The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

Volume VII, 1588–1591

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

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Contents of Volume VII

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Illustrations

  • Autograph signature of Doctor Santiago de Vera; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 61
  • Autograph signature of Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 187

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Preface

Important events and changes occur during the four years included in the scope of this volume. The Audiencia is suppressed, and in its place is sent a royal governor; the instructions given to him embody many of the reforms demanded by the people through their envoy Sánchez. Extensive and dangerous conspiracies among the natives against the Spaniards are discovered, and severely punished. Trade between Nueva España and China is beginning, and seems to menace the welfare of the Philippine colony. A large immigration of Chinese to the islands has set in, and is already seriously affecting economic interests there. The city of Manila, recently destroyed by fire, is being rebuilt, this time mainly with brick and stone. As usual, there is much friction between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities, largely concerning the collection of tributes from the Indians; the most prominent figure in these contentions is the aged but fiery bishop, Salazar.

Shortly after the Jesuit Sánchez had gone to Spain as envoy of the Philippine colonists, a document was prepared (December 31, 1586), by order of the Manila cabildo, to be sent to him for use at the Spanish court. As this was lost on the “Santa Ana,” and as Bishop Salazar regards the supply of missionaries Page 5in the islands as very inadequate, he applies (June 3, 1588) to the cabildo for another copy of such part of this document as relates to the religious needs of the natives. This he sends (June 25) to the royal Council of the Indias, with considerable additions regarding certain islands not mentioned in the cabildo's memorial. This document gives much interesting information, not only on religious matters, but on the social and economic conditions of both Spaniards and natives in the islands. In each island or province are enumerated the population, both native and Spanish; the number of Spanish troops, also of encomiendas and tributarios; the number of convents and their inmates; the religious and ecclesiastics, not only those resident, but those needed among the natives; the officials employed by the government; the Chinese immigrants and their occupations; the articles for sale in the public market; and the imports and exports at Manila. The writer relates many things of interest regarding the natural resources and products of the country, the mode of life of both Spaniards and natives, the means of defense possessed by the colony, the Indians who are not as yet under Spanish rule. All this affords a valuable and curiously interesting picture of the colony and its life; but Salazar, in presenting it, is mainly concerned with the great need of more religious instruction for the natives, and earnestly entreats the king to send more friars and ecclesiastics for the purpose.

A letter from Santiago de Vera to the king (dated June 26, 1588) gives his report for the past year. He recounts the exploits of the English adventurer Candish against Spanish commerce. Hereafter the ships which carry goods from the Philippines will be Page 6armed with cannon and other means of defense. Vera asks for more artillery with which to defend the islands, which are menaced by great dangers in their present weak condition. He has built some galleys, but would prefer some light ships for navigation among the islands. The new fort at Manila is described; it will, when completed, be sufficient defense for the city. The governor also enumerates the artillery which he has, and asks that more be provided by the home government. He has punished the royal officials for engaging in trade. Vera advises that the sale of certain public offices be deferred for some years, until the colony shall be more prosperous.

On the next day (June 27) Salazar writes to the king. He defends himself against the royal reprimand for his dissensions with the Audiencia. Further information is given regarding the capture of Spanish ships by Candish. The resulting losses of citizens in the islands are very great, and still more serious is the loss of Spanish prestige in the archipelago. In Mindanao, Moslem missionaries are conducting an extensive propaganda. The bishop complains that in his diocese the churches, as well as their furniture, are often so wretched and inadequate that they are a disgrace to religion, and are “not fit to be entered by horses.” This arises from the penuriousness or the poverty of the encomenderos; nothing can be expected from the natives, who are “so harassed and afflicted with public and private undertakings that they are not able to take breath.” The bishop regards the calamities that have befallen the Spaniards as punishments inflicted on them by God for their evil treatment of the Indians. He recommends that many religious be sent to the islands, Page 7who will be protectors of the natives; also that a governor be sent who is not ruled by selfish or family interests. Salazar complains of the harshness and severity shown by the viceroy of Nueva España, especially as the latter will not allow certain Dominican friars to go to the Philippines; and as he has injured the commerce of the islands by his restrictive measures—especially by selling the vessel “Saint Martin” to a Mexican merchant to be used in the Chinese trade. The wreck of that ship at sea he regards as a punishment from heaven. He urges that trade from Mexico to China be stopped, and that the viceroy of Nueva España be ordered to send aid to the Philippines, especially of troops and military supplies, and not to meddle with the decisions of the Audiencia there regarding customs duties, etc. Salazar objects to the presence of so many Chinamen in the islands.

An extract from a letter of the viceroy of India to the king (April 3, 1589) complains that some of his officers have violated the prohibition of intercourse with China and the Philippines. He has sent officials to Macao to quell disturbances there, and order has been given that all Castilians there shall be sent away. He is greatly opposed to the trade which has begun between Mexico and China, and thinks that rigorous measures should be taken against it.

Vera writes (July 13) to the king imploring reenforcements and supplies for the islands. Three Spaniards, among them a Franciscan friar, have been treacherously slain by the Borneans. This proves to be the outcome of a general conspiracy among the Filipinos, Borneans, and other peoples to attack and drive out the Spaniards. The plotters are Page 8detected and severely punished. Certain public offices have been sold, account for which is rendered by the governor. He is endeavoring to secure a small fleet of trading ships, but is obliged to ask aid for this from the royal treasury. Not only ships, but sailors and carpenters are needed, who should be paid in the same way. More artillery is needed, also to be furnished by royal aid. The Chinese trade is continually increasing. The city of Manila is being fast rebuilt, and in stone. But the land is unhealthful and the soldiers die fast, so that the islands have few men for their defense; and again the king is earnestly entreated to order that men and supplies be sent at once from Nueva España. The new fort has been injured by earthquakes, but Vera is building it more strongly. He complains that the friars have neglected his commands to learn the Chinese language and instruct the Chinese who live on the islands. The Dominicans alone have entered this field; they have achieved great results, and have now among the Chinese “a village of Christians.” Many more would be converted, if it were not for the bishop's order that the long hair of the converts should be cut off; accordingly the king orders that a conference of religious and learned persons be held, who shall take suitable action in regard to this and other matters concerning the conversion of the Chinese. Vera complains of the arrogance, obstinacy, and high temper of the bishop, and asks that the king restrain him. There is no physician in Manila, and one is urgently needed in the royal hospital. This document is followed by the notarial record of proceedings in the trial of various Indians for conspiracy, which is mentioned in Vera's letter. The punishments Page 9inflicted upon them are specified: in each case, appeal was made to the Audiencia, which in some cases modified the penalty, but otherwise affirmed the former decision.

Gaspar de Ayala, royal fiscal in the islands, makes his report to the king (July 15). He advises that ships for the royal service be built in the islands; also that the gold used as currency there be exchanged in Nueva España for Spanish coin—both of which measures will be of profit to the royal treasury. He renders account of the recent sale of offices in the islands, and gives advice regarding this method of aiding the royal exchequer. Certain encomiendas becoming vacant, Ayala, as fiscal, undertakes to secure them for the crown; in this he has difficulties with the governor, who also is trying to make trouble for Ayala with the soldiers. The latter asks to be relieved from his post in the Philippines, and sent to some other. The Chinese trade is meager this year, owing to war and pestilence in China; and there are rumors that it is being diverted to Peru or Nueva España. If this be true, the Philippine colony will be ruined. A second plot against the Spaniards has been revealed, this time in Cebú; but the leaders have been captured. The Indians of Cagayán have also revolted, and troops have been sent against them. Ayala adds, “I am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected.” The Spanish colony is in great danger, and imperatively needs reenforcements to save it from destruction. The galleys at Manila, now useless, should be replaced by light sailing-vessels. A further levy of tribute has been made on the Indians for the new fortress at Manila: this is an oppressive Page 10burden for them. Ayala relates at length the dissensions between the bishop and the secular authorities; the king is implored to settle the question at issue. The bishop has also offended the Augustinians, by sending Dominican friars into their field among the Chinese residents: The king is asked to send more friars, to instruct the natives. The Manila hospital for Indians has no income save of alms: Ayala recommends that the Franciscans in charge be allowed to sell a certain amount of pepper in Nueva España. The members of the Audiencia, and the magistrates and officials appointed during the current year are enumerated by name. A fierce tempest has occurred at Manila, causing great damage, and destroying all the vessels in the harbor except one small one. The expedition sent to Cagayán has returned without accomplishing anything except the destruction of the crops belonging to the hostile Indians, which will only irritate them and incite them to revenge.

A royal decree (dated August 9, 1589) orders the newly appointed governor of the Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, to repeal the import duties levied at Manila on provisions and military supplies, also to suppress the retail trade conducted there by the Chinese.

As a result of Sanchez's embassy to Spain, the king and his counselors decide to institute many reforms in the Philippines, and to send thither a royal governor in place of the Audiencia. For this dignity is selected Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and the king's instructions to him (dated August 9, 1589) embody the changes to be made in the government and life of the colony. The cathedral at Manila is to be built, for which purpose the king appropriates the sum of Page 11twelve thousand ducados. Similar aid is to be granted to the two hospitals at Manila. More religious are to be sent to the islands. The rate of tribute from the Indians shall be increased from eight reals to ten; this increase shall be used for tithes and the support of troops in the islands; and the encomenderos must support religious instruction among the natives, and pay tithes. A grant of money for six years is made to the city of Manila; but the king declines to abolish the customs duties—setting aside their proceeds, however, for the payment of the soldiers stationed in the islands—except those on food and military supplies. Appointments and encomiendas must be given to old citizens, or to soldiers who have done actual service; and a list of persons who are to be rewarded for their services is furnished to the new governor. Workmen are to be paid at Manila, not, as heretofore, at Mexico. Trade with Mexico is restricted to the inhabitants of the Philippines. The question whether the Chinese and other foreign merchants are to be allowed to sell goods at retail at the ports is left to the discretion of Dasmariñas. Only Christian Chinese may remain in the islands. Agricultural colonists shall be sent thither from Spain, for whom various provisions are made; and it is expected that from them the Indians will learn the Spanish methods of farming. Cattle and horses are to be sent to the islands; and the farmers sent out shall be ordered to tame and breed the wild buffaloes found there. Agriculture shall be encouraged in all ways. A convent for girls should be established, and its inmates provided with husbands; and Indian women should be enabled to marry poor Spaniards. Encomiendas must be granted with great care, and Page 12must be provided with adequate religious instruction. Dasmariñas is advised to settle lawsuits amicably out of court, when possible. In disaffected encomiendas, only part of the tributes should be collected. Suitable instruction for the natives must be provided, and those who are dispersed should be gathered into settlements where they can be taught the Christian faith. The king appoints Bishop Salazar the official protector of the Indians; and the governor is instructed to cultivate friendly relations with him. A force of four hundred paid soldiers shall be maintained in the islands, and various provisions are made for their discipline and welfare. The minimum age for military service is fixed at fifteen years, and the enlistment of mestizos is discouraged. The city of Manila shall be fortified and garrisoned; and the governor is instructed to be on his guard against various enemies, “chiefly of the Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts,” and to build forts and galleys for the defense of the islands. He is expected to continue the conquests begun there by the Spaniards, but only in accordance with instructions furnished him. He must do all in his power to pacify the Indians in the disaffected provinces. In attempting any military expedition, the governor must consult with the most learned and experienced men of the community; he may contract with captains or encomenderos for the exploration or pacification of hitherto unsubdued regions. Provision is made for the instruction of the natives; and extortion and oppression of the natives in collecting the tributes must be checked. All Indians enslaved by the Spaniards shall be immediately set free. All lawsuits concerning the Indians shall be settled as promptly and simply as possible. Religious Page 13persons sent to the islands must remain there, except by permission of the authorities.

Of especial value are two relations (1589) by the Franciscan missionary Juan de Plasencia, on the customs of the Tagalogs. He describes their social organization, which was originally patriarchal; and rights of property, which are partly individual and partly communistic. There are three classes among the people—nobles, commoners and slaves. The status and rights of each are carefully defined, and the causes and kinds of slavery. A somewhat elaborate system of regulations concerning inheritances is described, also the status of children by adoption, which usage is widely prevalent among the Tagalogs. Marriage, dowries, and divorce are fully treated. In the second of these relations Plasencia describes their modes of burial and worship, and the religious beliefs and superstitions current among that people. They have no buildings set aside as temples, although they sometimes celebrate, in a temporary edifice, a sort of worship. Their chief idol is Badhala, but they also worship the sun and the moon, and various minor divinities. They believe in omens, and practice divination. A detailed account is given of the various classes of priests, sorcerers, witches, etc., in which the natives believed; also of the burial rites of both Tagalogs and Negritos.

A letter to the king from Portugal (written early in 1590) gives him information which he had requested from Portuguese officials in India, regarding the character and results of the trade between the Spanish colonies and those established by the Portuguese in India and the Eastern archipelago, and China. The continuance of this trade would, they Page 14think, ruin the prosperity of the settlements in India, and greatly injure the commerce of Spain, and deplete that country and her colonies of their coin. At Salazar's petition, he receives from the king (April 12, 1590) a grant of money toward the payment of debts incurred by him in procuring the rebuilding of Manila in stone. On June 20 of the same year, the members of the Audiencia, suppressed by order of the king and replaced by Dasmariñas, notify the king that they have surrendered their posts, and ask him for various favors.

