincide with us in opinion, we bade the Albuerian assassin adieu, in the fervent hope that we might never again find ourselves near his polluted person.

Having formerly alluded to the battle of Medellin, I now proceed to make a few remarks on the conduct of the Spanish General Cuesta, on that occasion, conceiving that a great proportion of those reverses which subsequently befel the Spanish arms, are to be traced to the unfortunate issue of that engagement.

On retiring behind the Guadiana, Cuesta took up an excellent position between Medellin, and Don Benito, with his right resting on the Guadiana, and his left on an almost inaccessible mountain. In fact, it was so well chosen, that Victor was compelled to use stratagem, before he could with prudence make any attempt to drive his opponent from his stronghold.

Anxious, therefore, to bring Cuesta to action, but yet afraid to do so in his position, Victor, in order to rouse the pride of the haughty Don, detached one party after another, close up to his front line, with instructions to use every effort in their power to draw their opponents into the plain. For some time, the Spaniards bore all the insults and degrading epithets gratuitously bestowed on them by the French, with considerable humour, but the same species of abuse and insult being continued day after day, and hour after hour, Cuesta's wrath at length waxed so hot, that he was induced to depart from the defensive system which he had hitherto adopted, and to risk the fate of his army, I may add, his country, on the issue of a general engagement.

Were we called upon to estimate the character of Cuesta as a military leader, by the talents displayed by him on this occasion, I fear that the utmost praise, I should feel myself warranted in bestowing on him, would amount only to this, that had the fate of the day depended on the personal courage of the Spanish chief, perhaps the result might have been less disastrous for his country. But unfortunately for Spain, the fortune of the day did not depend on the personal courage of either of the military chiefs, but on courage, aided by military talent and experience, tempered with prudence, and guided by a clear and sound judgement, none of which military qualifications Cuesta possessed. Had the Spanish Generalissimo taken a proper view of the duties which of necessity devolve upon the commander-in-chief of an army, he never could have permitted this important truth to escape his recollection, that a general who is appointed to command the armies of his country in times of peril, is entrusted not only with the lives and honour of those under his immediate command, but with the lives, honour, liberties, and property of all his fellow-countrymen. Had Cuesta not lost sight of this fact, he never would, for the sake of a little ephemeral praise, have placed in jeopardy the lives of his followers, and the best interests of his country, by attempting to accomplish that which ages yet unborn will look upon as a rash, hazardous, and totally uncalled for military enterprise; for had the attack been delayed but a few days longer, the French soldiery, who frequently can brook no delay, would have compelled their leader to attack his opponent, when Victor's defeat must have been as inevitable as Cuesta's appeared to be on that fatal morning, to almost every person but himself. Situated as Cuesta was, one of two things appears to me quite evident—he must either have been totally incapable of commanding-in-chief on such an occasion; or he must have grossly betrayed the trust reposed in him by his country, otherwise he never would have yielded up the many and important advantages he possessed, and unnecessarily placed himself on a footing of equality in point of ground with his antagonist—a piece of infatuation not only without a parallel in the history of Spain, but one which might have shaken the pillars of his country to their very foundation. O Spain! Spain! how many thousands of your bravest sons were in those times offered up as sacrifices to the pride, ambition, ignorance, or hateful personal feelings of your generals.

In the early ages of the world, a victory obtained by stratagem, did not confer much honour on the victor, for every thing then was attempted and achieved by force alone. But as men improved in military science, they perceived that there were occasions, when, by sacrificing the lives of a few of their followers, a less bloody and more complete victory was obtained, than when they exposed to hazard the lives of every man under their command. They became convinced, that by using stratagem, much time was saved, and many an advantage gained, which open force would never have accomplished. So satisfied were the Spartans of this, that, in order to make their officers endeavour to achieve every thing by stratagem, they ordered that every general who obtained an advantage by stratagem, was to be permitted to sacrifice an ox, but those who succeeded by open force, a cock only. This shews us how much that gallant people preferred the wiles of war, to open force, and I trust may induce my military friends to follow their example, being of opinion, that as the performances of the mind are preferable and superior to those of the body, so in exact proportion is stratagem to be preferred to open force.

