The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 02 of 55 / 1521-1569 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century

Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803

explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the beginning of the nineteenth century

Volume II, 1521-1569

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Contents of Volume II

Preface
Expedition of García de Loaisa—1525-26

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents—1522-37]

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra—1527-28.

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents—1527-28]

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents—[1541-48]

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1564-68.

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents—1559-68]

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing a branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines—1564

Act of taking possession of Cibabao, Fernando Riquel; Cibabao, February 15, 1565

Proclamation ordering the declaration of
the gold taken from the burial-places of the
Indians. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu, May 16, 1565

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de
Legazpi and others; Cubu, May 27 and 29,
and June 1, 1565

Letter from the royal officials of the
Filipinas to the royal Audiencia at Mexico,
accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary
things to be sent to the colony. Guido de
Labecares and others; Cubu, May 28, 1565

Relation of the voyage to the
Philippines. M. L. de Legazpi; Cubu, [1565]

[1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a
Miguel Saluador de Valencia. (Barcelona,
Pau Cortey, 1566)

Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi;
Cubu, July 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and June
26, 1568

Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira
regarding the Spanish settlement at
Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69

Bibliographical Data

Illustrations

Portrait of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; photographic
reproduction from painting in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar,
Madrid. Frontispiece

Portrait of Fray Andrés de Urdaneta; photographic reproduction
from painting by Madrazo, in possession of the Colegio de
Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.

Signatures of Legazpi and other officials in the Philippines;
photographic facsimile from original MS. of their letter of
June 1, 1565, in the Archivo general de Indias, Seville.

The Santo Niño of Cebú (image of the child Jesus found there
by Legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession
of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid.

Preface

The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by García Jofre de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented: discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuña, is detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead—one of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June 30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortés to search for the missing fleets which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many interesting details.

Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that written by Hernando Cortés to the king of Cebú is given in full; he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhães for the conflict with hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power, and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhães left at Cebú had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.

Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands—that commanded by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants, hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22, 1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized, like the other documents), written by Fray Jerónimo de Santistéban to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left by García Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1, 1548. Like Santistéban's, this too is a record of famine and other privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546) for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.

Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24, 1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake "the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation Line. The king also invites Andrés de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico, to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks (May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise; the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October, 1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death (July 31) makes it necessary for the royal Audiencia of Mexico to assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi (September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12, the members of the Audiencia inform the king of the instructions they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrión, recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting (as does the Audiencia) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning, they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the Philippines, they reach Cebú on February 13, and thence make various journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food, which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty, from the natives—often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28) by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize, and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives, but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.

On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report of their proceedings to the Audiencia of New Mexico. They have ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.

Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1, and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the "San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.

The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes a treaty with the chiefs of Cebú, who acknowledge the king of Spain as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern islands to come to Cebú for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails, except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food, and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.

A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi, exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi, asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain, without receiving any reward therefor.

Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document—first published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think, in English—is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines (1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The other documents are: the act of taking possession of Çibabao (February 15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the Audiencia at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added a specially valuable and interesting document—hitherto unpublished, we believe—Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines, and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found, or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.

Next is presented (in both original text and English translation) a document of especial bibliographical interest—Copia de vna carta venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia. It is the earliest printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements regarding the islands and their people.

In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568) mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the early days of the settlement on Cebú Island, and the resources and commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends (1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection; and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.

The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace, the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war, but carried on protracted negotiations—a detailed account of which is here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals, and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities current in international difficulties of this sort.

The Editors

Documents of 1525-1528

Expedition of García de Loáisa
1525-26
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra
1527-28

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]

Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete's Col. de viages, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.

Expedition of García de Loaisa 1525-26

[These documents are all contained in Navarrete's Col. de viages, tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents concerning the voyage of Magalhães, indicating sources rather than attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes these documents with an account of Loaisa's voyage covering one hundred and ninety pages—compiled, as was his account of Magalhães, from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]

A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations; much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply, and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise, or to land articles on the return voyage—as they could do at Seville, because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)

1522. The king and queen, after the return of the "Victoria" issue a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within Castile's demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)

Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray García Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." He is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuña is appointed captain of the fourth ship, with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedís. He may invest fifty thousand maravedís in the fleet, such sum being advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." He must discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)

Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuña, Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further, the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii, pp. 218-222.)

A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of Loaisa's voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the "San Gabriel," "Nunciado," and "Santi Spiritus." The "Santiago" puts in "at the coast discovered and colonized by. . . Cortés at the shoulders of New Spain," to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix, pp. 223-225.)

The deposition of Francisco Dávila—given (June 4, 1527) under oath before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king—and several letters by Rodrigo de Acuña, dated June 15, 1527, and April 30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "San Gabriel" and its captain after its separation from Loaisa's fleet. The vessel after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition and very short of provisions. She carried "twenty-seven persons and twenty-two Indians," and is without her proper captain Acuña, who had been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried to Pernambuco "a trading agency of the King of Portugal," where he was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to the King of Portugal, Acuña upbraids him for treatment worse than the Moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than here…. There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit." Late in the year 1528, Acuña is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had come with him, "and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French who destroyed me." Acuña desires this in case any accident befall him while on the way to Portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of the truth, and that I may give account of myself." This testimony is much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii, pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)

June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1, 1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "Sancta Maria de la Victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by the pilot of the "Victoria," Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are in sore need." He says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials, both general and private, … are dead or lost, until now only the treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la Torre] has been elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications for the office, but only a willing spirit." He gives account to the king "of all that has happened, as I am obliged to do, and because of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." Some notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the Santa Cruz River on January 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at the cape of Las Virgines, near which Juan Sebastian del Cano's ship founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning March 29, by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on Easter Day. A detailed description of the strait follows. On September 4, "we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the Ladrones which the other expedition had discovered," where they find a Spaniard who had fled from the ship of the former expedition. On September 10 they depart from this island for the Moluccas. October 8 they land at an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by a native from Malacca, who declares that the Castilians would kill all the inhabitants. On the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized in the island of the Ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had seized with them." On the twenty-first they anchor at "Terrenate, one of the Malucos, and the most northern of them." November 4, they have news that the Portuguese are fortified in other islands of the archipelago. Negotiations with the Portuguese are detailed at some length. "The islands having cloves are these: Terrenate, Tidori, Motil, Maquian, Bachan." A description of these islands follows, and then the pilot adds, "All these islands of Maluco and those near by are … mountainous." March 30, 1528 a Castilian vessel anchors at Tidore, one of three sent by Cortes [5] to seek news of Loaisa. The two others had been blown from their course five or six days before reaching the Ladrones. This ship, under command of Captain Saavedra Ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "Santa Maria del Parral," one of Loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of Tidore. These men declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. The accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had themselves killed their captain. The document closes with various observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the Spaniards. The governor praises Saavedra, declaring that because of his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (No. xiv, pp. 241-313.)

Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the "Santa Maria del Parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the "Santi Spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese, and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from New Spain—from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua—to find out the truth of this report.

A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that "Juan Sebastian del Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became captain-general at Loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;" and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "Victoria," and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with Loaisa's expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534) that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa's death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or animals." (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)

The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535; this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents regarding Loaisa's expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26, 1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa documents, in the Archivo general dé Indias in Seville. Urdaneta, as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a Patagonian thus: "He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." He describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the ships and caused the foundering of the "Santi Spiritus." Shortly after entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did not burn in it, but by God's help, and the great care exercised, we put out the fire." "We left the strait in the month of May, five hundred and twenty-six [sic] [8]—the commander's ship, two caravels, and the tender. A few days afterward we had a very great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one another, and we never saw each other again…. In these adversities died the accountant Tejada and the pilot Rodrigo Bermejo. On the thirtieth of July died the captain-general Fray Garcia de Loaisa, and by a secret provision of his majesty, Juan Sebastian del Cano was sworn in as captain-general … On the fourth of August … died Juan Sebastian del Cano, and the nephew of the commander Loaisa, [9] who was accountant-general." When they reached the Ladrones "we found here a Galician … who was left behind in this island with two companions from the ship of Espinosa; and, the other two dying, he was left alive…. The Indians of these islands go about naked, wearing no garments. They are well built men; they wear their hair long, and their beards full. They possess no iron tools, performing their work with stones. They have no other weapons than spears—some with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. In these islands we took eleven Indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick men in the ship." The trouble with the Portuguese in the Moluccas is well narrated. Of the people of Java, Urdaneta says: "The people of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. They possess much bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. They have guns too, as well as lances like ours, and well made." Others of their weapons are named. Further details of negotiations with the Portuguese are narrated, as well as various incidents of Urdaneta's homeward trip in a Portuguese vessel by way of the Cape of Good Hope. He disembarks at Lisbon on June 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are taken from him. The relation closes with information regarding various islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. He mentions among the islands some of the Philippines: "Northwest of Maluco lies Bendenao [Mindanao]…in this island there is cinnamon, much gold, and an extensive pearl-fishery. We were informed that two junks come from China every year to this island for the purpose of trade. North of Bendenao is Cebú, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year." (No. xxvi, pp. 401-439.)

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra 1527-28

[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to volume v of Navarrete's Col. de viages; and although the voyage of Saavedra is connected so intimately with that of Loaisa, it is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole, inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the New World for the islands in the far East. It is evident thus early that the vantage point of New Spain's position as regards these islands was clearly recognized. The letter from Cortés to the king of Cebú is given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this work than are the other documents.]

Granada, June 20, 1526. By a royal decree Cortés is ordered to despatch vessels from New Spain to ascertain what has become of the "Trinidad" [10] and her crew that was left in the Moluccas; to discover news of the expedition of Loaisa, as well as that under command of Sebastian Cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] He is advised to provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition the most experienced men whom he can find—it is especially desirable that the pilot should be such. The king has written to Ponce de Leon and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (No. xxvii, pp. 440-441.)

May, 1527. Following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions, Cortés issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. Alvaro de Saavedra, a cousin to Cortés, is appointed to the double office of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. Two sets of instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following: "Because as you know you are going to look for the captains Frey Garcia de Loaisa and Sebastian Caboto, and if it is our Lord's will, it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be carried on these ships. You shall note what they give, and to whom it is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials they took with them sign this entry in your book." The first matter is to look for the above-mentioned captains. If they have discovered any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their location and products. He is to go to Cebú to ascertain whether the pilot Serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive, and, if so, to ransom them. He is to use all diligence in seeking information as to all men of Magalhães's expedition who were left in those regions. Antonio Guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions is also specified in his. Cortés writes in an apologetic vein to those of Cabot's fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events "in order that he may serve his majesty." He writes also to Cabot himself informing him of the purpose of Saavedra's expedition, adding, "because, as his Catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide everything necessary for it." He mentions the arrival in New Spain of the tender that had accompanied Loaisa and become separated from him shortly after leaving the strait. [13] He assures Cabot that Saavedra goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to him in all that he may order. A letter is written also to the king of the land or island at which Saavedra should anchor assuring him of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. Another letter to the king of Tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor for his good reception of Magalhães's men who remained in that island. (Nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; No. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.)

Letter from Hernán Cortés to the King of Cebú To you the honored and excellent King of Cebú, in the Maluco region: I, Don Hernando Cortés, Captain-general and governor of this New Spain for the very exalted and most powerful Emperor, Cæsar Augustus, King of the Spains, our Lord, send you friendly greeting, as one whom I love and esteem, and to whom I wish every blessing and good because of the good news I have heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception and treatment that you have given to the Spaniards who have anchored in your country.

You will already have heard, from the account of the Spaniards whom you have in your power—certain people sent to those districts by the great emperor and monarch of the Christians about seven or eight years ago—of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. Therefore, and because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through the captain and people, whom I send now in his powerful name, it is not needful to write at great length. But it is expedient that you should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his captains named Hernando de Magallanes with five ships. Of these ships but one, owing to the said captain's lack of caution and foresight, returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. Now although he was sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried, especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and yours. For his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. For this disobedience the Lord and possessor of all things permitted that he should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to his prince's will. And God did him not a little good in allowing him to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his negligence had not been so light. And, in order that you and all the other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of his majesty's wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this captain's conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. And he gave orders to me—who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands, which lie very near yours—that I too despatch other messengers for this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me especially that I do it with much diligence and brevity. Therefore I am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and true reason of all this; and you may be able to receive satisfaction, and regard as more certain all that I shall say to you, for I thus affirm and certify it in the name of this great and powerful lord. And since we are so near neighbors, and can communicate with each other in a few days, I shall be much honored, if you will inform me of all the things of which you wish to be advised, for I know all this will be greatly to his majesty's service. And over and above his good will, I shall be most gratified thereat and shall write you my thanks; and the emperor our lord will be much pleased if you will deliver to this captain any of the Spaniards who are still alive in your prison. If you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your pleasure and to your satisfaction; and in addition you will receive favors from his majesty, and reciprocal favors from me, since, if you wish it so, we shall have for many days much intercourse and friendship together. May twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven.

Hernando Cortes.

(No. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.)

A relation of the voyage was written by Saavedra and set down in the book of the secretary of the fleet. The two ships and one brig set sail in October, 1527, from the port of "Zaguatenejo, which is in New Spain, in the province of Zacatala," on the western coast. When out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. Soon after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her afloat. On December 29 the Ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show previous contact with Castilians by crying as a signal "Castilla, Castilla!" He relates the finding of one of the three men at the island of Vizaya. This man relates that after a year's captivity his master had taken him to Cebú, where he learned from the natives that they had sold to the Chinese the eight companions of Magalhães who were left on that island. The natives of Cebú "are idolaters, who at certain times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call Amito, and offer him to eat and to drink. They dwell near the coast and they often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for plunder and trade. They are like the Arabs, changing their towns from one place to another. There are many fine hogs in this island, and it has gold. They say that people from China come hither, and that they trade among these islands." Another relation of this voyage was presented by Vicente de Nápoles in 1634, in an investigation at Madrid. Early in the voyage the ships become separated, and Saavedra's vessel never again sees its companions. [14] He tells of seeing "an island which is called Mondaña, and which the Portuguese call Mindanao." The finding of the three Castilians is narrated, also the meeting with the survivors of Loaisa's expedition; their negotiations with the Portuguese; and their final return to Europe in a Portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (No. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.)

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.]

Translated and synopsized, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. inéd., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amér. y Oceania, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.

The Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos—1541-46

[The expedition of Villalobos, [16] although productive of slight immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent expedition and occupation by Legazpi. For this reason—and, still more, because this was the first expedition to the Western Islands (in contradistinction from the Moluccas), which included the Philippine group, and because these latter islands received from Villalobos the name by which history was to know them,—these documents, which for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of Magalhães, Loaisa, and Saavedra. The documents thus abstracted are to be found in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in Col. doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía, v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.]

Jalisco, March 28, 1541. The adelantado of Guatemala, Pedro de Alvarado, [17] writes the king, Felipe II, regarding his contract with the viceroy of New Spain, Antonio de Mendoza [18] for expeditions of discovery along the coast and among the Western Islands. Alvarado with eleven vessels has called at one of the ports of New Spain, "to excuse the differences and scandals that were expected between Don Antonio de Mendoza … and myself, in regard to the said discovery, because of his having sent Francisco Vasquez to the said provinces [of the West] with a fleet." They have agreed to make their discoveries, both by land and sea, in partnership "in the limits and demarcation, contained in the agreement that was made with me, considering it as certain that, because of the many ships and people, and the great supply of provisions at our command, we shall know and discover everything that is to be seen in those regions, and bring it to the knowledge of God our Lord, and to the dominion of your majesty." It is determined to divide the fleet into two parts, "one to go to the Western Islands, which should make a hurried trip among them, noting their products; and the other should coast along Tierra-firme." Three large ships and a galley, with a crew of three hundred skilled men under command of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, "a man of great experience in matters of the sea," are destined for the voyage to the Western Islands. This fleet is to set out within three months to prosecute its discovery, "for all this time has been and is necessary to repair the vessels." Alvarado tells the king "that all this has been at great labor and expense; and not only our own possessions, but those of many of our friends are risked in it—and I especially … as I came from those kingdoms impoverished and in debt to so great an extent, have remained in so great necessity that, if your majesty do not help me with some gift and gratification, as has ever been your custom toward those who serve you, I can not maintain myself." By the agreement made with the king, no covenant for explorations and discovery was to be made with any other person for seven years. Alvarado has heard that "the Marquis del Valle [19] persists in begging … this conquest, and wishes to despatch people to undertake it," and the king is asked to grant no license for this. The adelantado had determined to go upon this expedition in person, but has been dissuaded from it by his friends. Antonio de Almaguer has been received as an official of the fleet in place of the previous appointee, who is dead, by virtue of a royal decree permitting Almaguer's appointment to any office that he might desire, in case of the death or absence of the previous appointee. The latter had given the necessary pledges which have been sent to the India House of Trade at Seville. The king is asked to confirm this appointment. (No. i, pp. 1-7.)