Bishop Salazar writes to the king (June 24) a special communication regarding the Chinese (or Sangleys) at Manila. He apologizes for having formerly given, under a mistake as to their character, a wrong impression of that people; and relates various instances of their humane treatment of foreigners in their land. He blames the Portuguese for having spread in China false reports about the Spaniards, and thinks that by this means the devil is trying to hinder the entrance of the gospel into that land. The bishop urges that no hostile demonstration be made against the Chinese; for they are most favorably inclined to the Christian religion, and many conversions may be made among them. Most of Salazar's letter is devoted to the Chinese residents of Manila, and their quarters there, which is called the Parián. He narrates the gradual increase of the Chinese immigration to the islands, their relations with the Spaniards, the establishment of the Parián, and his efforts for their conversion. These last are ineffectual until the coming of the Dominican friars in 1587; they assume the charge of converting the Chinese, and build their convent next the Parián, which Page 15brings the friars into constant and friendly relations with the Chinese. An interesting description of the Parián and its inhabitants is given; all trades are represented therein, and the people carry on the manufactures to which they were accustomed in China, but with a better finish, which they have learned to use from the Spaniards. Salazar makes the enthusiastic statement that “the Parián has so adorned the city [Manila] that I do not hesitate to affirm to your Majesty that no other known city in España, or in these regions, possesses anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of goods and curious things which come from that country.” Especially interesting are the economic effects of their residence there; “the handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have all died out, because people all buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at very low cost.” Salazar admires their cleverness and dexterity in all kinds of handiwork especially as they have learned, in less than ten years, both painting and sculpture; “I think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the Child Jesus which I have seen.” The churches are thus being furnished with images. A book-binder from Mexico had come to Manila, and his trade has been quickly taken from him by his Chinese apprentice, who has set up his own bindery, and excels his master. Many other instances of the cleverness, ability, and industry of the Chinese are related; and the city is almost entirely dependent on them for its food supplies. Not the least of the benefits received from them by the city is their work as stone-masons, and Page 16makers of bricks and lime; they are so industrious, and work so cheaply, that Manila is rapidly being rebuilt with substantial and elegant houses, churches, and convents, of stone and brick. The day's wage of a Chinaman is one real (equal to five cents of American money). So many Chinese are coming to Manila that another Parián is being built to accommodate them. Nearly seven thousand of them reside there, and in the vicinity of Manila, and four Dominican friars labor among them. Salazar reports the condition and progress of the missions conducted by that order in the islands. Those who minister to the Chinese are securing some converts, but many who are otherwise inclined to the Christian faith are unwilling thus to exile themselves from their own land. After due deliberation, the Dominicans conclude to open a mission in China, and in that case to relax the rule compelling converts to cut off their hair and foresake their native land. This purpose they are enabled to accomplish, after encountering many difficulties, through the aid of some Chinese Christians in Manila; and two friars are sent to China, Miguel de Benavides and Juan Castro. The Dominicans have also built a hospital for the Chinese; it is supported by alms, partly contributed by “Sangley” infidels; and its physician is a converted Chinese who devotes himself to its service. This institution has won much renown and commendation in China. Salazar asks that the king grant it some aid, and that he confirm a reward given by the governor to the two Christian Chinese who aided the mission to China. Another letter from Salazar bearing the same date (June 24) recounts many things concerning affairs in the islands. He protests against the royal orders Page 17to increase the rate of tribute paid by the Indians, saying that the king has been misinformed regarding their ability to pay. He makes comments on the several royal decrees which have come in this year's mail. One commands that the conquerors make restitution for the damages inflicted by them upon the natives; but they or their heirs are tardy in paying the amounts levied for this purpose, and meanwhile the Indians live in great poverty and want. The bishop's heart and conscience are harassed not only by this, but by the inability of the Spaniards to pay the full amount which is due the Indians as restitution; he therefore asks the king to settle this matter by remitting part of the amounts thus required. Salazar defends himself for having encouraged the Indian slaves (who had been freed by royal decree) to leave their Spanish masters; and for obliging the Chinese converts to cut off their hair. He also explains, as being greatly exaggerated, the accusations brought against his clergy of engaging in traffic; and promises to do all in his power to check them. One of the decrees settles the question of precedence between him and the Audiencia; but, as that tribunal has been suppressed, it is now useless. Salazar takes this opportunity to defend himself against the aspersions cast upon him in this matter, and in regard to certain legal proceedings wherein the Audiencia had claimed that he defied its authority. He declares that he always complied with its decisions or commands except in a few cases, which he explains in detail; and complains that the Audiencia has at various times usurped his jurisdiction, of which he relates instances.

In still another letter (of the same date) the bishop Page 18thanks his sovereign for recent kindness shown him, and for decrees favorable to the Philippine colony. The money which the king ordered to be given for building the cathedral at Manila has not yet been paid, as the royal treasury there is so poor. Salazar comments on certain recent decrees by the king: that the friars should not leave the islands without permission from the authorities; that tithes be remitted for twenty years to new settlers in the islands; and that the processes of justice be simplified, and pecuniary fines abrogated. The bishop reiterates his complaint against the cruelty and injustice with which the Spaniards collect the tributes from the natives, and the dearth of religious instruction for the latter; he feels responsible for this instruction, yet cannot provide it for lack of religious teachers. If more priests can be sent, great results can be achieved. The spiritual destitution of that region is so great that “of the ten divisions of this bishopric, eight have no instruction; and some provinces have been paying tribute to your Majesty for more than twenty years, but without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute, and afterward to go to hell.” If religious teachers are supplied, it will be comparatively easy to complete the pacification of the Indians who are now hostile; then the royal treasury will receive, from the increase in the tributes, far more than it would now expend in sending out the missionaries. The bishop asks that, as he is now appointed by the king the protector of the Indians, he may have also funds for the expenses and assistants necessary for this office; also that the same protection may be extended toward the Chinese, who need it even more than the Indians. A Page 19royal decree (July 23, 1590) orders that the trade with China shall be confined for six years to the inhabitants of the islands.

Next follows a long document, a collection of papers (bearing various dates in 1591) relating to the collection of tributes in the islands. The first is a memorandum of the resources and needs of the hospital at Manila; the former are so small, and the latter so great, that the institution is badly crippled. A short letter by Bishop Salazar (dated January 12) classifies the encomiendas according to the amount of religious instruction given therein, and lays down the conditions which ought to govern the collection of tributes. He declares that the encomendero has not fulfilled his obligations to the Indians under him by merely reserving a fourth of the tributes for building churches; and advises that the small encomiendas be combined to form larger ones. This letter is followed by twenty-five “conclusions” (dated January 18) relating to this subject, which express the opinions of bishop and clergy on the collection of tributes from the Indians. These define the purposes for which this tax should be collected, the restrictions under which collections shall be permitted, and the respective duties in this matter of the encomenderos, ministers of religion, and governors, They declare that restitution should be made for all tribute unjustly collected from the natives—which includes all that is taken from pagans who have not been instructed, or from any Indian by force. Another letter by the bishop (dated January 25) accompanies this document. He states that he does not desire to forbid the encomenderos from personally collecting the tributes. He advises that the amount of such Page 20collections should be reduced, and that the Spaniards should not be too heavily mulcted for the restitutions which should be made to the Indians. The governor replies to these communications, expressing much interest in the Indians and desire to lighten their burdens. The collections should be uniform in rate everywhere, and of moderate amount. Certain requirements should be made from the encomenderos, especially in regard to the administration of justice; but they must be enabled to retain their holdings. The governor wishes to adopt some temporary regulations which shall be in force until the king can provide suitable measures. On February 15 the city officials and the encomenderos present a petition to the governor. They complain of the pressure exerted upon them by the clergy and the friars to prevent the collection of the tributes; and entreat the governor to interpose his authority, and to secure a royal mandate, in order that they may collect the tributes without ecclesiastical interference, or else to permit them to return to Spain. Salazar answers (February 8) the previous letter of Dasmariñas; this reply, and the opinions furnished by the religious orders, we synopsize in our text, as being somewhat too verbose for the edification of our readers. Salazar answers the objections made to his earlier statements, and assures the governor that the encomenderos can live on one-third of the tributes, that there is no danger of their abandoning their holdings, and that the chief obstacle to the conversion of the pagans is the cruelty of the Spaniards. He urges the governor to reform the abuses practiced by them, and to do justice to the poor Indians; and says that the clergy will cooperate with him in this. The Page 21heads of the religious orders (except the Dominicans) send written opinions on this subject to the governor; and the Jesuits discuss certain measures proposed by the bishop, with some of which they disagree. The remainder of the document on tributes will be presented in Vol. VIII.

The Editors

September, 1903.

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Documents of 1588

Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from Cartas de Indias, pp. 637–652; the others, from the original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson; the others, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio. Page 23

Relation of the Philipinas Islands

Most potent Sir:

I, the bishop of the Philipinas, declare that to your Highness[1] it is evident and well-known that the greater number of the natives in these islands are yet to be converted, and that many of those who are converted are without instruction, because they have no one to give it; and because, even in the districts where there are ministers, they are so few, and the natives so numerous, that they cannot give the latter sufficient instruction. I have, moreover, been informed that in a letter which the cabildo of this city of Manilla wrote to your Highness last year there was a section in which they gave your Highness information of the districts and localities in these islands where instruction is provided, and of those where it is not, and of the number of ministers who are necessary to furnish Page 24instruction to the natives therein. This letter, with all the others which went in the said year on the ship “Sancta Ana,” was lost. For the relief of your royal conscience and my own, and for the welfare of the said natives, it is best that an order be given that those natives who are converted shall be supplied with ministers to instruct and maintain them in the Christian faith; for it is well known that, as soon as ministers fail them, they return to their rites and idolatries—in some districts, because they have lacked ministers for many years; and, in others quite near here, because those religious who had them in charge have abandoned them. This is well known to your Highness, through the information that has been given your Highness many times from this Audiencia. I am ready to furnish you sufficient information in this regard, if your Highness be so inclined. It is necessary also that ministers be furnished to the natives yet unconverted, that they may teach them and look after their conversion, since all of these Indians are under the dominion of your Highness, and pay tribute, as if they were Christians and received instruction. Unless ministers come hither from España, it is impossible to make good these deficiencies, or to supply the great lack of instruction. In order that this matter may be manifest to your Highness, and that you may be pleased to command that a remedy be provided, according to the great necessity for instruction in these islands, I ask, and, in order that the said need may be more certainly evident to your Highness, it is fitting, that the [above-mentioned] section of the said letter be sent to your royal hands. I beg and supplicate your Highness that you order the notary of the cabildo of Page 25this said city to draw up from the book of the cabildo one, two, or more copies of the said section, publicly and duly authenticated, in order to approach therewith your royal person—for which, etc.

The Bishop of the Philippinas

(In Manilla, on the third day of the month of June in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight. The honorable president and auditors of the royal Audiencia of these Philipinas Islands being in public session, this petition was read; and after examination by the said members of the Audiencia, they declared that the request of the bishop should be granted.

Juan de la Paraya)

(In fulfilment of the above order, I, Simon Lopez, notary of the king, our lord, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city of Manilla,[2] have caused to be made, from the books and papers of the cabildo which are in my possession, a copy of the relation which is mentioned in the present memoir. It is as follows:)

Relation of the natives now inhabiting these Western Islands—those who are pacified, and from whom tribute is collected, both those who are under control of his Majesty and those allotted to encomenderos; also of the religious, and the instruction given by them, among the natives; of the number of Spanish inhabitants, both in this city of Manila and in the settlements outside of it; and of the ministers of religion who are needed here. Page 26

Manilla

This city of Manilla was founded in the island of Luzon, which is very fertile and populous. Outside of it, within the circuit of five leagues, are settled seven thousand five hundred Indians; four thousand of these belong to his Majesty, and the rest, three thousand five hundred, are allotted to four encomenderos. There are eight Augustinian friars, in four residences, and in another house are two Franciscans, one of whom is a lay brother, all of the rest being priests. In order that sufficient instruction be furnished the Indians, five more religious are needed.

This city has eighty citizens. It contains the cathedral and the bishop's house, and the ecclesiastical dignitaries—the latter consisting of an arch-deacon, a schoolmaster, two canons, thirteen clerics who are priests, and a few candidates for holy orders.

The monastery of St. Augustine, which usually has seven or eight religious, four priests, and three brothers and candidates for holy orders.

The monastery of St. Francis, which usually has four priests, and eleven or twelve other professed members and novices.

Of the Society of Jesus, the father superior, with two other fathers and two brothers.

A royal hospital for Spaniards, and another (in the Franciscan monastery) for the Indians.

There are, ordinarily, two hundred soldiers in this city, quartered among the citizens and in the houses of the Indians near them. These soldiers are very poor, and are sustained by alms, as are likewise the inmates of the monasteries and hospitals—although four hundred pesos are given every year from the treasury, besides two hundred fanégas of rice, for Page 27the support of four Augustinian religious; and the royal hospital possesses an encomienda worth six or seven hundred pesos.

Fifty Spaniards in the city have married Spanish women; and some of the others, native Indian women. There are fifteen Spanish widows; also eight or ten girls who are marriageable, and some others who are very young.

The president and three auditors, one fiscal, one alguaçil-mayor, two secretaries—one for the Audiencia, and the other for the government—one bailiff, one keeper of the antechamber, two reporters, one proctor of the exchequer, four attorneys and as many interpreters,[3] four commissioners of examination, two alguaçils of the court, one prison warden, the officials of the royal Audiencia, an officer to serve executions for the same, and one notary.

The governing body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, an alguaçil-mayor, twelve regidors, bailiffs, six notaries public, two attorneys, a depositary-general, a chancellor, and registrar, a superintendent of his Majesty's works, two city watchmen, and one for vagabonds.

There are thirty captains, only four of whom have companies in this city.

All the above is confined to the said eighty citizens of this city, leaving out of account the churches, hospitals, and monasteries. Inside this city is the silk-market of the Sangley merchants,[4] with shops to the Page 28number of one hundred and fifty, in which there are usually about six hundred Sangleys—besides a hundred others who live on the other side of the river opposite this city; these are married, and many of them are Christians. In addition to these there are more than three hundred others—fishermen, gardeners, hunters, weavers, brickmakers, lime-burners, carpenters, and iron-workers—who live outside the silk market, and without the city, upon the shores of the sea and river. Within the silk market are many tailors, cobblers, bakers, carpenters, candle-makers, confectioners, apothecaries, painters, silversmiths, and those engaged in other occupations.

