Prepared by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team.
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators,
descriptions of the islands and their peoples,
their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts,
showing the political, economic, commercial and
religious conditions of those islands
from their earliest relations with
European nations to the beginning
of the nineteenth century
Volume IV, 1576-1582
E. H. Blair & J. A. Robertson
Contents of Volume IV
Preface
Documents of 1576-78:
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Francisco de Sande; Manila,
June 7, 1576.
Relation and Description of the Phelipinas Islands. [Francisco
de Sande]; Manila, June 8, 1577.
Bull for erection of the diocese and cathedral church of
Manila. Gregory XIII; Rome, February 6, 1578.
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; Manila, July 29, 1578.
Grant of a plenary indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches of the Friars Minors. Gregory XIII; Rome, November 15, 1578.
Documents of 1579-82:
Royal decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. Felipe II;
Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; Manila, May 30, 1579.
Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao. Francisco de Sande
and others; Manila, April 19, 1578, to June 10, 1579.
Appointments to vacancies in Manila cathedral. Felipe II;
[promulgated from?] Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.
Letter to Felipe II. Gonçillo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; Manila,
July 17, 1581.
Ordinance restricting departure from the islands. Gonzalo
Ronquillo de Peñalosa; Manila, March 2, 1582.
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; Manila,
June 15, 1582.
Bibliographical Data
Illustrations
View of Mallaca, in Eylffte Schiffahrt, by Levinus Hulsius (Franckfurt am Mayn, 1612), p. 64; enlarged photographic facsimile, from copy in Harvard University Library.
"Indiae orientalis, insularumque adiacientium typus" (original in colors), map in Theatrum orbis terrarum, by Abraham Ortelius (Antverpiae, M. D. LXX), fol. 48; reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston Public Library.
"Incola ex Insulis Moluco" (picture of a Moluccan warrior; original in colors), engraving in Voyage ofte Schipvaert, Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Amstelredam, M. D. XCVI), p. 64; photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston Public Library.
Preface
The first official report sent by Governor Francisco de Sande to the home government is dated June 7, 1576. It is introduced by a description of the winds prevalent in the Indian Archipelago. Arriving at Manila (August 25, 1575), he finds that much of the city has been destroyed by a Chinese pirate named Limahon; and he relates, in a graphic manner, the circumstances of this affair. In the first attack (September, 1574), fourteen Spaniards and more than eighty Chinese are slain. The enemy renew the attack a few days later, but are repulsed with much loss. The Moros of the vicinity rebel, insulting and robbing the friars and defiling the churches. The Chinese proceed to Pangasinan, where they erect a fort, determining to establish themselves there. All the Spanish forces are assembled, and an expedition is sent (March 23, 1575), under Juan de Salcedo, to attack the marauders. In the first encounter the Spanish are victorious; but through mismanagement they fail to follow up their success, and finally the Chinese depart from Luzón. A Chinese officer named Omocon comes to search for the pirate Limahon; on his return, he carries some Augustinian friars to China, but they return in a few months. The Chinese bring certain presents to the governor, which he turns over to the king. He does not like that people, saying that they are mean, impudent, importunate, and deceitful. He relates many interesting particulars regarding the country and people of China—derived from the various reports which have come to him from traders, missionaries, and the Filipino natives.
Sande has a poor opinion of the trade with China; the only useful article which the Chinese bring to the Philippines is iron. He urges here, as in the letter preceding this report, that the king should at once send an expedition for the conquest of China, for which four thousand to six thousand men would be needed. He argues that this enterprise would be an act of justice, for several curious reasons: it would free the wretched Chinese from the oppressive tyranny and cruelty of their rulers; it is right to punish them for their many crimes and vices; and they ought to be compelled to admit foreigners to their country. The governor is not troubled by any scruples of conscience respecting the Line of Demarcation; for he affirms that all the region from the Moluccas to the islands of Japan, inclusive, with Borneo and all the coast of China, is "within the demarcation of Spain." He is ready to drive the Portuguese out of the Moluccas, if the king will consent thereto.
Sande gives further details as to the Philippines and their people. The climate is healthful, for those who live temperately. The culture of rice is described, and the fertility of the soil praised. Much interesting information is given regarding the characteristics, habits, and customs of the people; he regards most of them as drunken, licentious, and idle, and avaricious and murderous. The governor has rebuilt the ruined fort at Cebu; but he thinks that a settlement there is useless and expensive. He asks for oared vessels, with which to navigate among the islands; and he is anxious to seize the Moluccas for Spain. He complains of the reckless manner in which repartimientos had been assigned by Legazpi and Lavezaris, an abuse which he is trying to reform. He has revoked many of these allotments, and placed them under the control of the crown. He has established two shipyards, which have done good work in building and repairing vessels. He needs artillery, or else skilled workmen to make it; also fifty good gunners, two master-engineers, and more troops. Sande has founded a hospital at Manila, mainly for the soldiers—apparently the first in the islands; and is planning to build a house in which convalescents may be properly cared for. He has begun to fortify Manila, and is making other preparations for its defense. The province of Pampanga, almost the only source of supply of food for the Spaniards, has been appropriated by Sande for the crown; he asks the king to confirm this action. He is endeavoring to stop various leaks in the royal treasury, and is providing for the worthy poor. He mentions the royal order that all the Indians should be induced to settle near the districts already pacified, in order to render them sedentary and to convert them to the Christian faith—a plan which he considers quite impracticable. The governor is greatly annoyed by the careless and extravagant administration of the royal funds by the officials at Manila; he makes various recommendations for securing better and more economical conduct of the public service. He reports the religious status of the land, and calls for more priests, especially recommending the Franciscans, "since they live among the natives, and we need not support them." Certain concessions and exemptions should be continued, as the people are so poor; and for that reason customs duties ought not to be levied until the people can afford to pay them. The two friars whom the Chinese captain Omocon had consented to convey a second time to his country, not having means to satisfy with gifts his avaricious nature, had been therefore abandoned on a lonely island, where they are rescued by a passing troop of Spaniards. Sande enumerates various documents, maps, etc., which he is sending to the king; and he again appeals for consent to his proposal for the conquest of China. A paper containing memoranda for reply to this letter indicates that the king declines to entertain this scheme, and advises Sande to expend his energies upon the preservation and development of the lands already conquered.
In another report, dated June 8, 1577, Sande furnishes some information additional to that in the preceding document. The Moros of Luzon are very shrewd traders, and are skilful in alloying the gold which they obtain in that island. This practice causes the governor much perplexity regarding the currency question. He has succeeded, during the past two years, in putting "the affairs of the royal estate into as good order as in Mexico;" and has reformed various abuses, small and great. He explains the manner in which he has aided needy soldiers and other persons in want, and reassigned encomiendas of persons deceased. As for the natives, Sande says that they are not simple, foolish, or timorous; "they can be dealt with only by the arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver." He has maintained good discipline among the soldiers, and reformed them from the vicious habits which had been prevalent among them. He asks that the concessions made regarding the customs duties and the royal fifths be continued, on account of the poverty of the colony. He renews his request for more religious teachers, and asks not only for secular priests, but more friars—especially those who cannot own property, as the Indians will have more regard for such. He explains in detail his difficulties regarding the proper disposal of the crown funds by the royal officials, and the heroic treatment made necessary by their inefficiency and mismanagement. The property of Guido de Lavezaris is confiscated, and the goods of other wrong-doers are seized. The city is now surrounded by a palisade and rampart; and the river-bank has been protected against the action of the waves. He has built, or has now in the shipyards, vessels worth in New Spain one hundred thousand ducats, which have cost him less than fifteen thousand. The resources of the land are being developed; the rebellious natives have been pacified; churches, and a house for the friars, have been erected; and a residence for the governor has been built. In all these undertakings, he finds it necessary to watch everything, and superintend the workmen; this care and oversight has enabled him to secure good returns from the expenditure of the public funds.
A papal bull dated February 6, 1578, erects the diocese of Manila, and constitutes its church a cathedral; the duties and privileges of the bishop thereof are enumerated. He shall be subordinate to the archbishop of Mexico; and the usual tithes and other dues are remitted. Sande writes to the king (July 29, 1578) a brief report of his expedition to Borneo in the months of March to May preceding; and requests rewards and promotion for himself and his brothers. By a decree dated November 15, 1578, Pope Gregory XIII grants "plenary indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches" of the Franciscans in these Oriental regions. On May 13, 1579, King Felipe issues a decree regarding the foundation of monasteries in the Philippines. Fray Domingo de Salazar (a Dominican) has been appointed bishop of Manila, and will soon go thither with friars. The governor is ordered to ascertain where monasteries are needed, and there to erect buildings for this purpose.
Sande informs the king (May 30, 1579) of the result of his efforts to subdue other and neighboring islands. The city in Borneo which he attacked in the preceding year has been rebuilt, and the king of that land is ready to submit. The king of Jolo (Sulu) has become a vassal of Spain, and peace has been made with the people dwelling on the Rio Grande of Mindanao. Sande is still eager to set out for the conquest of the Moluccas and of China, and is doing all that he can to accumulate shipping and artillery for that purpose.
This letter is accompanied by a bulky document containing the official notarial record of the expedition which Sande mentions. The governor learns from Filipino natives of Luzon that the king of Borneo oppresses and plunders their countrymen who visit his land—thus wronging vassals of Spain; and that the Borneans, being Mahometans, are spreading their heresy among the peoples of the archipelago. Sande writes a letter to this ruler, announcing his desire to confer with him, and to make a compact of peace and friendship. He demands from the king not only free opportunity for Christian preachers to evangelize the Borneans, but also the cessation of any further Mahometan propaganda by Borneans among the Filipinos. The king must also surrender any persons whom he has forcibly detained, with all their possessions; and must provide the Spaniards with food—for which, however, he will receive pay. No answer being made by the Borneans, and Sande's envoys not returning to the fleet, he enters the port, despite the resistance of the native vessels therein. The people thereupon flee inland, and the Spaniards enter the town, seizing there various possessions of the king—among them letters from the Portuguese, one of which is signed "El Rey" ("the King"). Sande takes possession of all Borneo for Spain. He then sends (May 23, 1578) one of his officers, Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, to subdue the Sulu Islands. He is instructed to reduce, as gently as he can, the pirates of that group to peaceful agriculturists, and secure from them the payment of tribute. Next, he is to go on a similar errand to Mindanao; and, as many of its inhabitants are Mahometans, he must strive to uproot "that accursed doctrine" there. Sande returns to Manila, whence in the following year (February 28, 1579) he despatches Juan Arce de Sadornil with a fleet to Borneo, giving him detailed instructions for his conduct on this expedition. He is to ascertain the condition of affairs there, and gently endeavor to gain the submission of the king as a vassal of Spain. Sadornil goes to Borneo, and conducts various negotiations with the king, but cannot induce the latter to confer with him in person. Finally, seeing that he can accomplish nothing, and that his men are suffering from confinement and illness, he decides to return to Manila; and he advises Sande that a settlement of Spaniards in Borneo must, to be successful, be made in the town where the Moro court resides. In June, 1578, the king of Sulu submits to the Spanish power. From the Moluccas comes the news that the people of Ternate have revolted against the Portuguese, who have been compelled to abandon their fortress there and retreat to Amboina. Their trade in spices is therefore greatly injured, for the time; and other Malayan peoples are also hostile to the Portuguese.
Sande again sends (January, 1579) an expedition to Mindanao and Sulu, under Captain de Ribera, to secure their submission to Spanish authority. His instructions lay special stress on proper care for the health of the troops. The tribute desired from Sulu consists of "two or three tame elephants." Ribera goes to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, but can accomplish nothing; for the natives, in terror of the Spaniards, have abandoned their villages, fleeing to the mountains. Ribera erects a fort at the delta of the river, and receives the submission of a few neighboring chiefs; but, as his men are being prostrated by sickness, he obtains from a friendly dato (chief) a list of the Indian villages and their population, with such information as he can gather, and departs—sending a small detachment of troops to pacify the district of Butuan. Going to Cavite, Ribera finds there a deputation from Sulu, who bring a little tribute saying that their people have been harassed by famine ever since Figueroa came, a year before, to demand tribute from them. Finding upon investigation that this story is true, he gives back their tributes, receiving instead a cannon which they had taken from a wrecked Portuguese galley. Ribera then returns to Cebu.
A royal decree of March 26, 1580, provides for appointments to fill vacant benefices in the cathedral at Manila The new governor, Ronquillo de Peñalosa, writes to the king (July 17, 1581), asking whether Manila is to be regarded as his capital and head-quarters, and giving advice in various matters. Like many such documents, this is endorsed: "Seen; an answer is unnecessary."
As some of the Franciscan friars who have come to the Philippines have preferred to labor in China, Peñalosa orders (March 2, 1582) that no person shall leave the islands without his permission. In a letter dated June is of that year, he complains to the king that he has not received the expected reënforcements of men from New Spain; that the Audiencia of that country (in which is now Sande, superseded by Peñalosa as governor of the Philippines) meddles with his government and threatens to make trouble for him; and that he needs a competent assistant in his office. Ternate is now under Spanish control, and Spain monopolizes the rich spice-trade; Panama is the best route therefor. An "English pirate," presumably Sir Francis Drake, has been intriguing with the Malays at Ternate, and the post there should be more heavily fortified. The newly-appointed bishop, Salazar, has arrived; on account of his austerity and his wish to dominate, he is not a favorite with the people.
The Editors
April, 1903.
Documents of 1576-78
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Francisco de Sande; June 7,
1576.
Relation and description of the Phelipinas Islands. [Francisco
de Sande]; June 8, 1577.
Bull for erection of the diocese of Manila. Gregory XIII;
February 6, 1578.
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; July 29, 1578.
Indulgence to those who visit Franciscan churches;
Gregory XIII; November 15, 1578.
Sources: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo de Indias, Sevilla, excepting the papal decrees; the first of these is from Doc. inéd., Amér. y Oceanía, xxxiv, pp. 72-79, the second from the Crónica de la provincia de San Gregorio of Fray Francisco de Santa Inés (Manila, 1892), i, pp. 215, 216.
Translations: The first document is translated by Rachel King; the second, by José M. Ascensio; the third and fifth, by Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the fourth, by G.A. England.
Relation of the Filipinas Islands
Royal Catholic Majesty:
I sailed from the port of Acapulco, Nueva España, on the sixth of April of the year seventy-five, as I had previously informed your Majesty from that port. On account of setting sail during the calms, we were delayed, so that it took us seventy-two days to reach the Ladrones. There we filled our water-butts, and I took on board a large anchor that I found there that had belonged formerly to the flagship lost there by Ffelipe de Sauzedo; in the other ship we placed four small boat-loads of ballast. All this detained us only a day and a half. On nearing the cape of Spiritu Santo in Tandaya, one of the Philipinas, our progress was impeded by the vendaval, and our pilots also gave us considerable trouble, so that I arrived at Manilla on the twenty-fifth of August of the year seventy-five. On that day I took possession of the office of governor and captain-general.
2. Although your Majesty may know better than I the matters I am about to relate, still, like a country-man, I wish to speak, and to tell what I myself have experienced. I am informed here that throughout the entire sea in these latitudes there are two general seasons. During one, the dry season, the brisas, as they are called, blow from the southeast to the north, finally blowing directly from the north; while in the other, or wet season, the vendavales blow from northwest to south-southeast. Thus, during these two seasons, the winds blow from every point of the compass. For this reason it will be seen that coming from Nueva España, from the east toward this western region, the brisas would help; while the vendavales, especially the usual one, which is a south-westerly wind in the channels of these islands, would impede the progress of the ship. These two general seasons begin in some years somewhat earlier than in others, and in some places before they do in others. However, it is quite clear and evident that by the end of May and the middle of June, the vendaval begins here from the west (and I believe that this is true of all the southern sea), and blows strongly night and day. Now if for any reason it should cease for a moment it would only be to burst forth again with renewed vigor. Such a period of quietness is called here calladas ["silence">[. The brisa begins in November, and lasts until the end of May. Between these two general seasons two others exist, called bonanças ["gentle winds">[ which last from the middle of March to the end of May, and comprise also part of September and October. During that time the bonança of April and May is the most prevalent wind, although other winds are blowing constantly. Should the usually mild winds prove severe, then the opposite season would develop, so that in April a vendaval often presents itself, and in September a violent brisa may blow. These seasons, I think, correspond to those of the northern sea, as you may be already aware—although I do not know whether they are at all regular, for the fleets of merchant ships leave Nueva Spaña the middle of April and somewhat later, taking thirty, forty, and sixty days to reach Havana, a distance of three hundred leagues. Although the pilots tell us that this is a good time to sail in a southeast direction, they cannot deny that they endure very great hardships from the calms caused by the bonanzas. During this journey from Nueva España to Havana, many people have met their death. Leaving in February in a few days one reaches Havana. But I, sailing the sixth of April (that is, in the middle of the bonança season), did not encounter bad weather, being detained twenty days in the calms thirty leagues from Nueva España. Neither did we encounter so feeble winds that our progress might have been retarded; nor did the vendaval of July burst forth before it was due.
3. I learned in these islands that this city had been burned by a pirate and that there had been a war. There they asked me for lead, and I readily complied with their requests, until I was weary of granting petitions. I thought that we had some lead; but on summoning my men, and searching for it, only five or six arrobas were found; and that was in sheets, such as are used to stop leaks in ships. Arriving at Manila, I could get no lead; and, not being able to obtain it elsewhere, we took from the sides of the ships somewhat less than seventy arrobas, some of which was used. With what is left we remain, hoping for the grace of God; for should not the ship sheathed with lead arrive, I do not know what would become of this camp of your Majesty. Your Majesty will understand, then, the condition of affairs here; and will please have pity and consideration for the men who are serving your Majesty here, so far away, and with so much hardship and so much danger.
4. On my arrival, I found Manila in great part burned and destroyed. Let me relate what occurs here. They say that the kingdom of China is often invaded by corsairs, and that one named Limahon (or, as the Chinese call him, Dim Mhon) had committed great depredations in China, whereby he had amassed great wealth. He was pursued by his king to the region near the upper point of this island of Luçon. Near an island about forty leagues from Luçon, he captured a Chinese merchant-ship that was en route from this city of Manila for purposes of trade. The merchants carried with them a quantity of gold and many reals of four Mexicans each, and other things obtained in this island, which were highly esteemed by them. Demanding with threats, where they had obtained this gold and silver, he robbed them of their goods, which they said had been obtained in Luçon, in trade with the Castilians. A pilot assisted him greatly in his negotiations here, for he said that the people were quite secure and careless, and were scattered through many places; and that, if he would come to the island in a short time, he would find only old people and invalids, as a galley was about to leave in order to take a captain to Mindanao and perhaps had already gone, so that there would be no one with whom to fight. The above-mentioned Limahon believed him, and thereupon came to the city. On the way, however, at dawn of day, without himself being seen, he met one of your Majesty's galliots. On this vessel there were twenty-two people, counting soldiers and sailors. This ship was sent by Captain Juan de Saucedo, who was in Ylocos, to some villages of Çinay [Sinay], near by, for provisions. This vessel had been taken from this city by order of Guido de Lavezares, in order to explore the province of Cagayan, to which I sent Don Luis de Sahajossa this last winter. When the corsair saw the galliot, he lowered his small boats and made an assault upon it; but, although the galliot was badly equipped, the soldiers defended themselves bravely from the attack of the small boats. The natives on the coast, say that a bronze falcon weighing fourteen quintals was fired five times. This falcon was called "Vigilantib" by the soldiers, on account of this word being used as an inscription upon it. As the corsair saw what a brave defense they made against the small boats, he bore down upon them with his whole fleet, consisting of sixty-two large ships, and with their great fire-bombs they burned the galley in a very short time. The poor fellows in it not having confidence in their oars—as they had only four oars to a bench, the galliot having fifteen benches—those still living threw themselves into the water. Thus they all perished, either at the hands of the Chinese or at those of the natives, who are wont to act in this manner. The Chinese sacked the galley, and placed the "Vigilantib" and other arms in their ships. This falcon was the greatest loss sustained by the galley, which was lost because it had been poorly equipped and had an insufficient number of men; they, as a result, could not warn Manila and other places. Had they been supplied with ammunition, it would have been easy to escape; and even, with the "Vigilantib" alone, to have destroyed their fleet.