Talavera, July 26, 1541. The contract made by the king with Alvarado in 1538 and 1539, and with Mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery, conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the southern sea toward the west. Alvarado had offered to undertake this expedition within fifteen months after arriving in Guatemala, sending westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery; and other vessels for discovery about the American coasts. If lands and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for their colonization, "ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers, and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land be such that horsemen are necessary for it." He is also to send "ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and Christian training of the natives of those regions." All this is to be at Alvarado's expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any outlay, except by the privileges granted him. "Likewise you offer, that after the discovery … you shall keep masters, carpenters, and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in the said province of Guatemala, in order that what shall have been discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily." Also he is to employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the space of ten years. He is to be governor of Guatemala for seven years, "and as many more as we choose; unless, the residencia being taken from you now at our order by … our auditor of the royal Audiencia and chancellery of New Spain should show crimes for which you should be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render an account whenever I order it" Four per cent of all profits of the fifth part of "all gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, drugs, spices, and of all other metals and things found and produced in the said lands, and of which the rights pertain to us," and four per cent of all tributes, are assigned forever to Alvarado (provided that such sum does not exceed six thousand ducats each year), and are divided in due ratio between the provinces discovered. This is clear of all rights or taxes. In answer to Alvarado's request for a tenth of all lands and vassals discovered,—selected as he may see fit, and accompanied by the title of duke, with the dominion and jurisdiction of the grandees of Castile,—the king grants him four per cent pro rata in each part, and the title of count, "with the dominion and jurisdiction that we shall decree, at the time when we shall order the said title bestowed. This shall be granted after the said discovery, and after you shall have signified what part you have selected, provided that we shall not have to give you your said part from the best or the worst of the said islands and provinces, or the chief city of a province, or a seaport." Other privileges are: the life-title of governor and captain-general of all places discovered, with an annual salary of three thousand ducats, plus one thousand ducats over and above this sum, to be paid from the incomes and profits accruing to the king from these discoveries, but these shall not be paid unless the incomes and profits reach that figure; his heir shall be governor of two hundred leagues of land, with the same salary and gratification, and under the same condition Stone forts may be built, at his own expense, in such places as he may select, which he and two generations of his heirs shall hold, with an annual salary and gratification of one hundred and fifty thousand maravedis for each one of the forts, to be paid under the same conditions as the foregoing. He shall have the perpetual office of high constable in all lands discovered and conquered. No similar agreement shall be made with others for seven years, if he fulfil his promises. Provision will be made later as to the natives of the lands discovered. Men and goods may pass freely from Puerto de Caballos (conquered by Alvarado) to Guatemala, and orders are to be given by the king that the governor of Honduras shall place no obstacles in the way of such passage; and meanwhile Alvarado's claims to the above port are to be investigated. The governor of Honduras will be required to furnish Indians as porters, for whose services the current price must be paid, as well as for all carts and other equipment used, but as much as possible must be carried by waterways. One hundred and fifty negro slaves may be taken from "these our kingdoms, or from the kingdom of Portugal for the said fleet or for the preparation of the said fleet, free of all taxes;" but the adelantado must send an account to Spain, signed by the officials of Guatemala, that such disposition of them has been made; if not so employed, then the sum of six thousand maravedis is to be paid for the rights of each slave. More slaves may be taken after the discoveries have been made. The governors of all ports, etc., are to be commanded to accord good treatment to the fleet, should it anchor at their respective ports. For ten years all goods taken to the newly-discovered lands shall be free from all taxes. For the same length of time the colonists shall not pay the tenth to the king, but after the tenth year, they shall pay one-ninth, and so on each year until they shall pay one-fifth; but for trade and booty the fifth shall be paid from the beginning. There is to be no duty on goods taken "from these our kingdoms to the said province of Guatemala for the preparation of the said fleet" for the first voyage. All personal property that Alvarado takes to the islands or provinces discovered is to be during his life free from duty, provided it shall not exceed in any year the sum of three thousand ducats. Those going on the expedition who take horses, may take two Indian slaves apiece. Land is to be assigned to the colonists, of which they are to have perpetual ownership after a four years' residence. [20] Encomiendas of the Indians may be assigned "for such time as you wish, under the instructions and ordinances given you." The treaties with the Portuguese crown in regard to the demarcation and the Moluccas must be strictly obeyed. [21] The agreement with Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, that he shall have a one-third interest in the fleet is confirmed. No excise duty is to be levied "for ten years, and until we order to the contrary." A hospital is provided for by one hundred thousand maravedís taken from fines. The hospital also is to receive the rights of escobilla [22] and the sweepings in the founding of metals. Lawyers and attorneys are prohibited from engaging in their callings in the lands and islands discovered. The royal officials appointed by the king are to be taken in the fleet, as well as ecclesiastics "for the instruction of the natives of the said islands and provinces to our holy Catholic faith." For the latter, Alvarado is to pay the "freight, provisions, and other necessary supplies fitting to their persons, all at your own cost." Ransoms for captured native princes or seigniors pertain to the king, but, on account of the labors and expenses of the undertaking, one-sixth shall be given to the king and the remainder shall be distributed among the conquerors, first subtracting the king's fifth; but of the booty falling into the hands of the conquerors after the death of a prince or chief killed in battle, or obtained by justice or otherwise, one-half shall be the king's, and shall be delivered to his officials, first withdrawing his fifth. In case of doubt regarding the collection of the king's rights in any treasure, "especially of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and that found in graves or other places where it shall have been hidden," and in other goods, the following order is to be observed: one-fifth of everything taken in battle, or taken from villages, or for ransoms shall be paid the king; he shall receive one-half of all treasure found in graves or places of worship, or buried, and the person finding the treasure shall have the other half; but any person not announcing his find shall lose "all the gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and in addition one-half of his other possessions." The strict observance of the contract is ordered. This contract was first made in 1638; in 1639, a section was inserted confirming the partnership of Alvarado and Mendoza, in which the latter was to receive one-third of all profit; in 1541, in accordance with the new agreement between the two men, a clause was added to this contract, giving equal rights to each. (No. ii, pp. 7-26.)

Mexico, September, 1542. On the fifteenth of this month Mendoza commissions Gonzalo Davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, Guido de La Bezaris [23] as his accountant, and Martin de Islares as his factor. The treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis, "to be paid from the profits that shall pertain to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not reached, I am not obliged to pay it from any other source." The usual duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. On the eighteenth of the month very full instructions are given to Villalobos by Mendoza. The principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report at Puerto de la Navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have been prepared; these will be delivered to him by Mendoza's agent, who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment of the vessels "except the merchandise and articles of barter, the slaves, the forge … because they must be under the charge of the treasurer and officials whom I am sending in the fleet for that purpose; and other things I specify in their instructions, and in those of Juan de Villareal [his agent] in regard to it." He shall sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books of the accountant and treasurer. All the "artillery, ammunition, war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment, tackle and rigging, and provisions." In each ship, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. Each ship shall be put in charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full notes of everything transferred to the former's keeping. The master shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge being imposed by the captain of artillery. For greater security the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels. An account must be taken in each vessel of its captain and crew (both sailors and soldiers), giving for each man his father's name and his place of birth. Villalobos is to have special watch over the treasurer, accountant, and factor. The men of the ships are to be divided into watches, no one being excused "except for legitimate cause." "And when you are ready to sail, you shall make full homage, . . . according to Spanish custom, that you will exercise well and faithfully the said office of lieutenant-governor and captain-general, . . . and that you will deliver to me, and to no one else, the discoveries and profits pertaining to me, according as his majesty orders in his royal provision, and that neither directly nor indirectly will you exercise any deceit or wrong in anything." The officers and all others shall take oath to obey him as captain-general, "and that there will be no mutinies or rebellions." The officials appointed by the king to guard his interests are to be received, and the best of treatment shall be accorded them. When a settlement has been made one or two vessels shall be sent back, sufficiently equipped, with news of such settlement, and of all he has accomplished. "Likewise you shall send me specimens of all the products of the land that you can secure, … of the manner of dressing [of the inhabitants], and their mode of life, what is their religion or sect, the character of their life and government, their method of warfare with their neighbors; and if they have received you peaceably, if you have made a treaty of peace with them, or your status among them." The spread of religion is to be sought especially. To this end "you shall try to ensure that those in your charge live as good Catholics and Christians, that the names of our Lord and his most blessed Mother, as well as those of his saints, be revered and adored, and not blasphemed; and you shall see to it strictly that blasphemies and public sins be punished." All letters sent in the ships returning must be assured safe delivery. Mendoza is to be first informed of all news brought by the ships. In these ships shall be sent also both Mendoza's and the king's profits, as well as those of the individuals of the fleet, provided the latter shall not prevent the sending of either his or the king's. In affairs of moment Villalobos must consult freely with many people of the fleet, among whom are named "father prior Fray Gerónimo, Fray [blank in manuscript], [24] who was prior of Totonilco, Jorge Nieto, the inspector Arevalo, Gaspar Xuarez Davila, Francisco Merino, Matias de Alvarado, Bernardo de la Torre, and Estrada." If Villalobos should determine to return with all the fleet, those wishing to remain shall do so, and he shall leave them a captain and sufficient stores. Persons are to be appointed to look after the property and belongings of the dead, and to see that no fraud is exercised, in order that his heirs may be secured. Entry must be made, in the method in vogue in Spain, of all things sent back in the ships. All settlements must be made on the shore, and a fort must be erected at some distance from the natives' habitations, in which the articles for trade must be securely stowed. No soldier shall be permitted, without leave, and under severe penalties "to go to the Indian settlements or enter their houses … and no one shall take anything by force, in the camp or in the town, contrary to the will of the Indians where you shall have made peace." Men are to be appointed who shall attend to the buying of all provisions, "because not having knowledge of the products of the land, [your men] would buy more in accordance with appetite than with reason, where-from much damage would ensue, because the products of the land would be placed at a higher figure, and the value of the articles for barter … would be lowered;" the prices for trafficking shall be assigned to these buyers and they must not go over them, but try to buy at a lower figure. The trafficking of the merchandise shall be also in charge of experienced persons. "You shall advise your men that, whenever they speak of the emperor, Our Lord, among the natives, they shall speak of his greatness, and how he is the greatest Lord of the earth, and that they have been sent by one of his captains of these regions." (Nos. ii, iii, pp. 7-46.)

Puerto de Navidad, October 22, 1542. Villalobos certifies before a notary that he has received from Juan de Villareal, Mendoza's agent, "four ships, one small galley, and one fusta, [25] to wit: the admiral's ship, named 'Santiago;' the 'San Jorge,' 'San Antonio,' and 'San Juan de Letran;' the galley 'San Christoval,' and the fusta 'San Martin'—with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons, provisions, etc.,… in the name of his lordship [Mendoza] … in order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said voyage." He promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to Mendoza or his agents. This oath is attested in the form prescribed by the royal notary-public. This same day the oath of obedience is taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. The oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: "Your graces, captains Bernaldo de la Torre, Don Alonso Manrrique, Francisco Merino, Mathias de Alvarado, Pero Ortiz de Rueda, Christoval de Pareja, and gentlemen of this fleet, of which Rui Lopez de Villalobos goes as general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before God, Our Lord, and blessed Mary his Mother, on the holy words written in this book of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and Catholic Christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as knights and nobles, by right, of Spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be faithful and obedient, and to hold as your captain-general Rui Lopez de Villalobos, here present; and you will observe the instructions he has given you, in so far as the good of the business requires it; and you will be obedient and will hearken to his orders. And you shall declare and advise, each one of you, what you deem suitable and necessary for the good of this expedition, whether he asks it or not, although you think he may be vexed or angry at hearing what you wish to tell him; only you shall state the fundamental reason why your assertion is good, in everything making it a point of your desire to come directly to the question, and not to give your advice with passion, or servilely, but with all freedom." If he send them on missions they must report to him alone. "And none of you shall rouse up mutinies, scandals, seditions, or conspiracies; nor shall you talk against your captain-general or the expedition; rather if you learn or foresee anything of such matters, you shall tell and inform your general thereof, so that it may be remedied." The soldiers swear to be obedient to the commands of Villalobos and his captains, and to follow the general's banners, day or night, holding him as chief; they must be loyal and true in every sense of the word, both on sea and land. The pilots (who are named) and the seamen also take like oath to fulfil their duties completely, acknowledging Villalobos as general. They are to obey the latter "both now on the said voyage, and in the Western Islands." They must try to accomplish the voyage in the shortest time possible, and must take part in no mutinies or uprisings. In his instructions to his captains Villalobos requires the following: No soldier is to be admitted to the fleet who does not bear a certificate of confession and communion. If there be any such, he must confess within three days to the religious in the fleet, or be put on short rations of water until he does confess. Severe punishment for blasphemy of "the name of God, our Lord, his glorious Mother, or of any of the saints" is stipulated, varying in degree according to the blasphemy. The religious are to receive every consideration, that the natives may see "how we honor the ministers of the Gospel." All weapons are to be kept in a special place in each ship and given to the men only when necessary, and they shall be regularly inspected. Most stringent rules are laid down as to the distribution of water, and the water butts must be inspected each day by the "steward, master, pilot, or boatswain," and every four days by the captain in person, to see that the regulations pertaining thereto are strictly observed. Likewise the amounts of food to be given are carefully stipulated, the amounts, as in the case of the water, being different for soldiers, sailors, negroes, and Indians. Fire is guarded against by ordering all fires, except the lantern, out at four in the afternoon, unless to cook something for a sick man, and then that fire shall be immediately extinguished. Watches are to be maintained day and night. Those caught sleeping at their posts are to be severely punished. If the culprit be an individual who holds an office, for the first offense he shall lose his office; for the second he shall be thrown overboard. A soldier (not of gentle birth) for the first offense shall be made to pass under the keel three times; and for the second be thrown overboard. The captain must stand one watch each night. Each captain shall have a body-guard of six men. All fire must be kept away from the powder. At the least appearance of mutiny immediate measures are to be taken; if it is not possible to inform Villalobos, then the captain is empowered to execute summary justice. The captain is to keep a compass in his room, which he shall constantly consult, and must keep close watch on the course. In case one vessel be separated from the fleet and reach any land, the captain must see that the natives are well treated. The men "shall not enter their houses, towns, or temples, or talk to the women; nor shall they take anything to eat, or any other articles, before you appoint a man who understands trading, and he shall buy for all what they may need. And you shall try to find out the products of the land, and to procure specimens thereof, and ascertain the character of the people and the land; so that, when we meet you there, you may advise me of everything, and his most illustrious lordship may have knowledge of it all." The captain must under no consideration disembark at this land himself, but must send a trustworthy agent with armed men to arrange peace and friendship with the natives. They must return two hours before nightfall. If peace be made, then a trader will be appointed. They are to be careful that "God our Lord be not offended because of the Indians you take with you; and they must examine the instructions of the pilots and see that the latter abide by these instructions." (Nos. v-viii, pp. 46-65.)

1543. An extensive correspondence ensues between Villalobos and Jorge de Castro, after the fleet, had reached the Philippines, [26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of July 20 and September 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the demarcation of the Portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations among the natives. Villalobos replies to these letters under dates of August 9 and September 12 respectively, justifying his expedition, and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements given him are to respect the Portuguese demarcation, which he has done. (No. ix, pp. 66-94.)