Every day there is held a public market of articles of food, such as fowls, swine, ducks, game-birds, wild hogs, buffaloes, fish, bread, and other provisions, and garden-produce, and firewood; there are also many commodities from China which are sold through the streets.

Twenty merchantmen generally sail hither each year from China, each one carrying at least a hundred men, who trade from November until May—in those vessels coming hither, living here, and departing to their own country, during these seven months. They bring hither two hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, only ten thousand pesos being in food supplies—such as flour, sugar, biscuits, butter, oranges, walnuts, chestnuts, pineapples, figs, Page 29plums, pomegranates, pears, and other fruits, salt pork, and hams—and in such abundance that the city and its environs are supported thereby during the whole year, and the fleets and trading-vessels are provisioned therefrom; they bring also many horses and cows, with which their land is well supplied. For two years, merchantmen have come hither laden with goods from Japon, Macaon, Cian [Siam], and other places, in order to trade in this city. The people of those countries are consequently becoming desirous of our friendship and trade, and many of the inhabitants of those nations are being converted.

They carry to their own countries, from this land, gold, wax, cotton, dye-woods, and small shells, which latter pass for money in their country, being used besides for many things, whereby they are held in much esteem. They bring hither silks—figured satins, black and colored damasks, brocades and other fabrics—which are now very commonly seen, a great quantity of white and black cotton cloth, and the above-mentioned articles of food.

Outside of this city and the above-mentioned villages lying within five leagues of it, there are seven well-populated provinces in this same island of Luzon—namely, Panpanga, Pangasinan, Ylocos, Cagayan, Camarines, La Laguna, and Bonbon y Balayan. These include three Spanish settlements—namely, Camarines, Ylocos, and Cagayan, and have the following number of tributarios [i.e., Indians paying tribute] and encomiendas.

The province of Panpanga

The province of Panpanga has twenty-two thousand Page 30tributarios, of whom seven thousand belong to his Majesty, and fifteen thousand are apportioned among eleven encomiendas. There are eight houses of the religious of St. Augustine, and one house of St. Francis, in which are sixteen Augustinian priests and one Franciscan. In another house is a Dominican, who is a coadjutor of the bishop. All together, there are eighteen priests. In order that sufficient instruction be given in this province, twenty-six more priests are needed; because, at the very least, a thousand tributarios means four thousand people, who require two religious—and in this ratio throughout the islands, where, it is believed, there will be a great increase of people and of their instruction. This province has an alcalde-mayor, and needs two corregidors.

This province is fifteen leagues in circuit, and is situated, at the very most, a like distance from this city. Between this province and that of Pangasinan, which is adjacent to it, there are three thousand Indians apportioned between two encomiendas; they are Çanbales, and many of them are pacified. Living at a distance of twenty-five or thirty leagues from this city are more than three thousand others of this same race—brave mountaineers—still to be pacified; and we have not the wherewithal to send twenty soldiers for that purpose. This entire population is without instruction. It needs six ministers.

The province of Pangassinan

The province of Pangassinan has five thousand tributarios, pacified, but without instruction. It is forty leagues' distance from this city, by either land or sea. His Majesty possesses one thousand five hundred Page 31of its tributarios, and the rest are held by five encomenderos. It has one alcalde-mayor. Ten religious are necessary.

The province of Ylocos

Five leagues beyond Pangasinan, by either land or sea, begins the province of Ylocos, which is inhabited for forty leagues inland. It has twenty-seven thousand tributarios. Of these the king has six thousand, and twenty-one thousand are in fourteen encomiendas. There are three Augustinian religious in two houses or districts, and two ecclesiastics in two others. Fifty others are needed. There is a considerable population of mountaineers who recognize no master. This province has an alcalde-mayor, and the [Spanish] population of a small town.

The province of Cagayan

The province of Cagayan has many rivers and bayous. On its principal river, by name Taxo, the city of Nueva Segovia has been founded, being situated two leagues inland. This city has forty citizens who are encomenderos. It has one Augustinian monastery, containing two priests; one alcalde-mayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one alguaçil-mayor, and six regidors, who constitute the cabildo; and a royal hospital, which has for its income the tribute-money collected here for his Majesty. There is a fort with seven large pieces of artillery, and an equal number of small pieces—such as small culverins and falcons—a number of muskets and arquebuses, pikes, and coats-of-mail, which constitute the weapons and armor used in this land. For its maintenance this fort Page 32has assigned to it the tribute from one village, which amounts to about one hundred pesos. It has its own governor. The forty citizens of this city maintain in addition forty soldiers, who help to pacify, conquer, and collect the tribute of the encomiendas. Ten of these citizens are married, the remainder single. Twenty-six thousand Indians, of whom seven thousand are pacified and pay tribute, are apportioned to thirty-three of these citizens—some along the principal river Taxo, and the remainder in the districts near the same. Along this river and in its neighborhood his Majesty has one thousand seven hundred tributarios, of whom a thousand are pacified and pay their tribute. This river Taxo is very broad and deep, and large vessels can ascend it even to the city. It has an excellent bay. It rises fifty leagues inland, and is inhabited along its entire course by the above-mentioned people. Its water is excellent, and the whole land is quite fertile and healthful, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, and palm-wine; and there is much hunting of buffaloes, deer, wild hogs, and birds. A great amount of wax, cotton, and gold is collected in this district, in which articles the natives pay their tribute. Two leagues opposite the bar of the river Taxo is the dense population of the Babuyanes Islands. One island is an encomienda under the control of his Majesty, and is said to contain one thousand men. The tribute has not been collected, because the inhabitants, it is said, are not pacified. The eight other islands are distributed among the seven [other] citizens [of Nueva Segovia]. They number three thousand men, more rather than less from all of whom their masters collect three hundred tributes. All of these islands are distant three or four Page 33leagues from one another. Sixty priests would be needed for the care of these thirty thousand Indians, counting two priests to each thousand tributarios. At the present time, sixteen priests are needed for those who are pacified, as we have said. These priests are very important for the pacification and permanent settlement of the natives, and for [the spiritual needs of] the soldiers. This province of Cagayan lies seventy leagues from the mainland of China and the coast cities of that country. Seventy ministers are necessary, who, with the help and protection of the soldiers, will gather the inhabitants together and pacify them all, and seek out the rest of the people—who, as we are informed, exist in great number as far as Cagayan.

The province of La Laguna

The province of La Laguna [“the Lake”], commences at the lake—which is the body of water above this city of Manilla where the river of this city rises, as well as others in the mountain hard by—six leagues from this city.[5] It is about twenty leagues in circuit, and in this territory, inhabited by eleven thousand Indian tributarios, there are twelve religious houses—ten of Franciscans, with fifteen priests and nine brothers; one of Augustinians, with three priests; and, in the other house, one ecclesiastic. Two thousand seven hundred of the inhabitants are his Majesty's, and two thousand four hundred[6] are distributed Page 34among eight encomenderos. Of all the provinces in these islands, this one has the most instruction. It needs three more priests. It has one alcalde-mayor, and should have besides one corregidor. Near the coast of the bay of this city is the province of Bonbon y Balayan.

The province of Bonbon y Balayan

The province of Bonbon contains the people of the Lake, who amount to four thousand men, belonging to the Mariscal.[7] It comprises the villages of Batangas, Galbandayun, Calilaya, and the lowlands of Balayan, which amount in all to nine thousand tributarios. His Majesty has one thousand two hundred of them, and five encomenderos seven thousand eight hundred. There are four religious houses—two of Augustinians, in Bonbon and Batangas; and the other two of Franciscans, in Balayan and Dayun. These houses contain four Augustinian priests, and three Franciscan priests and two brothers. Ten more ministers are necessary.

Province of Camarines

The province of Camarines lies fifty leagues from this city. In it is located the city of Caçeres, with thirty citizens, who have generally thirty soldiers Page 35quartered among them. Twenty of these citizens are married, six of them to native women. The city has its own cabildo and governing body; also a church with one vicar, one Franciscan monastery with two priests and two brothers besides, and one alcalde-mayor. It could have three more corregidorships.

This province has twenty thousand tributarios, of whom two thousand five hundred are his Majesty's, and seventeen thousand five hundred are distributed among twenty encomiendas.

There are ten Franciscan houses in this province, besides the convent of the city, with eleven priests and eight brothers in all. There are two more ecclesiastics in two districts, not counting the curate of the city. Twenty more priests are necessary. The faith has had an excellent opening in this province of Camarines, and the preaching of the gospel has shed its rays far and wide therein. The natives are especially inclined to the sacrament of Penitence; and it is a thing to marvel at, to see the churches continually filled, especially during Lent, with people asking confession.

The people of this province are simple and well disposed. Their country is delightful in its location, being healthful and very beautiful. The chase yields many wild hogs, deer, and buffaloes; and there are many birds, such as hens, ducks of many varieties, the smaller birds, and many others. There is a river where fish abound in great plenty, especially swordfish, and many black shellfish, the latter being gathered at the river. There is much fine scenery in this province, and it contains many springs and rivers of fresh, clear water, on account of which there is always abundance of excellent water in this province. Page 36Near the boundaries of the province are two volcanoes of great size and remarkable beauty—one of fire, and the other of water.[8] According to the report of the natives who have climbed up to the volcano of water, there are many royal eagles there, besides much white honey and wax, and fruits of various kinds.

The entire population of this province is in encomiendas, separated two or three leagues, or even a less distance, from one another; and all these encomiendas are contained within thirty leagues.

Besides this island of Luzon, there are many other inhabited islands, situated close to it, within a circuit of one hundred leagues. There are two more Spanish colonies—one the city of Nonbre de Jesus, in Çebu; and the other the town of Arevalo,[9] in Oton.

Concerning Cubu

The city of Cubu has thirty citizens, among whom are quartered twenty soldiers. These citizens are all encomenderos, and all married to either Spanish or Indian women. Their encomiendas are located among the neighboring islands, there being thirty-two encomiendas with eighteen thousand tributarios. Here his Majesty possesses some few little hamlets, in which but little tribute is collected, and the natives of the city—who by special privilege pay no Page 37tribute, because from the very first they received the Spaniards in a friendly manner, furnishing the camp with provisions, and showing themselves loyal on many occasions. This city has a church, with one vicar; and one Augustinian monastery, containing three or four religious. In all those encomiendas there is no other instruction. Three more priests are necessary.

This city has a municipal council and alcaldes; and has a fortress provided with three or four large pieces of artillery, and some small ones, such as falcons and small culverins; and having its own governor. This fort is located opposite Burney, the Malucos and Mindanaos, and other infidel islands and kingdoms. This city has one alcalde-mayor.

The town of Arevalo

The town of Arevalo is situated on the island of Oton [or Panay], and has twenty citizens; they are encomenderos, and have thirty soldiers quartered among them. The town has a municipal council, alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one alcalde-mayor. In the islands near this settlement there are twenty-two thousand tributarios; three thousand of these are his Majesty's, and nineteen thousand are distributed among eighteen encomiendas. There is one church and one vicar, and one monastery with two Augustinians. Outside of the town, in certain of the encomiendas, are four more houses of the same order. The five houses contain ten priests. Three or four more are needed.

All of these islands, as well as those of the settlement of Çubu, abound in flesh of wild hogs and birds; Page 38and in all the above-mentioned places many fowls and swine are raised. Tribute is paid in gold, cloth, wax, cotton thread, rice, and fowls, at a valuation based on the peso of Tipuzque.

In addition to these islands and settlements, there are other islands, namely, Marinduque, Luban, Mindoro, Elen, Calamianes, with two thousand five hundred tributarios, besides a much greater number still unpacified. None of them has any instruction, except Mindoro, where his Majesty has five hundred Indians who are instructed. One ecclesiastic in the islands of Calamianes collects the tribute, in the name of his Majesty, from two hundred more. We hear of many more who are still unpacified. The rest are in two encomiendas. Six ecclesiastics are necessary.

Summary of the Above Relation

According to what is set forth in this relation, it is therefore evident that there are one hundred and forty-six thousand, seven hundred pacified tributarios in this island of Luzon and the other islands of this government. Of this number his Majesty has twenty-eight thousand seven hundred. The religious number fifty-four Augustinian priests, and thirty-eight descalced Franciscan friars—all these for this city and the instruction of the natives—with an additional number of some ten ecclesiastics, in curacies and vicariates outside of this city, as has been related. One hundred and ninety more priests are necessary for the instruction of the said natives, which number will furnish sufficient instruction, counting for each thousand tributarios two religious—priests, friars, or Page 39ecclesiastics. These thousand tributarios amount to somewhat less than four thousand people. It is quite certain that with adequate instruction, such as is indicated in the foregoing, many people, not yet pacified, will become so, and the number of tributarios in the above-named provinces would be increased to two hundred thousand. For we have heard that in the province of Cagayan there are many more people besides those apportioned in encomiendas, as also in the islands of [Ca]lamianes, Mindoro, Luban, and Elin, as well as in many other islands included in the colonies of Oton and Çebu. In all of these the Christian instruction and conversion would be extended through the territories and provinces adjoining them, and the inhabitants would be rendered obedient to his Majesty without the necessity of arms and war; whereby God, our Lord, would be much pleased and these kingdoms greatly extended. The fathers of the Society, comprising but three priests and two brothers, reside in this city, where by means of their teaching they produce the greatest results. They are studying and learning the language of the natives and of the Chinese, in order to work among them when more of their Society come hither—a pressing necessity, for which your Majesty should provide.

(This relation, in its present sum and substance, was made by the cabildo of this city, in order that it might be sent to Father Alonso Sanchez, general agent for this city and these islands at his Majesty's court. Made on the last of December, one thousand five hundred and eighty-six.