5. With this prize captured from the galliot, the corsair proceeded toward Manila. At this time a soldier, Sayavedra, sergeant of Juan de Saucedo, who was in one of the neighboring villages, saw what had happened, and that the galley had been burned; and he wrote a letter to this effect to Juan de Saucedo, sending it overland by an Indian to Vigan, where Saucedo was located with one hundred men. In a short time Juan de Saucedo saw the ships of the corsair and his armament; so he sent a virey to advise the people of Manila of what was taking place. The ships in advance, on discovering the virey, deceived its occupants, and stood out to sea, to round a promontory, through the bay of which was coming the deceived virey. The virey is a kind of vessel used by the natives of these islands; it has but little steadiness, and always navigates near the shore. While this little boat was going around the bay, all the ships came upon it at once. The occupants of the little boat had to run aground, in order to escape with their lives, and to hide in the hills. Then they took out their weapons, and paused to see what was taking place. The Chinese broke up the ship, but did not completely destroy it, and then continued their journey. The soldiers again took to their vessel, and slowly wended their way to Manila, arriving there one day after St. Andrew's Day, at noon, and after the corsair had made the first assault. They spread the news that Juan de Saucedo was coming from Ylocos with all haste, for he had found out who Limahon was. These soldiers landed in a hostile region, that of a certain people called Zambales; they are very much like the Chichimecos of Nueva España, who have no ambition higher than that of cutting off men's heads. They are accustomed to the use of bows and arrows. Consequently three soldiers in a rough country could not have escaped, unless God had kept their boat from being entirely destroyed by the Sangleyes.
6. The corsair continued his journey, and, intending to make an attack at dawn, anchored outside the bay, and sent all his small boats ashore in charge of some captains, in the early part of St. Andrew's Eve. They say that the corsair remained with the ships; but that in the boats there were seven hundred men, among whom were a few arquebusiers, and many pikemen, besides men armed with battle-axes. [1] They were clad in corselets which are coats lined with exceedingly thick cotton. They had durable bamboo hats, which served as helmets; they carried cutlasses, and several daggers in their belts; and all were barefoot. Their manner of warfare or of fighting, was to form a squadron composed of men with battle-axes, among whom were placed some arquebusiers, a few of the latter going ahead as skirmishers. One of every ten men carried a banner, fastened to his shoulders and reaching two palms above his head. There were other and larger banners also, so that it appeared as if some important personage was coming who served in the capacity of master-of-camp. These, then, were the people who made the first attack.
7. The entrance to the bay of this city of Manila is southwest of Manila. On its southern side, and to the right on entering the bay, is the port of Cavite, two leagues from Manila. They took the shorter route, which was safer for their small boats, and came somewhat late within half a league of Manila without being seen; for the slight breeze stirring from the east prevented them from making the assault at daybreak. Manila is on a point or isthmus running southeast and northwest; and the river encompasses it from the east to the northwest. They did not enter by the river, in order not to be seen by the fishermen who are constantly going and coming; and also for the reason that the bay is very wide at this point, and they would have to force an entrance, which they did not dare attempt in their small boats. The pirates therefore began a hurried march along shore toward the city, dragging their lances. They arrived at the city somewhere between nine and ten o'clock in the morning. The first house attacked was that of the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite; he was sick in bed at the time. Already some natives had come to him from the shore, shouting at the tops of their voices that enemies were near, and that the king of Borney was coming down upon the Castilians. Now as Martin de Goite knew that this was the season of the brisas, and that it was impossible to come from Borney, which lies to the southwest, because the wind was dead ahead, and not believing in the possibility of other enemies, he laughed at the men, telling them that they were drunken. Meanwhile, the advance-guard of the squadron was near the house, when he arose, put on a suit of mail, and took a sword with which to defend himself. It is believed that the Chinese were passing straight ahead toward the governor's house and the artillery, guided by the spy whom they brought with them, for they were stealing along the shore forward. This would have meant the total destruction of this city and camp; for your Majesty's houses, being at the extreme end of the point of land made by the sea and the river, were without any defense. The inhabitants of the city were each in his own house, and the artillery was lying on the ground dismounted, the pieces scattered here and there throughout the camp. The point of the island once occupied, the Spaniards had no place wherein to gather and fortify themselves, so that they could have a safe position back of them. God provided this, for it is said that, when the enemies came marching in line along the seacoast, the wife of Martin de Goite, the master-of-camp, was looking out of a window which faced the seacoast. She had a child's helmet on her head, and she called and beckoned to them, telling them in Castilian that they were dogs, and that they would all be killed. The Chinese observed this, and learned from the guide that this was the house of the master-of-camp. They regarded this as a very important piece of news, and, going to that house, hurled many fire-bombs, with which they burned it in a very short time; for it was made, like all the houses there, of wood and straw. They killed some men who had gathered there; they also killed the master-of-camp, who had been injured by the fire and wounded by an arquebuse-shot in one arm, and who threw himself from a window, on account of the cruel flames. A soldier, although the enemy struck at him repeatedly with cutlasses and battle-axes, escaped with but a slight wound. It is believed that if the master-of-camp had left the house early, he would have escaped; but that he tried to defend himself in his house, which he was unable to do, on account of his severe illness. Several other persons were killed there with him. His wife, who had shouted to them, they stripped, and tore off a ring which she was slow in drawing from her finger, and a necklace; and then they stabbed her severely in the neck. She rushed from the house and hid in the tall grass, thus escaping with her life; and she is now alive. Another woman and three or four men were killed. In burning that house, and in the resistance offered there, they were detained some time; therefore news of this affair reached the city and the house of the governor, Guido de Lavezares. The first intimation that they had of the approach of the enemy was the sight of the burning house of the master-of-camp, which thus revealed it. When the affair at the house was over, the pirates attempted to proceed once more to the beach.
The delay at the house was important, for in the meanwhile Captains Velasquez and Chacon, with what soldiers there were, went to the seacoast; and from the shelter of the houses facing the beach fired well-aimed volleys from their arquebuses, whereat a number of the advance guard fell. Thus was God pleased that with the death of thirteen or fourteen Spaniards and more than eighty Chinese, the latter had enough, retreated to their boats, and went away. The Spaniards did not molest them while they were retreating, on this day, on account of their own small number of fighting men, and for fear that such a course might incite those fleeing to return. The corsairs did not utter a word, nor did they complain, even when they fell with wounds. Those in command endeavored to induce their men to press forward, but did not succeed. Most of the Spaniards who were killed were arquebusiers, who had drawn near in order to take good aim. Although they did this, so many battle-axes were directed against them that they were overthrown. Now had there been better order in keeping the soldiers from making a sally unless commanded, it is thought that, since there was a body of lancers who could have met the enemy face to face, none would have been killed except those in the house of the master-of-camp, where more damage was done them by fire than by weapons. The corsairs went to the port of Cavite, where they found their chief with all his fleet; for on seeing the fire in the city, and hearing the roar of the artillery, he knew that his men were accomplishing their purpose, and entered the bay, going straight to the port of Cavite. Those of his men who had gone to the city in the boats told him that they were unable to finish the affair or to accomplish more, for the Castilians were a very brave people.
8. After the flight of the Chinese, a Chinese merchant who was in the city, Sinsay by name, called upon the governor. He told him the corsair's name, who he was, and his power. He also stated that he was a pirate, and not sent by order of his king; and that without doubt he would return in three days. He advised the Spaniards to fortify themselves, and to remove the straw from the roofs of your Majesty's houses, so that they could not be fired—advice which was acted upon.
9. The corsair Limahon rebuked his captains, and publicly manifested his disgust at their defeat. Then he summoned his soldiers, paid them all, and made them great promises. They agreed to rest one day and to return on the morning of the third day, when he would accompany them personally—which he did, with his entire fleet.
10. It seems that Guido Lavezares, on that day, ordered that two of the principal Moros be arrested and imprisoned, saying that, by means of them, the Moros would supply him with food. Thereupon the Moros rebelled, and the prisoners were placed, bareheaded, in the stocks. This was the occasion of a suit brought against one Osorio, the constable, in whose house was the prison. He claims that he was not guilty of the offense, saying that one Sancho Ortiz de Agurto, sergeant of Captain Velasquez, killed them, or ordered certain slaves to kill them. The suit was decided accordingly.
11. The first attack was made on the day of St. Andrew the Apostle. On Tuesday, the last of September [2] of the year seventy-four, the captains began the fortifications, making with boards, stakes, and boxes and barrels filled with sand, a palisade from the river to the sea. Although it was the best they could build, it was weak enough. The next day, Wednesday, at noon the three soldiers came to warn the people, as I have previously mentioned. At nightfall of this day arrived Juan de Saucedo. As before stated, he had been stationed in Ylocos with fifty soldiers. He came almost within sight of the Chinese fleet, and upon entering the bay, took the left-hand side, leaving the right side of the port to the Chinese. The people were overjoyed to see him and his soldiers, and that night they assisted in the work of the fortifications. Very early upon the next day (Thursday) the Chinese advanced in martial array, as if determined upon revenge. At four o'clock the whole fleet appeared in front of the city, in the form of a great crescent, so that they might be there before daybreak; and three salutes were fired from all the guns of the whole fleet. Then at dawn they lowered the small boats, finally disembarking near the house of the master-of-camp, which they had burned. The chief landed, but it is reported that he did not fight, or leave, that place, where he remained seated in a chair. He divided his soldiers there—numbering, it is said, about one thousand men—into two bodies. Part of them he sent through the principal street of the city, and the others along the beach. The latter took the same route as those who arrived on the first day. Besides these two squadrons, other men were sent along the river-bank.
12. They were allowed to land, which has been considered a great mistake; for all along the shore the land is covered with grass high enough to form a fine ambuscade, where the arquebusiers could easily have been placed under cover. The corsair might haye been easily killed with one shot, when he landed in his chair to take command.
13. This day the pirates, as if previously determined, did not burn any houses that seemed to be of good quality. They went straight to the fort, and assailed it vigorously on two sides. They encountered a strong resistance from the river side and in front, and some of them were killed. On the side next the sea, the guard of the fort was entrusted to a sergeant, named Sancho Hortiz de Agurto. He went down to the shore, leaving the post, where he was stationed to find but from what quarter the Chinese were coming. They were already so near that, upon one of the Chinese meeting him, the lance of the latter must have proved the longer weapon; for he wounded the soldier, who was armed only with a halberd, in the neck. Either this wound or some other obliged him to retire; and, upon his doing so, the Chinese shot him in the back with an arquebuse, which caused his death. They assert that this must have occurred as narrated, for he was seen to measure his halbert against the lance of the Chinese. They found him wounded with a lance-thrust, and the larger hole caused by the bullet was in his breast, a proof that the bullet left his body there. But his friends tried to say that while he was fighting with the Sangley, they shot him in the back—which might have been so; for as the enemy were forcing their way into the fort, they naturally met with resistance from those defending that position. Thus according to his friends, the mistake in leaving the palisade caused the harm. On this account it happened that, when they forced that position, they found there the least resistance. About eighty Chinese entered the fort at that point, and all of them might have done so had they all been of equal courage. Our soldiers attacked them immediately, with lance and arquebuse, killing them all, according to report. This result was aided by the resistance experienced by the assaulters in other parts of the fort, which forced the Chinese to commence a retreat. Now when the main division of those who had entered the fort saw the others retreat, they too retreated and did not enter, abandoning the eighty, all of whom the Spaniards killed whether they sought flight by land or sea. On this day they burned the Augustinian church, the church of the city, and a galley that was grounded near the river; and they also destroyed an old ship. This galley was about to sail to Mindanao, as previously stated. Three Spaniards were killed and several wounded on this day, and mare than two hundred Chinese. The greatest damage was caused by the fire; for a great fire-bomb fell upon some powder, which exploded causing the death of two or three other men.
14. It is said that the corsair Limahon tried to force his men to remain, but was unsuccessful, so he retired, embarked in his boats, and set sail with his vessels for the port of Cavite.
15. It is thought that allowing the Chinese to embark on their retreat without hindrance was a mistake. Some of the Spaniards did attempt to prevent them, but the corsair, fearing that this might happen, sent some boats by sea to the river, so that the Spaniards should continue their guard, and not hinder the embarkation; and so that they might believe that those in the boats were reinforcements sent to take them in the rear. Thus it was believed, regarding it casually, that if the corsair had had much force and had taken thought in the beginning to attack in so many different places, he would have done it; but that either he did not understand this, or did not dare to do it. Therefore he collected his men, without any damage being inflicted on him in his retreat.
16. As the natives of this place, who are Moros, saw what took place the first day, thinking that the Chinese were victorious, they all rebelled on the second day. In that short space of time there gathered around the city of Manila more than ten thousand Moros, in their little boats, ready to obey the commands of the corsair. They say, too, that messengers were sent to Cavite, and the news spread broadcast. Wherever friars were stationed, the Moros captured and insulted them, threatened them with death, and robbed them of everything. They defiled the churches, killing goats there; and slew all the Spaniards possible, and their slaves. It is for this reason, the soldiers say, that they did not leave the fort, in order to prevent the departure of the corsairs, for the Moros surrounded them on all sides. When the Moros knew that the Sangleyes had gone, and that the Spaniards had been victorious, they set the friars free; and, little by little, they again became submissive—apologizing for their revolt because of the chiefs who had been slain in prison.
17. The artillery was badly mounted, and there was no gunner who knew how to fire it. If the Spaniards had had sufficient artillery, that would have proved very effectual; and, as the vessels neared the city, some of them might have been sent to the bottom. No damage, however, was done to any vessel, although they were fired upon; so that all the resistance which they made was with lances and arquebuses.
18. The corsair went to the port of Cavite with his fleet, and did not appear again; and not one ship could be found at the dawn of day. He departed to Ylocos, whence he came. He determined to establish himself in this island, settling in the province of Pangasinan, in the vicinity of Ylocos. There he founded a settlement, consisting of a great fort, in which dwelt all those who had accompanied him; and a counter-fort in the middle with an excellent and well-constructed house for himself, where he was recuperating, forty leagues from this city of Manila.
19. The wall of the fort was very high and built of palm-logs, and the counter-fort was built of palm-wood planks. When the corsair arrived there, he seized by treachery several chiefs of that land, through whom he obtained supplies. He robbed them of all their substance, and, in general treated them badly. As he had their chiefs, the common people could not flee; and because the corsair did not kill them, as he had done with others, they supported and served him. On this account he was very well supplied with provisions, wood, and other necessary things.
20. The Spanish people who were not in the city during that attack were scattered throughout the province of Camarines, one hundred leagues from here. There were almost a hundred men with a captain in the island of Çubu, and seventy more in Ylocos under Juan de Saucedo, who had gone thither to form a settlement, since these men were the encomenderos of that province. When the corsair went away, a ship was sent to find out where he had halted; and, upon discovering this, all the Spanish people were summoned, who came to Manila as quickly as possible. In the meantime Guido de Lavezares appointed Juan de Saucedo master-of-camp, and all began preparations to meet the enemy. During the time of preparation for the expedition, in order to leave the city in security, they constructed a fort; it is now finished, and was made by the natives, the wood being paid for at the expense of your Majesty. Your Majesty's carpenters here also assisted, so that the work was completed. The master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, and all the Spaniards who had gathered, and were available for the expedition, were summoned. They numbered about two hundred and fifty-six, together with two thousand five hundred friendly Indians; and they set out in fifty-nine native vessels, commanded by Captains Chacon, Chaves, Rribera, and Rramirez. These officers were instructed to consult together in regard to whatever the said master-of-camp should freely and voluntarily communicate to them, as it was he who was conducting the present undertaking.
21. They say that the corsair had, in all, about three thousand men and as many women, whom he had forcibly taken from China and Japan. The best people that he had were natives of those countries.
22. The Spaniards left Manila on the twenty-third of March of 75, and arrived at the river of Pangasinan on Holy Wednesday, the thirtieth of March. They entered by the bar of the river, two hours before daybreak; and, without being seen, landed the soldiers and four pieces of artillery. They selected the spot where the river was narrowest, to see whether they could obstruct the passage of the Chinese ships. They sent out spies, who returned with the information that the Chinese were off their guard, and were careless. Upon this the master-of-camp sent Captains Chaves and Chacon in haste, with nine vessels, in each of which were about eight men, with orders to approach the Chinese boats and to try to capture one or more of them—especially the big ones, so that he might be able with them to obstruct the bar of the river. He also sent Captain Ribera with twenty-eight men and some Indians by land, so that, at the same time when the captains were examining the river in their ships the former could assault the fort, in order to divert the people in it, and to enable those on the river to seize the said vessels. The plan for the enterprise failed, but success came in an unexpected manner; for it pleased God that, when the Spanish ships discovered the Chinese, thirty-five Chinese vessels were setting out to look for supplies for the corsair. As they were sailing along quite free from care, they caught sight of the Spaniards, and turned about and fled. It happened that, as the Spaniards pursued them, firing their arquebuses, the Chinese ships almost ran aground; whereupon all the men jumped overboard and fled to the fort, abandoning their ships. The same thing occurred to the sailors of the other fleet, so that in a moment the entire fleet was captured, together with all it contained; but it was thoughtlessly fired, and was entirely burned.
23. By this time, about ten o'clock in the morning, they began fighting in the fort under Captain Grabiel de Ribera, and had already forced an entrance. When Captain Chaves heard them from the ships, he went to their assistance, where he was joined immediately by Captain Chacon. They succeeded in reaching the first fort, capturing more than one hundred women and children after killing many of the men. At this time they set fire to the fort, claiming afterward that it was done by the Indians. This was a great mistake, for the wind blew the flames in the faces of the Spaniards, hurting them very much. Some of the soldiers remained to rob the fort. The master-of-camp did not go to their assistance with reënforcements—although the captains say that they notified him that, as they were doing so little on account of the fire, the Chinese were commencing to make repairs. As night was approaching, it was necessary for the captains to retire, leaving the fort which they had gained. If reënforcements of those who had remained in camp with the master-of-camp had come up then, they would have captured all the enemy. It is said that the Chinese were hurrying from the other side of the fort, on their way to the hills.
24. When Captains Chaves and Chacon left the ships, all were burning; for either the soldiers or the Indians, it is not known why, set fire to them, so that, in a moment, they were all ablaze.
25. On account of the great rejoicing over the unexpected victory, they overlooked the matter of keeping some of the ships both to bar up the river, and because they were large and well-equipped, particularly the flagship of the corsair. The success requisite in this affair failed through a lack of system in such an occurrence, as might be expected in fighting with barbarous people. Item, the master-of-camp was lacking in quickness in coming to the rescue upon hearing the firing on shore, so that at least Captain Ribera's force, so small, might not be swept away. Item, sentinels were lacking, as well as detachments of men to serve as reënforcements for the sake of security, and to furnish aid on occasions like the above.
26. Some of the soldiers went to the master-of-camp, accompanied by slaves carrying some of the pieces from the fort. They reported a victory, saying that the fort had surrendered, and that all was finished. These men went without orders from their captains, but were not punished; nor was any new action taken, notwithstanding that the captains assert that they sent reports of the condition of the war. The captains, upon seeing that the Chinese were losing all fear, and had wounded some of the men, returned to the camp about sunset, overcome with fatigue. Had those in camp given aid then, the rampart would not have been abandoned; but they could have stayed in or behind it, and victory was certain. The captains say that the soldiers were very eager, and, as could be seen, fought from ten in the morning; but that the country is hot, that their weapons were heavy, that the smoke beat in their faces, and that they saw night approaching without reënforcements or any food. They even say they would have perished had they not found a well whence the Chinese drew water for their work; and this water, although bad, they drank from their helmets, being refreshed thereby. On account of these conditions they were compelled to retire to the camp. Upon their arrival at camp, they declare that they were met by the master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, who told them that, if he were a soldier and not the master-of-camp, he would die with them, for he was also a soldier to fight with the Chinese. The said captains and the people generally felt that the master-of-camp was very much troubled about what had happened—he complaining that they, despite his order to the contrary, had burned the fleet, and spent their time with the enemy in the fort; they responding that he was requiting them very poorly, and that, after they had gained the day and attained the victory at so great peril to themselves, he spoke such words through envy, that he proved his treachery, and refused to aid them in their necessity. From this arose many slanders, hate, and differences of opinion among the soldiers, that God alone can dispel. It is certain that there was a lack of persons who could direct such a battle, and the day was certainly the luckiest, as well as the least systematic, that could be imagined. A few of the men were wounded and five were killed on account of their lack of order, and because they waited until the enemy were recuperated.
27. A council was held, the following night, by the master-of-camp and the captains. Some of the latter thought it expedient to make an attack the next morning, before the corsair should regain his courage. As this was the prevailing opinion, the master-of-camp went with all his men to make an assault. On nearing the fort, they heard rumors and opinions that the place was already being fortified. The master-of-camp retired his forces, saying that it was not convenient to make the assault, or to expose the few Spaniards that your Majesty had here to so much danger. Now at this time there arose a great difference of opinion, caused by private interposition. It certainly was a mistake not to make the assault on that day, for the day before counted for but little; and a captain offered to reconnoiter the weakest part, and to lead in the assault.
28. After this retreat, they encamped near the enemy, on the islet formed by the river, which runs north and south. The enemy were on the northern side and the Spaniards on the southern. It was a good thing to have located so near the enemy, if they had immediately made a defense for the artillery, which could have been done with stakes and earth. That should have been done before it was established there; but they took up their position before they had made the bulwark.