Cochin, in Portuguese India, February 22, 1547. Fray Geronimo de Santistéban writes to the viceroy of New Spain an account of the expedition of Villalobos. He names and describes very briefly the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor, and he gives a description of its people and resources. "February 29 we saw the islands of Bindanao [Mindanao], San Juan, and San Antonio." [27] One of the vessels had been badly damaged in a storm before reaching the island named Matalotes. At Mazaua Bay they began first to experience famine and sickness. As food was refused them on the island of Sarrangan, and their men attacked, they determined to take it by force. The island was soon gained, and "Rui-Lopez labored with that people with entreaties and gifts to make friendship, and to induce them to return to their houses, but in vain." Then began the hunt for food in various places, but much opposition from the natives was encountered. Santistéban says "If I should try to write, to your lordship in detail of the hunger, need, hardships, disease, and the deaths that we suffered in Sarragan, I would fill a book … In that island we found a little rice and sago, a few hens and hogs, and three deer. This was eaten in a few days, together with what remained of the ship food. A number of cocoa-palms were discovered; and because hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which are the shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the dogs, cats, and rats we could find, besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease. And especially they ate large numbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. Land crabs also were eaten which caused some to go mad for a day after partaking of them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven months, the hunger that had caused us to go to Sarragan withdrew us thence." The booty of the island was but little, for the natives had carried away and hidden the greater part of their possessions. The vessel of Villalobos and two small brigs put out from this place of famine to go to the upper islands, the other vessels having been sent on ahead on various commissions. After sailing for forty leagues, the large vessel was unable to advance farther, and put in at a bay called Sacayan [Cagayan], to await good weather, while the two small vessels went on ahead [because according to Alvarado they could navigate nearer the shore] in search of food. Troubles from the natives still pursued these smaller vessels. At one part of Mindanao they tried to secure food. Fourteen of the crew were left ashore, ten of whom were killed. The two brigs anchored at Mindanao, remaining there for more than fifty days, awaiting the arrival of the ship and galley. From this place they went to Tandaya, [28] where they were well received by the natives. Here the sick men were left, while the others went in search of the rest of their men, but failed to find them where they had been left. A letter was found which directed the searchers to the "islands of Talao, which are forty leagues south of Maluco." Returning to Tandaya, it was found that the men left there had been taken off by the "Sant Juan." Here Santistéban and his party remained for two months, until the king of Tidore sent in quest of Villalobos. A description of these people follows. Finally Villalobos, forced to do so by hunger, cast anchor in Portuguese possessions. Negotiations with the Portuguese followed. The "Sant Juan" was despatched to New Spain May 16, 1545, but it was unable to make the journey and returned within five months. Finally the remnants of the expedition were taken in Portuguese vessels to Ambón [Amboina], where Villalobos died; and thence to Malacca, where only one hundred and seventeen of the three hundred and seventy who left New Spain arrived, thirty remaining in Maluco. Santistéban justifies Villalobos, saying "Your lordship will bear in mind your promise to Ruy Lopez … to be a father to his children. In the judgment of certain men, Ruy Lopez performed no services for your lordship, for which his children deserve recompense. I know most certainly that, in the judgment of God and of those who regard his works without passion, he did everything possible for the service of your lordship, and that he grieved more over not having fulfilled exactly your lordship's design than over all the other losses, sorrows, and persecutions that he endured." (Col. doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía, tomo xiv, pp. 151-165.)

Garcia Descalante Alvarado, who accompanied Villalobos, left an account of the expedition, dated Lisbon, August 7, 1548, and addressed to the viceroy of New Spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures of the expedition. A brief synopsis follows. The fleet left the port of Joan Gallego [Navidad] on All Saints' Day, 1542. They passed, at a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands which they named Santo Thomas [San Alberto] [29] and Añublada, or "Cloud Island" [Isla del Socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another island, Roca Partida or "Divided Rock" [Santa Rosa]. After sailing for sixty-two days they came to a "lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago," which they named the Coral Archipelago, anchoring at one of the islands, Santistéban [San Estevan]. The next islands they named Los Jardines, or "The Gardens," from their luxuriant foliage. January 23, 1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in good Castilian, saying "Buenos dias, matalotes" [30] [meaning to say "Good morning, sailors">[, for which the island was named Matalotes. The next island passed they named Arrecifes or Reefs, the significance of which is apparent. February 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay which they called Málaga [Baganga] and the island Cesarea Karoli [Mindanao], "which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it, declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues." After a month's residence on the island, they left in search of the island of Mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island named Sarrangar and by them called Antonio, [31] where they had trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the Castilians under command of Alvarado. The people defended themselves valiantly with "small stones, poles, arrows, and mangrove cudgels as large around as the arm, the ends sharpened and hardened in the fire," but were finally vanquished; they abandoned this island afterwards and went to Mindanao. "Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain, and some bells which are different from ours, and which they esteem highly in their festivities," besides "perfumes of musk, amber, civet, officinal storax, and aromatic and resinous perfumes. With these they are well supplied, and are accustomed to their use; and they buy these perfumes from Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philipinas." They found a very small quantity of gold. The booty was divided among the company, during which a controversy arose as the soldiers objected to both Villalobos and the viceroy of New Spain having separate shares therein, claiming that it was sufficient to pay the former the seventh which he asked, with the choice of one jewel. After this was settled, the general ordered maize to be planted "which was done twice, but it did not come up. This irritated them all, and they said they did not come to plant, but to make conquests." To their complaints, and requests to change their location, Villalobos replied "that he came for the sole purpose of discovering the course of the voyage, and of making a settlement." "The offensive arms of the inhabitants of these islands are cutlasses and daggers; lances, javelins, and other missile weapons; bows and arrows, and culverins. They all, as a rule, possess poisonous herbs, and use them and other poisons in their wars. Their defensive arms are cotton corselets reaching to the feet and with sleeves; corselets made of wood and buffalo horn; and cuirasses made of bamboo and hard wood, which entirely cover them. Armor for the head is made of dogfish-skin, which is very tough. In some islands they have small pieces of artillery and a few arquebuses. They are universally treacherous, and do not keep faith, or know how to keep it. They observe the peace and friendship they have contracted only so long as they are not prepared to do anything else; and as soon as they are prepared to commit any act of knavery, they do not hesitate because of any peace and friendship that they have made. Those who carry on trade with them, must hold themselves very cautiously. Certain Spaniards who trusted in them were killed treacherously, under pretense of friendship." The Castilians endured much hunger on this island of Sarrangar, and a number of them died. A ship was despatched to Mindanao to make peace, and to arrange terms of trade, and for food, and was received with apparent friendliness. A boat with six men was sent ashore, but was attacked by the natives; one man was killed and the others badly wounded. Failing to obtain food here, Villalobos set out with twenty-five men for the island of Santguin [Sanguir]. They anchored midway at a small island where "the natives had fortified themselves on a rock … in the sea, with an entrance on only one side; this was strongly fortified with two defenses, and its summit was enclosed by very large and numerous trees. The approach was from the water side. The houses within were raised up high on posts, and the sea quite surrounded the rock." The people refusing to give provisions, "we fought with them, the combat lasting four hours. Finally we carried the place, and as they would not surrender, they were all killed, with the exception of some women and children." One Spaniard was killed and a number wounded; and, after all but little food was found. On his return to Sarrangan, Villalobos despatched his smallest ship to New Spain to solicit aid, on August 4, 1543. Another vessel started on the same day to "some islands … which we call Felipinas, after our fortunate prince, which were said to be well supplied with provisions," for the purpose of securing food. Three days after this the troubles with the Portuguese began, with the arrival of the deputy sent by Jorge de Castro. Meanwhile the numbers of the Spaniards and the Indian slaves brought from New Spain were being decimated through the famine they experienced. Expeditions were sent out to gather food, but resulted disastrously. The Portuguese intrigued with the natives not to sell provisions to the Castilians, and to do them all the harm possible. On the arrival of the ship sent to the Philippines for food, it was determined "to go to the Felipinas, to a province called Buio," [32] a salubrious land, "and abounding in food." Further misfortunes met them through stormy weather and the hostility of the natives, who treacherously killed eleven of the Spaniards in one vessel sent ahead to procure provisions. Further trouble with the Portuguese followed at the island of Gilolo, the king of which was hostile to the Portuguese. In these straits, Villalobos determined to appeal to the king of Tidore for aid and supplies, as he was formerly friendly to the Spanish; but his hopes were disappointed. Then he sent to Terrenate, at the instance of the king of Gilolo, to demand from the Portuguese the Castilian artillery in that island. [33] Finally treaties were made between the two kings and the Castilians. Alvarado was sent (May 28, 1544) to the Philippines to conduct back certain of the boats that had been sent thither when the expedition left the island of Sarrangan. At Mindanao, he was told of three provinces; "the first is Mindanao, and it has gold mines, and cinnamon; the second is Butuan, which has the richest mines of the whole island; and the third Bisaya, [34] likewise possessing gold mines and cinnamon. Throughout this island are found gold mines, ginger, wax, and honey." At the bay of Resurrection on this island he found a letter left previously by Villalobos and two others,—one by Fray Gerónimo de Santistéban dated in April, saying that he with eight or ten men was going in search of the general in one of the small vessels; that fifteen men had been killed by the natives, and that twenty-one remained at "Tandaya in the Felipinas, at peace with the Indians;" that one of the small vessels had been shipwrecked and ten men drowned at the river of Tandaya; and other news. The other letter was from the captain of the ship sent to New Spain, saying that he had set out too late to return to New Spain, and had taken the twenty-one men from Tandaya, and was going now in search of Villalobos. Alvarado coasted among many of the islands meeting with various adventures. He heard that in the "island of Zubu, there were Castilians living, since the time of Magallanes, and that the Chinese were wont to go thither to buy gold and certain precious stones." He returned on October 17 to Tidore where he found Villalobos and the other Castilians. A detailed account of the adventures of one of the two small vessels sent to the Philippines follows. Reunited at Tidore, the Spaniards began to repair the ship in order to return to New Spain. Meantime Jorge de Castro was superseded by Jordan de Fretes, and a truce was arranged between the two nationalities. A ship left Tidore May 16, 1545, for New Spain, but it was unable to get beyond range of the islands, and returned to Tidore October 3 of the same year. The Spaniards began to desert to the Portuguese, arousing the suspicions of the king of Tidore. The negotiations with the Portuguese and the discord among the Castilians are minutely detailed. On February 18, 1546, those wishing to do so embarked in the Portuguese fleet, arriving at Ambón, where a number of them died, including Villalobos. They left here on May 17, going by way of Java to India. A list of the surviving members of the expedition concludes the relation. (Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania, tomo v, pp. 117-209.)

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1564-68

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.]

Illustrative Documents—

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing
the first branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564.
Act of taking possession of Cibabao; February 15, 1565.
Proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the
burial-places of the Indians; May 16, 1565.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565.
Letter to the royal Audiencia at Mexico; May 28, 1565
Legazpi's relation of the voyage to the Philippines; 1565.
[35]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador
de Valencia; 1566.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; July, 1567, and June 26, 1568.
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish
settlement at Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69.

Sources: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.

Translations: The résumé of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by James A. Robertson, from Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick; the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.

Resume of Contemporaneous Documents, 1559-68.

[The following synopsis is made from documents published in Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar, tomos ii and iii, entitled De las Islas Filipinas. Concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "The expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "The course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de Velasco] [36] … founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New Guinea. The instructions of the Audiencia prescribed definitely the voyage to the Philippines" (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real history of the Philippine Islands, From Legazpi's landing in 1564, the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of Manila, by the English in 1762.]

Valladolid, September 24, 1559. The king writes to Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain and president of the royal Audiencia, that he provide "what seems best for the service of God, our Lord, and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and therefore I order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships … for the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos. You must order them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders, they shall return to that Nueva España, which they must do, so that it may be known whether the return voyage is assured." These ships must not enter any islands belonging to the king of Portugal, but they shall go "to other nearby islands, such as the Phelipinas and others, which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation, and are said likewise to contain spice," The necessary artillery, articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the India House of Trade in Seville. "I shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think I should write to Fray Andres de Urdaneta of the order of Saint Augustine in that city [Mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice regions, as he has been there." The viceroy must issue instructions to the vessels that they "must not delay in trading and bartering, but return immediately to Nueva España, for the principal reason of this expedition is to ascertain the return voyage." The letter enclosed to Urdaneta states that the king "has been informed that when you were a secular, you were in Loaysa's fleet, and journeyed to the Strait of Magallanes and the spice regions, where you remained eight years in our service." In the projected expedition of the viceroy, Urdaneta's experience will be very valuable "because of your knowledge of the products of that region, and as you understand its navigation, and are a good cosmographer." Therefore the king charges him to embark upon this expedition. (Tomo ii, nos. x and xi, pp. 94-100.)

Mexico, May 28, 1560. Yelasco writes to the king in answer to this letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in regard to the voyage. He says "it is impossible to go to the Filipinas Islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the latter are no less within the treaty than are the Malucos, as your majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself by Fray Andres de Urdaneta. This latter possesses the most knowledge and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate cosmographer in Nueva España." He asks the king to show this relation to any living members of Loaysa's expedition in order to verify it. The king should redeem the Spaniards captured by the natives in the Philippines and other islands near the Moluccas. To do this and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty made with Portugal. In case the ships should depart before the king's answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance with the above-mentioned relation. The vessels of the expedition will consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a patache. [37] Wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to make small boats for use among the islands. "The man in charge of the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at Nicaraugua and Realexo, ports in the province of Guatimala where I have ordered these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all the coast of the Southern Sea; and because they can be brought easily from those ports to Puerto de la Navidad, where the ships must take the sea." The artillery and other articles sent from Spain for the vessels have arrived. The letters written by the king to Urdaneta and the Augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed to the contents thereof. "It is most fitting that Fray Andres go on this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment." He assures the king that the return voyage to Spain will be made as quickly as possible. In a postscript he adds that all due secrecy has been observed in regard to the purpose of the fleet, and it has been given out that it is for the trade with Peru and for coast defense; however it is rumored that they are for the voyage westward. The same ship carried to the king a letter from Urdaneta accepting the service imposed upon him. He relates briefly his connection with the expedition of Loaysa and his experiences in, and return from, the Moluccas. "And after my return from the spice region until the year fifty-two, when our Lord God was pleased to call me to my present state of religion, I busied myself in your majesty's service, and most of the time in this Nueva España … both in matters pertaining to war … and those of peace." Notwithstanding his advanced age and his feeble health, he will undertake this new service. In a separate and accompanying paper Urdaneta sends his opinion concerning the Philippines and neighboring islands, which the viceroy has mentioned in his letter. In this relation Urdaneta declares that "it is evident and clear that the Filipina Island [Mindanao] is not only within the terms of the treaty, [38] but the point running eastward from this said island lies in the meridian of the Malucos, and the greater part of all the said island lies farther west than the meridian of Maluco." [39] He quotes the terms of the treaty to emphasize the fact that the Filipina Island is within Portugal's demarcation. "Therefore it seems that it would be somewhat inconsistent for your majesty to order the said vessels to the Filipina Island without showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." He advises the king to despatch the expedition strictly within his demarcation, asking him, however, to allow the ships to go to the Philippine Islands for the purpose of redeeming the Spanish captives, "without going to the Malucos, or engaging in trade, except to buy some things which may be worth seeing as specimens, or food and other articles necessary for the voyage." The best pilots and experienced men should be engaged for this expedition, "so that the most accurate relation possible may be made both of the lands newly-discovered and their longitude, and the route from Nueva España to the said Filipina Island, and the other islands of its neighborhood, so that it shall be understood where the one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude of your majesty's demarcation end. Therefore it seems that not only is it a just cause to go to the Filipina Island in search of your said vassals … but there appears to be a necessity for it, since they were lost in your majesty's service." These men will be very useful because of their knowledge of the language of the infidels and their acquaintance with those regions. (Tomo ii, nos. xii and xiii pp. 100-113.)

The king replies to Urdaneta from Aranjuez, (March 4, 1561), accepting his offer "to go to the Western Islands in the vessels that Don Luis de Velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our command … I feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of God, our Lord, and of ourselves … I charge you that, in accordance with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that is expected from your religion and goodness. In regard to the advice you sent everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders." (Tomo ii, no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.)