CHAPTER X.

We remained quietly cantoned in Almendralejo, from the 13th of April to the 11th of May. At day-light, on the 12th, the 13th light dragoons, one brigade of artillery, the 28th, 34th, 50th, 71st, and 92nd British infantry, the 6th and 18th Portuguese infantry, 6th caçadores, and two companies 60th rifle battalion, moved from Almendralejo for Almarez to break a link or two of the enemy's chain of communication, between the French army under Marmont, and that of the south commanded by Soult. That evening we encamped about a mile from Merida, on the left bank of the Guadiana. The arches of the bridge which were destroyed during the siege of Badajoz, having been temporarily restored, the infantry passed the river by the bridge on the 18th, all the rest of the troops, including the baggage, crossed by a ford above it. In the evening we halted at St Pedro; next morning advanced to Villa-Macia, and on the 15th entered Truxillo.

At eleven o'clock, the same evening, we proceeded to our alarm-post, and soon after moved off towards Almarez. By sun-rise, our main body was ensconced in the bosom of a wood, three leagues in advance, so that the enemy neither got a glimpse of our persons or arms. Here we cooked; and those friends who were to lead the storming party, had their limbs pretty well exercised, by running one hundred and one times up ladders placed against the front of an old stone bridge. On hearing one of the party, a jolly ensign, afterwards complain of stiffness of the joints, a friend of his, who overheard him, turned round and said, "Be thankful, my good-fellow, if your limbs are not stiffer to-morrow; what you have received to-day, is only in part payment of what you, as a member of the FORLORN CLUB, may expect to receive at day-light to-morrow morning." Being a married man, the joke was not at all well received.

There being three distinct points of attack, the troops were formed into as many columns. The left column consisted of the 28th and 34th regiments, and 6th Portuguese caçadores, and was placed under the command of Lieutenant-General Tilson Chowne, who had a short time before assumed the command of the second division. The centre commanded by Major-General Long, was composed of the 13th light dragoons, the 6th and 18th Portuguese infantry; and the right column led by Major-General Howard, consisted of the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, and one company 60th rifles. Each column was provided with scaling ladders.

The works against which the right column moved, consisted of a pontoon bridge, thrown over the Tagus by the French, near the village of Almarez, defended by a tete-du-pont on the left bank, rather strongly entrenched. On a height above the latter, the bridge was farther defended by a fort called Napoleon, mounting ten guns; and on the right bank by another fort, named Ragusa, mounting eight guns. Four miles from the bridge, the road from Truxillo runs through the pass of Mirabete, at the highest point of which the enemy had a fort, and so judiciously was it erected, that its guns not only swept the Truxillo road many hundred yards, but flanked the various turnings of the road, which, on the opposite side of the mountain, winds along the face of it in a zig-zag manner all the way from the base to the very summit of the long and very steep ascent. The centre column was ordered to attack this point. On the very summit of a rugged peak, which, from the fort just mentioned, rises several hundred feet, in an almost perpendicular manner, an old convent had, by French ingenuity, been converted into a place of strength, and dignified with the title of "Castle of Mirabete." The guns of this fort were so planted, as to bear upon that part of the road from Truxillo, which was out of range and view of those at the pass; and so great was the altitude of the castle, that it could be seen from points many leagues distant both on the south and the north. To capture this formidable little castle, was the portion of labour allotted to the left column.

Formed in this manner, the whole corps moved from their bivouac in rear of Jaracejo, about eight o'clock in the evening of the 16th, towards the several points of attack. But a body of troops, when marching in the night, frequently meet with obstacles against which no human foresight can provide, particularly when cross roads, or difficult passes intersect, or branch out from the principal line of march. One of those obstacles most unfortunately interposed its baleful influence on this occasion, between the right column and the enemy, and so effectually, that when the hour arrived at which the works were to be assaulted, the column was still five miles from its destination. Under these circumstances, Sir Rowland Hill deemed it prudent to halt the right column on the summit of a bleak ridge called the Lina, which overlooks the vale of the Tagus, and to order the other columns to withdraw from under the guns of Mirabete.