29. By this time the corsair had regained his courage, and ordered certain of his guns fired at the camp. The "Vigilantib," which had been captured from the galley, as abovesaid, shattered the leg of a standard-bearer of the master-of-camp, striking him in the middle of the shin-bone. This man was healed, and is now living. This catastrophe caused such an impression, that they resolved to move the camp from the island to the mainland, so that the river might intervene between them and the spot occupied by the corsair. It was a great mistake followed by still greater ones. The affair became a long siege, and they amused themselves in gambling freely, in levying tribute, and in other like things.
30. The corsair was not expecting an assault by the Spaniards, so his fort was not completed, lacking the terreplein; and his artillery was unmounted, and no sentinels were placed. He had made no preparations for war, beyond what a colonist might do. But now he hurried to make preparations and to defend his cause. He sent out squadrons from time to time with lances and arquebuses to fight—although he himself did not leave the fort for the battle, but from within gave his signals of retreat or attack.
31. The master-of-camp only made some ambuscades, prolonging the siege. It is certain that the Spaniards never fought the Chinese with all their men, force to force. Although the Chinese leader sent out five hundred or six hundred men, who pretended to show fight, they generally fled when fifty of the Spaniards came out. It is certain that, force to force, the Chinese would not wait to fight; and if by the help of God they remained they would be routed, although they had three times as many men, for they are not a warlike race. It is also certain, and all acknowledge it to be true, that the Spaniards desired to fight hand to hand, and to make the assault. They always did their duty, fighting like valiant men, although there were some cowardly ones, as all bodies have their weak side.
32. On account of the space given to the corsair, the latter was able to delay things and to do some damage. For instance some soldiers were imprudently sent to form some small ambuscades; but the Chinese were warned of them, and made a counter ambuscade. Of the seven soldiers who left the camp, the Chinese killed and captured five, and the other two fled. It was exceedingly foolhardy to send so few men out in a case like this, and caused great harm, for it made the Chinese more daring. The master-of-camp left camp with about twenty men to form another ambuscade, contrary to the advice of the captains. This also proved unsuccessful, although, as help came, the Chinese retired without doing any damage.
33. As the corsair had no ships, he sent men out to cut wood, and as all his soldiers were good workmen, they soon constructed thirty ships within the fort. With these he set sail at noon on the fourth of August, having been besieged within the fortifications for over four months. He directed his ships toward his own country, but, as he left, he committed some damage with the "Vigilantib." At this time the Spaniards feared that, when the ships were leaving, they were about to attack them; and that some column was about to take them in the rear. For this reason they fortified their rear-guard strongly when the corsair left. It was ludicrous to expect that the Chinese were coming to attack them, when with all their squadrons they never dared once to measure their strength with ours.
34. Before this the Spaniards had filled the river with stakes, to retard the progress of the corsair, but the latter removed them. He compelled some of his men to enter the water; and ropes being tied to the shoulders of these men, they removed, although with considerable difficulty, a sufficient number of the stakes to clear the vessels. While he was removing the stakes, the Spaniards stationed arquebusiers and as large a force as they were able; but in this there was negligence in not opposing the enemy with better arquebusiers.
35. They say that the corsair sent offers of friendship to the Spaniards, saying that he would introduce us to the kingdom of China and assist us in conquering the same. In regard to this there was no further discussion; because he asked as a condition that the siege should be raised, and that the Spaniards should go to Manila, where he would return, in order to adjust the matter. Then, too, Omocon, a captain of the king of China, was in that city, who had come to locate the corsair, besides Sinsay, and others, which made the Spaniards suspicious of admitting these discussions.
36. It seems that in the kingdom of China this corsair, Limahon, had done much damage; and the king was at a great expense and trouble in maintaining garrisons along the frontier where he was wont to commit his frequent depredations. The governors of the province of Hoquian sent two ships in charge of a Chinese captain, named Omocon, sent by the governor of Chinchiu, who bears the title there of Yncuanton, to spy upon Limahon, in order to send a fleet against him. This same Omocon also brought letters containing a pardon from the king, in case he should fall into the hands of Limahon. He brought letters also to the principal married men with Limahon, promising them many things, if they would kill the corsair and return to the service of their king. This Omocon arrived at Pangasinan after the burning of the enemy's fleet, and after the attack made on the fort the first day. He spoke with the master-of-camp asserting that their enemy was a pirate; and that if the Spaniards would take him prisoner or kill him, the king of China would recompense them by entering into friendly and brotherly relations with them. He also said that monuments would be set up in the king's city, and in other public places, with inscriptions describing the heroic feats of the Castilians, who would not come to terms with Limahon, but on the contrary had killed him in order to do the king of China a favor. This Omocon, when he saw that the corsair was defeated and without any hope of getting ships, and ascertained that Limahon could not engage in a pitched battle, and concluding that the consummation had come, said that he would go to notify the Yncuanton of Chinchiu. Then he offered to take some of the religious with him, saying that he would take as many as wished to go. Accordingly the master-of-camp sent him to Manila, and Guido de Lavezares gave him a certain present to take to China. Fathers Fray Martin de Errada, a native of Navarra, and Fray Gerónimo Martin, a native of Mexico, went with him. A soldier named Miguel de Loarca, and another called Pedro Sarmiento, also accompanied them. They reached Pangasinan where they took two other soldiers with them, Nicolas de Cuenca and Juan de Triana. They took also as interpreter a Chinese, named Hernando, who understood Spanish. The above-mentioned Sinsay also went with them. A large vessel belonging to Omocon was left in Pangasinan with thirty or forty Chinese; Omocon said that he did so, in order that they might be of service to the camp. The fathers and soldiers went to China with Omocon, and what they saw there they have since related. [3]
37. It is believed that it was a mistake to let Omocon go, because with the two ships that he took, and the one that remained there, it might have been possible to close up the passage of the river. However at the time of the departure of the corsair minor matters should not be classed with errors.
38. When the friars reached China, they carried letters with them. They were there four or five months, and might have remained there, but the governors did not agree to that. Because of their eagerness to see Limahon, the governors despatched a fleet of ten ships, and with it the fathers and Spaniards, on the pretext that, if it were necessary for the Chinese to assist in the war, the latter would lend their aid. They appointed Sinsay captain, and Omocon a captain of higher rank. On the way, these men falsified the letters given them by Guido de Laveçares, writing others that said that they were at the front, and fought valiantly, encouraging the Castilians when the latter burned the fleet and demolished the fort; as a reward for which they gave in money, to each one, besides the captaincy, four hundred silver taes, each tae of the value of twelve Castilian reals. These captains had with them as captain-general another Chinese, named Siaogo, an insignificant, mean-looking, little old man. It is said that he had been a corsair when young. When these people came to this island and learned that Limahon had gone, they cried for very rage and bitterness—especially Omocon, who had solemnly averred that the corsair could not escape. They brought a slight present with them, of a few pieces of silk and cotton shawls, and also letters. A part of the present was for the governor, another for the master-of-camp, another for the captains, and the rest for the soldiers. Their portion was given to the captains by the Chinese and friars. That which was destined for the governor I received, and am sending it by this same packet to your Majesty, so that you may see their way of doing things. I am sending also some cloth, such as they wear, five bonnets, a belt that indicates that the wearer is a captain, and the original letters that came from China translated into Spanish—one of them having the equivalent Spanish words under the Chinese and the letter telling about the present. From these it will be seen that their writing does not consist of letters, but of syllables or symbols. They brought with them thirteen horses as a present or as purchases. These beasts are full of bad habits, like those of Galicia. One horse was given there and here to the governor, and was delivered to the officials of your Majesty's royal estate, that they may sell it, and place the proceeds in the box with the three keys. The rest of the horses were sent to their respective owners.
39. These ten ships brought some merchandise to sell, although but little, which they sold at very high rates. They are a mean, impudent people, as well as very importunate. They remained in this port more than six months, and demanded a present to carry back with them—saying that the good will of their commanders would thus be gained; and that, if this present were made to them, it would stand the Spaniards in good stead in their land. Inasmuch as it was reported that Limahon had fled, and as these people are as cowardly as Indians, they begged me to write to China that Limahon was dead. For this purpose, they tried to procure many human heads, which many natives of this land are wont to keep as treasures, in order to declare that they had that of Limahon. They made a false seal, claiming that it had belonged to Limahon, from whom they had taken it. They endeavored to have me write to China from here after this manner, but I always told them, whenever they broached the subject, that the Castilians did not know how to lie, and that we could not discuss such trivial matters. I consulted the captains and religious concerning the present, and we agreed that it was not convenient to send one, but that we would furnish them with provisions. Therefore we supplied them generously, and they left this port on the fourth of May of the year seventy-six. They took with them two fathers, Fray Martin de Errada and Fray Augustin de Alburquerque, and my letters, a copy of which I am sending, as well as an order for the fathers to remain there to preach. The Chinese did not take any Spaniards with them; however, they begged for some of our people, later, thinking that the latter would take something to give them or which they could seize. During their stay here I treated them very well, but there is no way of softening their hearts, except by means of gifts—although, to my way of thinking, weapons would avail more.
40. The kingdom of China is very large. It is a two days' journey from the head of this island thither for Spanish ships. Sailing from this port one day until one loses sight of land, on the next day China is seen. They themselves call their country "the kingdom of Taibiu;" those of the Yndias, and other peoples, call it China. This means "a very remote land," just as in Castilla they called Nueva España and Peru "Las Antillas." Thoughout these islands they call the Chinese "Sangleyes," meaning "a people who come and go," on account of their habit of coming annually to these islands to trade—or, as they say there, "the regular post." Here they style the Portuguese, "Parangue," taking the name from margaritas [pearls]. They were given this name, because they were the first who sold pearls. The captains describe the kingdom of Taibiu in the following manner:
It has fifteen provinces, with viceroys, while the people out-number those of Germany. The king is now a child of thirteen. He has a mother and tutors, and it is about three years since his father died. The people are light complexioned, well-built, and robust. There are some who resemble mulattoes, who are badly treated.
41. The men and women both wear long garments, like the one that I am sending so that your Majesty may see it. All wear wide trousers [Sp. çaragueles], black or white felt hose, and shoes. The country is cold like España, but there are some warm regions. It has a great many people.
42. They are heathens, and do absurd things. They do not use the rosary, and have no religious observances or ornate temples. If some temples do exist, only mechanical rites are performed in them. They are a vile people, and are sodomites, as is affirmed by Spaniards who have seen young boys present themselves before the justice to ask the amount of the fine for the crime of violation, and frankly pay it. They are all tyrants, especially those in authority, who oppress the poor heavily.
43. They are a cowardly people—so much so, that none ride on horseback, although there are many horses there, because they do not dare to mount them. They do not carry weapons, nor do they use spurs on the horses. They use the whip and bridle, which do not have much effect on the horse.
44. There are a great many robbers or highway-men, robbing along the highways or off them. They are very lazy; they do not cultivate the ground unless some one forces them to it, and they do not collect the harvest. They sell their children, in case of poverty, for a small sum of money with which to buy food.
45. All the land belongs to the king, and no one in all the kingdom owns a handful of earth; accordingly each man must pay, in proportion to the amount of land that he uses, tribute to the king.
46. They know nothing, unless it be to read and write; and those who can do this well are made great captains by the king.
47. They talk slowly, very explosively, and arrogantly. Our manner of writing astonishes these people, as well as our way of living, which they think better than their own.
48. When they effect a cure by blood-letting, they scrape the skin until the blood comes, and with lighted wicks cauterize the wounds; they also give the patient certain potions about which they have learned by experience.
49. They always drink hot water. They heat this on the fire, and water their wine, which they drink hot. They pretend to a knowledge of chiromancy, but know nothing about it.
50. They are very superstitious in casting lots. When they crossed the bar of this port, this superstition affected the flagship in which the fathers had embarked, and the captain had to have the lot taken by divination, and had the friars, whom he was carrying, changed to another ship. However, the truth is that the change was made so that they would have more freedom to pursue their customary vices.
51. They are very submissive to authority, and patiently suffer the punishments inflicted. For a very slight offense an ear will be cut off, or a hundred lashes of the whip given. The land is fertile. The horses are small and the cows are like those of Berberia. It is reported that farther inland are horses capable of bearing armed men.
52. No sheep are found along the coast, but there are said to be some inland. On my asking them what Castilian products were lacking in their country, they replied, "None whatever, unless it be velvet;" and they say that they do not have this, because they do not know how to make it, but that if they could see that manufacture, they would learn it.
53. They say that inland there are vines from which they make wine, and olives. At the rear, this kingdom joins Tartaria; and a great many years ago, they do not know how many, the natives established the king of Tartaria in Taybiu, and he and his descendants ruled it for one hundred and seventy years, until, after four generations, they were expelled. Now one of the descendants of the native kings of Taybiu reigns, and wages constant war with the Tartars, of whom they say they are not afraid. They can reckon time only by the years of their king, and therefore lose count easily; for, as soon as one king dies, no further mention is made of him, and they reckon time by the first or second year of the reign of the new king, and no other memory of the preceding king endures. In another manner they reckon the months by moons, and have eleven months to the year. It is quite usual for that land to change masters; but it has always had a king, either of their own nation or a foreigner. They count as their New Year's the first of February.
54. The king and the chief priest dress in yellow, as a mark of distinction, no one else being allowed to use this color.
55. The smallest province has more inhabitants than Nueva España and Piru together. The cities are large, but contain mean little houses. The people are generally poor. There are no gold or silver coins, but everything is sold by weight. There are some copper and bronze coins for small change. There is gold and a great deal of silver. One peso [weight] of gold is worth four pesos of silver, according to their calculation. For so many pesos of silver so many of silk are obtained, and so with other things.
56. Everything is sold by weight, even wood and chickens, and all other things; they are sold very cheaply, for land is very cheap.
57. Wheat and rice are raised abundantly. There are mines of gold, silver, quicksilver, copper, lead, tin, and all the metals.
58. It takes a week, generally, to make the voyage from Manila to Chiunchiu [the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo], a distance of about one hundred and forty leagues. It is said that the journey has been made in fair weather in six days, and has never required more than ten.
59. These people never travel by water except during the months of the bonanças, which I have explained. Their ships cannot stand the wind astern, because both bow and stern have the same form and are flat, like a square table; they are so made in order that either end can be used. They navigate always, in either direction, by means of side-winds. These vessels rock to and fro, like cradles with oars.
60. The sails of their ships are made of bamboo, like matting. They do not use a yard on the mast, but raise the mainsail on the mast fastened to a pole as an infantry flag is placed on a pike; and the sheets hang down from the other side with which the sail is turned to this or that side, according to the direction of the wind. The sail is half the width of the ship, and the mast is large and high. The sail is raised by means of a windlass, which contrivance is used also for a capstan. The rigging is made of reeds and grass, which grow wild. The mast is stepped about two-thirds of the length of the ship nearer the prow, in order that the ship may pitch forward. The foremast is not stationary, being moved to port or starboard, according to the weather or other requirements. The sheets are worked in the same way. The compass is divided for fewer directions than ours. They also use stern-masts as mizzen-masts, which, like that at the bow, are changed from one side to the other, so that they do not need quadrants. They go from one side to the other with the wind which helps them. They use two oars at the bow to turn the ship, and two others at the stern that assist the sailing. The compass consists of a small earthenware jar, on which the directions are marked. This jar is filled with water and the magnetized needle placed in it. Sometimes before they happen to strike it right, they could go to the bottom twenty times, thus, although it is marvelous, considering that they are a barbarous people, that they should understand the art of navigation, it is very surprising to see how barbarous are their methods.
61. All their arms, for both sea and land, are fire-bombs. They have quantities of gunpowder, in the shape of loaves. Their artillery, although not large, is poor. They have also, and quite commonly poor, culverins and arquebuses, so that they depend mainly on their lances. I am informed that they do not fear the arquebuses very much, because they themselves are so poor shots with them, and are amazed at seeing a hen or a pigeon killed with an arquebuse-shot. They fear lances more than other weapons.
62. The chief captains and the king never cut their finger-nails, and allow one to grow as long as the finger, and longer. These go to war seated in chairs, carried on the shoulders of other men. They frequently become intoxicated, and are very libidinous. They guard their women very carefully. The women also do not cut their finger-nails. When daughters are born to people of rank, they compress the child's feet by the toes, so that they cannot grow; and the girl cannot stand on them, but is always carried about seated. For this reason, these women never leave the house.
63. The men have as many wives as they can support. They wear their hair long, gathered up on top of the head, as women dress their hair.
64. None but a few principal people ever see the face of the king, and those only who are near him. His face is always covered when he goes out, and he is accompanied by a numerous guard.
65. The king resides in the province of Paquian, in a city called Quincay, mentioned by Marco Polo, the Venetian, [4] in his second book, and sixty-fourth chapter. According to the account given by these, people, their country must have been ruled by the Tartars before Marco Polo made that voyage, because in his history he refers to the master of this city, and of others in the kingdom, as "the great Khan." I believe that the strange people and language must have changed the names of many of the provinces in his time. Although he writes briefly, and in such a way that it seems but nonsense, still it is true that this city does exist; and, according to the statements of the Chinese, the name means in their language "City of Heaven," as says Marco Polo. This city of Quincay, as nearly as we can learn, seems to be somewhat less than five hundred leagues from Manila, which is to those living here as Cales and the mainland of España, and if more of our people could go in one virey, everything would be changed. These people do not extol Quincay less than Marco Polo does.
66. Marco Polo says that there are in that city Nestorian Christians. The people here cannot pronounce the name, but claim that there are people in it from all over the world in great numbers. The people there are very vicious, as are those in these islands, which are really an archipelago of China, and their inhabitants are one people with the Chinese—as are those of Candia and of Constantinople, who are all Greeks.
67. There are walls in the city formed of smooth, dry stone, well placed on the outside. The food consists mainly of fish, for which they go out into the sea to a distance of twenty leagues. Whoever should prove master of the sea might do with them as he wished—especially along their coast, which extends north and south for more than five hundred leagues, where one may work daily havoc. Their garrisons of soldiers along the coast are worthless, for they are treated only as the servants of the commanders, and are overburdened; the result is that the lowest and most abused people among the Chinese are the soldiers.
68. The people generally have no weapons, nor do they use any. A corsair with two hundred men could rob a large town of thirty thousand inhabitants. They are very poor marksmen, and their arquebuses are worthless.
69. The trade with China is very disadvantageous to the Spaniards, as well as to the inhabitants of these islands; for the only useful thing that they bring is iron, and nothing else. Their silks are of poor quality; and they take away our gold and silver. Just so long as their intercourse with us endures without war, just so much the more skilful will they become; and all the less fear will they have of those with whom they have traded.
70. Some Indians, Japanese, and Chinese told me here that the Portuguese have taken weapons to China, especially arquebuses such as we use; and a Chinese sold me a Portuguese broadsword. The Portuguese could teach them the use of large artillery, how to manage the horse, and other things equally injurious to us. As they are merchants, it would not be surprising that they should do so. Does not your Majesty think that it would be well to hasten this expedition, and to do so at once? For, in truth, it is the most important thing that could happen for the service of God and of your Majesty. We are told that there are millions of men, and that their tribute to their king is thirty millions or more.
71. The equipments necessary for this expedition are four or six thousand men, armed with lances and arquebuses, and the ships, artillery, and necessary munitions.
72. With two or three thousand men one can take whatever province he pleases, and through its ports and fleet render himself the most powerful on the sea. This will be very easy. In conquering one province, the conquest of all is made.
73. The people would revolt immediately, for they are very badly treated. They are infidels, and poor; and, finally, the kind treatment, the evidences of power, and the religion which we shall show to them will hold them firmly to us.
74. There is enough wood in these islands, and enough men to make a great fleet of galleys. In all the islands a great many corsairs live, from whom also we could obtain help for this expedition, as also from the Japanese, who are the mortal enemies of the Chinese. All would gladly take part in it. Some native corsairs would also join us, and introduce us into the country.
75. The war with this nation is most just, for it gives freedom to poor, wretched people who are killed, whose children are ravished by strangers, and whom judges, rulers, and king treat with unheard-of tyranny. Each speaks ill of his neighbor; and almost all of them are pirates, when any occasion arises, so that none are faithful to their king. Moreover, a war could be waged against them because they prohibit people from entering their country. Besides, I do not know, nor have I heard of, any wickedness that they do not practice; for they are idolators, sodomites, robbers, and pirates, both by land and sea. And in fact the sea, which ought to be free according to the law of nations, is not so, as far as the Chinese are concerned; for whosoever navigates within their reach is killed and robbed, if they can do it. One day I called Captain Omocon, telling him in confidence that I wished to send a ship to trade with China, and he told me in friendship and all sincerity not to send that galley until I had ten more well equipped to accompany it; for the Chinese were so evilly inclined that, they would under some pretext try to attack and capture it, in order to rob it of its goods, and make slaves of the crew. It is safe to say that, no matter what good we might do them, they will always give us daily a thousand causes for a just war. Now my opinion is, may it please your Majesty, that it would be an advantage to have a sufficient force of soldiers, so that, under any circumstance whatsoever, they may find us ready.