Nueva España, February 9, 1561. The viceroy writes to the king concerning the fleet. Two ships and one small vessel are being built, and will be provisioned for the trip to the Western Islands and the return to New Spain. They will be fully equipped by about the end of the present year. "It is necessary that your majesty have two pilots sent me for this expedition—men skilled and experienced in this navigation of the Ocean Sea; for, although I have three, I need two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships…. I have appointed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [40] a native of the province of Lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of Lezcano, as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels—who all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred and fifty to three hundred people. He is fifty years old [41] and has spent more than twenty-nine years in this Nueba España. He has given a good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs committed to him. From what is known of his Christian character and good qualities hitherto, almore suitable man, and one more satisfactory to Fray Andres Urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition, could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land, and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind." (Tomo ii, no. xiv, pp. 113-117.)

Mexico, 1561. Urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the greater advantages of Acapulco as a port, than those possessed by Puerto de la Navidad. It has a more healthful location than the latter, is nearer Mexico City, and supplies can be taken there more easily. The lack of necessities, "such as wine, oil, etc., from España," and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from going to Puerto de la Navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will be finished. "It is of great advantage that the port whence the men embark be healthful,… because if they embark from an unhealthful land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while at sea … The port of Acapulco appears to have a good location, so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be built, and may there take and discharge their cargoes; for it is one of the foremost ports in the discovery of the Indies—large, safe, very healthful, and with a supply of good water. It abounds in fish; and at a distance of five or six leagues there is an abundance of wood for the buttock-timbers of the vessels, and, some distance farther, of wood for decks and sheathing, and pines for masts and yards." Further, the district about this port is reasonably well populated. Urdaneta says that if material for making the artillery be sent from Spain, and good workmen, the artillery can be made in New Spain; as well as anchors. "In this land there is copper in abundance, from which artillery can be made," which only needs to be refined. The Augustinian makes some interesting observations regarding social and economic conditions in Mexico, and suggests that it would be very advantageous to compel many youths who are growing up in vagabondage to learn trades, "especially the mestizos, mulattoes, and free negroes." Weapons, ammunition, and defensive armor must be sent from Spain for this expedition. Urdaneta requests that hemp-seed be sent, in order that ropes may be made in New Spain. He tells of a plant pita [agave], growing in this country which can be used as a substitute for hemp, and many plants of it must be planted near the ports. The pitch, tar, and resin, the instruments and charts for navigation, etc., must be sent hither from Spain. They need good seamen and workmen. The king is requested to allow them to make use of any workmen in the other provinces of "these parts of the Indies," paying them their just wages; likewise to take what things they need, paying the just price. It is advised that the necessary trees for shipbuilding be planted near the ports, and that ranches be established near by to furnish food.

The second section of this document treats of the navigation to the Western Islands: and Urdaneta maps out various routes which should be followed, according to the time of the year when the fleet shall depart on its voyage of discovery. These routes all have to do primarily with New Guinea as the objective point of the expedition, the Philippines being considered as only secondary thereto. Speaking of the Ladrones and their inhabitants, Urdaneta says: "The islands of the Ladrones are many, and thirteen [42] of them are said to be inhabited. The inhabitants are naked and poor. They eat rice, have many cocoa palms, and use salt. They fish with hooks made from tortoise-shell, being destitute of articles made from iron. They place a counterweight in one end of their canoes, and rig on them lateen-like sails made of palm-mats. It is quite important to explore this island thoroughly, or any of the others, in order to discover and ascertain accurately the navigation that has been made up to that point, and their distance from Maluco and the Filipinas Islands … Those islands are somewhat less than three hundred and seventy leagues from Botaba [one of the Ladrones]." The "modern maps that have come to this Nueva España," are in his opinion incorrect, as certain coasts are drawn more extensive than is actually the case. Calms must be avoided and the trade winds caught, in order to facilitate navigation. The errors of former expeditions must be avoided, as well as a protracted stay at the Philippines—"both because of the worms that infest that sea, which bore through and destroy the vessels; and because the Portuguese might learn of us, during this time, and much harm might result thereby." Besides. Spaniards as well as natives cannot be depended upon to keep the peace. By leaving New Spain before the beginning of October, 1562, much expense and the idleness of the ships will be avoided. In case land be discovered within Spain's demarcation. Urdaneta requests the king to provide for its colonization by supplying a captain and some of the people and religious—or even that the general himself remain there, "if the natives thereof beg that some Spaniards remain among them." He asks the king to ascertain the truth of the report that the French have discovered a westward route "between the land of the Bacallaos and the land north of it." [43] If it be true then trade might be carried on more economically from Spain direct to the west than by way of New Spain, and the fleets will be better provided with men and equipments. (Tomo ii, no. xvii, pp. 119-138).

Mexico, May 26,1563. Legazpi writes to the king that "the viceroy of this New Spain, without any merit on my part, has thought best to appoint me for the voyage to the Western Islands, to serve your majesty, putting under my charge the fleet prepared for it—not because this land has few men who would do it better than I, and by whom your majesty would be served better on this voyage, but rather, because no one would give himself up to it with a more willing spirit, as I have ever done in my past duties." He assures his majesty that he will have the utmost care in this expedition. For the better success of the voyage he has "asked the viceroy for certain things, which seemed to me necessary … and others of which, in the name of your majesty, he should grant me, which although they were not of so great moment that they were fitting to be asked from so exalted and powerful a personage, the viceroy defers and sends them to you, so that your majesty may order your pleasure regarding them." He asks these things for "so important a voyage" not as "a remuneration for my work, since that is due your majesty's service, but as a condescension made with the magnificence that your majesty always is accustomed to exercise in rewarding his servants who serve him in matters of moment." (Tomo ii, no. xviii, pp. 139, 140.)

Mexico, 1564. The viceroy writes to Felipe on February 25 and again on June 15, excusing the non-departure of the fleet. In the first he says that the delay is due to the proper victualing of the vessels for a two-years' voyage, and the non-arrival of certain pieces of artillery, etc., which were coming from Vera Cruz; the things that were to be sent, from the City of Mexico could not be sent until the fleet was launched, as they would spoil if left on land. Everything will be ready by May. In the second letter he excuses the delay as, owing to calms and contrary winds, the vessels bearing the "masts, yards, and certain anchors" for the fleet did not arrive at Puerto de la Navidad until June 10. It still remained to step the masts and make the vessels shipshape, and to load the provisions; and they will be ready to sail by September. "Four vessels are being sent, two galleons and two pataches; … they are the best that have been launched on the Southern Sea, and the stoutest and best equipped. They carry three hundred Spaniards, half soldiers and half sailors, a chosen lot of men…. Six religious of the order of Saint Augustine go with it, among them Fray Andres de Urdaneta, who is the most experienced and skilled navigator that can be had in either old or new España." He encloses a copy of the instructions to Legazpi, in order that the king may assure himself that his commands have been obeyed. The best pilots have been secured. The questions of routes, seasons, and other things have been discussed with Urdaneta and others who have made the voyage before. "I trust … that the expedition will come to a successful end, and that your majesty will be very much served therein, and in all that shall hereafter occur in it." Notice will be given to the king of the departure of the fleet by the first vessel leaving for Spain after that event. (Tomo ii, nos. xix and xx, pp. 140-145).

Méjico, September 1, 1564. After the death of Luis de Velasco, instructions are issued to Legazpi by the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Mexico, the chief provisions of which here follow. Before the royal officials of this expedition, namely, "Guido de Labezaris, treasurer, Andres Cauchela, accountant, and Andres de Mirandaola, factor," he will take possession of the vessels and their equipment. The flagship will be the "Sant Felipe," in which Legazpi will embark; the "Sant Andres" will carry the commander of the fleet; [44] Captain Juan de la Isla and Captain Hernán Sanchez Muñon will command the pataches, the "Sant Juan de Letran" and the "Sant Lucas," respectively. Legazpi's first duty is to appoint pilots, masters, boatswains, notaries, artillery officers, and all other necessary officials. Inventories of the equipment of the fleet, and of the merchandise, etc., carried, are to be made and signed by him; and a copy of the same shall be given to the officials of the royal hacienda [treasury]. He shall apportion the cargo, provisions, etc., among the different vessels, as he judge best. Martin de Goiti is to have entire charge of all the artillery, ammunition, etc., "as he is a person to be trusted," and he shall be given a memorandum of all such things. The men embarking in the fleet shall pass a general review; their names, age, parentage, occupation in the fleet, and pay, shall be enrolled in a book; and they shall be apportioned to the various vessels of the fleet. In Legazpi's ship will embark Captain Mateo del Saz, appointed master-of-camp, two officials of the royal hacienda, and those "gentlemen to whom has been given the preference for attendance on you and the standard, and the other necessary persons;" the royal standard and the ensign shall be carried on his vessel. "In the admiral's ship you shall appoint as captain thereof, and as admiral of the whole fleet, the man who is, in your judgment, most suitable." This vessel must carry one of the royal officers. The soldiers and sailors must see that the arquebuses delivered to them are kept in good order. Great care must be exercised in regard to the provisions, and they must be apportioned in set quantities, "as the voyage is of long duration." To this end no useless person shall be taken, and no Indians or negroes (male or female)—beyond a dozen of the latter for servants—or women (married or single) shall accompany the fleet. When the fleet is upon the point of embarking, the Augustinian religious shall be taken on board, who go "to bring the natives of those regions to a knowledge of our holy Catholic faith." They are to have good quarters and to receive good treatment. Before setting sail "you shall have care that all the people have confessed and received communion." The general must perform homage and take oath to "perform well and faithfully the said office and duties of governor and captain-general." Also the oath of obedience and faithfulness to Legazpi shall be taken by all embarking in the fleet, "that they will not mutiny, or rebel, and will follow the course marked out by you, and your banner." The general must guard carefully the morals of his men, and shall punish "blasphemy and public sins with all severity." The property of the dead shall be kept for their heirs, persons being appointed to administer it. The admiral, captains, pilots, and masters shall be given ample instructions concerning the course before setting sail, which they must follow to the letter. The men are to be divided into watches, no one being excused, except for sickness. The fleet, setting sail, shall proceed "in search of and to discover the Western Islands situated toward the Malucos, but you shall not in any way or manner enter the islands of the said Malucos, … but you shall enter other islands contiguous to them, as for instance the Filipinas, and others outside the said treaty, and within his majesty's demarcation, and which are reported also to contain spice." They are to labor for the evangelization of the natives, to ascertain the products of the islands, and to discover the return route to New Spain. The route to be taken on the westward journey will be by way of the "island Nublada, discovered by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos" and Roca Partida; then to the islands Los Reyes, the Coral Islands—"where you may procure water,"—and thence to the Philippines; passing perhaps the islands of Matalotes and Arrecifes, in which event they shall try to enter into communication with the natives. "When you have arrived at the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous to them and the Malucos, without however entering the latter, … you shall try to discover and examine their ports, and to ascertain and learn minutely the settlements therein and their wealth; the nature and mode of life of the natives; the trade and barter among them, and with what nations; the value and price of spices among them, the different varieties of the same, and the equivalent for each in the merchandise and articles for exchange that you take from this land; and what other things may be advantageous. You shall labor diligently to make and establish sound friendship and peace with the natives, and you shall deliver to their seigniors and chiefs, as may seem best to you, the letters from his majesty that you carry with you for them…. You must represent to them his majesty's affection and love for them, giving them a few presents … and treating them well. And you may exchange the articles of barter and the merchandise that you carry for spice, drugs, gold, and other articles of value and esteem…. And if, in your judgment, the land is so rich and of such quality that you should colonize therein, you shall establish a colony in that part and district that appears suitable to you, and where the firmest friendship shall have been made with you; and you shall affirm and observe inviolably this friendship. After you have made this settlement, if you should deem it advantageous to the service of God, our Lord, and of his majesty, to remain in those districts where you have thus settled, together with some of your people and religious, until you have given advice of it to his majesty and this royal Audiencia in his name, you shall send immediately to this Nueva España, one or more trustworthy persons … with the news and relation of what you have accomplished, and where you have halted. What you shall have obtained in trade shall be brought back. This you shall do in such manner that with all the haste, caution, and diligence possible, they shall return to this land, in order that the return route hither may be known and learned; for this latter is the chief thing attempted, since already it is known that the journey thither can be made in a brief time. If you determine to make the return in person to this land, you shall leave there, where you have settled, persons in your stead and some people and religious, but making sure that the commander left by you with such people and religious is a thoroughly trustworthy man, and that he is amply provided with the necessary supplies until aid can arrive. To this man you shall give orders that he preserve with your friends the friendship that you shall have established, without offending or ill-treating them in any way; and that he be ever prepared and watchful, so that no harm may come through his negligence." News of any Spaniards left among these islands from the expedition of Villalobos is to be earnestly sought; and Spaniards and their children are to be ransomed when found, and brought back to Spanish territory. Information is to be sought concerning the natives of the Philippines. The Spaniards must ascertain whether the Portuguese have built forts or made settlements in these islands since the treaty was made, or since Villalobos arrived there. The exploration in Spain's démarcation is to be as thorough as possible. Any land colonized must be well chosen, regard being had to its easy defense. As much treasure as possible must be sent back with the ship or ships that return with news of the expedition. Further emphasis is laid on the good treatment of the natives, "who, as we are informed, are men of keen intellect, of much worth, and as white as ourselves." "In whatever port, island, or land" they shall make explorations, they are to gather information "of the customs, conditions, mode of life, and trade of their inhabitants; their religion and cult, what beings they adore, and their sacrifices and manner of worship. Information must be obtained of their method of rule and government; whether they have kings, and, if so, whether that office is elective, or by right of inheritance; or whether they are governed like republics, or by nobles; what rents or tributes they pay, and of what kind and to whom; the products of their land most valued among them; what other things valued by them are brought from other regions. And you shall ascertain what articles taken by you from here are held in highest estimation among them." Possession, in the king's name, shall be taken of all the lands or islands discovered. The pilots shall make careful logs. The powerful rulers of these districts are to be told that the proposed destination of the fleet was not to their islands, but the exigencies of the weather rendered a stay there imperative, in order that they may not say "that you carry very little merchandise to go a-trading in lands so distant" They shall request friendship and alliance and trade; and presents shall be given these rulers from the most valuable articles in the cargo. Legazpi must be watchful of his own safety, carrying on negotiations with the natives through his officers, thus guarding against treachery. The person transacting such business shall be accompanied by armed men, and the negotiations must be carried on in sight of the vessels. Hostages must be procured when possible. No soldiers or sailors shall go ashore without being ordered to do so. Sleepless vigilance must be exercised to see that the natives do not cut the anchor-cables, and thus send the ship adrift. To guard against treason and poison, invitations to festivities or banquets must not be accepted, nor shall any food be eaten unless the natives partake of it first. If no settlement can be made because of the unwillingness of the natives, or because of the scarcity of men, then the expedition—the entire fleet, if Legazpi deem best—shall return, after having first made peace and friendship, trying to bring enough treasure, etc., to pay the expenses of the expedition. It is advisable to leave some of the priests in any event, "to preserve the friendship and peace that you shall have made." If any Portuguese are met among the islands of Japan, part of which lie in Spain's demarcation, any hostile encounter must be avoided, and the Spaniards must labor for peace and friendship. In case they obtain such peace and friendship, then they must try to see the charts carried by the Portuguese. Whether the latter are found or not in these Japanese islands, Legazpi must try to ascertain whether any Theatins [45] have been sent thither to convert the natives. Finding these latter, information as to those regions and the actions of the Portuguese therein must be sought. In case the Spaniards and Portuguese come to blows, and the victory remain to the former, a few Portuguese prisoners shall be sent to New Spain. If the Portuguese have unlawfully entered the limits of Spain, Legazpi shall, with the advice of his captains and the royal officials, take what course seems, best. If vessels are encountered in the Japanese archipelago or in districts contiguous thereto, Legazpi must try to effect peace and friendship, declaring that he was compelled to enter those districts because of contrary winds; he must gather all the information possible from them, concerning themselves and the Portuguese. Should these vessels thus encountered prove to be armed fleets or pirates, any conflict with them must be avoided. In case of a fight, let him depend on his artillery rather than on grappling. Any prisoners must be well treated, "and after having gained information of everything that seems best to you, you shall allow them to go freely, giving them to understand the greatness of the king, … and that he wishes his vassals to harm no one." Pirates are to be dealt with as shall be deemed best. All trading must be at the lowest possible price, and fixed figures shall be established. Native weights must be used. The royal officials are to have entire charge of all trading, of whatever nature, and no individual shall presume, under severe penalties, to trade for himself, for in that case prices will be raised by the natives. These officials shall trade first, merchandise to the value of fifty thousand pesos of gold dust [46] for the king, and then ten thousand pesos for private individuals; then another fifty thousand for the king, and so on; but all drugs, spices, and some other articles are the king's alone, and no one may trade for them without his express permission. Careful entries of all trading must be made, and the king shall receive one-twentieth of all the return cargo of individuals in the fleet. Any merchandise belonging to private individuals who do not embark in the fleet shall be traded last, and seven per cent of its returns shall be paid to the king. Slaves may be bought, for use as interpreters, but good treatment is to be accorded them. No Indian shall be captured, nor shall any soldier buy any slave during the time of the voyage; but when a settlement is made they may do so, unless the king order the contrary. Several of them shall be sent to New Spain, however, that "they may be seen here, and from them may be ascertained the products of their lands." In the fortress of any settlement made, two houses shall be constructed, one for Legazpi, and the other for the safe keeping of the artillery and stores; and a ditch and drawbridge are to be made at the entrance to it. The people of the settlement shall live outside the fortress, but in one place. Careful watch must be kept; and the soldiers must take good care of their weapons, having them always in readiness. The soldiers and others are to be prohibited from "going to the villages of the natives of those regions without leave, from entering their houses, from seizing by force anything in the camp or in their village, or contrary to their will, and from leaving their [the soldiers'] quarters. Especially shall you prohibit them and order them that they have no communication with the women of those regions." Legazpi is to remain aboard his vessel until the fortress is completed. After its completion some small boats shall be made. A church shall be built near the fort, as well as a house for the religious, in order that the latter may minister to the colonists and the natives. "And you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the natives of those regions, some of the religious accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment, so that, when the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by his majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the salvation of the souls of those infidels." To this end all help must be given to these ministers of God. The Indian interpreters carried in the fleet must be well treated. In case it shall be necessary, changes may be made in these instructions, but with the advice of the other officers; but it must be ever kept in mind that he is "to go to the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous thereto, … and to discover the return route to this Nueva España with the greatest despatch possible, bringing or sending spices and other valuable articles of those regions." Urdaneta must return with the ship or ships sent back to discover the return route, because of his experience. No person shall be restricted from sending letters, in the return ship or ships, to the king or the royal Audiencia. The commander of the return ship shall deliver all the letters to the Audiencia, and they, after reading their own shall despatch the others. This person shall be most emphatically charged to communicate with no one until the Audiencia has been advised of everything that has happened since the fleet left New Spain. Legazpi is enjoined in strong terms to seek advice among the religious "especially father Fray Andres de Urdaneta," and the officers of the fleet, on all important matters. In case of Legazpi's death the person succeeding to his office is to keep these instructions faithfully. A small box, carefully fastened, is given into Legazpi's keeping, containing a sealed paper in which is written the name of the person who is to succeed to his command in case of his death, but this person is not to be known until such a casualty. Another similar box, sealed and fastened as the other casket, contains the name of the person who shall receive the command in case Legazpi's successor dies also. At the end of the instructions proper is Legazpi's oath to observe with care the commands enjoined upon him therein. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 145-200.)