This copy was made and transcribed, corrected, Page 40and collated with another copy in my possession, among the papers of the cabildo in Manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of June, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Francisco de Zarate and Alonso Maldonado being witnesses. Therefore, in testimony of the above, I, Simon Lopez, notary of the king, our master, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, do affix hereunto my seal.

In testimony of the truth:

Simon Lopez, notary of the cabildo)

[The following matter is added by Salazar:] In addition to the towns named in this relation, I feel in duty bound to give your Majesty some general information concerning certain islands which are named in it without making particular mention of them; and concerning others which are not mentioned at all, which are very important, and have a large population.

The town of Arevalo, of which mention is made above, was founded in the island of Panay, which is one of the best islands of this archipelago. This island is one hundred leagues in circuit, and is well populated. The Augustinian friars had charge of it when the relation was written; but they abandoned it about six months ago, on account of having an insufficient number of friars for their houses.

Next to this island, at a league's distance, is the island of Ymaras, which is apportioned among encomenderos. It is about twenty leagues in circumference, and has six hundred tributarios. Instruction has never been furnished it, although some Augustinian friars have visited it at times. Page 41

Next this island of Ymaras, at three leagues' distance toward the south, is situated the island called Negros. It is much larger than Panay, but not so densely populated. It had two Augustinian monasteries, but they were abandoned more than five years ago, and the baptized Christians were left without instruction. The island is without instruction now, and the baptized Christians have returned to their idolatries.

The island of Bantayan is small and densely populated. It has more than eight hundred tributarios, most of them Christians. The Augustinians who had them in charge have abandoned them also, and they are now without instruction. This island is twenty leagues from Zubu.

The island of Leyte

The island of Leyte is thirty leagues south of Cubu. It is one of the most excellent islands of this bishopric, and produces much food. It has sixteen or eighteen encomenderos, and fifteen or sixteen thousand tributarios. It has never had, and has not now, any instruction.

Island of Bohol

The island of Bohol, situated near Çubu, is small and populated. It has about six hundred tributarios.

The island of Mindanao is larger than that of Luzon, although it is believed to be not so well populated. Much of it is apportioned among Spaniards, and some of the natives pay tribute. For three years, the preachers of Mahoma have come into the Page 42regions hereabout, coming from Burney to Terrenate. We have heard that there are some Moros from Méca among them. The law of Mahoma is preached publicly at the very river of Mindanao, and mosques have been built and are being built. And it is to the shame of Christianity there that it does not hasten to drive these preachers from that region, since the inhabitants are vassals of your Majesty, and have rendered your Majesty obedience for a long time. The galleons sailing from India to Maluco know that island, and obtain water and provisions there. Fifty leagues from this island of Mindanao lies the island of Jolo, which has been given over to encomenderos these many years. It is an island where many pearls are found, and where elephants are reared. The inhabitants have a king of their own, who is a relative of the monarch of Terrenate. Neither in this island nor in that of Mindanao is there much Christian teaching; nor can there ever be, unless the people are pacified.

The island of Ybabao, situated between this island of Luzon and that of Cubu, is quite large, but does not contain many inhabitants. It has a few encomenderos, is not yet entirely pacified, and has never had any instruction. The island of Catanduanes is excellent and well populated; it lies next to Camarines. There are four encomiendas on it; it contains about three thousand tributarios, who up to the present time have never had any Christian teaching. The island of Marinduque, lying about three leagues from this island, is divided into encomiendas. It has about eight hundred tributarios, who have never been instructed in the faith. From this island to the strait called Espiritu Sancto, many small islands are scatered—namely, Page 43Masbate, Capul, Burias, Banton, Conblon, Simara, Sibuyan, the island of Tablas, and many others—of which, because of their small size and scanty population, no mention is made, although all are apportioned into encomiendas and tribute is collected in them every year. They have no Christian teaching, nor hope of any.

Eighteen or twenty leagues west of the island of Panay, is located an exceeding fine and well-populated island, called Cuyo; it is very low and small. Together with seven small islands near by, it contains one thousand two hundred tributarios. Its inhabitants are rich, and the principal men live very well. The people of Burney have intercourse with this island, and we suspect that they preach here the law of Mahoma, although not so publicly as in Mindanao. Many goats, pheasants, and fowls of larger size than those of this region, are reared in this island. Its encomendero goes thither each year in the months of February and March for the purpose of collecting his tributes, and, this done, returns to his home in the island of Panay. No other communication is held with this island. It has no instruction now, and has never had any.

Lying between the islands of Mindoro and Burney are a number of islands called the Calamianes. They are scantily populated, and are under his Majesty's control. Great quantities of wax are collected therein. Their inhabitants pay tribute also to the people of Burney, because the Spaniards do not trouble themselves about them further than to collect the tribute, leaving them to whomsoever may come from Burney to rob them. They have never had any Christian teaching, nor is there hope of any Page 44speedily, because they are few in number and widely scattered.

The island of Mindoro is situated twenty-five leagues southwest of this city. From the nearest coast of this island [Luzón] the distance to Mindoro is about six leagues. This island of Mindoro is sixty leagues in circumference. It contains more than five thousand families, of whom two thousand pay tribute and are pacified. The remainder, for lack of men to subdue them, neglect to pay their tribute. Augustinian and Franciscan friars have been in this district, but all have abandoned it. There is at present one ecclesiastic there, who has the care of about one thousand Christianized tributarios. All of the remainder of the inhabitants are infidels, and without instruction.

Next to the island of Mindoro, and in the direction of this city, lies the small island of Luban, with about five hundred tributarios. Its inhabitants are well disposed, and have asked me many times for Christian teaching; but, for lack of ministers to send to them, they cannot have it.

This is the most trustworthy relation that your Majesty can have, in order that your Majesty may see clearly the great need for ministers who shall labor for the conversion of these infidels, and for the preservation of those who have already received the faith, but are falling back into their idolatrous practices, because they have been abandoned by those who baptized them. Many of the islands named in this relation I have visited personally, and concerning the others I have been informed by those familiar with them; and, although it is not possible to know the exact truth, I have tried to ascertain it as nearly Page 45as I could. All of these islands are included in your Majesty's kingdom; all pay tribute, and in sufficient quantities to entitle them to receive instruction. Since your Majesty has in your dominions so many and so excellent religious and ecclesiastics, who, if your Majesty give the order, will prepare to come hither, may your Majesty feel so strongly the ills of this land and its lack of religious workers, that you will order to come hither as many as are needed for the salvation of the great number of souls who are perishing here for want of religious teaching. Your Majesty should understand that, when we speak of such an island or town having so many tributarios, we mean married men, or two single men who make one whole tribute; so that when there are one thousand tributarios, it follows that there must be two thousand persons. And it will happen most frequently that the number will reach three or four thousand, counting one or two children to each household. From the foregoing your Majesty will realize clearly the countless number of souls under your Majesty's charge, and who are waiting for your Majesty to provide them with ministers of religion, in order that they may be drawn out of their present darkness, and placed on the pathway of salvation. At Manila, June twenty-fifth, 1585 [sic; should be 1588]. Page 46

[1] This document is published in Cartas de Indias (pp. 637–652), under the title, “Letter of petition from the bishop of Manila to the president of the Council of the Indias, giving information of the religious condition and needs of the Filipinas Islands; December, 1585.” This date is incorrect, as shown by the internal evidence of the document itself, and probably arises from some error in the transcription from the original; the cabildo's letter was dated Dec. 31, 1586, and the bishop's on June 25, 1588 (incorrectly printed 1585 in Cartas de Indias). The allusions in this letter indicate that it was addressed to the king, rather than to the president of the council.

[2] Span., ynsigne é siempre leal ciudad de Manilla; see the royal decree conferring this title, in Vol. III, pp. 250, 251.

[3] Span., naguatatos, originally a Mexican word.

[4] The alcaicería (silk-market) for the Chinese, where their trade was exclusively carried on, was at first located on the Pasig River, opposite Manila, and was established by Peñalosa (1581?). In 1583 it was brought within the city (Vol. V, p. 237) by his temporary successor, Diego Ronquillo, and was generally styled Page 28n“the Parián.” An interesting description of it is given by Salazar in a document, dated 1590, which appears in the present volume, post. The Parián was long the property of the city; it was destroyed under Governor Basco y Vargas (1778–87), to make room for other edifices, but was rebuilt by him in another location; it was finally destroyed in 1860. See Buzeta and Bravo's Diccionario, ii, p. 229; and Los Chinos en Filipinas (Manila, 1886).

[5] Lake Bombón, or Taal (Vol. III, p. 82).

[6] We here follow the text as given in Cartas de Indias (dos mill); but this number, if all the Indians in this province were allotted, and the number of those in the royal encomienda is correctly given, should be seven thousand four hundred.

[7] In 1579 Gabriel de Ribera, who had been one of Legazpi's officers, was sent to conquer Mindanao—an undertaking, however, which was unsuccessful. Later, he explored the coasts of Borneo and Patan, and was afterward sent by Peñalosa to Spain, to render an account of the conquests thus far made in the Indian archipelago. As a reward for Ribera's services, Felipe II conferred upon him the title of Mariscal de Bonbon; it is he who is referred to in our text.

[8] According to U.S. Philippine Gazetteer (pp. 9, 10, 286), there are now in the province of Ambos Camarines no active volcanoes, although its mountains form a volcanic chain. The peaks of Labo, Colasi, Isarog, and Iriga are extinct volcanoes, their height ranging from 4,000 to 6,450 feet.

[9] This town was founded by Peñalosa (Vol. V, p. 26), and named for his native town, Arevalo in Castilla. The former is located a few miles west of Iloilo.

Letter from Vera to Felipe II

Sire:

In the past year of 87, I sent your Majesty an account of the condition of this land, by the usual route, and also one by way of India. As the voyage is so uncertain and dangerous, another duplicate is sent herewith; and I beg your Majesty to have it examined, as it is important for your service.

On the twenty-seventh of February of this year, I had news from the Pintados Islands that, on the seventh of the said month, at one of the islands about eighty leagues south of Luçon, an English ship had been seen. With their small boat they had seized a Spanish sailor who was coasting along carelessly in a small bark. He did not flee from the enemy, as he took them to be Spaniards and friends; for it is unusual for ships from England to come here. Next day the English learned that a galleon of your Majesty was being built in the shipyard of Caigoan on the island of Panay. An attempt was made to land troops for the purpose, as is supposed, of burning it; but it was defended by some carpenters and calkers who were working thereon. By this it may be inferred that the enemy carried but a small force. After this resistance, the enemy went to Mindanao, leaving on an islet in their course the mariner whom Page 47they had taken prisoner.[1] From him I ascertained the fresh destruction planned for this country. He says that several Spaniards, who were his fellow-prisoners on the English ship, told him that your Majesty's galleon “Santa Ana” had been captured near California, a country on the mainland which is continuous with Nueva España. The galleon left this port in June of the past year, 87; and as no other ships but ours have ever been sighted on this voyage, which is through so remote regions, they have always sailed with little or no artillery, and with as little fear from corsairs as if they were on the river of Sevilla. Thus the English easily captured the galleon, plundered and burned it, and hanged a canon of our church. The other persons were sent in a small boat to land, where it is believed that some of them have died of starvation and hardships. From this galleon there was plundered a thousand marcos of registered gold, and there must have been as large a sum unregistered; twenty-two and one-half arrobas of musk, an abundance of civet, and many pearls, and the richest of silks and brocades. At this capture, the enemy took with them [from the “Santa Ana”] several skilful mariners and a pilot, to guide them to these islands. The captive mariner knew these men, and in conversation with them he learned what I have related. This ship left England with two others, and plundered sixteen ships off the coast of Piru. One of the three was lost; the remaining two captured the said galleon “Santa Ana,” and came to these islands. They were separated in a storm, and only this one arrived. It brought about fifty men, most Page 48of them pilots. This mariner noticed that this vessel carried twenty-five pieces of bronze, and cast-iron artillery, and much ammunition. The ship is small, of about one hundred and fifty toneladas, staunch and well fitted. There is no doubt that they have plundered more than a million [pesos'] worth of gold, pearls, musk, civet, and rich merchandise, which all belonged in Nueva España. The Spaniards there would have been diligent in pursuing this corsair; but, as I received information so late, and the enemy only reconnoitered here, without remaining at any place, to inform them would have done no good. I sent word to Maluco, whither it seems the enemy directed his course, to the captain-general and to the sea-captains who might be there with their galleons; also to the petty kings friendly to your Majesty, and to the fort at Ambueno—where, it is understood, this corsair is going to spend the winter and repair his ship. Captain Francisco is at an island of that archipelago called Jula, near either Macasar or Japara. I advised the sending of a message to him, and the exercise of diligence, as they have greater facility for obtaining news there on account of the many ships which are usually near at hand. And I advised them to follow the Englishman and ascertain where he was going to winter; for it was impossible to return immediately to his own country, because the weather began to be contrary. It would be necessary to pass out through Sunda and other straits, of which the Portuguese are warned; and there it would be easy to await him and cut off his passage, as they hold him so closely. This account was given by a sailor—a native of this land—who was seized in the galleon, and carried away by the Page 49Englishman. He escaped at the mouth of the channel of these islands, and I have kept him here with me. His declarations accompany this letter.

The first time when this galleon “Sancta Ana” sailed from here, I sent by her some artillery removed from your Majesty's forts, in order to provide greater security. In Nueva España the artillery was taken out, and the ship returned without it. I thought that if I sent more on the ships, and it were taken out over there, the forts here would be in need, while the ships would gain nothing. Understanding that there was no danger from corsairs on the voyage, I sent the ships, as usual, without artillery. Now that I have seen the need for artillery, and the risk that they run, if it is not carried, I am sending two ships this year, each with four heavy pieces of artillery, two falcon guns, and arquebuses and other arms carried by the sailors and passengers. I am collecting what metal I can find and making thereof some pieces of ordnance with which to fill the place of those sent from the said forts. The merchants are paying your Majesty the value of the artillery, arms, and ammunition carried by one of the ships, and I have loaned the price of those of the other. They will pay this also in the coming year, and the ships will sail armed at the account and cost of the merchants. I beseech your Majesty to command the viceroy of Nueva España to have the artillery and arms returned by the same ships; and that the pieces carried by the “Sancta Ana” be returned to these forts, which greatly need them.