76. Moreover, we live so near them that in five days they can come hither in their ships, while we in two days can sail in ours from one coast to the other; and, as we have seen, they are wont to commit depredations (as was the case in this city). Therefore, this course of action will quite prevent the execution of their plans, which I know—namely, that if they are able they will kill me, and are seeking occasion for it.
77. I offer myself to serve your Majesty in this expedition, which I desire so much that I cannot overrate it. If for this reason your Majesty is inclined to put less trust in me as a loyal vassal and servant, let some one else to your liking take charge of this expedition, even if I do not go on it, provided it is undertaken at your Majesty's command. Since I shall have been your Majesty's impelling motive, I shall remain satisfied; and it will be a sufficient reward for my poor services to have recommended it so earnestly in this manner. If it had pleased God to endow me with great wealth, I would not hesitate to spend on this expedition my entire patrimony whenever your Majesty should so command. In beginning a battle, the business would be finished, for there is not a man in that whole kingdom who has an income of one hundred ducats or a palm's length of land; nor is there one who considers it a disgrace to be given two hundred lashes. They are a mercenary horde, accustomed to serve foreigners.
78. The kingdom inland, from what I have learned from men who know, is not so large, nor does it extend so far as they say—namely, that it requires a journey of seven months to reach the place where the king lives. There are about five hundred leagues of seacoast running north and south. It is wonderful to see the number of people and the eagerness that they display in their duties and occupations. Besides the ordinary tribute, they say that the king has a million paid soldiers to oppose the Tartars, at the wall [5] made by both nations. With this I send a Chinese map, from which one can learn something, although the Chinese are so barbarous, as will be seen from their papers.
79. In a letter from China, from the Ynçuanton (as they are barbarians, and the real information that they possess of us is that our numbers are but two hundred men), he states (I know not what the words are, but they mean "tribute"), that a present taken by the Chinese the past year, before my arrival, was placed in the king's treasury. As Omocon falsified the letters that he took from here, as the friars told me on their return, and as he even stole a large part of that present—he must have said, that it was through his efforts that the fleet of the corsair Limahon was burned, when he joined the Castilians; and that the latter would send the corsair to their king. Afterward they tried to induce us to write from here in accordance with their desires, as I have said before. I treated them kindly, but the council decided that the Chinese should take no present, since it might happen that they would steal it; but that two priests should go to that land, who should carry letters and instructions from me, and should send back an answer, to ensure better success.
80. It is said that every three years the king changes the viceroys in China, because of his knowledge that they have robbed the whole country; also that those in command there resist the king's authority, as soon as they end their terms of office, and persuade others to do the same. In short, as no one can or does speak to the king or his viceroys except through a third party, they never tell the truth, and thus the whole country is in a state of infidelity and barbarism.
81. Concerning the demarcations, it is perfectly clear that the Malucos and all the rest extending from Malaca toward this direction, including Burney, the whole coast of China, Lequios, the Japanese islands, and Nueva Guinea are in the demarcation of your Majesty. The Portuguese pass the limits of their demarcation by more than five hundred leagues, and are busied in fortifying themselves. However, it is not necessary to take any notice of their fortifications; for, if ordered to do so, we can go to Maluco very easily. We are only awaiting the will of your Majesty. The Chinese bring here quantities of pepper which, as well as cloves, they sell for four reals a libra—and one hundred nutmegs for the same amount. This year, they told us, there are no Portuguese in China; for they all gathered at Malaca, because of the war waged against them by the king of Achen. Others who have come here, have told us that they were not in Malaca either; but I did not believe it. I believe only that the Chinese like our trade better because of the silver from Mexico and the gold from these regions; and that business with the Portuguese is business transacted with corsairs. Among other reasons why your Majesty should, without hesitation, despatch troops as soon as possible to this land, is that the king of Achen—who is a wretched, little, naked, barefooted Moro—is treating the Portuguese very badly. This ill-treatment arises from the fact that five or six hundred Turkish arquebusiers have come to him from Mec[c]a, and with their help he is conquering all the region thereabout. This territory is about the same distance from Malaca as Berbería is from Andalucía. Malaca is on the coast of China itself, which at that point turns toward the north. In that region we find two more petty kings, one of Çian [Siam] and the other of Patan [Pahang?], both Moros. They are about three hundred leagues from us here, while about one hundred and fifty leagues from us is the king of Borney—who is also a Moro, and in constant communication with the first named kings; and the whole archipelago would very willingly render obedience and pay tribute to him, if we were not here. These Moros of Borney preach the doctrine of Mahoma, converting all the Moros of these islands. I have investigated the matter so that, whenever God pleases, if we have forts and troops in this land, we might aid the Portuguese, in order that the petty king of Achen might be subdued—who persistently continues to send out his Mahometan preachers. As I before remarked, he has Turks in his service; accordingly, by depriving them of that vantage-point, the passage would be closed, and neither Turks nor Moros could travel from Malaca to this place. These are the most dangerous people, and know the use of all manner of arms, and of horses. Waiting for the Portuguese to do something is a weariness to the flesh, for they are a poor people at best. Nearly all the inhabitants here were born in Yndia, and are children of Indians.
Condition of the Country
82. These Philipinas islands are numerous and very extensive. The climate is hot and damp. There is no protection from the sun, as the houses are built of stakes and bamboo and the roofs are made of palm leaves. Notwithstanding all this the country is healthy. At night there is an agreeable temperature, and during the day are the flood-tides of the sea. There is water in abundance. The evening dew is not harmful. If there were the same protection from the sun that exists in Sevilla, this country would be as healthy—and some places more so, if one lives temperately (especially as regards continence), and does not imbibe too freely; for the penalty for immoderate living is death. The food here is rice, which is the bread of this country. It is cultivated in the following manner. They put a basketful of it into the river to soak. After a few days they take it from the water; what is bad and has not sprouted is thrown away. The rest is put on a bamboo mat and covered with earth, and placed where it is kept moist by the water. After the sprouting grains have germinated sufficiently, they are transplanted one by one, as lettuce is cultivated in España. In this way they have abundance of rice in a short time. There is another crop of rice, which grows of itself, but it is not so abundant. Wine is made from the cocoa-palm, from rice, and from millet, and they have ajonjolí [6]—but of all these only a little, because the people are Indians. There is plenty of fish, but it is not so good as that of España. The same fowl are found here as in Castilla, but they are much better than those of Castilla. There are many swine, deer, and buffalo, but he who wishes them must kill them himself, because no native will kill or hunt them. Meat spoils very quickly here on account of the heat.
83. The soil is very fertile—better than that of Nueva España; and the rains come at about the same season. There is no such thing as a bad year, unless some hurricane works damage.
84. The people here are naked, and barefoot. They wrap a cotton cloth around their loins. Those who possess such a thing wear a little cotton or China silk shirt. They are people capable of much toil. Some are Moros, and they obtain much gold, which they worship as a god. All their possessions are gold and a few slaves, the latter being worth among them five or six pesos each. They do not let their hair hang but wind a small turban about the head. They believe that paradise and successful enterprises are reserved for those who submit to the religion of the Moros of Borney, of which they make much account. They do not eat pork, and believe many foolish notions that tend toward superstition. These are a richer people, because they are merchants, and, with their slaves, cultivate the land. There are other natives who tattoo themselves, and wear long hair, as the Chinese do. They are a poorer and fiercer race. All carry weapons, such as daggers and lances, and possess some artillery. No reliance can ever be placed on either of these races. They all settle on the shores of rivers, on account of the convenience for their fields, and because they can communicate with one another, and go in their little boats to steal. They hardly ever travel by land. Inland in the islands, and away from the rivers, dwells another race who resemble the Chichimecos [7] of Nueva España, very savage and cruel, among whom are some negroes. All use bows and arrows, and consider it very meritorious to kill men, in order to keep the heads of the slain as ornaments for their houses. They are the most despised people in these islands, and are called Tinguianes [8] or "mountaineers;" for tingue means "mountain." They have quantities of honey and wax, and trade these commodities with the lowlanders. As these islands are so fertile, there are large groves which are called arcabucos ["thickets">[. Thus there are no open roads, for which reason the Spaniards experience difficulty in moving rapidly on land, while the natives can easily flee from one end to the other.
85. Most of the Indians are heathens, but have no intelligent belief, or any ceremonies. They believe in their ancestors, and when about to embark upon some enterprise commend themselves to these, asking them for aid. They are greatly addicted to licentiousness and drunkenness, and are accustomed to plunder and cheat one another. They are all usurers, lending money for interest and go even to the point of making slaves of their debtors, which is the usual method of obtaining slaves. Another way is through their wars, whether just or unjust. Those who are driven on their coast by storms are made slaves by the inhabitants of that land. They are so mercenary that they even make slaves of their own brothers, through usury. They do not understand any kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary—such as to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of sailors; and to cultivate the land. The mountaineers make iron lance-points, daggers, and certain small tools used in transplanting rice. They are very anxious to possess artillery, of which they cast a little, although but poorly. They are all a miserable race. Although the Pintados behave better to the Spaniards, yet, whenever they find one alone, they kill him, and the Moros do the same whenever they can.
86. When Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came to these islands, he settled in the island of Çubu, which is very barren and small. When he went thence, he went to Panae, on account of the war waged against him by the Portuguese, and the famine there, which was very severe. With but little acuteness, he established a settlement in Çubu, with about fifty inhabitants; and built a little fort of stakes, which soon tumbled down. Although the country is healthful, it is so barren that no one cares to live there; neither is it an important place. I have established this place and rebuilt the ruined fortress; and I have placed there an alcalde mayor and about fifty soldiers who have pacified those natives. The latter had risen in rebellion, at the opportunity afforded by the tyrant Limahon. That islet is next another called Mindanao, a large and rich island—where, God willing, we must make an expedition soon. This settlement is of no advantage, and causes expense and no gain, beyond saying that it is near Maluco; nor does it possess other good qualities than that it claims to have a good climate and port.
87. The Malucos are nearer to Nueva España than this city is, by two hundred leagues; so that it would be easier and shorter to reach them from Nueva España. On returning, the season could be chosen better, as there are no channels or islands to go through, as we have here. Among these islands there are certain currents which flow more rapidly than those of any river. One cannot believe this unless one actually sees it. And as the archipelago is so extensive, at the doubling of each promontory it is needful to choose a different time for sailing. For this reason we need vessels with oars. Meanwhile, unless your Majesty orders it, we shall not go to Maluco. If we had to go there, it would be better to locate in that village in Mindanao, which is well supplied with provisions and where there are people. It is more than one hundred leagues nearer than Maluco.
88. When your Majesty was pleased to give Miguel Lopez de Legaspi permission to divide the land into encomiendas, he did so in accordance with the wishes of the few men whom he had, assigning two or three thousand natives as an encomienda to four or eight men. These natives were not pacified, conquered, or even seen, so that the people asked and still ask for soldiers to visit and pacify them, in regard to which there is much trouble here. It was agreed that eight thousand tributarios should be given as an encomienda to the master-of-camp, four thousand to the captains, three thousand to men of rank, and so on to the different classes, according to their position. This caused trouble immediately because the generality of people and soldiers are not willing to acknowledge so many people superior to themselves. It is impossible to pursue the procedure adopted. Again, complaints are heard that fewer Indians are given to one than to another, and that those taken from their encomienda, as is commonly asserted, swell the encomiendas of other persons. All these were things not well understood at that time. They were not discussed in the residencia, [9] in order not to arouse dissension. I tell all this to your Majesty so that you may know the condition of affairs here. If I could, I would reform matters so that good sense should conquer.
89. He [Legazpi] was also wont to maintain a number of gentlemen, who had nothing more to do than to act as sentinels for him alone. They were considered as of higher rank, as above said, and even more; and they ate with him at his table. They were ordinarily young men recommended to him by others from Mexico. They were thus set above their fellows, which occasioned considerable trouble—even resulting once in the garrotting of one from Cadiz. These men always accompanied the governor in his walks, for he went afoot, because there were no horses; and they were supported from your Majesty's treasury. It has seemed to me a gracious act toward the people to entrust my person to them all; and that those appointed by the sergeant-major in turn, from the different companies, should perform sentinel duty at my house—in order to relieve your Majesty's royal estate of this traffic and expense; and to obviate this envy and the too great equality caused by seating common people at the table. Then, too, I ride on horseback whenever I go out; and no one would wish to attend me except my servants. Therefore this guard, as was necessary, ceases to exist. I rely on the fidelity of the sentinels, and will rely on any person who refrains from possessions and honor not his own, and sets a good example.
90. For the reason above stated—that repartimientos were made by Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and afterward by Guido de Lavesares, of places never pacified or even seen—there are many encomenderos who have no food, and who, whenever any district is pacified of late, demand that it be given to them by virtue of that encomienda, to the prejudice of those who go to pacify and cultivate it. Consequently, notwithstanding that I have not yet seen the river of Vindanao, as above stated, I must send men there. They have divided it into encomiendas, and assessed the tax according to the men; just as in districts which are not so large as that one, they come to beg for men, in order to go to collect their tributes and commit various excesses. In accordance with your Majesty's order and commission, I shall grant no encomienda that is not pacified and faithful. I think that this will settle the matter, and that the people will come to understand it. I enclose with this a list of the encomiendas of the country; but all that is a matter of little importance except for the passage from the mainland of China.
91. As I have previously observed, and since all the cost of the exploration and occupancy of these islands, has been at your Majesty's expense, those in charge of the government have but ill attended to apportioning Indians to the royal crown; and those allotments were made by way of compliment, and are the worst ones. They relied only on what had to be sent them annually from Nueva España, and on what has come from there; for this land is as sterile as one who lives on charity. Accompanying this is a list of the income that your Majesty has here. As far as I understand it, there is no account of the number of Indians who are apportioned to the royal crown, and whether or not they wander through the hills, for no one has seen them. To discuss this matter in the residencia would be to excite the people to anger. I thought that it would be all right to do it quietly, and therefore I have apportioned as many as possible to the royal crown. However in regard to this there was trouble enough, for once an office-holder stated in public that, at this rate, all the Indians would belong to the royal crown, and it became necessary to use dissimulation.
92. When Guido de Lavesares was governor he placed to his own credit as many Indians as he saw fit; but I revoked all this, and allotted them to the royal crown. I am sending the records to you; and with whatever it may please your Majesty to give your servants we shall be well satisfied.
93. There is in these islands an abundance of wood and of men, so that a large fleet of boats and galleys may be built. There is a quantity of cheap iron from China, worked by the natives here, who can make what is necessary from it—which they cannot do with Castilian iron, for it is exceedingly hard. We have no pitch, tallow, or rigging worth mention, because what there is is so scarce and poor that it amounts to nothing. There is no oakum for calking. Large anchors cannot be made; but the rest of the tackle can be obtained here in good condition. There is good timber also; to my way of thinking, therefore, the ship that would cost ten thousand ducats in Guatimala, and in Nueva España thirty [thousand], can be made here for two or three [thousand], should strenuous efforts be employed. When I came here I found the city burned and razed to the ground. I erected shipyards in two places, separating the workmen, so that they might accomplish more if they entered into competition. The one in Manila has turned out a galliot of sixteen or seventeen benches; and has repaired the ship that brought me here, and also one that was made in Acapulco, which I believe cost more than fifteen thousand ducats. They were about to burn the latter ship for the iron that they could thus obtain; but through promises and diligence on my part the keel and stern-post, which were rotten were removed, as well as half the hull of the ship; and, God willing, she will sail from here one month after this ship departs. Almost one braza was cut off near the bow, on account of its unsatisfactory shape; and more than two brazas will be added to the original length. This will make a vessel capable of carrying two hundred soldiers—which, as this ship had been condemned, means that we have, from nothing, made twenty thousand ducats. I found that the ship which had been repaired was destroyed during Limahon's attack. Rigging, masts, sails, and everything else necessary have been placed in it, and the ship is called "Sant Felipe." On finishing this, they will begin to work on another galley; and, besides, will repair another vessel that is rotten, and whose keel, although of a better pattern, will require as much labor as the other. However, God willing, it will be completed by January, so that there will be two galleys here. In Oton, on the island of Panae I have finished another galley, thirty-four varas long, with twenty benches. Still another will be ready by September and I shall continue with the work.
94. I would not dare to employ rowers for this country, since I have so few men now on the Spanish galliots; for it would be possible for them to take flight some day, and to do mischief. All these islands are full of robbers. Having these four galleys I shall, with God's help, man them with friends, and seek equipment for them. It is my plan to build a hundred galleys, and to support them in your Majesty's service from our enemies, if your Majesty would care to provide what is necessary.
95. There is no artilleryman here who knows how to fire or cast artillery, nor is there any artillery. I am writing to the viceroy our needs in this matter. Having learned that the Moros of this country had artillery, I told them that they had nothing to fear now, since we Spaniards are here, who will defend them; and that therefore they should give me their artillery. By very affable address, I have obtained possession of as much as possible, without any harshness, and without seizing any man. I have therefore in the fort, in your Majesty's magazine, four hundred quintals of bronze that seems to be good. It was all taken within the radius of eight leagues. For this reason, and because often some of the pieces burst, we need here at this camp master-workmen to cast artillery. They ought to be sent from España for this purpose so that we should not be deceived about them in Mexico, as we have been in regard to the gunners—who have simply passed by the gunners' barracks, and have never served in the capacity of gunner. Such men we have here, to our great risk and harm. It will be necessary to send fifty gunners. Those who are here must be discharged, or be sent as substitutes for sailors.
96. And because, although I might act as overseer, these things do not form part of my duty, two master-engineers are necessary, who understand how to fortify a town, and everything pertaining thereto. We also need experienced troops, for we are here among enemies and nothing is possessed unless it is held. With regard to the artillery and master-engineers, I implore that your Majesty may be pleased to command that this business be attended to at once; for we are lost here without artillery, which alone can defend the dominions of your Majesty.
97. It is necessary that two masters to build ships and galleys should be sent from Nueva España—so that, if it were necessary, those here, who are becoming lazy, might be changed. It is necessary to change them and to keep them in two shipyards, as I have done, so that the expense at Acapulco, in Nueva España, might cease. All the work done there is thrown away; for the vessels from Nueva España alone detain the workmen here in repairing them, and prevent them from building new ones. We need commanders of galleys who know how to manage the lateen sail.
98. We have no lead here, but it abounds in Nueva España; it will be necessary to order that more than five hundred quintals be brought from that country, for this is our sustenance—besides three hundred quintals of gunpowder, for present use. We need some weapons and armor—some corselets, such as are used in Nueva España, and five hundred lances, which should be brought from Nueva España. Those that we had here were used up, through carelessness and in the encounter with the corsair. Until now it was not understood that pikes were necessary, because the natives are wont to flee. But now it has been seen that the Chinese attack other men with these weapons, for fear of their commander. Now as there are so few of us, and the country breathes nothing but war, we have not ventured into the forests to see if there is good wood for these lances. For the lack of these lances here, we have no lance-practice, nor is there a squadron to train the soldiers; although, because of the great need, I have contrived to make some lances from poles and bamboo, with iron and steel from China. I have made one hundred iron points. I do not dare to issue orders for target-practice (which the young soldiers need especially), not even for a day, in order not to use up my miserably small quantity of powder and lead.
99. Because of the many hardships in this country, the soldier must be ready at any moment to execute the commands of those in authority. For this reason, we find the consignments of married men a great inconvenience; for they are not of much use here, as they are generally very poor and old. It seems to me that, for the present, we do not require the services of married men, unless there might be some one of the nobility, whose family would set a good example.
100. As the soldiers suffer so many hardships, they become sick; and although many even die, they are all so poor that they cannot leave anything. They have no medicines, and are always ready to beg them, as they have no other resource. When I came, I had a hospital built; but the corsair burned it. This served as a lodging-place for poor people; and, for this purpose, I brought a man from Nueva España to attend the sick. We who are here consider this an excellent institution, and, because without an endowment there would be no hospital when a soldier was dying, I apportioned about one thousand Indians to the hospital, whom it now enjoys because of this need. For the future, will your Majesty please order that a sum sufficient for its needs be paid from the treasury, and that those Indians be apportioned to the royal crown. We need also another house for convalescents where they may be compelled to follow a certain diet, such as a bit of fowl. When I find a little leisure from so many toils, I will build such a house, and establish suitable rules regarding the food. Thus, besides the service of God, many can be supplied with food, by means of the person who conducts the house.
101. It is necessary to maintain suitable order for the conservation of the fort and artillery; and, as an inducement for those soldiers who perform sentinel duty there, and the gunners who serve there, to live within the fort, it is necessary to maintain them at the separate expense of the fort. It is necessary also that, for the same purpose, the governor of the fort should keep it in repair; and these expenses should not be confused with those of your Majesty's treasury of the three keys. I have discovered by experience that each account divided by itself is much more satisfactory.