Méjico, September 12, 1564. A letter from the royal Audiencia to the king informs the latter of the changes which they have made in the instructions given to Legazpi by Luis de Velasco, who has died. The general and other officers have left for the port of departure, and the fleet will sail some time in October. The first instructions, which were in accordance with Urdaneta's opinion, were to sail toward New Guinea and coast along its shores in order to discover its products and other things. "It seemed to this royal Audiencia, discussing and communicating in this regard with persons of experience, who have been in those regions, that, although it be true that the discovery of New Guinea would be important, especially if the riches asserted should be found there, it is not fitting that the voyage thither be made now—both because, as it is new, it has not hitherto been navigated; and because, doing so now, it would be necessary to deviate widely from the course to reach the Western Islands, and the return voyage would be delayed; and it would be running a great risk to navigate in an unknown course." The king's letter of September 24, 1559, is cited in support of the Audiencia's change in route, and they "determined to order the general to sail straightway in search of the Filipinas Islands, and the other islands contiguous thereto, by the same route taken by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos." The Audiencia do not agree with Urdaneta (see above, p. 81) that the Philippines are in Portugal's demarcation. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 200-205.)

Nueva España, 1564 (?). The first-appointed admiral of the fleet, Juan Pablo de Carrión, writes to King Felipe in regard to the proposed route. He gives a brief outline of Urdaneta's opinion that they should sail first to New Guinea. This island he declares "is one that we discovered in the year forty-four." He describes it as a desolate region, with but scant food, and declares that the voyage thither is dangerous and arduous. His own opinion is that the fleet should take the same course as did Saavedra and Villalobos; "and that the fleet should put in at the Filipinas Islands, which are friendly islands, with whom we have had trade and friendship, and where even eight Spaniards of the fleet in which I sailed remained. They are islands well supplied with all manner of food, and there is much trade there. They are wealthy and large, and have the best location of the entire archipelago. Their language is known, and their ports, and even the names of their principal rulers, with whom we have contracted friendship…. There are islands among them with a circuit of three hundred leagues, and so down to fifty. Those islands that have been seen are eight large ones, without reckoning the small ones between them. They are within sight of one another, so that the most distant of them is not more than ten leagues from another. To the north of them lies the mainland of China, a distance of about two hundred leagues; at about the same distance to the south lies Maluco. And since the route from these lands thither is already known, and we have had experience of it and since it is a land most abundantly provisioned and has much trade, and is rich, I have been of the opinion that we should go thither, inasmuch as this navigation is understood and that we should not seek a new course attended with so great uncertainty and risk." He recounts that "these islands were discovered first by Magallanes in the year twenty-one," and afterward by Villalobos, and their secret discovered. "They are islands that the Portuguese have never seen, and they are quite out of the way of their navigation; neither have the latter had any further information of them beyond our drawing or chart. They have the best situation for the return voyage, because they are in north latitude." He ascribes his not being permitted to accompany the expedition to the divergence of his opinion from that of Urdaneta. The latter has declared that he will not go on the expedition if it takes Carrión's course; "and as he who goes as general, … is of his nation and land, and his intimate friend, he wishes to please the father in everything; and as the said general has no experience in these things, nor does he understand anything of navigation, through not having practiced it, he is unable to distinguish one thing from another, and embraces the father's opinion in everything." Carrión, in a very brief résumé of Urdaneta's life, declares that he is a man of over sixty. (Tomo ii, no. xxiii, pp. 205-210.)

Puerto de la Navidad, 1564. In a letter to the king November 18, Legazpi announces that he has taken over "two large ships and two pataches, and one small brigantine," in which are one hundred and fifty seamen, two hundred soldiers, and six religious of the order of Saint Augustine, the chief of whom is father Fray Andres de Urdaneta; in all, the number of souls, counting servants, amounts to three hundred and eighty. "I shall leave this port, please God, our Lord, tomorrow … and will display, on my part, all possible diligence and care, with the fidelity which I owe, and which I am under obligation to have." He hopes for a successful voyage. He begs the king to bear them in mind, and send aid "to us who go before," and to commit this to one who has care and diligence, "as a matter that concerns greatly the service of God, our Lord, the increase of his holy Catholic faith, and the service of your majesty, and the general good of your kingdoms and seigniories." He asks the king to grant (as in his other letter, q.v. above) the requests he had made to the viceroy, and which the latter had sent to Spain; for the preparation for the voyage has taken all his possessions. Two days later (November 20) Urdaneta writes the king to somewhat the same effect, enumerating the vessels, men, etc. Besides himself there are four other religious, "and the other … God has taken to himself in this port." They will set out the following day, all being well. He praises Legazpi, and requests the king to keep him in his remembrance. Urdaneta's nephew, Andrés de Mirandaola, is the royal factor of the fleet, and the former begs favor for him. "Also since the religious of the order of our father Saint Augustine are the first to embark in this undertaking, and to undergo so many hardships for the service of God and your majesty, I beg your majesty to grant them favors." (Tomo ii, nos. xxiv and xxv, pp. 211-215.)

November 25, 1564. Legazpi gives instructions on this day to the captains and pilots as to the course to be pursued. Hitherto, since leaving port, a southwest course has been steered; but now, in accordance with the royal instructions, and in the opinion of the captains and pilots, it seems advisable to change the direction. They shall sail first west-southwest to a latitude of nine degrees, and then take a due course for the Philippines, stopping at the island of Los Reyes on the way. If by any chance one of the vessels becomes separated from Legazpi's vessel, the pilots are to return to the above latitude, stopping at any port that they may find, for eight or ten days, in hopes of meeting the other vessels. Whether they find the island or not, and do not find the other vessels, this ship shall continue on the course toward the Philippines. A token and letter must be left at any port they may reach. When the island of Los Reyes is reached, the ship will wait there ten days, after which time they shall continue their course, stopping likewise at Matalotes and Arrecifes, leaving tokens at all places, and trying to explore them and discover their products. (Tomo ii, no. xxvi, pp. 215-217.)