In another letter I have written to your Majesty about the general fire in this city. The powder and military supplies were burned and the artillery destroyed. Page 50Although I have had the pieces recast, using the metal which was left, there are only twenty-five heavy pieces and several lighter ones. This is but little artillery for the needs of this land, for defense and the expeditions that are made. Some copper mines have been discovered but although at first they seemed to be very rich, on commencing to work them, it was found that the labor was expensive and there was but little metal. Everything necessary could be brought from Macan, if your Majesty were pleased to have money sent from your royal treasury of Mexico for this purpose.

I have already written to your Majesty of the necessity that, for the preservation of this land, the viceroy of Nueva España send annual reenforcements of troops, arms, and ammunition. As this has not been done for three years, the majority of the troops have died, and there are now so few here, that if reenforcements are not supplied according to the requests of the governor and officers of the royal exchequer, great risk will be run, and what your Majesty has gained and preserved at cost of such labors and expenses will be irretrievably lost. I especially beg your Majesty to order such provision to be made that so propitious a beginning be not lost, and the door closed which has been opened by your Majesty for the conversion of so large and powerful kingdoms with untold riches and innumerable inhabitants.

According to your Majesty's commands I had some galleys made in these islands, and I have three at this port. They are of little use, because of the lack of men skilled in managing and sailing with lateen sails, and the scarcity of rowers. I have tried to keep up its crew by hiring men; but the natives are so despicable Page 51a people that they are of little use for this purpose, nor do they have sufficient strength for rowing. On hearing the report of an arquebus they throw themselves on the ground, and do not rise even at the lash. I have selected three hundred Chinese, who are stronger, and who, if allowed liberty to quit the work, and exemption from tribute, will bind themselves to serve on the galleys. But although earnest endeavors have been made to teach them, they row very badly, and have as little energy as the natives of these islands have. They row in their own country with a sort of oar which they call lios lios. By means of these the galley moves very slowly, and therefore they may be of some benefit among these islands. Better results would be obtained, however, if instead of these galleys there were small ships of from sixty to a hundred toneladas with which it is easier to navigate here. I inform your Majesty thereof in order that provision may be made according to the royal pleasure. As I have advised your Majesty, I have, in anticipation of future contingencies, commenced a good stone fort in this city, which will be entirely completed within a year. I have levied taxes therefor upon the citizens and encomenderos; the Indian tributarios have each paid one real, while one per cent has been collected for two years on the coin brought from Nueva España. I am sending to your Majesty the sketch and model of this fort; it is the strongest which has been built in the Yndias, although it is not of modern style. It was necessary to build it according to the condition of the country; it is round in shape, high, and covered over so as to be more capacious. The climate is so hot, the sun so fierce and the rains so heavy, that if the Page 52soldiers who must defend the place were not under cover they would perish from the heat, as would likewise those who should undertake to erect the fort. The stone for the most of the rampart is so suitable in quality that, wherever a ball strikes, the wall remains unhurt, nor is any other injury inflicted. There is no fear that an attack by a battery can do as much damage as if the stone were hard and resisting. The balls cannot be fired so as to strike, without great difficulty, as the fort is on the shore and the country is perfectly level. Within there is fresh running water in abundance; and in addition to that, wherever one digs, excellent drinking water is found. It is impossible to undermine the fort, because there is water around it, at a distance of one or two varas, or even less in some places. The city is surrounded by water—the sea on one side; on another the moat, which extends to the river; and, on still another side, the river itself. Thus the city is on an island; and, with the other bulwarks and the wooden fort, which I have had repaired, this city is well defended, provided we had sufficient troops and ammunition.

I received your Majesty's letter on the twenty-second of May of this year; and, by a royal decree of the first of December of the year 86, your Majesty orders me to act in accordance with my best judgment, as your Majesty had understood that the auditors of this Audiencia according to the present regulations, cannot visit the country out of their turn. I will fulfil your Majesty's commands and will render an account of all transactions.

By another royal decree of the nineteenth of August of said year, your Majesty orders that, if it should appear necessary to me, certain offices of Page 53notaries and magistrates in these islands should be sold, under the condition that the persons who should be the highest bidders should obtain confirmation of their title within three years. These offices are of very little profit, and of none at all in some places, as the land has been settled so recently, and there are few inhabitants and little business therein. As it is continually becoming more populous and well established, it would be more advantageous to postpone the sale of these offices for some years, until they shall be worth more. I will make the necessary investigations, as your Majesty commands me, and will advise your Majesty of the prices offered. If I find that for any of them I can obtain its value in the future I will have it auctioned. In the meantime I will make endeavors to have them sold for a price that can be profitable to your Majesty's royal exchequer.

By another decree of the twenty-seventh of August of said year, your Majesty orders me to give my opinion of the arms that are in the fort of the city of Manila, and those that are needed. In three forts which your Majesty has here, there are twenty-four heavy pieces, two small ones, and some culverins, as will be seen below.

In the stone fort there are three swivel-guns, located in the three casemates, of about twenty quintals' weight. On the first floor over the rampart, there are seven heavy pieces, extra thick and strong at the breech. Two are of about forty quintals' weight, three varas in length and carry a ball of cast iron weighing sixteen libras. Two others are of wrought iron, of sixty quintals' weight, three and two-thirds varas in length, and carry a ball of cast iron weighing fifteen libras. One cannon is of fifty-five quintals' Page 54weight, four and one-third varas in length, and carries a ball of cast iron weighing fourteen libras; one culverin, five and one-half varas in length, weighs one hundred and one quintals one arroba, and carries a cast iron ball weighing seventeen libras; another piece of thirty-five quintals' weight, three varas in length, carries a cast iron ball weighing twelve libras.

The fort at the point has one cannon weighing twenty-five quintals; three small cannon [sacres], weighing twenty-two; and a half-sacre weighing thirteen—the last, with its apparatus, being four varas in length.

The cavalier of the beach has a piece, extra thick and strong at the breech, of forty quintals' weight which carries a ball weighing fifteen libras; and one half-sacre, of thirteen quintals' weight.

At the river there is a large swivel-gun with cross-bars, weighing thirty quintals; one cannon weighing twenty-six quintals, one sacre weighing twenty-two quintals, four half-sacres weighing thirteen or fourteen quintals, and two esmeriles

For the stone fort to be provided with artillery according to its plan and embrasures, it is necessary to have twenty-five pieces, three of them heavy, and twelve sacres and half-sacres.

The cavalier of the beach needs five pieces, two of them heavy, and three sacres.

That at the point of the sea and the river needs six pieces—some sacres, and two swivel-guns.

For the service of the ships and galleys there are needed four cannon, six swivel-guns, six sacres, six half-sacres, and some small culverins. Thus sixty pieces in all are necessary to provide the city well Page 55with artillery for defense, as well as for the galleys and ships of the fleet, and for the succor and pacification of all these islands. There are only twenty-four needed, for there are now thirty-six. In the shipyard there are now four sacres of twenty-two quintals' weight, two of which have been cast, and the other two are about to be cast. This class of arms is the best and most important for this land these and the swivel-guns. This artillery could be provided, and much more be made, for other of your Majesty's strongholds in these islands and the Yndias, should your Majesty be pleased to have six or eight thousand pesos sent annually from Mexico so that the metal could be bought at Macao in China, as it is very plentiful and cheap there.

According to the commission of your Majesty, I have proceeded against the royal officials in regard to their traffic and trade in merchandise. By the convictions of guilt which have resulted from the investigations and process of law, I have condemned the guilty to pay fines to the exchequer. There seems to have been no traffic with funds in the royal exchequer; or, if there were any, no damage or injury to it has resulted. I am sending the testimony of the sentences and proceedings to your Majesty's royal Council, where your Majesty will order their examination, if such is your pleasure. May God guard the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, June twenty-sixth, of the year 1588.

The licentiate Santiago de Vera

[Endorsed: “Examined, with the other letter.”] Page 56

[1] See Candish's own account of this affair in Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.). xvi, pp. 43–45.

Letter from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II

Sire:

In a letter which your Majesty had written to me from Madrid, on the eleventh of January of the year 87, I see the reprimand which your Majesty gives me, on account of information that you had received that, on certain occasions which had arisen, I had had controversies with the royal Audiencia here; also that this has finally resulted in scandal and comment in the town, and that there was fault on both sides. I receive this reprimand as from my king and lord, but, although it comes from him, it is very serious and is sufficient to cause much pain; nevertheless, I have not allowed myself to feel hurt, since your Majesty judges according to the information that you have received. He who so informed your Majesty that I was made to appear guilty will give account to God for his good or bad intention, since for my own satisfaction the testimony of my conscience is all-sufficient. It is well-known in the city, and outside of it, that if I had not entered as mediator neither the president and auditors, nor the auditors alone, would have had peace. It would not have been possible for me to establish peace if there had not been friendly relations between them and me. Since they were Page 57pacified through my intercession, peace has lasted until now; and in order that this peace be lasting, and that there be no occasion for violating it, I humbly beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command the president and auditors not to interfere with me in affairs which concern my privileges—since my life is a very open one, a fact known to all. They have no cause for complaint because I sat down in my own church on the gospel side; for, besides my being the father and pastor of this state, and having in charge the souls of the auditors, it is a very usual thing for bishops and archbishops to seat themselves in that very place in the presence of viceroys and presidents, without that act exciting any surprise. For the sake of peace, I have overlooked the matter, and have not again taken my seat in that place, hoping that your Majesty would send commands concerning this and what ought to be done, since it is not right that I should leave to my successors the disputes and controversies with the Audiencia whereby results so much harm to the commonwealth. It is of no less importance that the prelates be as much respected by the people as are the audiencias. The latter make themselves feared by the power which they hold; but if the prelates are not favored by those who govern, they are speedily despised by the people. Since your Majesty sees how important this matter is, may it be your Majesty's pleasure not to leave us in controversies, but to order that each shall do his duty without prejudice to the other.

The hardships and calamities sent by God to this land make me greatly fear that we who live here have seriously offended Him. For I have been here eight years, and not one year have I seen pass without the Page 58happening of great calamities—loss of ships; death of the animals which maintained us; hurricanes, called here baguios, which tear up the trees by the roots and overthrow the houses completely, or leave them so that they cannot be inhabited; and the general fire of the year 83, of which your Majesty has been informed. Both before and since that time, this city has been burned three or four times; and now, as the last straw, the ship “Santa Ana,” which left this city last year, the richest ship to leave these islands, fell into the hands of the Lutherans. With that loss, and also that of the ship “Sant Juan” the year before, which likewise was laden with goods from this country, some of the citizens of these islands are totally ruined, and others have suffered so heavy losses that it will be long ere, with much difficulty, they regain their former state.

It is very evident, and can be denied by no one, that the loss of that particular ship was ordained by God; for, three days before it reached the coast [of California], another ship—from Macao, bound for Mexico—passed the same place and was not sighted by the Lutherans. When news was received in Piru of the coming of this pirate, the viceroy sent in pursuit of them a good fleet, with many soldiers and ammunition sufficient to engage an equal or greater number. When they came to the port of Acapulco, supplies were needed; and they requested these from the purveyor who had them in your Majesty's warehouses. He was unwilling to give them; and they even say that an order was given to detain some pack-teams which brought biscuits, so that the captain of the fleet from Peru could not take them. Thus they say that, as it Page 59was not desired to supply them with provisions, and because Doctor Palacios[1] became dictatorial in regard to several points, they returned to Piru; while the Lutheran remained free to attack and capture, as he did. So great was our misfortune that, at the time when the two captains were debating as to who should take command, the pirate was near Puerto de la Navidad, which is not very far from Acapulco, repairing his ships. Had they attacked him, it would have been impossible for him to escape; but God chose to blind our men, so that we might be punished by this pirate. The punishment of God did not stop here; for, having set fire to the ship “Santa Ana,” they left it half burnt, set sail, and came to these islands. With more than human courage, they passed through the midst of them with a ship of one hundred toneladas, where the natives venture with trembling in very light boats; but this infidel dared not only to come into our midst, but to collect tributes from your Majesty's vassals. A Spaniard was captured, and after having told him what they wished him to say to us, they put him ashore. What they said was in boast that they had left the coasts of Peru and Nueva España utterly ruined; and that they had robbed and burned the ship “Santa Ana,” and hanged a canon who was on his way from this city to Mexico. In testimony of his prowess and our misfortune he displayed the silks, brocades, and cloths of gold which he had seized as plunder. Not content with this, he went away threatening us that he is to return soon to drive us all hence, and to destroy the nest that we Page 60have made here—meaning thereby the stone fortress built here. The grief that afflicts me is not because this barbarian infidel has robbed us of the ship “Santa Ana,” and destroyed thereby the property of almost all the citizens; but because an English youth of about twenty-two years, with a wretched little vessel of a hundred toneladas and forty or fifty companions, should dare to come to my own place of residence, defy us, and boast of the damage that he had wrought. As your Majesty has here an army of captains, who, as I understand, are certainly as many as the companions of the Lutheran, he went from our midst laughing, without anyone molesting or troubling him; neither has he felt that the Spaniards are in this land to any purpose. In this matter, I do not care to blame anyone, because I understand that the governor did his duty—although I was always of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued and that the result thereof would not be so bad as some say. The belief here, however, is that God is chastising us for our sins, and is making us the laughing-stock of other nations, who have all hitherto stood in such fear of us. I must explain to your Majesty two other points bearing on this subject, although it detains me somewhat, as I consider that I do thereby a very great service. The first is the failure of the expedition to Maluco. We all had been certain that with fewer men and less equipment than there actually were, the king of Terrenate could be subdued; but, quite to the contrary, our men came back as if fleeing from an unknown foe. The Indians of this archipelago, who feared us, now laugh; and, together with those of Terrenate, threaten us. The second point is that in the island of Mindanao, which is subject to your Page 61Majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute, the law of Mahoma has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more than three years, by preachers from Burney and Terrenate who have come there—some of them even, it is believed, having come from Meca. They have erected and are now building mosques, and the boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the Alcoran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire should not spread in these islands. I could not persuade them to go, and thus the hatred of Christianity is there; and we are striving no more to remedy this than if the matter did not concern us. Such are the calamities and miseries to which we have come, and the punishments which God inflicts upon us. The reason for it, He only knows; but, as I infer and fear, it is because we have ill acquitted ourselves in this land, where it is so needful that we be upright and furnish good examples. I have written to your Majesty on this point at other times; and I think that either my letters are not read, or what I say is not credited. I assure your Majesty that I have never written anything which is not true, and free from all outward influence, or self-interest, or human considerations; but I have only done my duty. The temporal affairs of this land are in the condition which I have related to your Majesty; and I consider that there will never be improvement, since cupidity is increasing so immeasurably that neither the punishments of God nor the threats of men are effectual to produce any moderation, nor do the manifold outrages cease to be felt.