102. I have set about fortifying this city; but this work is not yet completed, as the site is large, and I would not leave the friars outside, from whom we all receive our instruction; moreover, we have had so much work and hardship, and the Indians help us but little, and I do not wish them to neglect their fields. It will, however, soon be completed. It will be a palisade joined with keys, all along the shore and across the river; and a cavalier [10] for defense—where some artillery is to be mounted when the Indians have gathered in their harvest—will be completed very soon. Likewise twenty thousand fanégas of rice for the support of your Majesty's camp and fleet will be stored away.
103. The province which, in all this island of Luçon, produces most grain is that called Pampanga. It has two rivers, one called Bitis [Betis] and the other Lubao, along whose banks dwell three thousand five hundred Moros, more or less, all tillers of the soil, and taxed to the value of eight reals each. This city and all this region is provided with food—namely, rice, which is the bread here—by this province; so that if the rice harvest should fail there, there would be no place where it could be obtained. Throughout the province there are not sufficient Indians belonging to the royal crown who could give one thousand fanégas of income to your Majesty. These two rivers were not included in the encomiendas made by the late Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor of these islands (who apportioned a part of that province), in order that he might request them from your Majesty for himself. After his death, Guido de Lavasares, who succeeded him, placed them openly to his own account, and apportioned the rest; but I revoked the decree, and apportioned them to the royal crown of your Majesty, where they are now; and the officials of the royal exchequer have collected their tribute from them this year. It seems that your Majesty has been pleased to bestow this encomienda upon the son of the defunct adelantado, Legaspi. If this should pass to him—as it is only reasonable to expect that it should, since such is your Majesty's pleasure, and it is a favor to the children of him who died in your Majesty's service—it would be most serious damage to the condition of these islands. For not only has your Majesty no income in grain, nor any place from which to obtain it, but these Indians, as they are near, work very well, when told that they are tributarios of your Majesty; and they serve in cutting wood, and do other things which are very useful and important here. If perchance the heir of the defunct governor should come to ask for his rights, I believe that it would be well to ask him to do us the favor of waiting until this point in my letter can be answered. Some plan might be arranged, if it pleased your Majesty, so that he should be recompensed in Nueva España. This will prove advantageous, since this encomienda has been already allotted to the royal crown. I entreat your Majesty to please to have the matter examined, because it is important. For this reason I mention here the number of Indians, and their tributes. It is a healthful and rich land.
104. The provinces in these islands that would be profitable to settle are those that can maintain the Spaniards and can provide them with food. If these are not colonized by us, the Indians will continue their old mode of life, which means attacking others. For this reason, it would be well to grant some lands, but with discretion, so that we shall not be separated; for each by itself would prove but a weak community, as happened on the appearance of the corsair. For this reason and because there have always been foreign ships here, I have delayed effecting settlements until we have more people. I have attempted to send leaders and men through those districts, so that the land might be made peaceful; and for this purpose have sent one troop to Çubu, another to Camarines, and another to Ylocos. We are always busy.
105. According to the accounts of the royal exchequer, your Majesty will see that Guido de Lavesares and Legazpi have been in the habit of allowing gratuities and other free sums from the royal treasury. I have not continued these, but have closed the door on all this, in order not to give them. However, as the friars insist that it be given and spent in sermons, I have, without consulting them made a decree to the effect that only the needy poor should receive alms, and the gift must be for their support. I ordered a list of the poor to be made and rice to be given them, as is given to others who are supplied with rations from the royal treasury. Thereupon some persons came, and have received alms. Those who begged only for gaming and other like purposes are ashamed to take that alms, and wish nothing but encomiendas. I have stated all this to your Majesty so that you may be pleased to send me special instructions concerning these charities and gratuities, so that in a just case actually seen, and in certain necessities and calamities, attested to before notary and witnesses, I might be empowered to furnish aid of weapons and clothing—always prohibiting the giving of money even for once, or the income from the chest with three keys, for this is harmful.
106. When an encomendero dies in Nueva España, his Indians are allotted to the royal crown of your Majesty, as being in a simple and peaceful country, where there is no need of soldiers. In these islands I think that this would be impossible; and I would not dare do it until I receive an answer from your Majesty ordering me to do so. For, as so many men die here, all the encomiendas would belong to your Majesty in four years; and the soldiers would have an incentive to attempt the deaths of others. I notify your Majesty concerning this so that you may order how I am to proceed. I have planned to correct with gentleness the harm already done in apportioning villages to the royal crown, by taking care that they be near and convenient to the districts where the Spaniards will reside, and where the fleets will be stationed. Some of those situated in more remote districts I have granted. As time passes, I understand these things better; and whenever occasion arises I am ever watchful of your Majesty's royal treasury. In Mexico conditions hereabout are understood so little, that I believe none know what takes place here. Of this I am sure because they did not tell me the truth there, nor did I understand it. One must actually see for himself the conditions here.
107. As there are so few people here it is impossible to administer justice, such as execution for murder, or whipping a rogue; for in one day we all would die. It is necessary to separate enemies and pardon offenders; for a whipped man can be a soldier no longer. It is important that your Majesty should know this.
108. The ordinances sent me by your Majesty concerning pacified districts, which propose to summon the Indians peaceably to settle near those districts and to persuade them to become Christians by means of the friars, are very holy and just, but it is quite evident that a correct report of this matter has not been made. For the Indians are generally like deer; whenever one wishes to find them, he must first employ strategy to catch one of the Indians in order that this one may summon the others who have taken to the hills. Moreover, while they are going and coming it is necessary that God should perform miracles in providing food, clothing, and shoes for the soldiers, and also for the friars, who will go for this purpose. You must know that being long in one place incites them against one another, and they begin to die. Those who return come broken down and sick; and alms must be given them, in order that they may remain alive. I advise and assure your Majesty that they appeal to us with great facility for clothing, weapons, and money.
109. I have to undertake many different trades and offices here for I must serve as workman and overseer, judge and mediator; I must take care of the hospitals and of the dead, as well as the property of the deceased. Not one real of said property has been lost. I am sending today forty-five marcos of gold, credited to the accounts of the dead. There remain here pending law-suits, appealed to the Audiencia of Mexico, in greater amount. There is so much administration by land and sea, and so many details, that it is impossible to mention them. All this gives me great satisfaction, for I am happier when many cares attend my duties. What has wearied me, and still is unusually wearisome, is the accounts of the officials of your Majesty's royal exchequer, on account of their extravagance and careless administration. In this ship I am sending the accounts, even in their present shape, from which your Majesty will see whether there has been any trouble. I enclose also the examination of the officials and the residencias that have been taken. In these residencias, because it was not best to discuss it, no charges were made, since no Indians had been apportioned to the royal crown. On this account, the treasury has but little income at present. I shall endeavor to improve these matters in the future, as I have said. The books of said officials of the royal treasury have been copied according to your Majesty's orders, as given in the clause of instruction for taking the accounts, and are being sent.
119. These officials of the royal treasury asked permission of your Majesty to have Indians, as appears by a letter sent them as an answer on the fleet by which I came, and according to what they say. In that letter your Majesty says this is not convenient. Notwithstanding, when Guido de Lavesares became governor, he gave them encomiendas of Indians. It seemed to me that they neglected their duties, depending upon other means of subsistence; and that they try to flatter and please the governor so that he will give them another encomienda; that the natives are angry, and that these same officials presume to draw a salary besides. Thus it seemed best to me to apportion their Indians to the royal crown of your Majesty. Therefore I promulgated a decree that they should have no Indians, and that their salaries should be paid from the royal treasury according to its contents. They have appealed from this. Will your Majesty examine and provide what is necessary? Where your Majesty possesses so slight an income as is the case at present in these islands, it was a mistake to send, at the beginning, three officials with a salary as great as those of Mexico receive. For this very reason, their letters-patent state that they are to be paid only from the profits of this land; yet they have taken from the stores for barter and from your Majesty's treasury at various times and seasons, what they could. I did not take an itemized account of this, for at the time of settlement, either they had nothing, or it was hidden; and they allowed themselves to be imprisoned. Upon this question judgment has been suspended, and I refer it to your Majesty, so that you may make such provision as is best. My opinion is that for the present the officials of your Majesty's royal exchequer here should not hold positions simply for ostentation, but for actual service—since there is so much to be administered here, and it is necessary that they should go about to make collections and to inspect the work in the shipyards, as well as in other places where they might be needed. It would be better to give them lower salaries, and if they proved themselves efficient in their duties, then they should be given an increase in the shape of an encomienda or another office, after having closed the account; for in this land, as all are soldiers, there are no guarantors or others to ensure the pay of the many officials. There are people of gentle birth here, as well as diligent and able soldiers, who could fill all the positions satisfactorily, while the accounts would be well kept—all of which is necessary, so far away from your Majesty. Will your Majesty please issue the necessary orders in this?
112. Although from the letter that I am writing to the viceroy of Mexico one can understand something of what concerns religious instruction and the friars in this country, still I state the matter here as I understand it. Although, according to their rule, they may hold property in common, they cannot do so here; for the houses are built of wood and bamboo, while there are no other holdings for them. To all friars, priests, and lay brethren something must be given, so they are each granted an annual income of one hundred pesos, and one hundred fanégas of rice. I think there is a lack of religious instruction here; for there are only thirteen friars who can say mass, and I am not sure that any one of these understands the language of the natives. I am told that these islands alone require one thousand priests. Those friars who are to come here must be men who are missed elsewhere, since they come to lead an apostolic life. It is very necessary for your Majesty to send friars from all the orders—especially the Franciscans, and many of them, for they live among the Indians, and we need not support them. Your Majesty's only expense, so far as they are concerned, will be certain articles for their vestments, from Nueva España. I entreat your Majesty to provide for this most carefully, for it is necessary.
113. When I arrived, there were two ecclesiastics, one of whom died of disease, and one only is left. Many are needed. The ecclesiastics complain of the friars sent them. During my term all will be peace.
114. There is a decree of concession in these islands, issued by your Majesty, to the effect that for ten years your Majesty's fifth of the gold should be made one-tenth. [11] The city claims that this concession is continued. As all are soldiers and are poor, it is necessary and just that your Majesty concede this in this instance. Likewise there is exemption for thirty years from customs. This amounts to a mere pittance here, and what is brought hither or carried away belongs to the soldiers, who support themselves with this help; for they are given nothing, except a few encomiendas to some, and rations to others who are poor and sick; and these customs duties should be allowed to all, to prevent them from begging.
115. Up to the present time there have been no duties on exports or imports, or any other duties. And as I came during so hard times, and the people were so poor and few I did not dare to impose them. It seems to me too soon to talk of duties until it can be made profitable. This amounts to but a small sum, and whatever is brought from China by the vessels is but a small matter; and if we did not treat them well, they would not return. Deprived of what they bring, we would suffer. Therefore I mean to defer this until we have some galleys fitted up, and possess a firmer grip in this country,
116. In this island the natives have a quantity of gold, in the form of jewelry, with which they trade. There are many reports of gold mines. Because it is reported that the best mines are those in the province of Ylocos, I sent thither the sergeant-major from this camp with forty arquebusiers. He reached those mines, and reports that they are located in a very rough country, twenty leagues inland; that the way thither is obstructed by great forests; and that the country is very cold, and has great pine forests. He brought some metal, all of which I am sending to the viceroy of Mexico; this appears to be worth something. As it is necessary to march afoot and to carry their food, and the country is hostile, and the soldiers poor, it seems a pity to send them to lose what they have, in a district where they can obtain no profit; for the operation of the mines requires tranquillity among the people, the service of many men, and abundant supplies. I shall endeavor to have the troops return, when food can be taken there, and will inform your Majesty thereof.
117. When the sergeant-major was returning from the mines, he discovered on an islet the two friars who were going with the captains in May. They say that the captains attempted to rob them; but, upon seeing that they had neither gold nor silver, because all the alms that had been given them had been deposited, by my advice, in a place of safety, the captains said that they would not take them to China since they were not taking thither anything for presents. A Chinese who was going with them as interpreter was also robbed of what I had given him. They beheaded two other Chinese who had been with Limahon, and were presented to the friars, so that they could not, on returning to their own country, relate what had occurred. It is said that the captains had determined to circulate there in China the story that Limahon and the master-of-camp had both been killed in the fight, whereupon the Castilians being without a leader, returned to Manila and allowed the corsairs opportunity to escape. But the latter remained, in order to verify the axiom that they have in China, that they may not flee. This is so evil a race that if today the whole world were given them, tomorrow they would commit a thousand treasons to steal one single real. We shall live here always on our guard, and shall do our duty, God helping.
118. As I have informed your Majesty, the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, died; and after his death, Guido de Lavesares appointed Captain Juan de Saucedo as master-of-camp. This captain assisted in the expedition against the corsair, and it was under his charge in Pangasinan. At my arrival I did not discuss with him and the captains the matter of residencia, for they were artful enough, and at variance with one another. Moreover it was rather the moment for burying troubles and proceeding to business. Therefore neither in his office nor in that of the captains appointed (in greater number than was necessary) by Guido de Lavesares, did I make, nor have I made, any innovation; for there are so few people here. Juan de Saucedo, master-of-camp, went to Ylocos to collect tribute from some Indians of an encomienda that he had there. There he had an attack of illness, from which he died in a short time. This is the sickness that kills old and young. Upon this occasion of the death of the master-of-camp the Chinese fabricated their lie, and complained that we did not give them anything; while in reality we spent a considerable sum from your Majesty's royal exchequer to supply them with provisions, ship's stores, and other articles, in order that they might take the fathers to China. I believe that God wills it thus, and that it is well that they owe something, so that they may pay it at once. It is not safe to go unarmed or carelessly in that country, or in this; nor must one begin an attack without having a fort to receive the return blow, and be able to sustain it. I refer to what I have said above, and I beseech your Majesty once more to have this expedition undertaken. As I before remarked, two merchant-ships remained here, and we treated them kindly and with justice. When they were leaving, they asked me what message I had for their country. I told them to convey my compliments to the said captains, and to say that I had very kind feelings for all the people of China; and that this was my message.
119. Since this letter was written, we have received word that the ship sent by the viceroy this year with the usual help was lost. It was the pilot's fault, or at least they say that it was. May God find a remedy for this loss, for I dare not speak of it.
120. With this I enclose a copy of the letter that I have written to the viceroy. With it I send a list of all that is needed here. This ship sets sail at a favorable season, the beginning of June of 76; and, please God, another will leave in about a month, as it lacks but a little carpenter-work. We have been working at it five months.
121. In the investigation and accounts, the officials excused themselves, saying that they had no instructions; so I made a few ordinances adapted to the life here. I am sending these with the present letter.
122. I am sending also the investigations that were made in regard to no ship leaving last year; and about not compelling any one to assay gold that is mined and traded with here.
123. I am sending the originals, and translations of the letters from China, together with the residencias; and other papers, consisting of a Chinese map and another small map that I had made here, some stories of China, and those that they call "Flowers of Silver"—all in a box directed to the viceroy of Nueva España, so that it may be sent to your Majesty. It may be, as I believe, that, in the accounts of the officials of your Majesty's royal treasury, I also have not fulfilled well the duty of accountant, as is done at court. I humbly beg your Majesty that these faults may be pardoned, and that I may be advised of them, so that in the future my work may be more correct. When these ships are despatched, I shall begin to examine the accounts of last year, and shall send them by the first ship. I shall set down fully in these your Majesty's actual income here. I do not venture to send it with the other papers but will send it by itself. The only data accompanying this letter are in a statement of the money paid into the treasury last year, 1575; and I hope, God helping, that this amount will soon increase.
124. Because, as I have said, this year's ship from Nueva España was lost, will your Majesty please order new copies of all the papers sent in it.
125. Your Majesty sent me twelve magistracy titles for the regidores of this city, with a decree. I gave them to those magistrates whom I found living here, who numbered five, seven having died before my arrival, counting one who had become a friar. Therefore I guided myself by the precedent that there should be twelve. In addition to these five, there are the three officials of this royal exchequer, which makes the number eight; a high-constable of the city, who was already provided, and him I have left undisturbed; one Antonio Alvarez, one Franciso Bañon, and one Marcos de Herrera who are among the earliest settlers. The truth of the matter is that we would better not discuss these magistracies now, for everything is in turmoil. Your Majesty also had a decree sent, so that the city might have the boundaries that I should assign to it; but I have not yet determined this, as I had some doubts and wished to investigate the matter thoroughly; for, if once they are assigned, the natives are bound. I shall advise your Majesty of my decision.
126. We have shipped in this vessel ninety bundles of cinnamon belonging to your Majesty; and as many more, which remained here, will be shipped in the next vessel, which will sail next month. I have gathered articles of barter, in order to send a commander of troops to Mindanao for next year's barter; then I will advise you of what is in that island.
127. A book will also be found in the box which is a narration of the country, rents, and tributarios of China, which is in substance what is contained on the Chinese map. There is also another small book resembling a collection of sea-charts, and some papers upon which are depicted their officials of justice, which are sold in the shops of that land. Because I am writing to the viceroy in Mexico and am sending your Majesty a copy of the letter, where what I do not write here is written, I close, beseeching your Majesty to be so kind as to order that this country be provided for, since it is so easy; and to grant favors to all of us who are serving you here. May our Lord preserve the Royal Catholic person of your Majesty, and bestow upon you greater kingdoms and seigniories, as is the wish of your servants and vassals. Manila, in the island of Luçon, in the Filipinas, June 7, 1576. Royal Catholic Majesty, your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands.
Doctor Francisco de Sande
[In the same legajo, there is a letter from the city of Manila, dated June 2, 1576, which also contains an account of the affair of the pirate Limahon. It is endorsed thus: "Let it be abstracted in a report. Done." The abstract of the letter follows, and is doubtless the work of one of the royal clerks or secretaries. Certain instructions and remarks of the king or council appear in the margin of the abstract. Opposite that for clauses 71-81, which discuss the proposed conquest of China, are the following remarks: "Reply as to the receipt of this; and that, in what relates to the conquest of China, it is not fitting at the present time to discuss that matter. On the contrary, he must strive for the maintenance of friendship with the Chinese, and must not make any alliance with the pirates hostile to the Chinese, nor give that nation any just cause for indignation against us. He must advise us of everything, and if, when the whole question is understood better, it shall be suitable to make any innovation later, then he will be given the order and plan that he must follow therein. Meanwhile he shall strive to manage what is in his charge, so that God and his Majesty will be served; and he shall and must adhere strictly to his instructions as to conquests and new explorations. We shall see to it carefully that he is reënforced annually from this land with men, weapons, ammunition, and everything needed for aid. The viceroy of Nueva España will be informed of this, and ordered to attend to it carefully. Religious will be sent also, to give instruction; and all supplies that are possible at the present time will be sent. The governor must be very zealous, and encourage the people there, and give them to understand the care that is and will be taken for them here, in protecting, aiding, and favoring them; and he must govern in all matters as is expected from his good sense and prudence. Write to the viceroy to send lead, for he [Sande] asks for it." Opposite clauses 82-85, treating of the characteristics of the Philippines and of their inhabitants: "Tell him that the report of that land has been read, and has occasioned gladness, and that he should continue to advise us thus of what is necessary; also that he show much honor and favor to the captains and soldiers." Opposite clause 86, treating of the reëstablishment of Cebú: "Write that this is well done; and that he shall strive to have people gathered in the principal presidio [military post]." Opposite clause 89, treating of Maluco: "Let there be no innovation in what pertains to the Malucos." Opposite clause 90, treating of the encomiendas made by Legazpi: "In what has been allotted, let there be no innovation; and let that which is granted hereafter be allotted in accordance with the deserts and services of each one." Opposite clause 91: "None of the documents that he mentions as being enclosed with this letter appear to have come. He said in his letter that they were all coming in one box directed to the viceroy, and this has not arrived." "Have this relation brought." "It has not arrived, as said above." Opposite clause 92: "Bring these decrees." "They have not arrived." Opposite clauses 93 and 94: "As for what he says concerning the four galleys, let them be used to defend that port and country." Opposite clause 95: "The viceroy should be advised to send as many of those people [gunners, etc.] as possible. Write to him to that effect." Opposite clauses 96, 97, and 98: "Yden" ["the same">[ Opposite clause 100: "Tell him to manage this as seems best to him;" and opposite clause 101, "Yden." Opposite clause 102, treating of Legazpi's and Lavezares's grants in Bitis and Lubao: "He is to observe what is ordered about this in another letter." Opposite clause 105, treating of gratuities, etc.: "Have the instructions taken by Legazpi brought. Bring the book containing the ordinances made here, after the arrival at and occupation of the islands is brought; the instructions given before that time were given by the viceroy." Opposite clause 106, treating of vacant encomiendas: "Write that, when necessity requires, and the matter can be remedied in no other way, he remedy it as well as he can, especially considering the necessities of the land, taking special care of his Majesty's estate. In the above-named book is the method to be followed in regard to encomiendas. Let him adhere to that method, and let all the encomiendas falling vacant be allotted, until there be given a contrary order." Opposite clause 108: "These ordinances are brought, and a decree is being despatched that, since we have learned that these ordinances are not observed, he is ordered to enforce them." Opposite clause 109: "Let them be despatched." Opposite clause 110, treating of the encomiendas in possession of royal officials: "This can be passed by and overlooked, because the land is new, until other provision be made. In accordance with this, let those Indians be returned." Opposite clause 111, treating of salaries of royal officials: "Let the officials be allowed to collect their salaries from the products of the country which are put into the treasury, as the property of his Majesty, until other provision be made—both of money placed therein hitherto and to be put therein in the future." Opposite clause 112, treating of religious: "Write that they are already sent, and that we shall see to it that more are sent continually, as well as ecclesiastics." Opposite clause 114: "Let it be done thus, and a decree will be sent to this effect by his Majesty." Opposite clause 116: "Let it be done thus." Opposite clause 121: "Let them be given to a reporter, and let him bring them immediately." Opposite clause 122: "Yden. He has been informed already that the box containing all these documents has not been sent by the viceroy." Opposite clause 123: "Answer that these papers have not arrived. When they come they will be examined, and he will be advised of our pleasure." Opposite clause 124: "It shall be sent, and so advise him." On the outside is the following endorsement: "Answered inside. Let all that is requested be brought."