Relation of the expedition, from November 19, 1564, to the end of May, 1565, when the "San Pedro," under command of Felipe de Salcedo, left Cebú for New Spain. The fleet set sail from "Puerto de Navidad, Monday, November 20, two hours before midnight, or rather on Tuesday, November 21, three hours before daybreak." It consisted of the flagship, "San Pedro," the "San Pablo," captained by the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz, and the pataches "San Juan" and "San Lucas," captained by Juan de la Isla and Alonso de Arellano respectively. The vessels bore as pilots Esteban Rodriguez (chief pilot), Pierres Plin (or Plun, a Frenchman), Jaymes Martinez Fortun, Diego Martin, Rodrigo de Espinosa, and Lope Martin. Legazpi's vessel, the "San Pedro," carried a small brigantine on her poop deck. On November 25, Legazpi opened the instructions given him by the Audiencia, which radically changed the course from the one that had been hitherto pursued—the new course being in accord with the advice of Carrión, and by the same route which Villalobos had taken. "The religious in the fleet were very sorry at this, giving out that they had been deceived; and had they known while yet ashore, that such a route was to be pursued, they would not have accompanied the expedition, for the reasons that father Fray Andres de Urdaneta had advanced in Mexico." But they expressed their willingness to make the expedition now for the service of God and the holy Catholic faith, the increase of the kingdom, and the general good of the fleet. On the night of the twenty-ninth, the "San Lucas," which, by the general's orders, was accustomed to take its position at night ahead of his vessel, became separated from the rest of the fleet and was seen no more. [47] Being speedier than, the others, Legazpi naturally expected that it would reach the islands ahead of him and there await the fleet, but he was disappointed. The fleet reached on December 18, the ninth degree of latitude, from which it must proceed westward to the island of Los Reyes. It was found that there was no uniformity among the distances and reckonings of the pilots; and although each contended for the accuracy of his reckoning, they were accustomed to change their figures somewhat, before reporting to Legazpi. Urdaneta's figures proved nearer the truth, but even he changed his reckoning, enlarging it, that he might be more in harmony with the pilots. Thus it happened that the daily runs were exaggerated, giving rise to the belief that Los Reyes had been passed. In accordance with this belief the course of the fleet was changed on the twenty-eighth of December, taking the latitude of ten degrees, in order to reach Matalotes and other islands. On January 8, 1565, the "San Pablo" reported land on the port bow, and the fleet directed its course southward. The report proving incorrect, the former course was resumed and on the next day a low, small island was discovered. The natives fled at sight or the squadron. The ships ran close to land, and finding no anchorage, for the anchors failed to touch bottom, Martin de Goyti was ordered to go ahead to look for an anchorage. Landing-parties (among whom were Urdaneta and Legazpi's grandson, Felipe de Salcedo, Martin de Goyti, and Juan de la Isla) went on shore to gather what information they could, and Salcedo was empowered to take possession of the island for the king. Meanwhile it became necessary for the vessels to weigh anchor and set sail, as the ebb-tide was taking them out to sea. The small boats that had been sent ashore regained the fleet at ten o'clock, and it continued its voyage. The landing-party had been well received by the natives who had not decamped—an old man, his wife, and a young woman with her child—who showed them their houses, fruits, and articles of food, giving them some of the latter. They showed signs of regret at the departure of the Spaniards. "The Indian was well built and the women good looking. They were clad in garments made of palm-leaf mats, which are very thin and skilfully made. They had many Castilian fowl, quantities of fish and cocoanuts, potatoes, yams, and other grain, such as millet." They used canoes, and made fish-hooks from bone and other articles. "Their hair is loose and long." This island was named Barbudos. [48] No weapons, offensive or defensive, were seen. On the tenth they reached another larger island and many small islets, which they called Los Plazeles from the surrounding shoals. They appeared uninhabited. The same day they passed another uninhabited island, which they called the isle of Birds, from its many wild-fowl. On the twelfth they passed other uninhabited islands which they called Las Hermanas ["The Sisters">[. On the fourteenth, they passed islands which Urdaneta declared to be the Jardines of Villalobos. The pilots ridiculed this assertion, saying that they were much farther on their course. In a general council on the seventeenth the best course to the Philippines was discussed, as it was advisable to avoid entering at the hunger-point of Villalobos. It was agreed to sail along the thirteenth degree, in which course Urdaneta declared they must meet the Ladrones. On the twenty-second of January land was sighted which the pilots declared to be the Philippines, but which Urdaneta said might be the Ladrones, which he afterwards affirmed to be the case from the lateen-sails of the native boats, "which the inhabitants of the Filipinas do not make." The pilots continued to ridicule him, but Urdaneta's reasoning was correct. The fleet was surrounded by a multitude of boats, whose occupants, all talking at once, invited them with word and sign to land, offering refreshment. Some knives, scissors, beads, a mirror, and other articles were given to the occupants of the nearest canoe. On the following Tuesday the vessels succeeded in finding an anchorage, and the instructions as to behavior on land were carefully enjoined on all the men. [49] They were immediately surrounded by the canoes of the natives, the occupants of which brought many kinds of food, but in very small quantity. They would not enter the vessels although asked to do so by Legazpi, "who showed them much love and affection, and looked upon them as friends." They sold their food for such things as playing cards, little bits of cloth, etc. "The father prior talked with them, using the few words of their language that he remembered, especially counting up to ten, whereat they manifested great pleasure; and one of them mentioned the name Gonzalo, which as the father prior said, was the name of a Spaniard who had been found in one of those islands, which was called Goam." The natives signed to them to enter their villages, where they would find food in abundance. "And all the canoes, and those in them, had their arms, which consisted of shields, bundles of throwing-sticks, slings, and egg-shaped stones…. They leave the body quite uncovered. They are tall, robust, well built, and apparently of great strength. The women, too, are very tall, and wear only a cord tied about the waist, and to the cord they hang some grass or leaves from the trees, whereby they cover the shameful parts. Some cover the latter also with mats made from palm-leaves. All the rest of the body is uncovered. Both men and women wear their hair, which is of a yellowish color, loose and long, gathering it up behind the head." Their canoes are "very neatly and well made, sewed together with cord, and finished with a white or orange-colored bitumen, in place of pitch. They are very light, and the natives sail in them with their lateen sails made of palm-mats, with so much swiftness against the wind or with a side wind that it is a thing to marvel at." The trading was all done from the canoes for the natives would not enter the vessels. They cheated much, passing up packages filled mainly with sand, or grass, and rocks, with perhaps a little rice on top to hide the deceit; the cocoa-nut oil was found to be mixed with water. "Of these the natives made many and very ridiculous jests." They showed no shame in these deceits, and, if remonstrance was made, began straightway to show fight. "They are inclined to do evil, and in their knavishness they exhibit a very great satisfaction in having done it; and truly whoever gave the name of island of Ladrones [robbers] was right; for they are robbers and boast of it, and are quite shameless and inclined to evil. They render account to no one, each man being sufficient to himself. Thus it was seen that, whenever the general gave some articles, such as beads, mirrors, and articles of barter, to the Indians who seemed to be the principals, they quarreled over who should take them, snatching them from one another and fleeing. And they were always looking for something to steal. They unfastened a large piece of one rudder blade in the patache 'San Joan,' and they tried to, and actually did, draw out the nails from the sides of the ships." [50] The vessels having anchored in a small cove for the purpose of refilling the water-butts, the natives showed hostility, discharging showers of stones from two sides, wounding some of the Spaniards, among others Captain Juan de la Isla, whereat the master-of-camp was sent ashore to remonstrate. The natives, in consequence, promised to keep the peace. Repeated experiences proved that no confidence could be placed in these people; for they broke their word as soon as given. Legazpi took possession of this island "in the name of his majesty"; and the religious disembarked to say mass, and celebrated divine worship. [51] Several natives were captured and held as hostages, being well treated in each case. One escaped, although his legs were fettered with irons, by swimming; one hanged himself, and the others were set free. Urdaneta proposed that a settlement be made in this island, and a vessel despatched to New Spain, but Legazpi said this would be acting contrary to his instructions. Before leaving the island, however, a hundred men under the command of Mateo del Saz landed to inflict chastisement for the death of a ship-boy whom the natives, finding him asleep in a palm grove, whither he had gone while the water-butts were being refilled, had killed in a most barbarous manner. Four of the natives were captured, three of whom (all wounded) were hanged at the same place where the boy had been killed; and the other was, through the intervention of the priests, taken aboard the ship, in order to send him to New Spain. Many houses were burned, a damage, "which, although slight, was some punishment for so great baseness and treachery as they had displayed toward us, … and was done, so that when Spaniards, vassals of his majesty, anchor there another time, the natives shall give them a better reception, and maintain more steadfastly the friendship made with them." "This island of Goam is high and mountainous, and throughout, even to its seacoast, is filled with groves of cocoa-palms and other trees, and thickly inhabited. Even in the valleys, where there are rivers, it is inhabited. It has many fields sown with rice, and abundance of yams, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, and bananas—these last the best I have seen, being in smell and taste far ahead of those of Nueva España. This same island has also much ginger, and specimens of sulphurous rock were found." The island had "no wild or tame cattle, nor any birds, except some little turtle-doves that are kept in cages." The natives captured would not eat the meat offered them, nor "would they at first eat anything of ours." The natives were skilful fishermen, being able to catch the fish with the naked hands, "which is a thing of great wonder." "They are excellent swimmers. Their houses are high, and neatly and well made"—some, placed on posts of stone, served as sleeping-apartments; other houses were built on the ground, and in them the cooking and other work was done. They had other large buildings that served as arsenals for all in common, wherein the large boats and the covered canoes were kept. "These were very spacious, broad, and high, and worth seeing." The fleet left this island on February 3, and anchored on the thirteenth near the island of Cebú. Peace was made with the natives of one of the islands. Inquiries were made for Bernardo de la Torre, one of the captains of the Villalobos expedition, and they were given to understand that he was north from there. The natives, while professing friendship, brought their visitors but little food. [52] Legazpi, therefore, sent Juan de la Isla with a party to look for a good port. This party was gone six days, experiencing the usual treachery from the natives, who killed one of the men, who had disembarked without permission. Meanwhile another expedition was despatched toward the south, with the same object in view. Possession was taken of the island of Zibabao in the king's name. [53] On the twentieth of February the fleet set sail passing southward between a large island and a number of small islets. Next day they cast anchor off the large island in a large bay to which they gave the name San Pedro. [54] Here they learned that Tandaya, where they hoped to find the Spaniards still remaining in these regions from the Villalobos expedition, was a day's journey farther on. In this bay a native came to Legazpi's ship who could speak a few words of Spanish. They wished to send word to Tandaya and to buy provisions, but the natives, though good promisers, were tardy doers. Goyti was sent in search of Tandaya, while the general took possession of the island near which the ships were anchored. The latter, attempting to ascend to the native village, encountered the hostility of the people. Government here was in "districts like communal towns, each district having a chief. We could not ascertain whether they had any great chief or lord." Goyti returned in ten days with news that he had found a large river which he was told was Tandaya. As they explored the coasts they were followed by the natives, who took every occasion of displaying their hostility. He had passed a large settlement called Cabalian. There was a good anchorage here, but no port; "and the Indians of Cabalian had golden jewels, and had many swine and Castilian hens which were near the shore and which could be seen from the boat." On the fifth of March the fleet sailed to this town, reaching it on the same day. Friendship was made with the natives in accordance with their special blood ceremonies [55] in such cases. Some boats, sent out next day under command of the master-of-camp, discovered the strait separating this island from Panay. The usual trouble was experienced by Legazpi in securing provisions, and it was necessary to despatch Goyti to the shore to take what was needed, but with orders not to harm the natives. Next day Legazpi sent to the shore what was considered the equivalent of the food thus taken, in beads and other articles, by a native who was on his vessel. The general learned from hostages aboard his ship the names of many of the islands. On the ninth of March the fleet set sail for Mazagua, being guided by one of these hostages. Failing to meet here the hoped-for friendship, they determined to go to the island of Camiguinin, [56] first setting free all the hostages, giving them back their canoe, provisioning it for three days, and giving many presents of clothes to them, in order by this liberality to contract a lasting friendship. On the eleventh of March the coast of this island was reached. This island "is very thickly wooded." The natives, as usual, fled. On the fourteenth the fleet set sail for Butuan in Mindanao, but owing to contrary winds, they were not able to sail that day beyond Bohol. The patache "San Juan" was despatched to Butuan from this place, to try to make peace with its king and the people; and the captain of this vessel was ordered to treat well any junks he might meet from "China or Borneo, and other parts." The Malayan interpreter, Geronimo Pacheco, was sent in this vessel, and they were ordered to obtain as much information as possible in regard to trade. The time given them for this expedition was twenty-five days. News being received that a large sail had been seen, the master-of-camp was sent in a small boat to investigate. Two days later he returned, reporting that the junk was from Borneo, and that he had fought with it "for it would not listen to peace." In the end the junk surrendered, and was brought in a prisoner; but the enemy "had killed a good soldier with a lance-thrust through the throat," and had wounded twenty more. The men of the junk were Moros, and they had fought most valiantly, and "were determined to die." Legazpi gave the Moros their liberty, whereat they expressed many thanks; he gathered as much information as possible from them in regard to the islands and peoples of these regions. "The Moros told him that they carried iron and tin from Borney, and from China porcelain, bells made of copper according to their manner, benzoin, and painted tapestry; from India pans and tempered iron pots." Among the captured Moros was the pilot, "a most experienced man who had much knowledge, not only of matters concerning these Filipinas Islands, but of those of Maluco, Borney, Malaca, Jaba, India, and China, where he had had much experience in navigation and trade." The Moros being shown the articles of trade brought by the fleet, advised them to go to Borneo, Siam, Patan, or Malaca, where they could easily trade them, but "although we wandered about these islands for ten years, we could not dispose of so many silks, cloths, and linens." "This Moro told the general that two junks from Luzon were in Butuan, trading gold, wax, and slaves…. He said that the island of Luzon is farther north than Borney." The Castilians learn that the hostility and fear of the natives of these islands is the result of a marauding expedition conducted by Portuguese, who had represented themselves to be Castilians. [57] With the aid of the Moro pilot peace and friendship were made with one of the chief men of the island of Bohol; and now for the first time food was received in any quantity, many sardines especially being brought by the natives. Legazpi despatched one of the small boats to Cebú in order to make friendship and peace with its inhabitants, and to gather all possible information for the relation he was to send back to New Spain. They were guided by the Moro, who acted in the capacity of interpreter, as he knew the language of the natives. A negro "who had been in India and Malaca, and knew the Malay tongue" acted as interpreter between this pilot and the Spaniards. "The Borneans said that the Indians had two Spaniards, and that sometime ago they had given one of them to Bornean merchants; they did not know whether they had the other yet, or what had been done with him. The Portuguese had ransomed the one taken by the Borneans and had taken him to Malaca." As the men sent to Cebú did not return within the time appointed by Legazpi—they had been provisioned for but one week—a canoe of natives, who offered themselves, was sent to look for them. Meanwhile the "San Juan," which had been despatched to Butuan, returned without having accomplished the full object of its mission, namely, to procure information regarding cinnamon. The captain reported having "found at the port of Botuan two Moro junks from Luzon," with which they traded for gold and wax. The soldiers, hearing that the Moros had much gold in their junks, were insistent that they should seize them, alleging as an excuse the deceit practiced by the Moros in their trading. The captain would not permit this, and in order to avoid a collision with the Moros returned to the fleet, leaving part of his duty unaccomplished, for which Legazpi reprimanded him severely. The general, calling a council of his officers and others, consulted with them as to the advisability of colonizing one of the islands. All but the religious were unanimous that a settlement should be made on one of them, but the latter did not care "to deliberate upon this." [58] Questioned as to what island they preferred, if Legazpi should order a settlement made, they signified as their choice the island of Cabalian, where although there was no port, a settlement could be made in the interior, as food was abundant there, and the return vessel to Spain could be easily provisioned. The unanimous opinion was that the "San Pedro" should return with news of the expedition to New Spain, as it was a lighter and better vessel than the "San Pablo." Nine days after their departure the canoe returned without news of the Spaniards sent to Cebú, which caused Legazpi great anxiety. That same night, however, these men returned alive and well, but the Moro pilot had been treacherously killed by some natives, while bathing in a river of the island of Negros. They had not anchored at Cebú, because of the violence of the tides about it. They had coasted about Negros and Cebú, and reported a large population and a plentiful food supply on the latter island. A council having been called it was determined that the fleet should go to Cebú, without delay, in order that they might make a settlement and despatch the "San Pedro" before the rainy season set in. Therefore on Easter Day the fleet set sail for this island, distant from Bohol fifteen or sixteen leagues. Being delayed by calms and contrary winds and the tides they did not reach their destination until the twenty-seventh and thirtieth of April. In conformity with the opinion that it was allowable to fight with the inhabitants of this island if they refused food and would not make a true friendship and peace—inasmuch as their chiefs had been baptized, and had afterward apostatized, and had treated Magalháes treacherously—Legazpi, after meeting with expressions of hostility and defiance, sent a party ashore to take the island. The natives immediately fled, and the soldiers were unable to find any of them on disembarking. "Their weapons are long sharp iron lances, throwing-sticks, shields, small daggers, wooden corselets, corded breastplates, a few bows and arrows, and culverins." About one hundred houses were burned, the fire having started from an accidental shot from one of the vessels, or having been lit purposely by the natives. The soldiers were quartered in the houses remaining after the fire. "There was found a marvelous thing, namely, a child Jesus like those of Flanders, in its little pine cradle and its little loose shirt, such as come from those parts, and a little velvet hat, like those of Flanders—and all so well preserved that only the little cross, which is generally upon the globe that he holds in his hands, was missing. [59] Meanwhile, as was right, the general had this prize, and when he saw it, he fell on his knees, receiving it with great devotion. He took it in his hands and kissed its feet; and raising his eyes to heaven, he said: 'Lord, thou art powerful to punish the offenses, committed in this island against thy majesty, and to found herein thy house, and holy Church, where thy most glorious name shall be praised and magnified. I supplicate thee that thou enlighten and guide me, so that all that we do here may be to thy glory and honor, and the exaltation of thy holy Catholic faith.' And he ordered that this sacred image be placed with all reverence in the first church that should be founded, and that the church be called Nombre de Jesus ['Name of Jesus']. It gave great happiness and inspiration to all to see such an auspicious beginning, for of a truth it seemed a work of God to have preserved so completely this image among infidels for such a long time; and an auspicious augury in the part where the settlement was to be made." On May 8, the fort was commenced, Legazpi breaking the first ground, and "dedicating it to the most blessed name of Jesus." [60] The sites for the Spanish quarters and the church were chosen, and the town was called San Miguel, because founded on the day of this saint's apparition. That night the natives returned, setting fire to the remaining houses, so that the whole town was in danger of being burnt, with all the goods brought ashore from the ships. The site of the house wherein had been found the sacred image was selected "as the site of the Monastery of the Name of Jesus … and from the said house the child Jesus was brought to the … church in solemn procession, and with the great devotion, rejoicing, and gladness of all the men. Arriving at the church, they all adored it, and placed it on the principal altar, and all vowed to observe, sanctify, and celebrate solemnly as a feast day each year, the day on which it had been found, April 28. [61] And in addition a brotherhood of the most blessed name of Jesus was established in the same manner, under the conditions of that of San Agustin of Mexico, the majority of the people entering as members and brothers." In this procession took part a number of natives under two chiefs who professed friendship to the Spaniards. Finally peace and friendship was made between Legazpi and the greatest chief of the island, Tupas; and it was arranged that tributes should be paid in produce, since the people had no gold—not because of "any necessity the King of Castilla had of it" but merely as a tribute and token that they recognized him as their lord. But, perhaps through the maliciousness of the Moro interpreters, this peace was not concluded or kept; and certain of the natives, finding one of the company, Pedro de Arana, alone, killed him and cut off his head. "In this manner do the Indians of these islands keep peace and friendship, who in our presence refuse or deny nothing; but twenty paces away they keep nothing that they have promised. They have no knowledge of truth, nor are they accustomed to it. Therefore it is understood, that it will be very difficult to trade with them in a friendly manner, unless they understand subjection or fear." On the twenty-seventh of May, Legazpi ordered that the roll of those remaining be taken, in order that it might be sent to New Spain. Certain men of gentle birth, headed by one Pedro de Mena, objected to serving as Legazpi's body-guard, saying that such was the duty of servants. The master-of-camp hearing this, disrespect to the general, chided them, and sentenced them to serve in the companies. In revenge for this some one set fire to the house in which Legazpi's personal effects had been stored. The fire was put out and the danger averted with difficulty, during which "some of the soldiers were burned and hurt." De Mena and Esteban Terra were arrested, and the latter was given a hearing and found guilty. He was executed next morning. "From this it will be seen that not only are there enemies outside, but even in the very camp itself … and it will be seen how necessary and suitable is the aid that must come from Nueva España." (Tomo ii, no. xxvii, pp. 217-351.)

Zubu, May 28, 1565. Andrés de Mirandaola writes to the king various details of the expedition. "The products we have seen as yet among the natives, are gold, cinnamon, and wax; and their trade consists in these articles. And we are certain that these things can be had in abundance if your vassals, the Spaniards, cultivate the friendship of this land, for the aforesaid natives … are a people who live without any restraint, neither regarding nor respecting those whom they designate as their seigniors…. It will be necessary for your majesty to conquer this region, for I believe without any doubt, that by no other way can it prove beneficial; nor can the Christian religion be otherwise advanced, because the people are extremely vicious, treacherous, and possessed of many evil customs. Therefore it is necessary for your majesty to order the conquest of this region, which can be done, with our Lord's aid, without much loss, if your majesty order people, arms, and ammunition to be provided, of all of which we suffer great lack at present." He tells of the damage inflicted on the Spanish in these regions by the Portuguese. Speaking of the Moro junks found at Butuan, Mirandaola says of the island of Borneo: "This island of Borney is rich, according to what we have heard of it. It is well populated and is very well fortified, having much artillery. Its people are warlike, and there is much trade in all parts of it." A brief account of the Spanish establishment on Cebú follows, and the consequent communications with the natives, which differ in no respect from other accounts. "Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, my uncle, is returning, and is going to serve your majesty in this discovery; and for his companion goes Fray Andrés de Aguirre. As captain goes Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre, persons whom we know will serve your majesty with all fidelity, faith, and cheerfulness." He asks (in addition to the "two hundred well armed and equipped men" requested from New Spain) from the king "six hundred well armed men … of whom four hundred should be arquebusers and two hundred pikemen; large artillery, such as culverins, with ammunition; and ammunition and weapons for those who are here now. The people should be the best that can be found and of good lives." He asks the king to confirm the reward granted him by Velasco, and to increase his salary to three thousand ducats on account of the high cost of living. (Tomo ii, no. xxxii, pp. 365-372.)