There being no road by which artillery could be transported across this chain of hills, but that in possession of the enemy, Sir Rowland had now the choice of two rather bad alternatives, viz. either to carry the works at the pass, and open a passage for his artillery, or attack the bridge and forts without the latter, and carry them by escalade. Giving a preference to the latter, the 17th and 18th were spent in reconnoitring the road leading from our encampment to the bridge, which was little better than a sheep path, and in many parts so narrow, that not more than one man could move along it at a time. About ten o'clock in the evening of the 18th, the 50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments, two companies 60th rifles, and 6th Portuguese infantry, descended the Lina, and moved towards the banks of the Tagus, with the intention of attacking their opponents a little before day-light, on the following morning. But owing to the darkness of the night, and the narrow and broken state of the foot-path, the sun had appeared, before the rear of the column had closed up, and formed for the attack. This second disappointment caused a temporary depression of our spirits, but on it being made known that Sir Rowland was resolved to attempt the capture of the works, by an immediate assault, the men resumed their usual gaiety.

The circumstances in which the detachment was thus again unfortunately placed, caused Sir Rowland Hill to abandon the original plan of attack, and substitute the following. The detachment was divided into three columns. The 50th, and one wing of the 71st, composed the column destined to attack Fort Napoleon, and was placed under the command of Major-General Howard. The 92nd regiment, and the remaining wing of the 71st regiment were ordered to support the former, and to be in readiness to move to the assistance of their friends, or to attack the tete-du-pont, and fort Ragusa, and the 6th Portuguese, and 60th rifle company formed the third column, or reserve.

Formed ready for the assault, behind a little height, one hundred and fifty yards from the fort, the 50th, on a given signal, moved from their hiding-place between six and seven o'clock, A.M. on the 19th, and, covered by the 71st light infantry, advanced with great firmness to the attack, the enemy all the while pouring on them grape, round-shot, and musketry, in quantities sufficient to gratify the appetite of the most determined fire-eater. On descending into the ditch, some of the ladders were discovered to be too short. This unfortunate obstacle was soon removed by the presence of mind of General Howard, who led the assault, and whose cool and intrepid conduct on the occasion, was the subject of general admiration. This little check, however, instead of blunting the courage of the assailants, tended rather to increase their ardour in the pursuit of victory. The first that ascended the ladders, met with a warm reception; and not a few of them tumbled from the top of the ladders into the ditch head foremost—some dead, others to die, and the rest to fight some other day. The bravery of the assailants was most conspicuous; and for a little time that of the assailed was not less deserving of praise. But the French officer in charge of the artillery having retired from the fort without leave from his commanding officer, the arms of the private soldiers became paralized, and after a sharp conflict of eleven minutes, the "OLD DIRTY HALF-HUNDRED," and their friends of the SEVENTY-FIRST, fairly established themselves in Fort Napoleon.

Pending these operations, the second column was moved forward in a zig-zag manner round every little knoll which afforded them protection from the fire of fort Ragusa, until they arrived at a point, nearly opposite to the left flank face of Fort Napoleon, when turning to the left, they advanced direct upon the tete-du-pont at a quick pace. Perceiving that our object was to cut off their retreat, the enemy, on retiring from Napoleon, rushed towards the bridge in order to escape. But some of their own people having previously cut the bridge, and drawn two or three of the pontoons to the right bank, a great many of them to preserve their liberty, threw themselves into the dark rolling current, where, instead of that inestimable blessing, not a few of them found a watery grave. All the others surrendered at discretion.

The head of the second column had arrived within a few yards of the chasm, before it was discovered that the bridge had been cut. This was rather an awkward situation to be placed in, and one which, but for the panic which seized the governor of Fort Ragusa, might have produced disagreeable consequences. But fortunately the latter, instead of attempting to add a hundred more to our list of killed and wounded, very considerately retired towards Almarez, leaving us at liberty to get out of our dilemma in any manner most convenient for ourselves.