These marginal remarks and provisions offer a good example of the Spanish method of treating the communications received from royal officials. They show a distinct business-like method, that sought to dispose of such communications in the briefest time.]
Relation and Description of the Phelipinas Islands
[This document (which, in the archives at Sevilla, is separated from the preceding one) is, although dated on June 8, 1577, partly a duplicate of Sande's first report, dated June 7, 1576, which immediately precedes this one in the present volume. We therefore omit such part of it as repeats matter contained therein, and present all that gives additional or new information.]
The natives are all very idle. If they would but apply themselves to work a little of the time, they could have all they wanted; but as it is a hot country and they are barbarians, they go naked. Nevertheless, all know how to raise cotton and silk, and everywhere they know how to spin and weave for clothing. There is no need for anyone to spend any gold; for they catch the fish which they eat; the wine is made from the palms, which are very abundant; and from these same trees they obtain also oil and vinegar. In the mountains there are wild boars, deer, and buffalo, which they can kill in any desired number. Rice, which is the bread of the country, grows in abundance. Therefore they are afflicted by no poverty, and only seek to kill one another, considering it a great triumph to cut off one another's heads and take captives.
In this island there is much gold, in sheets, among the natives; and, although they trade but little, they understand the value of the gold, and know how to adulterate it by mixing it with silver, tin, copper, brass, and other metals brought from China. They have established the value and qualities of gold as follows:
There is a very base gold that has no name, with which they deceive; and a second grade, called malubai, which is worth two pesos. Another quality, called bielu, is worth three pesos; and another, called linguingui, is worth four. The quality called oregeras, for which the Chinese name is panica, is worth five pesos; and this is the best gold in which they trade. It is of sixteen or even eighteen carats, and of this are made all their trinkets and jewelry. The best gold obtained is another grade called guinogulan [12] which means "the lord of golds;" it weighs about twenty-two carats. From this is made the jewelry which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they never part; and even should they wish to sell these ornaments, there is no one who would give for them more than five pesos in silver. Neither will they give more, even for good gold; and they do not take it in exchange for supplies, or for the goods which they sell. Consequently this is the reason that gold is so valued in this country. It may be illustrated in this way. Should a Spaniard buy food or anything else from a native, the Moro immediately takes out the touchstone which he carries with him; and, even if the value be not over two reals, he takes great pains to see if the gold be conformable to the aforesaid standard. Although it may be stamped and assayed, the Indian will trust to no reckoning but his own. Neither is there any rule by which to pay, beyond the weight and value of the gold; this applies likewise to the orejeras or panica, for all the gold which is used in trade is mixed with other substances, to make the other grades of base gold. Although I have intended and tried to remedy this, it is impossible, as the majority of them are silversmiths for this very purpose; and if any restrictions were made, they would think that they were about to be ruined. It has seemed to me that the country is very new for establishing any other currency than gold, which here is like the king's fifth of silver in Nueva España. I have written to this effect to the viceroy, a copy of which letter accompanies this, and a report concerning this matter; also an account of the gold paid to the royal treasury, and the trade effected by all the Spaniards. The Chinese will not take the panica at more than four pesos of texuela to the tae[l] which, they say, is of that value in their country and they lose one llealla by so doing. This is the weight called tae, and comes from China. It weighs more than one onza, two adármes; so that three taes and thirteen maes are worth two Castilian marcos, or one livra. [13] When I came here the viceroy of Mexico sent an assayer, saying that one had been requested from here. After his arrival no one brought him anything to assay, as he was young and inexperienced in treating gold. Losses suffered at the beginning by those who tried to have gold assayed caused us to abandon the attempt. The Moros understand the laws of gold better than we do. I have given notice of [original illegible]. It may be of service to the royal estate. I have given information thereof which will accompany this, and I think that it is impossible to exercise more diligence. I have ordered that, when the gold enters into possession of the officials of the royal estate, they shall value it before a notary, so that it shall be issued in the same way that it entered. This is done because there seems to be no other remedy, as the Moros, with their standards, buy up all the money of current gold, and necessarily at the prices which they themselves give to it in their debts and traffic.
As provisions were wont to be sent from Nueva España every year, there were also sent reals until I came. Since then, none have been sent; nor has any money been given to me. On the other hand, I have announced to the public that it is outrageous that we do not serve your Majesty by sending some gold from here; and that even to think of their sending money from there would be to argue that we do not know how to look for it as well as they do in Nueva España. It has been a thankless task to make this ruined land profitable, for he who has Indians, or some wealth, keeps it for himself; everyone else comes, with loud complaints, to ask the governor to give them enough to eat from the royal estate. Accordingly, when I came here the royal treasury had no possibility of income, as his Majesty will see from the accounts and from a memorandum which I am sending. Although but a short time has passed, the condition of things has improved, and the affairs of the royal estate have been put into as good order as in Mexico, considering their extent.
I have succeeded in obtaining for the royal crown all the Indians possible, especially those who are useful, and whose tributes are increasing. They are conveniently near Spaniards, so that the latter can more easily make collections, and also profit by the supplies. Thus I will always do, although I have had, and still have, considerable trouble in it.
These natives have not been able to pay their tributes, on account of living scattered and far away; and their country has been at war until now. They have not been taxed, as the number of people is not known. They are so skilful in hiding themselves, that private soldiers have to be sent from here for the collection of the money. These latter collect what they wish, and say that they have collected so much, and not a penny more, and that the entire village is composed of honest men. Whoever goes brings back the same account of these peoples. Therefore little is paid, and the returns to the royal treasury are few I have made investigations, however, and have imprisoned some of the soldiers, and prevented others from collecting the tributes; but it is only vain endeavor. On account of the few people in this country justice cannot be executed for this or any of the offenses common here.
No one here is willing to accompany a man who goes on horseback, or serve him in any way. Therefore, I am served only by my servants; but, nevertheless, I have in my house all who wish to come there to live and to eat; and I help them to the extent of my ability. They are served by my slaves and servants in due order. There are many of them, but in my house permission is not given to live with the liberty that is desired by young men. In due season, or when your Majesty may be pleased to provide more troops, the present customs may be suitably changed—my intention being only to establish a reform in this direction.
Item: The voyages to this country are all by sea, and in ships which are often wrecked, many soldiers being thus lost. Those who have the good fortune to escape with their lives lose their arquebuses, coats-of-mail, swords, and daggers, which constitute their military equipment. Since I have been here, I have often helped many of those thus left destitute, who had no other means of succor, although not at so moderate cost to the royal estate as for the poor. In this case I have not spent from the royal estate until after reviewing all other expenses of like nature, and consulting your Majesty. This expense seems to be as necessary as the first provision of weapons and clothing to the soldiers. Nevertheless, it is wise to warn them to be more careful in navigation, and more resolute in guarding their belongings. In my opinion it will be convenient for your Majesty to have the goodness to send instructions on this point, stating especially whether it is possible to give aid, in weapons and clothing, in a moderate quantity, from the royal treasury. It should be always forbidden to give money from the royal treasury even once, although it may thus happen that some soldiers, nobles, and cavaliers may suffer want, for lack of money with which to clothe themselves. It is not convenient to grant encomiendas to all; and although they may ask for food at the houses of their friends, they are in need of clothing. The only means of income here is the payment of the tributes to the encomenderos, whom I have tried to convince that all the soldiers be maintained thereby, as it is a very convenient method; but people of much caprice cannot be persuaded to this, nor can they clear their heads from vapors. On account of the small number of troops here, as I have already stated, I have induced the people to do sentinel-duty and undertake expeditions under leaders—of whom there are not a few, beginning with a brother of mine. Although I do my best, it is impossible to avoid giving them some aid. Last Christmas I aided several with tributes paid by some unapportioned Indians, declaring that, if they had belonged to the royal crown, I could not have done so. I allotted the Indians to a captain by the name of Chacon, and the income arising from them was divided among several persons. I preferred to have the transaction take place under authority of the officials, and to have it attested by the government notary. Therefore this has been recorded, and together with the decree forwarded to your Majesty. I trust that his Majesty will examine it, and send me information of what he may be pleased to provide.
In Nueva España, when an encomendero dies without an heir, the Indians under his charge revert to the royal crown. When Guido de Lavazares was here, he arranged that in such case the Indians should be re-allotted; and thus it was done, being a law of the land when I came here. As the country is so new, and but ill pacified, and there is so great need for people, and this concerns the community, I have followed the same custom since my arrival—although I have assigned to the royal crown the majority of Indians who are left ownerless, thus combining both methods. I have told the people that it is meet for his Majesty to receive income in order to support the friars and his servants here, as well as for the alms and assistance which have been described. Nevertheless, it has seemed to me necessary that his Majesty be informed of the reassignments, and that he have the goodness to issue commands therefor which shall be duly obeyed. I state no reasons for or against this arrangement, since the royal council may judge better than I. If it be considered convenient to grant the grace which these persons desire, as a favor proceeding from the royal person and his royal council, let it not be imagined that this and similar actions emanate from the governor. I am of the opinion that his Majesty is the one to grant the favor; and, if he does so, he will send advices thereof, either secret or public.
The Indians of this country are not simple or foolish, nor are they frightened by anything whatever. They can be dealt with only by the arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver. If they were like those of Nueva España, Peru, Tierra Templada, Tierra Firme, and in the other explored places where the ships of Castilla may enter, sound reasoning might have some effect. [14] But these Indians first inquire if they must be Christians, pay money, forsake their wives, and other similar things. They kill the Spaniards so boldly, that without arquebuses we could do nothing. This was the reason that Magallanes, the discoverer of these islands, was killed; and that Villalobos and Sayavedra, and those who came afterward from Nueva España were maltreated. All those who have been killed since the coming of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi received their death through lack of arquebuses. The Indians have thousands of lances, daggers, shields, and other pieces of armor, with which they fight very well. They have no leaders to whom they look up. The havoc caused by the arquebuse, and their own lack of honor, make them seek refuge in flight, and give obedience to our orders.
After imprisoning a soldier, it is necessary to give him food while he is in jail, and also to care for him in sickness. In order to avoid the expense, he is finally set at liberty. I have exercised all possible diligence to deal with them so that they will be afraid, and mend their ways. I have sent the delinquents to work apart, separated from one another; and have also reprimanded them, and informed them that they must do right. Thus, by the aid of God, this commonwealth is entirely reformed. They do not follow the pernicious practice of gambling, because they are occupied, and because they know that he who is engaged in these practices cannot be my friend. Among other men, gambling might be more endurable; but here they attack one another with knives, blaspheme, and steal, and do great harm to one another. There is also almost complete reformation from the swearing, drinking, and like vices which had caused great corruption and the disgrace of many men. There is also improvement in regard to concubinage among them. It is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lifes, but as they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil.
* * * * *
By a decree of your Majesty, I was asked [to fix] the boundaries of the city. I assigned five leagues around this place where we live, although as yet these limits are of no use, as in this island there have not been, nor are there now, any customs duties or other imposts. I came at a time full of labors, and the people are few and poor. Considering the losses of the ships of the past year, it seems to me that it is too soon to obtain any duties from the Chinese ships. I have advised your Majesty thereof, and exemption from the customs and other duties has been granted to these islands for thirty years. Consequently, nothing is demanded from the Spaniards; and, as they are all soldiers, and should have some profit from what is sent hence to Nueva España, it would be well to increase the customs duties somewhat. It is also decreed that for the term of ten years there shall be paid the tenth instead of the fifth of all the gold found here. The city already demands, at the end of these ten years, that your Majesty renew his favors. I think that, as a result of this decree, some gold is sent to Nueva España; but, if the entire fifth were taken, the gold would be traded with the Chinese, and thus so great a quantity would not be sent to Nueva España. May your Majesty be pleased to grant this, and advise me as to this point.
When I came to this city there were here two ecclesiastics, and besides them no more in all the islands. One died of illness, and the other is now alone here, under command of the friars. When at one time he read a letter of excommunication he was appointed vicar by the provincial of the order of St. Augustine; and now he complains that he is commanded by friars. There is great need that ecclesiastics be sent here, so that the sacraments can be administered and confessions be heard, as in other colonies.
Although I write to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the religious instruction in this country (a copy of which letter accompanies this), I wish to explain more fully to your Majesty that there is a great lack thereof. Some of the friars sent from Mexico are those who cannot stay there, and must be sent away. Those who come here to lead the apostolic life must be orderly persons, and such as are missed in the place from which they come. But it is of secondary importance to discuss persons, and it is necessary to refer to important matters which require remedies. Your Majesty must understand that there is great lack of religious teachers here, and that the friars labor very diligently, although they do not usually apply themselves to learn the language, or to attract the natives. If I am not mistaken, the surest remedy is for friars and ecclesiastics of all orders to come here, especially those who cannot possess property; for, as this land is so new and there are no inheritances, the friars can have no income in common, except the alms given from the royal treasury. As the Indians are so avaricious, and adore the gold—which they actually kiss, and consider of the highest importance—it is exceedingly necessary that the priest accept no gold, nor should he seek or trouble them for it. He must only desire food, according to the necessities of nature; and as the land is well provided therein, at the lowest prices in the world, he may be well content who wishes nothing more.
* * * * *
As soon as I arrived in this city, I began proceedings in the residencia, and the examination of accounts, according to your Majesty's commands. Duplicates of the report were sent in the ship "Santiago" and also in the ship "San Phelipe," which were unfortunately lost. In the ship "San Juan" will now be despatched the duplicates, as your Majesty will note in the letter to the viceroy. There is also sent an account of everything else which has been done in regard to the officials. I made all possible endeavor in Mexico to obtain instructions and papers regarding their, and I brought only those which I send with the accounts. They said that there were no others, and the officers of the royal estate declare that they brought no instructions, and never had any. As your Majesty will see by the accounts there were no books of the treasurer or factor, and consequently none can be despatched with the accounts. When these officials were asked, they said that they kept no books. Only the accountant kept a book; but Aldave, who served Guido de Lavazares, had a memorandum-book, which I remit with the accounts. I have issued orders for every official to keep a book, and to have a common book of the treasury, which is now done. Moreover, as they said that they had no instructions, I gave them some orders, according to what I believe is necessary, copies of which I send to the royal council. The officials rendered their accounts, although I have not passed upon some things—such as accounts which are not certified, the tribute collected, and their salaries. If they hold some funds which I have not found, I cannot execute what I am commanded to do; although what I have found has been attended to. For this reason, affairs have been delayed; and in the meantime investigations have been made, and thus many affairs are now sent for the consideration of the royal council. Some of my instructions, however, cannot be carried out, for lack of funds.
On the occasion of the last investigations, it appears that they reported that they had spent more than they had received; and that the loans and deposits thus due should be placed to the account of the royal treasury. As their loans were drawn out as salaries, I have not permitted this.
The officials of the royal estate have each furnished bondsmen, who are their securities for two thousand ducats; and they gave them, little [original illegible] because they came from Nueva España without furnishing bonds, and, as they say, without instructions; so I have commanded them to find bondsmen for these amounts. Their sureties are all captains and soldiers, from whom their clothes and weapons cannot be taken away, nor their means of support; there are, moreover, no realty holdings here. They regard their accounts, however, as adjusted, and have almost obliged me to wait for your Majesty to examine their pleas, so that their misdeeds may be excused. On this account I am advancing but slowly; and, as our resources for correcting this evil are so inadequate, may your Majesty be pleased to declare his pleasure as soon as possible.
The sureties have not fulfilled their agreements; and, although I have commanded them to give bonds, they do not nor can they do so, as all are soldiers in this country. The best remedy is for his Majesty to command that accounts be audited every year. Thus I have ordered, and they have been audited to the year seventy-six, and accompany this present report. For this reason most of all should the officials give bonds, that they are in charge of various small matters and transactions for which I am not sufficient security. Accordingly, although they have not yet furnished bonds, I have refrained from enforcing this order, until his Majesty shall decide what he wishes done. Guido de Lavazares had appointed Salvador de Aldave as treasurer; and he still holds the position until your Majesty shall make provision therefor. Guido de Lavazares does not wish the office; nor do I think that he is capable of filling an office which requires the keeping of documents.
In investigating the accounts of the officials, execution was levied on their goods, some of which have been entered in the royal treasury. I have commanded half of their salaries to be issued them for their support, and no more, until your Majesty shall provide accordingly. Some slaves, clothing, and bedding were left to them, the same being considered as deposits in the name of the royal estate. His property was left to Guido de Lavazares, but no salary, since that is drawn by another man, who holds his office. I offered to give him an encomienda for his support; but he did not wish it, and asked me for permission to leave this country. I showed to him a clause of the instructions regarding the accounts, which said that close watch must be kept over those who were under surveillance; that, if it were not for that clause, I would permit him to go; and that I would immediately inform your Majesty thereof. I also give information regarding the tributes from the provinces of Bites and Lubao, and elsewhere, which Guido de Lavazares collected for himself. His property was confiscated, to which act his wife was opposed, and also the properties of persons deceased of which there were many. Some of these were placed in the royal treasury, together with another portion, sent from the payments from the valley of Purao. All is set down in the accounts, as is everything concerning this matter, with the proceedings therein.
On continuing the investigation, it was found that property had been delivered to the person serving in the office of captain of artillery. When an account was demanded from him, it was many months before he was obliged to give it, as may be seen by his petitions accompanying the record of his trial. After waiting six or seven months (I shall not mention here all the words spoken), and on seeing that he was so reluctant to present his account and explanation, I took advantage of a petition which he had made—in which he resigned his office, and begged that I give it to some one else. This I did, giving the position to him who was sergeant-major of the camp. After these changes, I had his property seized. This compelled him to attend to the account, and he began to be willing to hand it in, as appears very clearly in the report of his trial, which accompanies this. It might be well that I should not habitually show similar lenity; but in this case there could be naught but compassion felt, as he had no judgment whatever. [15] I was therefore moved; and, by his Majesty's favor, this captain of artillery has an encomienda of more than a thousand men, near this city. This I have had set aside for him, and have commanded that he support himself from half the tributes thereof; likewise his clothes, and weapons, and his servants, were left to him. He asked permission to go to España, saying that he was married, and that he had not seen his wife for twenty years. His Majesty will command what shall be provided in this case.
In the investigation of the former captain of artillery (appointed by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, at Puerto de la Navidad), inasmuch as no bonds were taken from this soldier, I have attached the property of Miguel Lopez, and that of the officials, for not having attended to their duty in this regard. After seeing the account and investigation of this matter made by the officials of the royal estate, I decided to transfer the blame to the account of Miguel Lopez, and to seize his goods for the same reason.
At my arrival here, Guido de Lavazares had allotted Indians to the officials of the royal estate. When I entered upon my office, they sent to ask his Majesty for permission to hold them. They were answered by a decree, which was shown to me when I came, which declared that this could not be allowed. For this reason I placed all their salaries to the account of the royal crown, to which they still belong. Salvador de Aldave presented a petition, saying that he is not a proprietary official, but merely holds the office of treasurer until another shall be provided in his place. This was done in order that his Indians should not be taken away; and on this account I have allowed him to keep them. They have all appealed, asking that your Majesty declare his pleasure. I wish that the officials of the royal estate would apply themselves more to their duties, and the exercise of diligence therein, as is very needful where there is so much to be administered; and that they should be free from other obligations and have no other means of earning a support.
As his Majesty will have already understood, I have declared that neither the officers nor other persons here can give bonds. The labors here are and have been those of which your Majesty will have knowledge. One and all have served your Majesty for many years, and as soldiers and among soldiers. If there should be any fault in the papers, I beg your Majesty to extend his mercy to all, and to deign to forget these errors. May your Majesty be pleased to pardon me this boldness, and to command that the accounts be examined. May replies be sent by the first ship and any faults of mine which may be found therein be pardoned, and all necessary instructions be furnished to me.