Relation of the expedition by Estevan Rodriguez, chief pilot of the fleet. This relation seems to have been the log kept by this pilot. Many of its entries are simply reckonings. He gives the names, tonnage, captains, and pilots of the different vessels. On the nineteenth of November the banner and standard were consecrated, and the oath taken. The fleet set sail four hours before dawn on November 21, [62] On Sunday, the twenty-sixth, the course was changed in accordance with the sealed instructions given to Legazpi. The "San Lucas" separated from the fleet December 1. On the eighth, Diego Martin, pilot of the "San Pablo," reported land but he was in error. Next day an island was sighted, in which there were "about one hundred Indians, a people well built and with long beards," for which the island was called Barbudos. "The women have pleasant faces, and these people are as dark complexioned as mulattoes. The women have little gardens. They have certain roots from which they make excellent bread, for I have tried it." [63] On the tenth they passed and named the islands Placeres and San Pablo. Other islands were passed on the twelfth and fifteenth. On the twenty-second they sighted a mountainous island to the south, whose inhabitants saluted them as "chamurre, chamurre," [64] or that is, "friends, friends!" This was the island of Guam. They found it to have a good bay and good rivers of fresh water. The products of this island are named, the people described, and the troubles there briefly enumerated. "The master-of-camp and Martin de Gueyte, with one hundred and fifty men, sacked and burned two villages." During the eleven days spent here "masses were said each day." Numerous words of the language spoken are recorded: Friend, chamor; good, mauri; hereabout, baquimaqui; pleasant to the taste, mani; take, jo; oil, rana; rice, juay; land, tana; dry cocoa, micha; señor, churu; fresh cocoa, mana; iron, yrizo; botija o; gourd, coca; ship, botus; nail, yuro; salt, azibi; sugar-cane, tupotipor; fish, bian; no, eri; salt fish, azuiban; yam, nica; small, segu; wood, tagayaya; green banana, regue; water, ami; tamal, enft; banana, jeta; acorn, puga; net, ragua; pictured paper, tricabo-tali; eyes, macha; rock, rapia; ears, perucha; paper, afuipuri; teeth, nifi; palm-leaf mat, guafal; hair, chuzo; ginger, asinor; hands, catecha; she, reben; foot, ngmicha; osier basket, pian; beard, mimi; deep, atripe; leg, achumpa; crab, achulu; this, achi; petaca agu; pitcher, burgay; come here, hembean; star, vitan; moon, uran; sun, afaon; to eat, mana; large, riso. Their numbers up to ten are: acha, gua, tero, farfur, nimi, guanan, frintin, gua [sic], ãgua, manete. On the fourteenth of February, 1565, they sighted the Philippines. Describing the natives, Rodriguez says: "these Indians wear gold earrings, and the chiefs wear two clasps about the feet…. All the body, legs, and arms are painted; and he who is bravest is painted most." Juan de la Isla was sent with one of the small vessels to reconnoiter a large and excellent bay at some distance away. There he made blood-friendship with the natives, but one of his men was treacherously killed. Rodriguez's reckonings were taken according to the Mexican rather than the Spanish rules. Rodriguez and Goyti were commissioned to explore among certain of the islands in order to find safe channels for the ships. They found one such between Panay and another island. They passed Tandaya and Cabalian during their ten days' cruise, and the fleet, in consequence of their report sailed to the latter place. The treacherous conduct of the Portuguese to both Spaniards and natives is discovered. "The general determined to go to Betuan, which is a very rich island, whence much gold is brought," and anchor was cast before Bohol, from which place Legazpi despatched Juan de la Isla to explore westward, and Martin de Goyti eastward A small boat was despatched under Rodriguez "to discover some islands that could be seen from here. We went in the frigate, fifteen men and one Indian, who knew the language, the pilot of a junk captured by the master-of-camp and Captain Martin de Goete." This detachment coasted among various islands, among them Licoyon and Binglas. [65] They were blown out of their course by a storm. A prau was sighted, but its occupants took flight, ran their vessel ashore, and hid on the island. The Spaniards went to the prau, and found therein a "little Indian girl of about three years, very pretty. She was hanging over the edge of the prau with her body in the water, and screaming. When we came and wished to take her, she slipped into the water and would wellnigh have drowned, had not one of our men leaped in after her." Shortly after this a battle with other natives was averted only by the wind blowing off the covering to their two pieces of artillery, at sight of which the natives fled in confusion and hid themselves. The inhabitants showed themselves hostile at all points and the Spaniards had several narrow escapes on this island of Negros. From here they crossed to the island of Cebú. "This Cibuy is a fine island, about sixty leagues in circumference and thickly populated…. We found fourteen or fifteen villages on its sea-coast…. We did not dare to go ashore, although we were in need of food." The detachment returned to the fleet after twenty days, although they had been ordered only to cruise during six. The natives and two soldiers sent to look for these men had missed them by going to the opposite side of the island from that where Rodriguez had been The fleet set sail for Cebú, where after landing they found the village deserted. Legazpi ordered that each mess of four soldiers should take one house and the rest of the houses be destroyed. Everything was removed from the houses before any were destroyed. The general ordered that a thick set palisade of stakes be built, including therein a few wells of fresh water. "This village was built in triangular shape, with two water-fronts and one land side." The artillery was placed to defend the coast, while the Spaniards relied on the palisade for protection on the land side, until the fort could be built. Companies were sent out to scour the country for food, and "always brought back fowl, hogs, rice, and other things … and some good gold." The natives to the number of one hundred came to make peace one day. "In this town when we entered we found therein a child Jesus. A sailor named Mermeo found it. It was in a wretched little house, and was covered with a white cloth in its cradle, and its little bonnet quite in order. The tip of its nose was rubbed off somewhat, and the skin was coming off the face. The friars took it and carried it in procession on a feast day, from the house where it was found to the church that they had built." The natives were told that they thus honored the child Jesus. "After the mass and the sermon, the general went to treat with the king for friendship, telling him that we came thither for the King of Castilla, whose land this was, who had sent other people here before, and that they had been killed—as, for instance, Magallanes (and when Magallanes was mentioned, the king was much disturbed); but that he pardoned everything, on condition that you be his friends." To this peace the natives acceded, but as in other instances only for the moment; they failed to return at the appointed time to conclude the preliminaries, and killed one of the Spaniards. A body of men was sent out who captured more than twenty of the natives, among them a niece of the king, which was the means of getting into friendly touch with the people once more. The "San Pedro" was ready now to set out on the return trip to New Spain being well supplied with provisions for more than eight months. "Two hundred persons, with ten soldiers and two fathers, the father prior, and father Fray Andres de Aguirre," sailed with it on the first of June. (Tomo ii, no. xxxiii, pp. 373-427.)

1565. Log of the return voyage to New Spain kept by Rodrigo de Espinosa. [66] This man was the pilot of the small vessel "San Juan," commanded by Juan de la Isla. He was ordered to accompany Estevan Rodriguez on the return passage of the "San Pedro," under the command of Felipe de Salcedo. Setting sail on June 1, from the "Port of Zubu, … between the island of Zubu and the island of Matan, this latter island being south of Zubu," the "San Pedro" took a general northerly and easterly direction. The passage through the islands is somewhat minutely described. On one island where they landed to obtain a fresh supply of water, they saw "two lofty volcanoes." This island they named Peñol ["Rock">[. On June 10 the island of Felipina was reached, whence the trip across the open Pacific was commenced. Often the direction of the wind and the reckoning of the sun, are chronicled—also the days' runs, which vary between five and forty-five leagues. June 21, Corpus Christi Day, a headland was sighted on the starboard side, which had the appearance of a ship at anchor, and to which the name Espíritu Santo ["Holy Ghost">[ was given. By September 15, Cebú lay fifteen hundred and forty-five leagues toward the west. On the eighteenth an island on their starboard side was named Deseada ["Desired">[, and the log reads sixteen hundred and fifty leagues from the point of departure. On Saturday, the twenty-second, land was sighted; and next day the point of Santa Catalina, in twenty-seven degrees and twelve minutes north latitude, received its name. From that point they coasted in a southeasterly direction along the shores of southern California to its southern point in "twenty-three degrees less an eighth," naming the headland here Cape Blanco, from its white appearance. Near this place died the master of the vessel, "and we threw him into the sea at this point." On the twenty-seventh the chief pilot "Esteban Rodriguez [67] died between nine and ten in the morning." The small islands southeast of Lower California were passed and it was estimated that they were in the neighborhood of cape Corrientes. On the thirtieth, cape Chamela was passed; and on the first of October, the "San Pedro" lay off Puerto de la Navidad; the chart showing a distance of eighteen hundred and ninety-two leagues from Cebú. "At this time I went to the captain and said to him, that I would take the ship wherever he ordered, because we were off Puerto de la Navidad. He ordered me to take it to the port of Acapulco, and I obeyed the order. Although at that time there were but from ten to eighteen men able to work, for the rest were sick, and sixteen others of us had died, we reached this port of Acapulco on the eighth of this present month of October after all the crew had endured great hardships." (Tomo ii, no. xxxiv, pp. 427-456.)

Following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the distance between Cebú and Puerto de la Navidad. The first estimate was made on July 9. The map of the chief pilot was found to measure eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was about two thousand leagues. Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa [68] declared that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred and seventy leagues, [69] but he increased the amount to about two thousand and thirty leagues. Francisco de Astigarribia's map measured eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two thousand and ten leagues. On September 18 the same three men estimated the distance from Cebú to the first land sighted—"an island off the west coast of New Spain" and lying in about thirty-three degrees—at seventeen hundred and forty leagues sixteen hundred and fifty leagues, and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (Tomo ii, no. xxv, pp. 457-460.)

1565-1567. Relation of occurrences in the Philippines after the departure of the "San Pedro" to New Spain. [70] To a Moro who presented himself as a deputy from the chief Tupas, Legazpi expressed his sorrow that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the king, by the Castilians. Word was sent to Tupas that Legazpi regretted the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished to return, they might do so peaceably. Although they treacherously had killed a Spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to ask his pardon and to make peace. That same afternoon two chiefs—one of whom, Simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father of the two children—came into the fort. They declared themselves to be brothers of the chief Tupas. Simaquio "came to deliver himself to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in Castilla, or do what he pleased with them." Legazpi permitted him to see his wife and daughters, telling him "that he had been as watchful of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house." Simaquio signified his desire "to be … the friend and vassal of the king of Castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he would never be found lacking in it." To this Legazpi replied that it was necessary to treat with Tupas and the others jointly, "and that in this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship, and who did not; that he [Simaquio] should go and confer regarding peace and friendship with Tupas and the other chiefs; and that after such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. Meanwhile his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [Legazpi] would be their father and they his children, and he would look, after them and protect them as such." This good treatment reassured the natives, and a few days later Tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made, the conditions of which follow. "First, they make submission, and bind and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of Castilla and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. They promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he should come to their islands, towns, and houses—whether he were angry or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war, without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. This they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord.

"Item: on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself." The said Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished.

"Item: on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other.

"Item: on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.

"Item: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him—so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.

"Item: It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.

"Item: It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor." In return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, "for the king of Castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation." In token of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before Legazpi, "offering themselves as vassals of his majesty," whom the governor … received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla, and promised "to protect and defend as such." As a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity of the king's having "a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;" as well as a town-site for the soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, "because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent." This place was granted by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail outside this line "was to remain to the Indians, who could build their houses and till the fields." After ordering the natives "to go to the other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards … within the line … the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty's name he took, and he did take; possession of that site, … and in token of true possession he performed the said acts." Besides not being allowed to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that "if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector," and that all wrongs would be punished according to Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and Simaquio's wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, "whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom." "The next day … the same chiefs returned … and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in which consists their way of making merry." They brought other chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs came in. Trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the natives traded "a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither, it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor bring wine to the Spaniards." The traffic still went on nevertheless, "secretly and at night," and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it entirely, saying "that it was better than that of Castilla." Moreover, the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied "that those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women, and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill, for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women, and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain, however slight" The natives are described as covetous and selfish, without neatness and not cleanly. "It has not been ascertained whether they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for health, protection, and aid; They make certain alms and invocations here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil, and then give the latter's answer to the people—telling them what offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations, in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed: When any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses." [72] Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly, the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebú and the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan had always been hostile to the Spaniards, "saying that they would kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger." One day Tupas told the governor that "his wife and daughters would like to come to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession, two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women, with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of taffety." The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi "after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt, or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from them without being paid for … principally in this island of Zubu, where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives." A few days after the coming of Tupas's wife and the other women, he sent his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism, "although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and observe after her baptism." She was named Isabel, and married Master Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively, also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel, asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months in Cebú, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty, contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror throughout all the islands. About this same time "seven or eight Moros, whose chief was called Magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp, declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a prau which was stationed near this island. They said that if the Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade." They had learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that "they did no harm to anyone, and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins; therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading." One of the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said "that they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they would sin therein." Through these Moros the natives of Cebú learned to demand tostones praus of natives set out for the province of Baybay, taking with them articles of barter—Legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand, as he feared that the Spaniards would wrong the islanders. These men delayed, as well as those who went to Panay, and it was thought, purposely, believing that the Spaniards would be driven from the island by hunger. So great was the famine that cats and rats were eaten by some of the soldiers. Goyti was sent with a number of small boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to those of Cebú, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and friendship with the natives. He sent back several boat-loads of food, and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. Finally the natives who had gone to Panay returned, after three months' absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. Meanwhile news came from Baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of Matan and Gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town of Mandam, an ally and friend of the Spaniards. These people from Baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the Spanish settlement. Legazpi sent two chiefs to Baybay to demand the release of the prisoners taken at Mandam. The messengers were scoffed at, and the marauders returned to Mandam in greater force, where they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. Legazpi determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days' delay at the petition of the Cebú natives, who said that many of their men were at Baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. During this delay the master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent to the islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had made peace with certain villages. This peace was confirmed and the inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages "offered themselves as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice … and others gave earrings of little weight … and this was the first gold that was given in these islands to his majesty." All the natives of these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being ready to take advantage of each other's misfortunes—as was apparent by those of Cebú, who were friendly to the inhabitants of Mandam, robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders of Baybay. The master-of-camp having returned from his expedition among the friendly villages, set out for Baybay, under guidance of Simaquio. This latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the prisoners from Mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant village of Caramucua, which was found deserted. At the town of Calabazan the Spaniards were duped by the few natives found there, who claimed to be natives of Cebú, and asked the invaders to wait two days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and friendship. The two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing, the Spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of Cebú, who said that "these were their friends, from which it was quite apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another." A three or four leagues' march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs, the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several natives. The only salutary result of the expedition was the return of a number of the inhabitants of Cebu who had migrated to Baybay because they did not wish to acknowledge the Spanish rule; asking pardon of Legazpi, these natives of Cebú were permitted to return, but the same favor was denied those from Matan and Gavi. Legazpi's policy was always to treat the people of Cebú with more than fairness, in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of their duplicity toward him. Numerous expeditions in search of food were organized. The master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied by Juan de la Isla and the king's factor was despatched to the coasts of Butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay, and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain provisions at Butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on farther, over-staying his limit of forty days. On his return he brought more than one thousand fanégas [74] of rice. He brought cheering news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession in the king's name of "Vindanao [Mindanao], and the coast of Botuan, Negros, and Panay." Another expedition under command of Goyti was despatched to Negros with additional orders to procure news of the former expedition, but his quest was useless. Meanwhile a messenger brought word that the master-of-camp was going to Panay, and would return as soon as possible. Before the return of the master-of-camp, Goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of Cabalian and Abuyo, taking with him sixty men. He was successful, sending back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these districts were friendly,—although not much confidence could be placed in their friendship, for only a league from Cabalian five of his men had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared the same fate. The master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, Legazpi sent a reenforcement of thirty men to Goyti with orders to explore the strait between Abuyo and Tandaya. At the mouth of this strait, news was had of a Christian "named Juanes, who had lived with the Indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives." Although an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man, it was unsuccessful; and Goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to return without ransoming him. He brought as captives two chiefs whom he caused to be seized. While the camp was weakened by the absence of so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement took occasion to attempt another mutiny. The ringleader was a certain soldier named Carrión, who had been pardoned by Legazpi after being "condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime." He was exposed by a Frenchman, who, like Carrión, had been implicated in the previous mutiny. It was planned to get to the Moluccas, "where they would receive all courtesy." A boat was to be seized from certain Moros of Luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc., were to be committed. Carrión and one other were hanged. The former "knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation." The master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of Juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at Eleyti to ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain Pedro de Herrera who had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. When this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the effect that Herrera had gone beyond his instructions. The latter was thereupon arrested and tried. This man brought news of three Spaniards who were held in the island of Tandaya who had been captured from a vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. Legazpi immediately sent this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom those men as well as Juanes, but the messengers failed to find that officer. Juanes proved to be not a Spaniard, but a Mexican Indian who had accompanied Villalobos. This Indian declared the three men to be of the same expedition, and Herrera had made a mistake in the time, which should be years, not months. The men despatched under Juan de la Isla to take the information of Herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in with the ship "San Gerónimo," which had been sent from New Spain with aid to Legazpi. The ship itself arrived at Cebú on October 15, 1566, with a doleful story of "bad management, mutinies, want of harmony, deaths, hardships, and calamities." The captain, by name Pericon, was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from "Acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful." A conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master, the pilot, Lope Martin—the pilot of the vessel that had deserted Legazpi—and others. After various insubordinations, of which the captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son were murdered. Soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled; and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest him, hanged the latter. Then the pilot resolved to return to Spain by the Strait of Magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were not favorable to him. Under pretext of wintering at a small islet near the island of Barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of the men disembark. The ecclesiastic Juan de Viveros, who accompanied the expedition, discovering the pilot's intention to abandon some of the party, remonstrated with the latter's chief adviser, saying that "it was inhuman, and he should take them to the Filipinas, and leave them where there were provisions," but to no purpose. Each man lost all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a counter mutiny in the king's name, seized the vessel and set their course for the Philippines, abandoning Lope Martin and twenty-six men on this island. The leader of this second mutiny hanged two men who were concerned in the death of the captain. Finally, after many hardships, the Ladrones and later the Philippines were reached. The notary of the ship was tried and executed by Legazpi as an accomplice in the captain's death. The others concerned in the mutiny were all pardoned. This new contingent "made homage anew, and swore to obey his majesty and the governor in his royal name." [75] The master-of-camp having been sent about this time to Panay to collect the tributes of rice, returned on November 16, without having accomplished his object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the "San Juan," at Dapitan. He brought news that the Portuguese were coming to the island, sent thither by the viceroy of India "in search of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had left Nueva España with four ships." One ship of the Portuguese fleet was encountered near Mindanao and four others about thirty leagues from Cebú, and two more at a distance of ten leagues out. On the following day the two Portuguese vessels last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off again, and soon disappeared. The Spaniards began to fortify their settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed in the best positions. Legazpi bade the Spaniards not to forget that they were Spaniards, and reminded them of the "reputation and valor of the Spanish people throughout the world." The natives in terror abandoned their houses, "removing their wives and children to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages; and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp, placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends, saying they would die with us." On the nineteenth of November the two vessels reappeared; and Martin de Goyti was sent to talk to them, and if they "were in need of anything," to invite them to anchor in the port. The Portuguese said that they had become separated from the rest of their fleet by a storm. They were bound from India to the Moluccas, and thence to Amboina to take vengeance upon the natives for various depredations. After a mutual salute with the artillery, the Portuguese vessels withdrew. Each carried about thirty-five or forty Portuguese soldiers and crews of Indians from Malabar. Legazpi despatched the same captain with a letter to the Portuguese captain, Melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept his hospitality, because "at this port they would have been well received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for his majesty's command was that, wherever he should meet Portuguese, he should give them every protection and aid." He sent presents of food and wine, etc., to the Portuguese, who expressed their thanks verbally, saying "they had no paper or ink." They promised to do no wrong to the natives, at the request of Goyti, "because they were vassals of his majesty, and our friends." A comet seen next day "nearly above the town of Zebu," was taken by the soldiers as an omen of war and bloodshed. Affairs with the natives continued to improve steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to the governor, promising to pay tribute. The Moro interpreter, his wife, and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment because this Moro had much influence with the natives. The ship "San Gerónimo" was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by Legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved of it. The carpenters and others having made an examination of the vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could be made from it. Legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built, as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the settlement. The deaths of the Mexican Indian and a sailor and the sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and Legazpi called Tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the Spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good treatment on their part. Finally it was discovered that a woman had poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. She was executed, after having made a full confession and embraced the Christian religion. In consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one should buy the native wine. On the same night of the execution of this woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of Pedro de Arana was captured upon information furnished by Tupas; he was executed on the following day, in the place of the murder. Expeditions sent out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. On March 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it was named "Espíritu Santo." An expedition was despatched to the island of Gigantes in search of pitch for the boats. [76] "What we call pitch in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva España, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and is found with great trouble." None was found here, and a boat-load of rice was brought instead from Panay, On the anniversary of the finding of the child Jesus in Cebú, the twenty-eighth of April, one of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of Mindanao under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. Two soldiers who were supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the "San Juan" was following as rapidly as possible. The attempted mutiny was due to the master-of-camp's prohibiting any trading or buying of cinnamon. Martin Hernandez, a Portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny was smothered by his hanging. Martin de Goyti was appointed to the vacant position of master-of-camp, "for he was entirely trustworthy, and had much experience in matters of war." Besides the master-of-camp, fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the result of eating too much cinnamon. The new master-of-camp executed two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after Hernandez, most concerned in the mutiny.