The spiritual state, which is my concern, is in the Page 62sorriest condition, because there is no more respect for the things of God than if we were not Christians. I refer to the Indians and their instruction; and because entering on this subject is like embarking on a bottomless sea, I have determined to send to your Majesty a relation of the islands and towns of this bishopric which are without instruction, in order that your Majesty's conscience may be relieved by commanding that the remedy be applied. Therefore I shall now proceed with the said relation.

The cause of ruin in these islands—which is very menacing, although it is not declared in España—is that both the villages of your Majesty and those of encomenderos are places where the curacy is so ill-supplied with chalices and ornaments that it is a shame to see them. Many of the churches are so indecent that when I visited them, from pure shame I was obliged to command that they be torn down; they were not fit to be entered by horses. There are two principal causes for this: the first is that the encomenderos are penurious and allow little for the proper ornamentation of the church; and the second, that some or the majority of the encomiendas are so small that they do not suffice to support their encomenderos, who thus cannot attend to matters of divine worship. Consequently, the natives come to regard the things of God as of little worth, and have little esteem for our faith and the Christian religion, seeing that we who profess to be Christians pay so little attention to them. Moreover, the natives of these islands are so harassed and afflicted with public and private undertakings, that they are not able to take breath; nor do they have time to observe the instruction, and hold it of so little account that when they Page 63lack for anything, it must be in the instruction and not in temporal affairs. I cannot picture to your Majesty, nor declare what I feel in my heart about this matter. Moreover, I am very sure that all the chastisements given us by God, the hardships, misfortunes, and calamities sent us, all are because of evil treatment of the Indians and the little heed taken for the principal reason for our coming—that is, their conversion and protection. The remedy therefor is not that your Majesty send decrees and orders charging good treatment of the Indians, as in the letters which have already been received here; but that a number of the best religious be sent. They can deal with these natives, and defend them from the labors imposed by the Spaniards, and from the outrages that they inflict upon them. Again, it is of even more importance that, if your Majesty, as is rumored here, is to send hither a governor or president, he be a man free from all human interests, whose head could not be turned by the great gains in this country. He should not be married, nor should he bring with him relatives or followers for whom to provide. For under any one of the aforesaid conditions it is impossible to avoid the destruction of this country, beyond the power of your Majesty to remedy it. I have written this to your Majesty several times before, and now I repeat it, since it is the most necessary thing for the betterment of this land, which would be surely destroyed by its lack.

Of the viceroy of Nueva España, so many things are said in this country, that if but one-tenth of them were true, it is impossible for your Majesty to know them and fail to correct them. This is another of the Page 64heavy afflictions that God has sent upon this land, for even the severity which has been shown by him to those who go from here is alone sufficient to make this land desolate. No consideration is given to the fact that the citizens and soldiers thereof serve your Majesty with the same hardships and loyalty with which other men have served their king. Nevertheless, there is no lack of persons to inform your Majesty thereof, since the loss of temporal things is always felt more than the spiritual. I leave it to be described by those who have felt the hurt, since it does not concern me in any way, except the regret that I feel for the damage done to my neighbors; for my enterprises and traffic are to remedy the needs of the poor, and to defend and help the natives of these islands, who have much need thereof. The complaint that I make of the viceroy of Nueva España is that he has not allowed more than fifteen Dominican friars to come here, although your Majesty sent to Mexico forty of them. This is the greatest damage that the viceroy could do to this country, as there is exceeding need of ministers of religion, such as come now. If the fifteen were five hundred, the evils of the country would be corrected, and the conscience of your Majesty quite at ease. It is such men that your Majesty should order to come here, and you should refuse to permit those to come who will do more harm than good. Likewise your Majesty should order the generals of the orders of St. Francis and St. Augustine to send hither visitors, who are most necessary. Those of St. Augustine are to be preferred, however, as the friars of St. Francis are more retired from the world.

I wrote to your Majesty, via Malaca, of what had Page 65happened with the religious in regard to the observance of the royal decrees treating of the instruction of the Indians by the religious. As the licentiate Ayala, fiscal of the royal Audiencia here, sent the records concerning the subject, I shall but mention and not refer to them at length.

At other times I have written to your Majesty explaining the impossibility of a bishop being able to govern all the bishopric which I have now. For this island of Luçon it is necessary to have two or even three bishops—that is to say, I humbly beseech your Majesty to be pleased to provide for the Pintados Islands a bishop with his seat in the city of Çubu. By the relation which I am sending, your Majesty will see that two bishops are not sufficient. I declare to your Majesty that in that case the royal conscience would not be at ease nor would mine; and I dare not leave it unsaid, for fear of my peace of mind.

As I have said before, I had determined to write nothing whatever in detail concerning the damages that the viceroy of Nueva España had done to these kingdoms. It seems to me that your Majesty will have had advices thereof, and will have ordered a means of correction. Moreover, as many are interested and have grievances, there will be no lack of a person to advise your Majesty thereof. Nevertheless, I have since thought that I neglect my duty in failing to send a testimonial to your Majesty which was forwarded to this city from Lope de Palacios, captain of the ship “Sant Martin,” which went to China. He sent to this city, asking that he be granted permission to leave Macao, because he feared that they were about to kill him in order to gain possession Page 66of his property. I am the only person who can send this memorial to your Majesty, as Lope de Palacios sent it to this city with much secrecy, and in the same manner was it given to me. I discussed the matter with the president, saying that we should send for the captain as if the idea were our own and he had not requested it—employing so great secrecy, so that the Portuguese who were here would not learn of it; for the same Lope de Palacios had declared that he would be certainly put to death if they knew that he was trying to come here. Nevertheless, the request to send for him was in vain, and I was moved to forward this testimonial to your Majesty. It states therein the great harm done by the viceroy in sending the ship “San Martin” to Macao. As the same person who went to learn the damage gives testimony thereof, no witness more worthy of credit can be entered in the cause. I am also writing to the viceroy of Nueva España in regard to the injuries which he wrought on these kingdoms by despatching the ship “San Martin” to China—although God supplied the remedy, by the loss of the same ship. I tell him that if that ship had been sent to this city a more prosperous voyage would have been made than the investors could have expected, for so many Chinese merchants came this year to this city, that the merchandise was worth nothing; and if the ship “San Martin” had come here a satisfactory and cheap cargo could have been obtained, perhaps even in greater quantity than at Macao. Instead of damaging this city, those persons would have been enriched, who on account of greed were unable to see the damage done to all of us. Thus God has punished them all, by depriving them of that profit the Page 67desire for which had blinded them to their duty.

They also say that the ship “Sant Ana” was sold for thirty thousand pesos and ordered to make a voyage to Macao. These proceedings also were put to confusion by God, through means which have cost us dearly, namely the loss, of that vessel. It can be said that if it had been at Macao somewhat less damage would have been done to these islands than in the burning of the ship by the Englishman. As I wrote to your Majesty, via Malaca, for ships to go from Mexico to Macao is to destroy both those kingdoms and these, since the Chinese raise the prices of their merchandise to such an extent that Portuguese and Castilians cannot live. May your Majesty be pleased to order the viceroy to hold these lands in somewhat higher estimation, since your Majesty considers them (and justly so) worthy of constant attention. Ever since the viceroy came to Mexico, he has not sent to this country any troops (except exiles or criminals), or ammunition, or the customary supplies for this camp, as wine, flour, and other articles; he has so reduced everything that there is great privation here, and very little profit to your Majesty.

Your Majesty's governor and royal Audiencia in these islands look well to the service of your Majesty and the good of this country. Will your Majesty be pleased to order the viceroy of Nueva España, present or future, not to disturb or change what may be decided by them? not only in the customs duties, but in the price fixed for each tonelada, and in the mode of registration. According to our information, the viceroy has changed everything, greatly increasing the taxes imposed here. The labors of the citizens Page 68in the service of your Majesty in these islands should be sufficient without still more severe requirements from Nueva España.

During the past year there was great confusion, which still continues, about the goods which were brought to this city by your Majesty's ships. The citizens claim that they ought to be preferred to the merchants; and the merchants complain that, on account of the cargoes of the citizens, their merchandise remained here. I understand that on this point offenses' against God have been committed, and still more serious damage may be done—some persons being ruined, as they have no space in the cargoes for their property—unless it is checked by your Majesty commanding what order must be followed in this affair. It is of exceeding importance for the quiet and content of this city.

There are so many Chinese that come to this land that the islands are full of them. Thereby follows much damage to the natives, as the Chinese are a very vicious people, from intercourse with whom no good but much harm can be gained. I have tried to have the governors remedy the matter by commanding that all the Chinese be collected in this city. I see no improvement, however; and it is of much importance that this be corrected, for the temporal and spiritual good of these lands. Will your Majesty be pleased to order that this be remedied by severe measures. May our Lord guard your Majesty many years for the good of us who can do but little. At Manila, June 27, 1588.

The Bishop of the Filipinas Page 69

[1] “The licentiate Palacios, alcalde of court in the Audiencia of Mexico, who in 1581 made official visits to the ports of Guatulco and Acapulco, where he had charge of the construction of ships intended for the Philippine archipelago.” (Cartas de Indias, p. 820.)

Documents of 1589

Sources: All but the fifth and the last of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias. The decree of August 9 is taken from the “Cedulario Indico” in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; and Plasencia's accounts of the Tagalogs, from Santa Inés's Crónica, ii, pp. 592–603.

Translations: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second and fourth are by José M. and Clara M. Asensio; the third and fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the sixth, by James A. Robertson; the seventh, by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard University. Page 70

Excerpt of a Letter from the Viceroy of India

One of the things that have seemed most surprising in Don Juan de Gama is the following. When decrees were published by order of the viceroy; Don Duarte,[1] in your Majesty's name, prohibiting navigation to China and Luçoens [Luzón], which he [Juan de Gama] as captain-general should have executed, he did the contrary. Jheronimo Pereira, captain of the expedition to Japon, had already done likewise; thus those in authority, who were under obligation to execute your Majesty's laws and commands, were the first to break them, to the great scandal of all. Therefore, as soon as possible, I ordered a remedy for such disorders. For this purpose I appointed certain chief magistrates, who excused themselves, either through fear of Don Juan or dread of the sea. Things came to such a pass that, it was necessary to send by schooner, outside the monsoon season, the licentiate Ruy Machado who came from the kingdom this year, and who had been appointed Page 71to that auditorship; his adjutant was Ynacio Nuñez de Mancelos, the captain of the said vessel. The latter had a few soldiers, and is also to remain as captain of the city, since an order for the voyage will not have arrived from India. I think that these two vessels will suffice in every respect for this matter, both to extend the voyage for Don Juan, and to quiet various disturbances arising in the country, on account of the navigation from Nueva España. I also hope that everything will turn out well, and that your Majesty will bestow upon him great favor and honor for this service alone. Among the despatches brought by the auditor is a decree ordering, the embarcation for India and Luçoens of all Castilians, both religious and secular, so that only the original Portuguese citizens shall remain in Machao. That will do away with any further occasion for vessels to go there from Nueva España. From this last has resulted great injury to your Majesty's vassals in these regions, to the royal exchequer, and religion itself. Peradventure the Castilians were the cause of again closing the door to the preaching of the gospel, being moved by indiscreet eagerness or too much solicitude. They are so unrestrained in this particular, that, by trading in China without your Majesty's permission, they are the first who broke your decrees, under pretense of religion itself. No easier remedy can be applied than preventing them from entering this trade, which your Majesty should have for the advantage of your own service.

We might describe here the great inconveniences and hindrances to your Majesty from a longer continuance of this navigation. But since this letter will, be despatched by land, and the viceroy Don Duarte Page 72has described these matters so fully, I refrain from doing so here. I say only that, even if there were no other reason than not opening the way to the English and other nations to resort to those regions (as they did last year and this) that alone would be sufficient reason to stop this intercourse entirely. The Englishman Don Thomas, who came to these regions lately, has caused us much anxiety here. For this reason the people of India are very confident that your Majesty will order assistance in this case and apply the fitting remedy, for the common good of these states and that of your service.