Moreover, in regard to the inquiry which discusses the exchange of different grades of gold, the people here are of such sort that no one makes a payment without declaring that he is giving gold of a good quality; but, on the other hand, the one who collects declares to the contrary. By the accounts for the year seventy-six, which are now finished, and by the entire expense account, which I have examined personally, it seems to me that good faith in the past year may be deduced. In this country, the heat of the sun is very great; and for even one week's work, or when a ship is going to be launched, it is necessary to erect a shelter for the workmen. This is made in a short time, with poles, bamboo, and palm-leaves. In the shipyards there is much waste; and, as the wood rots from dampness here, the soldiers take it at night to use in their houses, and relieve their misery. This cannot be called a theft, as it is done by menials who came hither at your Majesty's expense and are engaged in his service.
When I came here I found the country swept by fire, everything in ruins, and the Indians in rebellion, having taken advantage of the coming of the pirate [Limahon]. Since then I have not ceased in my endeavors to promote all possible peace here. I have surrounded the city with a palisade and rampart, building therein two cavaliers, which are further strengthened by ramparts—one toward the southeast, where the pirate landed; and the other toward the northwest. It seemed to me very important to guard the point formed by the river and the sea. People declare that after Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came here the water wore away the land for the distance of two gunshots. I have all the river staked in, as also the point by the sea; and have had the latter filled in with earth until it is all level. I think that it will, therefore, be always stable, if it is repaired from time to time. I have had the fort of this city repaired, building ramparts where they were lacking, so that one may walk around it on the rampart. I have covered two cavaliers, although communication may be had between them at a pike's length, which could not be done before. The floors have been covered with wood, so that the pieces of artillery may be dragged about more easily. I have also constructed many chests, both for the interior of the fort and for the galleys, and have mounted all the guns here.
As I advised by the ship "Santiago," I sent to the island of Panay for galleys to be made. Two built there were launched in this city, and I have another of sixteen [toneladas?] finished, and one of twenty-five is in course of construction. It would have been completed four months ago had it not been for the overhauling of this ship "San Juan," which carries this letter. Nevertheless, it will be finished inside of two months, because all the boarding, planking, and sheathing has been done, and there is nothing more to hinder the workmen on the ship. I have also had oars brought for all four galleys, and the majority of them are made. Also the provisions for them and some casks have been supplied. The oars are not yet ready for use, as there are not eight quintals of lead in this country. I am expecting supplies from Nueva España, with some men to command the galleys. Besides these occupations, all the workmen were engaged during the past year, from Christmas until July, in overhauling the ships "Santiago" and "San Phelipe." They have been busy since October in overhauling this ship "San Juan" until its sailing today, to repair damages caused by its wreck. It is now put in very good condition, with pine masts, which I took from that of the [original illegible] which are said to be better than those here; for the wood of this land is very heavy. After the completion of the galleys which were built here, I have commanded them to build there a large ship of four hundred toneladas. After completing the galley, another will be made here of the same style, God willing; we have bought much iron and everything necessary, as I have written to the viceroy in his letter. God permitting, we shall build ships here which would be worth in Nueva España one hundred thousand ducats, and which cost here less than fifteen [thousand]. Consequently the situation here may be improved thereby. Moreover, some light sail-boats have been made; we have succeeded in subduing all the natives; search has been made for mines, and everything possible has been done, as your Majesty may see by the letter to the viceroy. There has also been built a hospital in this city, to which I have granted an encomienda, as I have already advised your Majesty. I have built the church of San Agustin, the expenses of justice have been paid, and a house has been built for the friars. As the corsair had burned everything, they were given three hundred pesos from the royal treasury for this purpose. As the city was without a public church, I have had as large a one as possible built of wood. There could not be a better or larger one in this country; and the work has been going on for five months, but even yet it is not finished.
He who is governor here must exercise constant vigilance in affairs. He must know what is being accomplished in the different works, and when the persons who draw salaries journey to and from different points. He must be watchful of the provisions and supplies, and in truth, the governor must be an overseer of all the offices. It is especially difficult to prevent things from happening behind one's back. I have also had a house built where the governor lives, as there was none here before. In truth, I may say that when your Majesty was pleased to order me to come here, the path was not discovered by which they brought me on the sea, and the land was neither subdued nor peopled. I say this without prejudice to the services of my neighbors, and I humbly beg that your Majesty be pleased to grant me grace and remember me. In Manila, June the eighth, 1577.
[Endorsed on front: "Relation of the condition in which were found the Filipinas Islands. Their location is described in detail, and the fertility of the soil for food products, pasturage, the sugar industry, and that of indigo. The year 1577.">[
Bull for Erection of the Diocese and Cathedral Church of Manila
Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual remembrance of the affair.
Trusting in the safeguard of Him who moves the hinges of the earth, toward whom are bent the minds of men—through whose providence, moreover, all things derive their government—we willingly do our share of the duty entrusted to us from above, to the end that they who now are in darkness may be enabled to enjoy the true light which is Christ Jesus, and that the rays of His light may beam upon them. Wherefore, in accordance with the preëminence of this apostolic see in the regions of the earth, all and singular, as required by necessity and other reasonable motives, we plant new episcopal sees and churches, that by new plantations may be increased the new adhesion of peoples to the church militant; that everywhere may arise, spread, and flourish the profession of the Christian religion and the Catholic faith; that even insignificant places may thereby be enlightened, and that their inhabitants and the dwellers thereof, girded around with new sees in charge of prelates of rank, may the more easily win the rewards of everlasting happiness. In truth, since the soldiers of our very dear son in Christ, Philip, Catholic Sovereign of the Spains, voyaging many years ago to the sea known as Mar del Sur ["Southern Sea">[, discovered there very many islands known as the Philippines, near the continent of China, in some of which (chiefly in Luzon and Zebu) they made settlements; while the same King Philip sent to the aforesaid islands not only temporal governors for the purpose of establishing and maintaining justice therein, but ecclesiastical persons, both regulars and seculars, that they might administer the sacraments of the church and confirm converts in the Catholic faith—the result was that, through the mercy of God, many natives of the said islands were converted to the said faith. However (albeit matters in the spiritual realm have thus far been managed in this fashion), with the increase of Spaniards in those islands the same King Philip, in order that they might become more peaceful and populous, with this intent sent thither Spaniards—two hundred men with their wives and children, and four hundred unmarried men. Daily very many of the said natives, embracing the aforesaid faith, receive the regeneration of sacred baptism, although the islands aforesaid are more than two thousand leagues distant from the province of the Christians known as New Spain, subject to the rule of the said King Philip, whence supplies are brought to those islands. It therefore was proper and necessary, for the welfare of the souls of these natives and other like persons, as well as for the peace of conscience of the said King Philip, that in those islands should be some one in charge of spiritual affairs, with the care of the said souls. Neither should there be wanting the proper and necessary spiritual and ecclesiastical government in those regions, to the end that Almighty God may be served more faithfully, and the gospel law and the said faith be spread and exalted the more, on this account. After mature deliberation with our brethren on these points, with their advice, arid at the humble solicitation of the aforesaid King Philip, by our apostolic authority, by perpetual tenor of these presents, to the praise and glory of the same Almighty God, as well as to the honor of His most glorious Mother and ever Virgin Mary and of all the heavenly court, and to the exaltation of the aforesaid faith, we separate, exempt, and wholly release the church of the city known as Manila, in the said island of Luzon, as well as the city itself, and, in the islands belonging to it and their districts, territories, and villages, all the inhabitants of either sex, all the clergy, people, secular and regular persons, monasteries, hospitals, and pious places, as well as ecclesiastical and secular benefices, of whatsoever orders of regulars, from our venerable brother the archbishop of Mexico, and from any other ecclesiastical and diocesan prelates, under whose jurisdiction they previously may have been—as well as from all jurisdiction, superiorship, cognizance, visit, dominion, and power of any one whomsoever. Moreover, by the aforesaid authority and tenor, we erect and establish forever the town of Manila into a city, and its church into a cathedral, under the title of "the Conception of the same Blessed Mary Virgin," to be held by one bishop as its head, who shall see to the enlargement of its buildings and their restoration in the style of a cathedral church. Besides this, in it and the city and diocese he shall have the word of God preached, the heathen natives of those islands brought and converted to the worship of the orthodox faith, and converts instructed and confirmed in the same faith; moreover, he shall cause to be imparted to them the grace of baptism, with the administration of the other sacraments of the church. In the church, city, and diocese of Manila, he shall exercise episcopal jurisdiction, authority, and power freely. Moreover, in both the aforesaid city and diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect and establish dignities, canonries, prebends, and other ecclesiastical benefices, both with and without parochial charge, with whatever else besides may be expedient for the increase of divine worship and the health of soul of those natives. He shall be subject to the said archbishop of Mexico, and to his successors for the time being, as metropolitan. Moreover, he shall enjoy all rights as on occasion shall be declared, excepting as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and precious stones, which are the right of the said Philip and of the Catholic Sovereigns of the Spains for the time being. For this reason we ordain that tithes and offerings of first-fruits [primitias], as required by law, need not be paid. Moreover he shall enjoy all other episcopal rights, the same as are enjoyed, by law or custom, by other bishops of the kingdoms of the Spains together with the exaction of the same as see, table [mensa], and other episcopal insignia, and jurisdictions. Besides, for the future he may freely and lawfully use, hold, and enjoy the privileges, immunities, and graces which other cathedral churches and their prelates in the said kingdoms use, hold, and enjoy, in any manner, through law or custom. Again, to the same church of Manila we assign the aforesaid people for city, the said island of Luzon and all the other islands for diocese, and the natives and inhabitants thereof for clergy and people. Moreover we grant to the same King Philip power to assign, increase, extend, lessen, and otherwise change the bounds therein. For his episcopal table [mensa], we apply and appropriate as dowry the yearly revenue of two hundred ducats, to be paid by King Philip from the yearly revenues coming to him from the said island of Luzon, until the fruit of the table itself shall reach the value of two hundred similar ducats. Moreover we reserve, grant, and assign forever to the king the right of patronage over the church of Manila; and should any vacancy occur therein (this the first occasion only excepted), to present, within one year, to the Roman Pontiff for the time being, persons fit for that office as bishop and pastor of the same church of Manila. We also grant the same right of presentation for dignities, canonries, prebends, and other benefices, from their first erection, and thereafter as vacancies shall occur, these being similarly given to the bishop of Manila for the time being, who shall present the same to Philip, or the king for the time being—who, by reason of the dowry and the new foundation, is to be consulted in the establishment of these dignities, canonries, and prebends, the apostolic constitutions, and ordinances, and other things, to the contrary notwithstanding.
Let no one therefore infringe this page of our separation, exemption, release, decree of erection, establishment, application, appropriation, reservation, grant, and assignments, or rashly dare to contravene. Should anyone, however, presume to attempt it, let him recognize that he has thereby incurred the wrath of Almighty God, and of his Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, on the sixth day of February in the year of the incarnation of our Lord one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, and the seventh year of our pontificate.
Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
I have informed your Majesty in other letters concerning the condition of these your Filipinas islands, and refer you to what I have written to your Majesty's Royal Council of the Indies, which letters have probably arrived ere now. Likewise I have informed your Majesty how, obeying your Majesty's orders, and those of the Royal Council of the Indies, to obtain the friendship of the king of Borney and Vindanao, and to render an account of what was done in this matter, I left this city of Manila with the fleet of galleys and galliots. This I did for your Majesty on the third day of March, and I proceeded to the island of Borney with forty sail, counting ships of this country, and with peaceful intentions, as my actions demonstrated. But the Moro king of those districts, not wishing peace, came out with his fleet to fight me on the sea, three or four leagues from the city. I sent him a written message of peace; but he killed one of the ambassadors (who were chiefs), and despoiled them of their possessions, as well as the Moro rowers whom they took with them from this island of Luçon. But although three of these have returned, the others have not. Finally he opened hostilities, discharging his artillery. After we had fired a number of volleys, it was God's pleasure that the Moros should be conquered and take to flight. Thereupon I employed myself in collecting the galleys and ships taken from them—in all twenty-seven. Likewise I secured the artillery, dragging much of the same out of the water, where they had thrown it—in all one hundred and seventy pieces, both large and small. In my other letter, however, I did not inform your Majesty exactly concerning this number, and stated that I had remained in Borney to settle and populate it, as in fact I did.
After this, when I had subdued four or five thousand Moros who were settled there—among them an uncle of the king, and a cousin who served the latter there as captain-general in that war, the king of Borney persisting in hiding in the mountains and swamps in which that island abounds—and when I set about collecting and summoning the people, it was God's will that all my soldiers should fall ill. It became necessary for me to set sail in order to save my men, as your Majesty will perceive by the relation which I am sending to the Royal Council of the Indies. However, I first made an agreement with those chiefs, who promised to give full obedience to your Majesty; and that king assured me that he would receive Spaniards. Therefore, at the first occasion the Spaniards will effect a settlement, a place will be chosen for them, which is understood to be most healthful; and your Majesty will be informed thereof.
From Borney I sent seven of the galleys captured there, with artillery, and two others of your Majesty's ships, for the pacification of the island of Vindanao. That fleet arrived there after a quiet voyage, and I shall have news of it this coming September.
In Borney I obtained precise information concerning the entire archipelago and the mainland, as I found there people from China, Cauchi, [16] Camboja, Sian, Patane, Pahan, Jabas, Samatra, Achen, Manancabo, Batachina, Maluco, Vindanao, Limboton, and other islands thereabout. Concerning these I inform you only that as far as Sian there dwell Moros; and thence toward the north are idolaters. Moreover, they are within your Majesty's demarcation and are not included in the compact [of Zaragoza]; and by employing the proper methods they can be brought to the service of God and of your Majesty, without violating the laws of God or nature, or the instructions which your Majesty has most inviolably charged upon me.
With the artillery which I have taken and still hold, and the galleys as well, the propagation of the faith and of your Majesty's service can be carried forward. I take part in these expeditions necessarily, because of the communications which it is necessary to make, and to secure the observance of instructions and the obedience of the soldiers. In this I continue to serve your Majesty with much joy, and I see to it that all my men shall do the same.
On account of my small force (some of my men being also inexperienced and ill-armed), and because of a lack of equipment, and my determination to settle in this island, where there are gold-mines in two localities, I do not inform your Majesty concerning what expedition I shall make this coming year; since, whatever it may be, it is necessary to commence it with the beginning of the year, and cease before St. John's day. With the first reënforcements which I received, up to the present time, I made this expedition; and I found the second reënforcement in this city of Manila, with which I shall do all things possible in the service of your Majesty and will inform you thereof by the first vessel.
With this reënforcement I obtained letters and news concerning your
Majesty's health, and that of other royal personages. I derived
therefrom the greatest satisfaction, and I continually beseech our
Lord to grant you, and to preserve, health for many years, as your
Majesty's vassals and servants desire and need.
I am writing more at length to the royal Council, to which I am sending a relation of what I request herein—which I hope your Majesty will be pleased to examine, for it will be a great favor.
In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be pleased to grant me a reward; and I referred the matter, in order that he might urge the same, to a brother whom I had in España. God has taken this brother, as well as my father also; another brother is serving your Majesty in the Flemish war. For this reason, I believe, I have not received it—whence I am in anxiety, since I know what your Majesty ordinarily does for those who serve him. I entreat your Majesty to have the goodness to favor me, and to console me in my losses of family, since only God and your Majesty are left me in this life.
The favor which I beg your Majesty is that you bestow upon me the robe, with a commandery, of one of the three orders. [17] I entreat your Majesty to vouchsafe this in my behalf, for it is a thing that your Majesty is accustomed to bestow upon any worthy soldier, even when he has not an office like that in which I serve. Likewise I entreat that Don Joan de Sande, my brother, who, as I have already stated, has been serving your Majesty in Flanders twelve years, be given the robe, if he be still alive; and if not, I entreat the same for Don Bernardino de Sande, my brother, who has served your Majesty in this country as a soldier, and is now serving you as a captain of infantry. These brothers, as well as myself, will serve you better according as we are more highly honored. It is of great importance that your Majesty do not forget me, who am serving you in this capacity of governer and captain-general. And also, because I now have but little recompense, I beg your Majesty to have the goodness to order it increased, and to allow me some gratuity: for in the last expedition I spent three thousand ducats of my own, and every day there arise similar necessities. And, regarding other favors which I also entreat from the royal Council, may it please your Majesty to examine the letters, graciously to take cognizance of them, and to bestow upon me the reward due for the years that I have spent in your Majesty's service, continuing the service, both in peace and war, rendered to your Majesty by my ancestors and kinsmen of a most ancient lineage. And, since God so ordains it, I am alone; and now I entreat your Majesty to have the goodness to reply to me, granting me the reward, which I am quite confident of receiving, and by which I am comforted.
Since in the letter to the Council I am writing more at length, in this present letter I do otherwise, because of the many and important matters that take up the time of your Majesty's royal person.
The Portuguese have constructed six fortifications in Maluco, in each of which they have mounted eight Lombardy guns. The real defense is for your Majesty to order that no innovation be brought forward in what pertains to the compact; for I see this with great pain and anxiety for your royal crown. As for the rest, it would be quite an easy matter.
I brought from Borney twenty-seven ships, among them being twenty-one galleys and galliots, together with a hundred and seventy pieces of artillery, as above said, and other war material of which I am sending an account to the royal Council. These supplies could not be furnished to this country for a thousand ducats; and with them the condition of these islands will be greatly improved. May it please our Lord so to ordain that all men shall recognize your Majesty as their king and sovereign, as you deserve. May our Lord guard the royal Catholic person of your Majesty many long years, augmenting your dominion and kingdoms, as we your vassals desire. At Manila, in the island of Luçon in the Philipinas, July 29, 1578. Royal Catholic Majesty, I am your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant; who kisses your royal hands,
Doctor Francisco de Sande
[Endorsed: "September 12, 1579. To the president of the Indias. Let it be filed with the other letter, and put away.">[
Grant of a Plenary Indulgence to All the Faithful Who Visit Churches of the Friars Minors
To all the faithful of Christ who view these present letters, health and apostolic blessing:
With solicitude, as is the duty of our pastoral office, for the health of the Lord's flock entrusted by divine arrangement to our unworthy care, we willingly invite the faithful of that flock, all and singular, to visit churches and perform pious and meritorious works, in order that with the aid of divine grace, through spiritual largesses, indulgences (namely), and the pardoning of sins, they may the more easily reach the joys of everlasting happiness. For in the Indias, China, and the Philippine Islands, we desire that the churches already founded, or to be founded within the next ten years, and each one thereof belonging to the monasteries or houses of the discalced brethren known as the Order of Minors of St. Francis [18] of Observance be held in due veneration by the faithful of Christ themselves—that, frequenting them with befitting reverence, and flocking thither to those churches with greater readiness for the sake of devotion, they thereby may find themselves more fruitfully refreshed through the bestowal of heavenly grace. Therefore, relying on the mercy of Almighty God and the authority of his blessed apostles Peter and Paul, we mercifully in the Lord grant and bestow a plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins, on all the faithful of Christ of either sex, who, truly penitent and confessed each year, visit devoutly the aforesaid churches, or any of them, on the first and second day of the month of August, as well as the feasts of St. Francis, St. Anthony of Padua, St. Clare, St. Louis, and St. Bernardine; and these during their visit shall, from the first vespers to sunset of those days and feasts, pour forth pious prayers to God for the exaltation of Holy Mother Church, the uprooting of heresies, and the conversion of the peoples of those regions to the Catholic faith. These presents are to hold for all times. But, as it would be difficult to have these present letters carried to all and singular the places where needed, we desire, and by our apostolic authority decree, that to copies of them bearing the seal of any person in ecclesiastical rank, the same respect shall be paid as would be given to the originals themselves, were they shown. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the fifteenth day of November, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the seventh year of our pontificate.
Documents of 1579-82
Decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. Felipe II;
Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; May 30, 1579.
Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao. Francisco de Sande,
and others; April 19, 1578 to June 10, 1579.
Appointments to vacancies in Manila cathedral. Felipe II;
[promulgated from?] Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.
Letter to Felipe II. Gonçillo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; July 17,
1581.
Ordinance restricting departure from the islands. Gonçalo
Ronquillo de Peñalosa; March 2, 1582.
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; June 15,
1582.
Sources: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo de Indias, Sevilla, except the royal decrees; these are taken from the original MS. documents in the "Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.
Translations: The first and fourth documents are translated by Alfonso de Salvio; the second and third, by James A. Robertson; the last three, by José M. Asensio.
Royal Decree Regulating the Foundation of Monasteries
The King.
To our governor of the Filipinas islands:
Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and bishop of the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to reside in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of his order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion and instruction of the natives. He has petitioned us to issue commands that whatever is done for the above order, as for those of St. Francis and St. Augustine, be done at our expense and that of the Spaniards and Indians (as has been done in other parts of our Indias), or as suits our pleasure, and as it receives the approval of our Council of the Indies.