The "San Juan" was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. "All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva España. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!" [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebú, circa 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Caúchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebú, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from pecho [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. That transferable repartimientos [79] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the repartimientos be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet," may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. That the offices of the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the repartimientos. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." 2. The remittance of the king's fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives be distributed in encomiendas. Legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity." That religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results." That certain Moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of Cebú. That the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the title of adelantado, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.)

Legazpi's son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, "because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericón." 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, "without the express consent and commission of the royal Audiencia or the viceroy" of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. "Because the conquest of the Ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked," and their best use is as a way-station from New Spain; and New Guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to Legazpi. 21. That, in case of Legazpi's death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or Legazpi's heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. This petition was vistoed in Madrid, March 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. After waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition Melchor de Legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general "with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [Legazpi's] petition, … and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;" that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco "in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of … my sister, who is of marriageable age." The petition states that even had Legazpi's expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. In the third petition, Melchor de Legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the City of Mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father's services. He says the family is "poverty-stricken and in debt," because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king's service. The fourth petition presents information concerning Legazpi's services. The fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding Legazpi. From the testimony of these persons it was shown that Legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the City of Mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king's service, without receiving any reward therefor. (Tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330-370.)

Warrant of the Augustinian Authorities in Mexico Establishing the
First Branch of Their Brotherhood in the Philippines—1564

Fray Pedro de Herrera, vicar-general of the Order of Hermits of our holy Father Augustine in the regions of the Indies, with Fray Diego de Vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this Nueva España, and Frays Antonio de Aguilar, Nicolás de Perea, Francisco de Villafuerte, and Juan de Medina, definitors [80]—to our very dear Brethren in Christ, Andrés de Urdaneta, prior, Diego de Herrera, Andrés de Aguirre, Lorenzo de San Esteban, Martin de Rada, priests, and Fray Diego de Torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the Lord.

Very beloved sons: You are aware how Felipe, by the grace of God king of the Spains and the Indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, Don Luis de Velasco, in this Nueva España, which is to rail through the Western Sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the Arctic and Antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself—to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of Christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the Spanish army. Especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. Through the benignity of God most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than Cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of Satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of Christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name.

Wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,—therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the Lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. In order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of Christ—although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates—yet now in virtue of die Holy Ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight Miguel López de Legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. We exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the Lord, to be in all things as the good actor of God, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of God, in all virtues—especially humility, patience, and discipline.

Chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of Christians which our Savior Christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood—that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals—commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: "By this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another." This is that priceless boon of charity which Paul styles "the bond of perfection," which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst—Whereby you should cling to Christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit—but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in Christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that "grace which," the Apostle affirms, "is above all sense." For peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions—to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is Jesus Christ's. Moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the Lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of Christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; training them in the holy Catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the Church of Rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same Church; teaching them especially that obedience which all Christians owe to die supreme Pontiff and the Church of Rome—which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world—then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the Devil. And that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the Lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme Pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever—the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, Clemens the Seventh, and Paulus the Third. Moreover, we grant you especially all the authority hitherto given by Sixtus the Fourth, Nicholas the Fifth, Gregorius the Ninth, Leo the Tenth, Adrian the Sixth, Clemens the Seventh, Paulus the Third, and Paulus the Fourth, or which hereafter may be given by all other Pontiffs, to all brethren going to the countries of unbelievers, to preach the holy gospel of Christ—especially to Farther Tartary, China, and other regions of the earth wherein we know not whether up to these times has been preached the piety of the holy Catholic faith—among which indults of the Pontiffs, Adrian the Sixth granted and conveyed all his power of whatsoever kind that might seem of need in the conversion and maintenance of neo-Christians. By reason of our office we grant and convey to you this power as far as lies in us.

We grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of God and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of Sixtus the Fourth, Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. Shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy Father Augustine, and the constitutions of the order.

Also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in Christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by Adrian the Sixth, Paulus the Third, and all other supreme Pontiffs.

Also to the very venerable father Fray Andrés de Urdaneta whom you all—each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter—have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. And this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs.

In testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended.

Given in our convent of Culhuacan [Mexico], the fifth ides of February, in the year of our Redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four.

Fray Pedro de Herrera, Vicar general. Fray Diego de Vertavillo, Provincial. Fray Antonio de Aguilar, Definitor. Fray Nicolas de Perea, Definitor. Fray Francisco de Villafuerte, Definitor. Fray Juan de Medina, Definitor.

Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao

On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.

Given before me,

Fernando Riquel, chief notary.

And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases—all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Proclamation Regarding Treasure

Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians

In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty's officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty's officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty's service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided—under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.

Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king's officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything—under penalty of five hundred pesos de minas and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty's exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,

Miguel Lopez

Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Collated with the original,

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe
II of Spain—1565

To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva España, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva España to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty's name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal Audiencia of Nueva España to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal hacienda [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.

Your sacred royal majesty's faithful servant, who kisses your majesty's royal feet,

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

[Endorsed: "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.—To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.—Seen and to be filed with the others.">[

To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty's royal service in these Filipinas—in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu—under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.

We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty's purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spaña is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty's kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.

We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty's faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.

In your majesty's name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty—whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants, who kiss your majesty's royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West.">[

[Endorsed: "To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65.">[

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.

The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty's faithful servants—both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally—humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty—inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta's presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty's wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty's faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty's royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jerónimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera, Francisco de Leon, Marcos de Herrera, Pedro de Herrera, Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Diego Lopez Pilo, Christobal de Angulo, Luis Antonio Bañuelos, Garcia de Padilla, Martin de Larrea, Lloreynte Machado, Lope Rodriguez, Garcia Ramyrez, Francisco Escudero de la Porlilla, Rodrigo de Ribera, Pablos Ernandes, Francisco Lopez, corporal, Bartolomé Rodriguez, Diego Fernandez de Montemayor, Antonio Flores, Julio Garcia, Anton Aluarez Degrado, Francisco de Herrera, Ernando de Monrrey.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands.">[

[Endorsed: "+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565.">[

A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a
Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony

Most powerful sirs:

As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Myñes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness's command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.

Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.

We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes's men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. As we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. Thus we were forced to accept the challenge. We landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea.

They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty.

As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples—who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago.

The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires.

As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city [Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.

The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but testones, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer.

We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,—thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories.

From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.

Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.

Guido de Labecares Andres Cauchela Andres de Mirandaola

Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva
Espana to His Majesty's Camp at the Port of Cubu

Memorandum of things—not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies—which are necessary, to be provided immediately from Nueva España in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva España to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished:

Articles

First: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among them culverins and reënforced cannon and swivel-guns for the fortress which is to be built, xii

Fifty more bronze bersos [small culverins], of the sort brought from España with double chambers, 1

Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx

A dozen new scaling ladders, xii

Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,

Two hundred quintals [90] of powder cc

Fifty quintals of fuses, l

Two hundred quintals of lead, cc

Fifty quintals of saltpetre, l

Thirty quintals of rock sulphur, xxx

Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in Mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc

One hundred corselets with their fittings, c

Two hundred morions and helmets, cc

Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1

One hundred tapir hides, c

One hundred white blankets for light and serviceable body armor, c

Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc

Fifty cavalry lances, 1

Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1

Twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought
with us are of little account, xii

Three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain
here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc

A dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must
be built here, xii

Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii

Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii

Twelve negroes for these forges, and among them
four sawyers, xii

An artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks
for them, ii

Two other locksmiths, ii

Fifty quintals of tow, 1

A surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii

Three hundred good shields, ccc

Two hundred quintals of wrought iron plates, not as it comes from the mine, cc

Thirty quintals of the finest steel, xxx

One hundred tanned cow-hides, c

Three hundred pickaxes, ccc

Two hundred iron shovels, cc

A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,

One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c

Ten quintals of sailmakers' twine, x

Two bales of paper, ii

Four balances divided into three parts, iiii

Six weights for large balances, vi

Fifty horn lanterns, 1

Two hundred fanégas of salt, cc

Two hundred casks of wine, cc

One hundred casks of vinegar, c

Two hundred casks of oil, cc

Five hundred arrobas [92] of sugar, d

One dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since by not having brought them the men have suffered great-privations, xii

Ten large hogsheads of flour, x

Blankets for the men,

Shirts in quantity,

Doublets in quantity,

Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,

Hempen sandals in quantity,

Cowhide shoes in quantity,

Hats,

All in quantity for military supplies.

For barter, the following:

Two bolts of Valencian scarlet cloth, with odds and ends, ii

Item seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii

Six cases of headdresses, vi

A great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow; ten breadths of each sort, xxx

Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii

Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi

One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i

Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii

Two quintals of Muzavetas, ii

Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii

Three quintals of glass, (one blue), iii

One thousand bundles of glass beads—green and yellow, m

Five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d

Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,

Six large caldrons of pitch, vi

Two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen; but they must be large and very strong, because they are to be used in making saltpetre, ii

One thousand sailneedles, m

Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc

Two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons to be gilded, ii

Two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to be of good quality, ii

Six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which are for the S.S. on the coast of China and for those in the islands of Japan, vi

All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.

List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:

First: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty brazas
[93] each; each five quintals, xx quintals

Two large cables, of eighty brazas each; each one
to weigh six quintals, xii quintals

Six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty brazas each;
each to weigh three quintals, xviii quintals

Two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty
brazas each; each to weigh ten quintals, xx quintals

Item common sails for rigging, thirty quintals,
xxx quintals

We need one hundred quintals of cordage of all sorts,
c quintals

Two grapnels, each to weight four quintals,
viii quintals

Four anchors, to weigh five quintals apiece,
xx quintals

Six grapnels, to weigh three quintals apiece; five
or six more, each to weigh from five to six arrobas,
xxxiii arrobas [sic]

Four grapnels, three arrobas each,
xii arrobas

Twelve French saws, xii

Four frame-saws, iiii

Six hand-saws, vi

Two grindstones, ii

Five hundred pieces of cloths from Teguintepeq for sails, d

One hundred quintals of tar, c

Fifty quintals of pitch, l

For sallotes ropes which are necessary, four pieces of one hundred and fifty brazas each, to weigh three quintals apiece, xii quintals

Four hawsers of one hundred brazas each, to weigh
four quintals apiece, xvi

Two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood
hereabout, ii

Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc

One hundred quintals of grease, c

Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc

All this cordage to be agave and hemp.

Also two anvils of two arrobas each, ii

Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii

One anvil, i

Two screws for filing, ii

A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi

Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii

One hundred heavy coats of mail, c

The powder and fuse which have been asked for,

Likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are asked for, iiii

Twelve more negroes, xii

Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc

Two hundred mattocks, cc

One hundred more pieces of Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec]
and Venetian canvas, c

One pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the
hogsheads mentioned above, ii

Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,

The coins and bars of silver, just as they have been
asked for,

The caldrons of pitch, because those that were made
in Mexico were worthless,

One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii

Four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets which are likewise ordered,

Sail-needles with large eyes,