As soon as the enemy had fairly taken to their heels, permission was given to our troops to help themselves to some of the good things which had fallen into our hands. In a few minutes, wine, brandy, and rum, flowed in abundance, while bacon hams, and pieces of pickled pork and beef decorated hundreds of bayonets, many of which were still tarnished with the blood of the enemy. Some of the knowing ones obtained valuable prizes from the officers mess-room, but by far the greater part of the men were amply satisfied with a haversack well stuffed with bread, or a canteen filled to an overflow with some of the heart-moving liquids just mentioned. At the close of this extraordinary scene, the troops were moved back about half-a-mile, and ordered to bivouac.

The attention of the victors was now directed to the fallen brave, who in and around Fort Napoleon lay in considerable numbers. Our loss amounted to 177 killed and wounded, and that of the enemy to 450 killed, wounded, and prisoners. Parties from every regiment were employed during the remainder of the day in removing the wounded, destroying the forts, cannon, bridge, and such stores as we could not carry off. Every thing being accomplished to the entire satisfaction of Sir Rowland, we quitted the blood-stained eminence at eight o'clock next morning, and retired, first to the Lina, and thence, the same afternoon, to our former bivouac behind Jaracejo. On the 21st we re-entered Truxillo, where we halted during the 22d and 23d. On the 24th we bivouacked at Villa Macia, and on the 25th retraced our steps to St Pedro. On the following day we retired to a ridge half-way between Medellin and Merida, and on the 27th re-entered the latter place amid the cheers of the populace, and the warm gratulations of those friends who were left to protect that part of the country in our absence.

Soon after the British troops entered Fort Napoleon, a French soldier begged his life from one of the 50th, just as the fatal weapon was on the point of performing its office; the honest Briton at once, and with pleasure, granted the boon of the petitioner. But the gallant fellow had soon but too good cause to repent the generous deed, for on turning round to follow his comrades, his ungrateful and unworthy antagonist endeavoured to bury his bayonet in the breast of his preserver. On perceiving the danger to which he was exposed, the British youth wheeled about, and received the bayonet of the cowardly wretch in his arm. Irritated at such conduct, the former raised his musket, and instantly plunged his bayonet into the body of his dastardly opponent, who, on uttering a few inarticulate sounds, took leave of all earthly things.

When the French colonel commanding in Fort Napoleon perceived that farther resistance was fruitless, he adopted the prudent course of surrendering himself a prisoner of war. Being permitted to retain his sword, the commandant was leaning on his best friend and companion in many hard-fought fields, and ruminating on the mutability of every thing below, when, little dreaming that he was so soon to receive a farther confirmation of it in his own person, an officer belonging to the storming party entered the fort, and being equally ignorant of the French language, as of the terms on which the Colonel had been permitted to retain his sword, made a lounge at him, which the other being totally unprepared to parry, a mortal wound was the consequence of this extremely thoughtless, rash, and ill-judged act. Lingering in great agony for ten days, the Commandant expired, and two days after was buried in the Great Church of Merida with military honours, the whole of the British officers assisting at the ceremony.

Lieutenant Theile, of the German artillery, having been instructed to destroy the enemy's works at Ragusa, his people had the whole mined at an early hour on the 20th. On being informed that every thing was ready, Theile proceeded to apply the match to the train. The powder, however, being longer in igniting than he expected, he hastened to the fort to ascertain the cause. But, alas! Theile had scarcely entered the fort when the mine exploded, and carried him into the air.

About an hour after the capture of Fort Napoleon, I observed a private soldier of the 50th regiment, bending over the lifeless trunk of one of his comrades, and apparently wiping away the tear from his eye. Anxious to ascertain the cause of his grief, I stepped forward, and diverted his attention from the melancholy scene before him, by inquiring the name of the deceased. Till I spoke, the poor man imagined he was pouring out his grief in secret, for on lifting his head he blushed, and instantly dried up the fountain of tears. In answer to my query, I was informed that the deceased was my informant's brother, and the third of the family who had given their lives for their country. Perceiving that previous to my arrival he had been endeavouring to dig a grave for his brother on the counterscarp, with nothing but his fingers and his bayonet, I, on moving away, kept my eyes upon him for some time, and was not less astonished than delighted to see him succeed in forming a grave sufficiently capacious to contain the mangled remains of his beloved brother.