Inasmuch as we have provided that monasteries be founded in Nueva España wherever it is necessary, and have ordered that, if the chosen places be villages belonging to the royal crown, the monasteries are to be founded at our expense—the Indians of such villages contributing their labor in the work and erection of the buildings; and that, when the villages are in charge of encomenderos, the monasteries are to be founded at our expense and that of the encomenderos, as well as with the help of the Indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas: therefore it is our desire that the same orders be carried out in the founding of monasteries in those islands. I order you immediately to ascertain in what districts and places of those islands monasteries are needed; after which you will take the necessary measures toward their erection, being careful that the houses be modest, and that they be not superfluously furnished. If the villages where they are to be founded belong to our royal crown, you will give orders that they be erected at our expense, and that the Indians of such villages contribute their labor towards the work and building of them. And if the villages are in the charge of private persons, the monasteries are to be built at our expense and that of the encomenderos; with the aid of the Indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas, as above mentioned. If in the villages live Spaniards holding no encomiendas of Indians, you will assess them also according to their condition and property, for they are in like manner under obligation to contribute toward the building of churches. The sum paid by the said Spaniards will be subtracted from the share demanded from the said Indians and encomenderos; for since this is a good work, beneficial to all, it is only right that all help toward its completion. Being thus a matter of such importance, you will devote to it all the care that it requires, remembering that no new monastery of a different order is to be founded in the same village or its vicinity.
You will be careful always to inform us of what is being done in this respect, and of the result of the labors of the religious.
I, The King
By order of his Majesty:
Antonio de Heraso
Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.
Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
Last year, seventy-eight, in July, I wrote to your Majesty and advised you of my expedition to the island of Borney, and its outcome. This year I sent thither a fleet, which brought news that the city had been rebuilt. The Moro king there detained the captain until he had placed his clothing and wives in safety. The captain, in accordance with his instructions, returned without doing them any damage. I am quite sure that that king will quietly submit, if we effect a settlement there.
The king of Jolo rendered obedience to your Majesty and surrendered his artillery. This year he gave as tribute a piece weighing fourteen quintals that must have been hidden away.
This year of seventy-nine, I sent an expedition to pacify the river of Mindanao. The king ruling there fled; but, as our people carried orders not to do any harm there also, peace was made, and some of the natives returned. If we plant a colony there, that king also will submit—which cannot be effected in any other way, because of our distance from there.
In August of seventy-eight a galleon and a large galley with five hundred men, and other necessary supplies for Maluco, passed Borney. It is said that one hundred were Portuguese and Spaniards, and the rest mestizos [19] and people from Yndia. According to a Cafre [heathen], their hulks were in very poor condition. He says they were going to Maluco to collect the tribute which was lost three years ago. I am sending the investigations and accounts of this and of everything to your Majesty's royal Council, and am writing more in detail. I beg your Majesty to be so good as to favor this other world by examining this letter. Because of your Majesty's stringent orders not to go to Maluco, we have not gone thither. However, the compact, as I have advised your Majesty is not well considered; and Maluco is not comprehended in it, and is in your Majesty's demarcation. [20] Thirty vessels leaving and returning to Sevilla could load cargoes of spices—pepper, camphor, and other drugs and spices. In these vessels, people could be brought from España, and a few fleets would populate this land, and clearly we could take possession of all of China; for by way of Nueva España the despatch of vessels will always be a trifling matter, and by way of the strait of Magallanes I do not believe that we can hope for so good a result. I am writing in detail regarding this to your Majesty's royal Council. I am writing also of the method which I think we should employ—namely, to settle in greater Java, whence we should despatch a vessel to Sevilla to give information of the route, although I believe that that made by the ship "Victoria" is not forgotten.
I have built a vessel here of six hundred toneladas, which can make the said voyage, if your Majesty will so order; and I am now building another. There is an excellent fleet of galleys; and with what was captured from the Borneans, and in Jolo and Vindanao, and with that taken from the Portuguese galley which I said was lost, we have more than two hundred pieces of artillery. From the useless pieces I am casting others. Certain Indians in this land have founded for me one piece weighing ninety quintals; and there is not in the castle of Milan a piece so well made. Another mold has been made, and the Indian says that he will make as many as are ordered. From Nueva España no favorable message, in regard to this or other things, is sent. Therefore if your Majesty wishes that China be yours in your days-please God, may they be many, as we your Majesty's servants need—it is necessary for the execution thereof that ships be sent here from Nueva España, since now we have some knowledge of this region, and the vessels have here a good port, and we know how to proceed.
This archipelago is secure from enemies, blessed be God. We have begun settlements—one in the province called Cagayan, in the northern part of this island, and sixty leagues from China.
In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be so kind as to favor me. Once more I bring this to your memory. I beg your Majesty to grant me a habit and an encomienda for myself, and another for one of my brothers. All of my brothers are serving your Majesty in the war, and I am sure that they deserve the most that I beg and entreat. I am writing to the royal council. I beg your Majesty to order that my case be examined, and to honor this office in which I serve you, and bestow favor upon one who has served you for so many years as I. May our Lord preserve your Majesty's Catholic and royal person, and increase you for many years as we, your servants and vassals, desire. Manila, in the island of Luçon, in Philipinas, May 30, 1579. Royal Catholic Majesty, your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands,
Doctor Francisco de Sande
[Endorsed: "Doctor Francisco de Sande. June four, 1581. He requests a habit and an encomienda. To the Council of the Indies." "Seen, and no answer is required.">[
Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao
In the galley named "Santiago," on the nineteenth of the month of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the Western Islands declared: that, inasmuch as his Lordship is going with a fleet of galleys to the island of Borney, both to teach the natives there the Christian law, and to reduce them to the dominion of his Majesty—as well as to ascertain and inform himself about the customs, past and present, of the said natives, what law and ceremonies they observe, and the mode of life among the natives thereabout and in other parts, who are vassals of his Majesty—in order to attain this he ordered to be conducted, and did conduct, the following inquiries and procedures:
For the investigation of the above-named matters, the aforesaid governor summoned to his presence an Indian who, through the medium and speech of Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, an interpreter, declared his name to be Magad-china, and himself an inhabitant of Balayan. Without taking the oath, he promised to tell the truth; and, being interrogated according to the tenor of this declaration, said that he knows that the king of Borney is wont to detain many Indians who resort to Borney for trade and intercourse, and that he does not permit them to leave the country, especially those Indians whom he knows to be rich. The witness knows that the king forces them to marry in that country, so that at their death he may obtain their possessions. In this way he has seen detained against their will, Indians of Çubu, the island of Lucon, Balayan, Bonbon, and other districts of these islands—all rich and influential men. In especial was he acquainted with an Indian of Manila, a messenger of Raxa Soliman, by name Simalinquidlan; another named Siparan, a native of Manila; and a chief named Siganbal, a native of Balayan, whom he (the present witness) knows to have been detained by the king of Borney, in his country, and he does not allow them to leave it. The said chief of Balayan has been detained six years, and some eighty or ninety tacs of gold were taken from him, besides slaves, and all these were kept by the king. At the end of the said six years, the said chief fled returning to Balayan, his native village. In like manner, the present witness knows that the king of Borney is detaining many Indian chiefs and timaguas [freemen], and that he will not allow them to leave his country. Likewise this witness, upon going to Borney to trade, was detained in the island against his will for eight or nine years, until the said king of Borney sent him to Balayan to sell a trifle of camanguian and other articles—whereupon he remained in the said town, and would not return to Borney. He has seen this done and practiced by the king of Borney against many persons, both chiefs and timaguas, of the region about Manila, who are vassals of his Majesty.
Being asked where he learned the worship of Mahoma, and who declared it to him, he said that the ancestors of the Borneans were natives of Meca, as he, the present witness, had heard; for the natives of Balayan, Manila, Mindoro, Bonbon, and that region did not have knowledge of the said worship until the Borneans had explained it to them; they have done so with the natives of these islands, and therefore all these are Moros now, because their ancestors learned it from the said Moros of Borney. [21] Their language, both spoken and written, is derived from Meca; and the said Borneans and natives of Sian and Patan possess and observe their Alcorans—the law and worship of Mahoma. He said that in the book of the Alcoran, which the present witness has seen and has heard preached, they say and assert that they are the enemies of the Christians. Likewise in other books they say that the Borneans have always desired to make Moros of the Christians—a thing that he has also heard declared by the catip [caliph?] whom the said Borneans regard as a priest, and who preaches the said doctrine of Mahoma. This said catip, and others, with like expressions preach the said doctrine of Mahoma, so that the said natives observe it. They declare and publish that the law of the Christians is evil; and their own, good. The witness knows that, in the former year, seventy-four, the king of Borney undertook to attack Manila, and to plunder and kill the Spaniards, launching for the purpose a fleet of one hundred galleys and one hundred small vessels. In each large vessel were about fifty, and in the smaller about thirty men—all together, in the judgment of this witness, making about seven or eight thousand men. All were of one mind, to kill the Spaniards at Manila. The said fleet left the river of Borney to begin the said expedition, but, after sailing about twenty leagues, immediately returned, because the son of the king of Borney was taking part in the said expedition; and, in order that the Spaniards might not land at Borney in another part, and kill his father, he did not continue the said expedition, but returned with the whole fleet, without his enterprise having any effect. The witness has heard that the king of Borney wrote letters to Raxa Soliman and Lacandora, chiefs of Manila, so that they might revolt against the Spaniards, and saying that all would be protected. Likewise he has heard his relatives and other Moros tell how in former times the king of Borney has sent preachers of the sect of Mahoma to Cebu, Oton, Manila, and other districts, so that the people there might be instructed in it as were those of Borney. And this witness, in his own time, has heard the said doctrine preached in Balayan, by a Moro regarded among them as a priest, by name Siat Saen. Also it is well known that the said Borneans are wont to plunder the Calamianes, and enslave the people and take them to Borney. They do the same in other districts thereabout. The witness has heard that the said king of Borney holds captive a Spaniard, named Diego Felipe, and two Christian Visayans, whose names he does not know. This is what he knows, or is currently reported, and what he has seen. He certified as to its truth, ratified it, and signed it, in his own language, as did the said interpreter. He was about thirty-one years old.
Joan Ochoa Ttabudo
Before me:
Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
[Following this are depositions taken from four other men, two of them natives of Borneo. The testimonies of all are very similar to the foregoing, and show the policy of the king of Borneo. One testimony declares that the king was wont to make the rich and influential men who might land at his island captains, in order to retain their wealth. The document continues:]
[Letter to the king of Borneo.]
I, Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands and districts of the West, by order of his Majesty, the king of Castilla and Leon, my sovereign, Don Ffelipe, the greatest king and most powerful sovereign in the world, send this letter by these messengers to you, Outardo Soltan Lixar, king of Borney, so that you may know my will, and what I require.
You know already how I, with the other captains and soldiers of the Castilians live, by order of the king, our sovereign, in Manila, in the island of Luçon, in Çubu, and in other districts. There in Manila, Çubu, and other districts it has been rumored that you have tried and are trying to do us harm, and to make war upon us; that you have tried to induce and have solicited the natives of Luçon and other districts to rebel and revolt against us; that you have sent spies to Çubu and other districts; that you have left your residence for this purpose of warring against us with a fleet of ships. All these things are without any reason, and I know not what is the cause therefor; for my will is good and I desire to show naught but good to all, and ill to none. Since I am proceeding to confer with you openly and publicly, I notify you that I am not coming to plunder or to harm you, but to prove of use to you; for the king, my sovereign, orders thus, and accordingly I gladly notify you that I am going to you. My sovereign, the king of Castilla, spends his money through us, the Castilians, and sends us into all parts of the world, in order that we might proclaim the law of the true God. For this purpose I came hither; and now I am going to confer with you, chiefly that you may know your God and Creator, and to teach you the true law. I wish to do you no ill, nor to seize your possessions; on the contrary, if you are our friend, I will aid and defend you, according to the orders of the king, my sovereign. To this end I offer you peace and friendship on our part, in such wise, that there may be mutual security, on both sides, to go and to come, to see one another, to trade and traffic, as is usual among friends.
What you are to do is to admit preachers of the holy gospel, who may preach the law of the Christians in your lands in all security; and likewise that any person whatever of your country may have entire liberty and permission to attend the preaching of the law of the Christians, and that he who wishes to become a Christian may do so without any ill befalling him.
Further, I desire that you shall send no preachers of the sect of Mahoma to any part of these islands, nor to the heathen among the Tingues [hill-people], nor into other parts of your own island—inasmuch as the doctrine of Mahoma is a false and evil law, and the religion of the Christians alone is true, holy, and good.
Further, I desire that you send me a Christian Spaniard, called Diego Felipe, whom I am told you have there, as well as others if you have them; and two Visayans, natives of Çubu, Christians whom we know that you have, and who were captured from their own country; likewise whomever else you have in your power. You must give to the heirs of Raxa Soliman and Lacandora, natives of Luçon—vassals of the king, my sovereign, and his subjects, in his royal name the slaves and property that you have retained there belonging to them; and whatever belongs to any other vassals of the king, my sovereign. This I would do myself, if I had anything of yours or of your people, and would pay and return it, and would do justice to them in that regard very openly.
Item: You must allow those persons whom you have detained, because they are rich, to go about freely, and give them leave to return to their own lands, since they are natives of these islands of the king, my sovereign. They went to trade with you, and you have no right to constrain them; but you must allow them to go freely with their wives, children, and possessions.
Likewise, you must forbid your people from asking tribute in these islands, inasmuch as I collect tribute in them, as it is the right of our king, my sovereign. I write this letter that you may be advised of my wishes. You must answer it immediately, and not detain the messengers, even if they should say that they wish to remain in Borney with you; for if they are detained, I shall understand that there is some mischief and deceit on your part against our people. As we are coming by way of the sea, and have need of food, you must send food to us, in accordance with what is asked by my messengers, in return for our money. This shall be paid you, as you wish; and for the same, we are bringing silver and gold. I shall be glad to receive your reply and to talk with you. Advise me with all haste. May God grant you the true light and health.
Doctor Francisco de Sande
(On the thirteenth day of April of the above year, I delivered two copies of this letter, one in the Bornean language, and the other in that of Manila, to chiefs Magat and Magachina, so that they might give them to the king of Borney.
I hereby certify to the same:
Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary) [22]
(On this day, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands, showed this letter to father Fray Martin de Rada, religious of the order of St. Augustine, whom he is taking with him in the said expedition, so that he might examine it, as a matter resolved on by both. He, having read it, pronounced it good and said that it could be sent to the said king of Borney.
I herewith certify to the same:
Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
In the chief galley, named "Santiago," while at sea near the island of Borney, one of the Filipinas islands belonging to his Majesty, on Sunday, the thirteenth day of the month of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty, declared that, as is well known, his Lordship going with the galleys and ships of the fleet here amid these islands at this present time—and sailing with every mark of peace to the port of Borney, and as a token of the same, with a white flag at the bow of the flagship, in which the said governor is sailing—it was discovered by the said galley, and by the fragata [23] sailing in advance of the fleet as a scout-boat, that the mouth of the river-harbor called Borney was occupied and blockaded with a great number of vessels. And because it was learned from other Indians of the said river of Borney that they desired war instead of peace; and as he did not desire to war upon them, or do them any damage—to the offense of God, our Lord, or in disobedience to his Majesty's orders—the said governor ordered the said flagship, and all the said fleet, to cast anchor, and sent a message by two Moros of Balayan, his Majesty's vassals in the island of Luçon. These men were ordered to tell the Borneans, in order that they might know, that his intentions were peaceful; that, as a token thereof, he was flying the white flag; and that they should not trouble themselves to fire any of their artillery upon the Spaniards, for, if the Borneans did any damage, they would be punished. The said ambassadors took also two letters, one in the Bornean language, and the other in the Moro tongue, which they understand. In these letters was affirmed security of peace, and other matters. And—inasmuch as military affairs cannot maintain the moderation that may be desired, because of the emergencies that usually arise—in order that the above might be evident, and also in anticipation of whatever might happen, the governor ordered this set down in writing, making therein the present declaration; that I, the said notary, might certify thereto in toto, and file with these records the original of the said letter, which he ordered to be written to the said Indians, so that all may be kept together and serve as evidence of the above matters. Thus Doctor Francisco de Sande ordered, and he signed it in my presence.
Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
On the said day, month, and year, aforesaid, in obedience to the order of the said governor, the oath was taken and received before God and the Blessed Mary, and on a sign of the cross, in due form of law, from Pedro Lucas, a soldier; under which obligation, when questioned, he declared what he knows, and that present occurrences are as follows. On this day, Sunday, about four in the afternoon or so, when the flagship named "Santiago" (wherein were the said governor and other soldiers and troops) and also the other galleys and war vessels of his Majesty were sailing toward the port of the said island of Borney, this witness saw that the said flagship flew a white flag of peace on the bow of the said flagship. And at the mouth of the said port he saw a number of ships—in his opinion, some twenty-five or thirty in all. When the said governor saw the said fleet, and that war was about to ensue, in order not to have war with them, but that all might be peace, he ordered the said flagship and also the other ships and vessels of the said fleet to anchor. They anchored at a good distance from the said port, in order to give the natives of the said island to understand that the governor desired not war with them, but all peace and friendship. This witness saw that the governor gave two letters to two Moro chiefs of Balayan, vassals of his Majesty, of the island of Luçon—one letter in the Moro tongue, and the other in that of Borney. In them he informed the Borneans of his reasons for coming, and that he desired not war with them, but all peace and friendship. This witness saw the two Indians leave the said flagship and embark on a fragata of the said fleet with the said two letters, in order to deliver them to the Indians in the said war-vessels. The governor ordered them to return with all haste, with a reply to his Lordship. This is the extent of his knowledge and what he has seen this said day. He affirms its truth, by the oath that he took, and has signed the same. He says that he is thirty years old. Upon this being read to him, he affirmed and ratified the same.
Pedro Lucas
Before me:
Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
[Testimony is received also from three others, Juan Manuel Pimentel, Juan Ochoa, and Gaspar Perez. That of the first is similar to the above. That of the last contains the information that the two Moros sent with the letters "as yet have not returned nor sent a reply, except that we see that the said fleet of the Borneans still holds the mouth of the said port, and his Majesty's fleet is anchored in the open sea and in great peril; and this witness has heard some heavy shots fired by the Borneans at his Majesty's fleet. It is well known, and this witness has heard the Borneans say, that the king of Borneo and his people are about to war upon the Spaniards, both by sea and by land." A portion of the interpreter Juan Ochoa's testimony is as follows. "This witness saw at the mouth of the said port a number of Bornean warships, in his judgment numbering some twenty or twenty-five. When these were seen by the said governor and by the fragata of the said fleet, the said governor ordered the said flagship and all the other galleys and ships to anchor, which they did, anchoring in the open sea, without any shelter. This witness saw that the flagship was flying a white flag of peace, so that the natives of the island might understand that the Spaniards desired not war, but all peace. And on this same day, this witness heard from Bornean Moros captured in a small boat on that day while on their way from the said river of Borney to their villages, that the said king of Borney had heard that the said fleet of his Majesty was going to Borney; and in order to defend himself and fight with them, he had gathered as large a fleet as possible, and for the purpose of war had come to the island of Mohala (distant about one league from the port of Borney), where his Majesty's fleet was about to anchor and take in water. The said Bornean Moros told this witness, as being the interpreter, that they had been captured on the said day, in the said boat.">[
Testimony Regarding the Naval Battle when the Port was Captured
After the above events, on Monday, the fourteenth of the said month of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, about noon, the said governor having seen that the said Borneans had returned no answer to his letters, nor had they sent back the two above-mentioned chiefs and six Moros from Balayan (his Majesty's vassals, who accompanied the chiefs), and because his Majesty's fleet was in great danger, as it had not made port; that a number of vessels belonging to the said Borneans were on the point of beginning hostilities, and that the Borneans showed by certain tokens that they were anxious for war and not peace—for this reason commencing to fire and discharge many pieces of artillery at his Majesty's said fleet and soldiers: therefore he ordered that the said fleet, disposed in good order, enter the said port, placing at the bow of the said flagship a white flag of peace, that, if the said Borneans wished peace, he might make it with them. And at the coming of the said fleet of his Majesty, thus arranged, the Borneans in the said port—to the number of fifty ships, large and small, rather more than less—began to resist the entrance into the port of the said fleet, firing many pieces of artillery at the said fleet of his Majesty and the Spaniards in it, until, after some time, the fleet of his Majesty entered the said port, when the said Borneans retired and fled toward the said river of Borney with many ships in pursuit of them. Thus did the said fleet anchor in the said port against the will of the said Borneans. Of all the above, I, the said notary, testify herewith. These things took place before me, as a person aboard the said fleet; and I herewith testify to the same—Andres de Villanueva, the ensign Francisco Banon, Hernan Ramirez Plata, Juan de Argumedo, and others, being witnesses.