Don Thomas, the Englishman, sailed from England with three ships in the year 87. Entering the straits of Magallanes, he sailed to the South Seas. Having made some prizes of large and small vessels, he loaded two of his own vessels and sent them to that kingdom [England] by the same route. Nearing the Philipinas, he took his course to Java, and entered the port of Balambuao in Java itself. At that time two Portuguese were at that port, who came immediately to the ship thinking it was from India. The Englishman received them well, and gave them some church ornaments and other valuable articles, together with a letter for the bishop of Malaca and another for the captain, the substance of which was, that he had come to explore those regions. From the questions asked these men by the auditor of Malaca, it was ascertained that the purpose of their coming was none other than trade, exploration, and prizes. He asked particularly about Achen, the straits of Meca and Malaca, and their fortifications. It is thought that this Englishman came especially to explore the channels of Bale, whence these men said that he would Page 73sail in March of this year to the island of Sant Lorenzo, from which place he would lay his course to the island of Santa Helena, following the course taken by the Portuguese vessels. Pray God he come not hither again, as an example for the daring of others—although the interest they have in doing so is so great, that I fear this navigation cannot be stopped without much trouble, and the prohibition of navigation by Castilians and Portuguese to Nueva España. A blockade will be established again, so that foreign nations will not undertake this navigation. On this account alone, it seems to me that this navigation should always be rigorously prohibited. Page 74

[1] The Portuguese admiral Don Duarte de Meneses—who had been present in the negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira in 1569 (Vol. II, pp. 295, 298, 310)—was viceroy of India from November, 1584 until his death, May 15, 1588. He was succeeded in that office by Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the writer of this letter. See Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society's trans., London, 1885), pp. 174, 200–203.

Letter from Santiago de Vera to Felipe II

Sire:

This past year of eighty-eight I gave an account to your Majesty of the condition of this land. As the voyage is so full of sea-perils and danger from corsairs, and it is difficult for the despatches to reach the hands of your Majesty, the duplicate of that letter accompanies this. Therein is declared the extreme need of the islands for reënforcements of troops and necessary supplies for the camp, and other things, of which I gave an account to your Majesty. They are most important to the royal service and the preservation of this land. I beseech your Majesty to have provision made with all possible expedition.

A small ship leaving this port for the city of Malaca carried two descalced religious of the order of St. Francis. As the king of Burney was at peace with us, they stopped at the port of Mohala which is two leagues from Burney. They visited the king, to whom they gave my letters, and were well received by him. He commanded houses to be given them and everything necessary to assure their sustenance. One night many people of that kingdom attacked them, among whom, it is said, there were a brother and other kinsmen of the king. They killed three Page 75Spaniards, among them one of the religious, and robbed them of all their possessions. From those who escaped I learned that the assaulting party were people well known in Burney, and that the spoils were sold publicly in that city. Some articles were seen in the possession of the king's kinsmen. I learned that some chiefs of these islands had intrigued with that people to secure their aid; and that they had plotted together to do this, and had agreed to bring Burney and the kings of Jolo and of Mindanao, and many other foreigners against this city, in order to rob and kill us. As there was a Japanese ship here, they conferred with the captain, and with people who came from that land, all Japanese, proposing that the latter should aid them with what they had, and with supplies and everything necessary, and thus deliver to them this land, in accordance with the plan and arrangements previously agreed upon. So well did they keep this secret, during fifteen months while they were awaiting a favorable opportunity, that they were not even suspected by myself, or the religious, or any other person. To accomplish their design, they despatched the chiefs of these islands to Burney, and to the other kingdoms three chiefs of their number. They wrote to Japon, so that, at the appointed time, all would come; and all were given orders as to what they were to do. I made secret investigations, and found out that all the aforesaid was true; and in a short time I had in my hands the guilty ones who were in these islands, and also those who had gone away after the death of the people, so that none remained uncaptured. Without any disturbance whatever, I beheaded seven of the authors of the rebellion, sons, nephews, and grandsons of the Page 76lords of this land. Others not so culpable I punished by exile to Nueva España and by other penalties, so that it now seems that this disturbance is quelled. After that, in the province of Cubu and in that called the Pintados, the chiefs held a conference, and plotted to kill the Spaniards. The majority of those who took part in this have been imprisoned, and proceedings are being instituted against them. I think that this will cause us but little trouble. This boldness is caused by the natives noticing the fewness of Spanish troops in the islands and the few reënforcements sent from Nueva España. It is necessary that your Majesty should order that there be less negligence in this respect.

By a royal decree your Majesty commands me to sell the magistracies of this city and four offices of notaries-public therein; also those of the provinces of Oton, Cebu, Camarines, Ylocos, Cagayan, Panpanga, and Bonbon. As the land is so newly settled, and the offices of so little profit, I wrote to your Majesty that, in my opinion, it was not time to dispose of them, and that they would bring but little if offered at auction; but that, if anyone would buy them at a reasonable price, I would sell them. This I did, and in order to enhance their value at the sale, I announced that the offices could be renounced and sold by paying to your Majesty the third part of the price they were worth. As the offices of notary have been sold, will your Majesty be pleased to provide that this condition be observed; or, if not, that the price be returned to them and the offices be sold without this condition—as the perquisites and influence of these offices are held in such esteem in this land, that they have risen to very good prices. The bids for Page 77the first of the magistracies that were commanded to be sold closed at one thousand two hundred and fifty-one pesos; and for the second, third, fourth, and fifth, at two thousand eight hundred. The four offices of notary-public of this city brought two thousand eight hundred and eighty pesos, at seven hundred and twenty pesos each. That of the province of Panpanga brought one thousand; of Oton, one thousand six hundred and twenty; that of the city and province of Cubu, five hundred and sixty; of Ylocos, three hundred pesos; and that of Bombon, two hundred and sixty-two pesos. The other magistracies and offices of notary-public which were offered at auction did not bring so high a price, as the stubbornness and competitions which had caused the offices to rise so in value had ceased. For this reason the remaining magistracies and offices of notary-public have not been sold. I shall give an account to your Majesty, later, of whatever is done with regard to them, and the sum they bring will be placed in the royal treasury as soon as it is collected. [Marginal note: “Write to the governor that, in what refers to the offices of regidor, it is not expedient that there be the condition permitting them to renounce the offices. The sales must be made in the usual way. As regards the notarial offices, what has been done is approved.”]

On this route to Nueva España your Majesty has four ships, and the new one that has just been finished, and which makes the voyage this year. Of these, the viceroy of Nueva España sold the ship “San Martin,” to make the voyage to Macan, where it was wrecked and burned by the Chinese. Another was taken by the English corsair, as I reported to your Majesty; and but now when another, in the port of Page 78this city, was ready to make the voyage, so great a hurricane burst on this and many other Spanish and Chinese ships that only a small boat was left unwrecked. Of the two remaining, only one is available; the other cannot be used, as it is so old. Understanding the great need there was of ships, I had a large galleon of six hundred toneladas, which had been built in the Pintados Islands, placed in the shipyards of your Majesty, for the above-named route. God willing, it may sail in the year ninety-one. I have given orders for private persons to make two other ships of less tonnage. One is already finished, and both will be able to sail next year. It is most important that there be for this navigation plenty of ships, both for the emergencies of war which may arise, and for the preservation of these islands, which are supported by trade. If, as I have suggested several times before, your Majesty were pleased to have about ten thousand pesos sent annually from Nueva España, two ships of good capacity can be launched very easily, without harassing the natives in any way—and with this help, at even less than a third of the cost elsewhere. Otherwise, there is no way to bring it about. Your Majesty will signify your royal pleasure in this. [Marginal note: “Write to the governor to proceed with and carry out this plan, and to give orders for private persons to build ships.”]

For the ships sailing between these islands and Nueva España, and to other places which may be found, sailors are much needed, to navigate them and to remain here to look after them; also carpenters and calkers who must reside here to repair them. They should be paid in Nueva España as this treasury is too poor. As the money for their wages must Page 79be sent, sometimes it is not brought, and at other times it is lost, thereby causing the sailors to die of starvation. Therefore the sailors serve half-heartedly, and desert; and there is great negligence in the despatch of the fleets. The only remedy for both these evils is from the exchequer of your Majesty. If it is to be spent therefor, it would be best for your Majesty to have the amount of the freight-charges on the property sent from these islands in the said ships granted annually to this royal treasury up to the sum of three thousand pesos. Thus the needs here will be met without taking from the treasury of Mexico. [Marginal note: “A decree in accordance herewith. Meanwhile order shall not be given that the ships of this line shall sail at his Majesty's cost.”]

I have already reported to your Majesty the removal from these forts of a quantity of artillery, for the security of the two ships which I despatched to Nueva España last year, eighty-eight. That carried by one of the ships is paid for by the merchants, as well as the powder, arms, and ammunition; and that on the other was at your Majesty's expense. Part of the money received I sent to the kingdom of China in order to buy what metal could be obtained. Thence they brought me one hundred and twenty-five picos[1] (about five arrobas) of copper, at thirteen pesos and eight rreals. With this artillery is being cast; to take the place of the pieces carried by the ships, I had Page 80others cast from the metal which I had here. The results are very good. Bronze is so cheap in China, and so easy to transport and cast in this country, that, if your Majesty will have money sent hither from Nueva España for this purpose, artillery could be provided in this country both for Nueva España and Piru. Will your Majesty signify the royal pleasure in this. [Marginal note: “Write to the viceroy of Nueva España that this seems expedient, and that he may send money to the governor, in order that some artillery may be made there, both for Nueva España and Peru. Advice as to what is needed must be given to the viceroy of Peru.”]

The trade with the Chinese is continually increasing in these islands. About four thousand men of that land are here as a general rule, including merchants and workmen. These become citizens and settle in the alcaiceria [silk-market] of this city. In the surrounding villages there are also a large number of Chinese. Their houses are being rapidly built of stone, according to the Spanish custom. They are very strong, large and imposing in appearance. In two or three years, God willing, all the buildings will be erected, as also the cathedral church, the monasteries, and other churches. They are being built very substantially and some are already finished. The materials are so good and the workmen, both Chinese and natives, so numerous, that everyone is encouraged to build the houses in this manner. But it is a melancholy fact (for it all is like an empty purse, or an inn without a guest) that the land is unhealthful, and there are no doctors or medicines; and so there is great lack of troops, and of men for the usual work of guard and sentinel-duty, and for expeditions to Page 81carry succor to the settlements and to pacify the uprisings of the Indians. The soldiers are constantly dying and passing away, in such number that I fear there will be no troops to defend the city from any of the many enemies by whom we are surrounded. For the remedy thereof, will your Majesty be pleased to have the viceroy of Nueva España send the troops, arms, and ammunition which may be requested by the governor of these islands, and also the medicines and supplies necessary for the camp. It has been three years since we have had any kind of aid whatever, and consequently we are in extreme necessity. I beseech your Majesty, if you wish these islands to be preserved, that you will expressly command the said viceroy to send reënforcements annually to this camp, of two hundred men, with powder and ammunition; medicines, and other supplies for the hospitals; and whatever the governor may advise is necessary. I can assure your Majesty that if this succor fail, everything else will fail also, and everything gained by your Majesty at so great and excessive expenses, in order to start on the way to heaven so many millions of souls who had been dominated by the devil, will be lost. Thus will be closed the door of this new world which has been opened by your Majesty. [Marginal note: “Write to the governor that he continue the building. To Don Luis de Velasco, that he observe this command, and aid the settlements.”]

The fort which, as I had written to your Majesty, was being built, was shaken, when about completed, in three places by great earthquakes. It opened in one place more than a finger's breadth, although less in the others. To assure its safety and construct it Page 82in the modern style, although it was quite sufficiently strong before, I am constructing cavaliers which are to serve as buttresses for it. The principal part, that toward the sea, is finished; the other parts are commenced, and, God helping, will soon be completed. These will make it so capacious and strong that it can withstand any attack. I am sending the model, report, and account herewith to your Majesty. [Marginal note: “Let it be brought.”]

Since coming to this country, I have insisted that the religious should try to learn the Chinese language, in order to convert and teach the Chinese in this land, who are ordinarily about as many as I before stated. As it is so difficult and the religious are so busily engaged with the natives of the islands, they have not done this. When the Dominicans came here, I entrusted to them the instruction of the Chinese, and supplied them with interpreters to teach them the language. I bade them build a church and dwelling in the alcaiceria (called the Parian); and at the point of Tondo, where the Chinese live and carry on their trade. Two of the religious have been so apt that one of them already understands and speaks that language well, and the other will know it in a short time. They are preaching and teaching and have converted many people, having now a village of Christians. This year, on Holy Thursday they held a procession in honor of the blood of Christ, wherein they displayed much devotion. I hope in our Lord that, as this people so clearly and firmly understand what they learn, and as they have no particular worship, in a short time they will all be converted. It is certain that if their long hair were not cut off when they are baptized (according Page 83to the bishop's commands), there would already have been a general conversion in this land, and they would have received baptism. I gave account thereof to your Majesty, and await your orders. [Marginal note: “Write to the provincial acknowledging this, and to the bishop “in regard to cutting off the hair of the Chinese. This is not expedient, as their conversion is thereby retarded. Moreover, they do not dare to return to their own country where they could teach and convert others. This custom of the Chinese, wearing their hair long, is more usual in other parts of the Yndias, as he knows; and hitherto this has not been considered unseemly. Let the bishop call together the superiors of the orders, and other learned and zealous persons. They shall confer and give commands for what is expedient in regard to suitable measures for the conversion of the Chinese. He shall send advices thereof, and of the difficulties in the way, and shall provide for both.”]