On re-entering Truxillo from Almarez, we found the inhabitants busily engaged in preparing to treat us to a grand bull-fight, as a small mark of respect and gratitude for the services rendered at Almarez by the British General and his humble followers.

The market-place being the grand arena where the two and the four-legged combatants were to contend for victory, every street leading from the square was barricaded with waggons, carts, ploughs, &c. to prevent the escape of the poor animals. In a house adjoining the square, the bulls were kept in durance, till released in order to appear before those for whose amusement they were to be tormented in every possible manner which the ingenuity of man could invent.

The Spaniards who were to act the most conspicuous parts in this extraordinary drama, entered the theatre of action about seven o'clock, each carrying a pike in his right hand, and a brown cloak in the left. As soon as they had moved to their respective stations, one of the bulls was released from prison. On entering the scene of action the air rang with the loud acclamations of thousands of delighted spectators, while the poor animal, astonished at his reception, surveyed the surrounding multitude with an eye of fury. With that bold and determined frown so characteristic of his species, he first gazed on his tormentors, and then with a wildness in his countenance altogether inexpressible, scampered around the square bellowing hideously, until he perceived an opening under a waggon, at the lower part of it, when darting towards the port of liberty, he endeavoured to obtain that which is alike dear to bulls as to men. The waggon being crowded with men and women, the whole on the approach of the furious animal were precipitated in various curious and somewhat laughable attitudes, from their elevated station to the same level with the object of their fears.

At this crisis, the Spanish combatants advanced and with a war-whoop equalled in wildness only by that of the Savage, pursued their antagonist and probing him in the hip, made him stop short in his victorious career. Turning round to resent this act of cruelty, and seeing five or six men all equally near, he spent a few moments in deliberation, before he selected an antagonist, on whom to wreak his vengeance. Having at length made choice of a tall, dark, powerful opponent, he pursued the latter with such speed, that the female spectators, trembling for the consequences, uttered the most horrific screams imaginable. The life of the man certainly appeared to be in imminent danger, but at the very moment when his fate seemed to be decided, he made use of the weapon, which above almost all others is the best calculated to avert the dreadful collision, I mean the cloak. By throwing that at the head of the bull, the latter seldom fails to stop short, conceiving he has his antagonist in his power, and in order not to let the animal get too close to him before he takes this step, the Spaniard always runs, with his cloak at full arms' length from his body. Just as the bull had tossed the cloak in the air, one of the Spaniards, from an opposite corner, went unperceived behind the poor brute, probed him in the hip, then made off, hotly pursued by his four-footed antagonist, until stopped by the cloak of the fugitive, and pike of one of his friends as before. Thus the fight continued till the animal could neither shake his head nor wag a foot. On recovering a little, he was removed to make room for another, which afforded no sport.

The third, on making his appearance, seemed completely out of humour. Foaming and bellowing, he made the circuit of the square several times. From eyes sparkling fire, the bull darted looks of scorn upon the surrounding spectators, and after frisking and capering a little, and attempting to pay home his tormentors for their acts of cruelty, at length effected his escape, and made room for others, none of which afforded much amusement.

A similar exhibition took place the following evening, but the sport was bad. Three soldiers, more expert at handling a musket than the horns of a bull, were, on their endeavouring to seize upon one of the infuriated animals, tossed into the air and dreadfully injured.

This savage-like amusement is considered a refined one in Spain, by all classes, from the peer to the peasant. Even the fair Donnas think so. I suspect, however, that but very few of my fair country-women will feel inclined to join their Spanish sisterhood in their admiration of a sport, the principal feature of which is cruelty.

CHAPTER XI.

After spending the 4th of June in a manner worthy of the day, we took leave of Merida for the last time, at one o'clock in the morning of the 5th, and marched to Almendralejo. Intelligence having been received a few days after, that Marshal Soult intended paying us a visit, Sir Rowland Hill deeming it prudent to concentrate his little army at a more advanced point, the whole of the infantry moved forward to Zafra, Los Santos, and Sancho Perez, on the 12th and 13th.