The bishop of these islands, as I have at other times written to your Majesty, does not countenance appeals made by force, and the decrees of the Audiencia; and when he is so inclined, he refuses to comply therewith. We have therefore been put to much annoyance and constraint in enforcing exile and other penalties, particularly in regard to the defense of the royal jurisdiction. This latter has not been done because the land is new, and to avoid offending the natives. He becomes very angry at times, with little or no occasion, so that he often disagrees with the Audiencia, in the pulpit and out of it, and causes others to do the same—notwithstanding what your Majesty has commanded, and the reprimands Page 84that he has received. Although there have been serious difficulties, I do not discuss them, in order not to weary your Majesty with a longer account. I beseech your Majesty to supply the remedy which you think suitable, and to order the bishop not to publish, without reason, as he has done, causes of the Holy Office against the Audiencia and fiscal. Although we must always do justice, and the fiscal must act as plaintiff, there is caused much scandal and many hindrances to the authority of your Majesty's Audiencia, by trying to disgrace and intimidate the judges by threats of the Inquisition.

Although your Majesty has ordered this camp and the royal hospitals to be provided with medicines and other necessities, as there is no doctor the soldiers are only treated by unskilled surgeons who attempt to cure them. For this reason many people die, and I beseech your Majesty, as it so important to your service, to order the viceroy of Nueva España to send a good physician with an adequate salary at the cost of your royal estate. The city has no money with which to pay him, nor do the soldiers, since even the richest of them has not enough for his own support. [Marginal note: “Write to the viceroy of Nueva España to send a doctor and a surgeon to treat these people and give advice thereof.”]

At the shipyard of these islands your Majesty's chief shipbuilder and superintendent of work was Master Miguel de Palacio. He died and his place was filled by Master Marco, a good builder of all kinds of ships. He died also; and although I understand there is another now in charge of the galleon which is being built in the Pintados, he is old and cannot all alone attend to the work, to the repairing Page 85of the ships of the line, and the building of others. There is great need of another good officer. I beseech your Majesty to order that, if possible, men be sent for this from the kingdoms of Nueva España. [Marginal note: “Idem.”]

In the relation written by the Audiencia are other matters, of which I give no account here, since they are there mentioned; your Majesty will please order that these be examined. May God preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty. At Manila, July 13 of the year 1589.

The doctor Santiago de Vera

[Endorsed: “Provision is made for the within; let the governor be informed.”] Page 86

[1] The following table of Chinese weights is given in Clarke's Weights, Measures, and Money (N.Y., 1888): 10 mace = 1 tael; 16 taels = 1 catty or kan; 2 catties = 1 yin; 50 yin = 1 pecul or tam. The catty = 1⅓ lbs., or 604.8 grammes. Hence the pecul = 133⅓ lbs. The shik is a weight of 160 lbs. In China almost everything is sold by weight.

Conspiracy Against the Spaniards

Testimony in certain investigations made by Doctor Santiago de Vera, president of the Philipinas

In the city of Manila, on the twentieth of May in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. Doctor Santiago de Vera, of the Council of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these Philipinas Islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which the Indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the vicinity of Manila had plotted against the service of God, our Lord, and against his Majesty, and of the inquiry and investigations made thus far in order to ascertain and verify the facts, and the status of the case: he therefore would order, and he did order, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public of Manila—before whom most of the trial has been conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to the royal Audiencia—to draw up an attested record of the said trial in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary, in order to send them to the royal Council of the Indias this present year. He also ordered him to inform his Majesty of what is occurring, and of what has Page 87been done about the matter. This was what Doctor Santiago de Vera declared, ordered, and signed.

By order of his Lordship:

Thomas Perez

In fulfilment of the command and decree of Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, I, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public for the king our sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of Manila, testify that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still pending before the said governor and captain-general. The parties are the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain Indian chiefs, natives of the villages of Tondo, Misilo, Bulacan, and other villages in the neighborhood of Manila, of the other part. The cause of this contention seems to be that on the twenty-sixth of October of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, learned that the following persons: Don Agustin de Legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land; Martin Panga, governor of the village of Tondo, and his first cousin; Magat Salamat, the son of the old lord of this land; and other chiefs, had not long ago sent a present of weapons and other articles to the king of Burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they discussed. He also learned that they had sold and were selling their landed property. In order to ascertain what the condition of affairs is, the governor made an inquiry and many Page 88witnesses were summoned. From this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course of the trials, it appears that the said Don Agustin de Legaspi and Magat Salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other weapons to Xapon and to the petty king of Burney, who has thus been enabled to put himself on a war-footing. They warned these powers to fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the Spaniards intended to go there. They added that the said Don Agustin would notify them in person of what was taking place; and that, for this purpose, he would ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. Likewise we learned that the people of the kingdom of Burney were thinking of manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the Spaniards; and that they had killed a Franciscan friar and other Spaniards while on their way to Malaca from Manila with messages and despatches for the king, our sovereign. It appears that on the fourth of November of the said year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, Captain Pedro Sarmiento arrived in this city from the Calamianes, which are islands near Burney; and brought the news and information that he had left behind in the said Calamianes three Indian chiefs of Tondo, namely, Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, son of Don Phelipe Salalila, and Don Joan Banal, brother-in-law of the said Magat. Through Don Antonio Surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of Burney, in order to induce him to send a fleet to attack the Spaniards, and to join the chiefs of Jolo, and Sumaelob, chief of Cuyo, who had already come to terms and offered to Page 89help them with two thousand men. They had persuaded the said Don Antonio Surabao to accompany them and carry out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised to help them, in order not to arouse their suspicion, on the other hand unfolded the plan to Captain Sarmiento. He added, moreover, that Amarlangagui, chief of Baibai, who was within the jurisdiction of Manila and held the office of master-of-artillery, had told him, while in this city, that all the chiefs of this neighborhood had plotted and conspired with the Borneans to rebel against the service of the king our sovereign, and to kill the Spaniards of this city, while they were off their guard. The plan was that when the fleet of Burney reached the port of Cavite, and the Spaniards trustfully called these chiefs to their aid, they would all immediately enter the houses of the Spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in them and thus take possession of them one by one. If the Spaniards took refuge in the fortress, Indian soldiers would follow them; and, being two to one, they would surely kill the Spaniards. Maluco offered an example of this; for with but few people they had taken so large a fortress from the Portuguese. To this end the people of Burney were building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready ammunition and war-material. Thus it is affirmed by the said Don Antonio Surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded to join the said conspiracy. Upon this, with the governor's approval, soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as Page 90possible. From the inquiry and secret investigations which were taken up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven, when Captain Don Joan Gayo and many Japanese with merchandise arrived at this city in a ship from Xapon, Don Agustin de Legaspi became very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at his house which is on the other side of the river of this city. The agreement and stipulation which he made with Don Joan Gayo through the Japanese interpreter, Dionisio Fernandez, and in the presence of the said Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, Don Phelipe Salalila, his father, and Don Geronimo Bassi, Don Agustin de Legaspi's brother, was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from Xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in his ship flags for the use of the Spaniards, so that the latter should think his intentions peaceful. It was also agreed that the chiefs of the neighborhood would help them to kill the Spaniards, and would supply the provisions and everything necessary. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the said captain had given him. After they had conquered the Spaniards, they would make him [Don Agustin] king of the land, and collect the tribute from the natives, which would be divided between Don Agustin and the Japanese. They swore this after their fashion, by anointing their necks with a broken egg. Don Agustin de Legaspi discussed and arranged the whole plan with Amaghicon, an Indian chief of Navotas, warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons Page 91which the Japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one another. According to the declarations of Dionisio Fernandez, the Japanese interpreter, Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Geronimo Basi, Magat Salamat, and other witnesses who were present at the said meetings and compacts, and as it appears also from the trial and investigations, it seems that when Don Martin Panga, under the charge of adultery, Don Agustin de Legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when he was governor of Tondo, Don Gabriel Tuambaçan, Don Francisco Acta, his son, and Pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another with their persons and property in all matters—be it concerning the liberty of their slaves, or in any other difficulty.

Likewise it appears that after they left the said prison, the said Don Martin Panga was exiled from the village of Tondo for a certain period, and went to live in the village of Tambobo, not far from this city. There he and Don Agustin de Legaspi invited the other leaders to come together for a secret meeting. Under pretext of visiting said Don Martin Panga, a meeting was held in the said village by Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Agustin Manuguit; Magat Salamat, chief of Tondo; Don Pedro Bolingui, chief of Pandaca; Don Geronimo Basi and Don Grabiel Tuam Basar, Don Agustin's brothers; Don Luis Amanicalao and Calao his son; the brothers Don Dionisio Capolo and Don Phelipe Salonga; Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan; Don Francisco Acta and Amaghicon; with other Indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. For three days they Page 92met, and drank after their fashion. During this time they resolved to act in harmony and with one mind in everything. If their slaves demanded liberty, they were to help one another against them; for already they were not regarded or obeyed as before. They possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found themselves poor and cast down, ready to go to prison any day. Their sorrow was very keen because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. For all these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted, and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to Manila to attack the Spaniards, they would unanimously and with one mind aid the enemy against the Spaniards. Thus they would once more become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny over the common people—who now were much favored by the Spaniards, being promoted to superior places by them. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with the said Japanese Don Joan Payo [Gayo]; and the other chiefs declared that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes.

After this, it appears that in the month of February, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the English pirate who passed through these islands and plundered the ship “Santana,” the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he would come to this city, to carry out their plan.

A few days afterward, Don Estevan Taes, chief of Bulacan, came to the village of Tondo where they were. He conferred with Don Martin Panga; and they decided that since the Englishman had not come, Page 93and the compact made at the meeting of Tambobo had not been carried out, they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at the former one. To this end, he offered to notify and call together all the chiefs from his village as far as Tondo, while Don Martin Panga was to summon the other chiefs as far as Cavite. To this end, the said Don Martin Panga said that he would carry a letter to the governors of Malolos and Guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast. After Don Esteban Tael [sic] had told him to leave the matter in his hands, Don Martin Panga declared, in the presence of Pitongatan, that he and Don Agustin had planned to call together the men of La Laguna and Comitan; and that, when the people were all gathered, they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship which their fathers had enjoyed before them; and, with all the people collected at Tondo, would attack Manila, as arranged with Balaya, chief of Vangos, and with the natives of Batan. It seems that the said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations which detained the said chiefs. Moreover it appears that about the same time, when certain Indian chiefs of Panpanga came to Manila on business connected with their province, on passing through the village of Tondo, Don Agustin Panga summoned them; and he, together with Don Agustin de Legaspi, Sagat Malagat, and Amanicalao, talked with them, and inquired after the business that took them to Manila. The chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the cessation of the lawsuits Page 94concerning slaves in Panpanga, until they could gather in the harvest. Don Martin said that this was very good, and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble and choose a leader from among them, whom they should swear to obey in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. The chiefs of Panpanga said that they had [no] war with the Spaniards, to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good king. Thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to Manila in order to transact their business. In Manila they were again invited to go to Tondo, to take food with the plotters; but the Panpanga chiefs refused. On the same day a meeting was held in Tondo by Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga; Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos; Agustin Lea and Alonso Digma, his nephews; Don Phelipe Salalila and Don Agustin Manuguit, his son; Don Luis Amanicalao, and Calao, his son; Don Grabiel Tuambacar, Don Francisco Acta, Don Phelipe Salonga, and other natives who rendered service. While they were thus assembled, they all resolved and agreed, amid the usual drinking, that the abovementioned Magat should go to the Calamianes and from that place notify the Borneans to come to Manila to attack the Spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here, and would take care to receive and help them. In fulfilment of this, the said chief Magat Salamat went to the Calamianes, which are near the kingdom of Burney, taking with him the chiefs Don Agustin Manuguit and Don Joan Banal. Thence he went to the island of Cuyo, where it seems Page 95that he discussed the matter with Sumaelob, chief of the said island, and persuaded him to come with the Borneans to plunder Manila. At that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city, and openly confessed that what has been said actually occurred.

The said inquiries and investigations made in reference to the trial of the aforesaid persons were examined by the governor and captain-general; and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty ones escape. The men were arrested and their confessions were taken down separately. At the proper time and place they were each charged with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. Their cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of clearing themselves from the charge. The time expired, and the trial was definitely closed. The governor and captain-general reviewed the trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each one of them, according to their guilt. The sentence is in substance as follows:

Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga, as leaders and chiefs, and being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged; their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages, as an example and warning against the said crime. All their goods were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. The above-mentioned appealed Page 96from the aforesaid sentence to the royal Audiencia of these islands; but after having examined the trial, the Audiencia confirmed the aforesaid sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captain-general in order that justice might be done. The death-punishment was to cut their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. The sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. All their property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be set aside for the royal treasury. This sentence was executed upon the abovementioned persons as here stated.

Dionisio Fernandez, Japanese interpreter in the negotiations with Xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He appealed from this sentence to the royal Audiencia; but this court, after it had examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general, in order that justice might be done. The sentence was executed upon him as here stated.

Don Pedro Balinguit, chief of the village of Pandaca, was sentenced to six years of prescribed exile in Nueva España, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold[1] for the treasury of the king our sovereign, and for judicial expenses. The fiscal and he appealed to his Majesty's chamber—I mean to the Page 97royal Audiencia—and this court returned the case to the captain-general, so that justice might be done. This man is about to sail in these ships for his place of exile.

Pitongatan, chief of the village of Tondo, was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for eight years. His property was to be equally divided between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; and this court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place as the governor should choose, for two years—one prescribed and the other unconditioned—and to pay costs only.

Don Phelipe Salonga, chief of the village of Polo, was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six years. Half of his property was to be set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done.

Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan, was sentenced to exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. His property was to be divided equally between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be for four years.

Daulat, chief of the village of Castilla, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this district for four years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; Page 98but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be prescribed and two unconditioned.

Don Joan Basi, chief and former governor of the village of Tagui, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction[2] for four years. Half of his property was set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should consist only of two years of prescribed exile.

Dionisio Capolo, chief of Candava, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for eight years, and was condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold, half of which was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, which, after having examined the report of the trial, remitted it to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done—save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of twelve taes of orejeras gold. The sentence was executed.

Don Francisco Acta, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to four years of prescribed exile. Half of his goods and property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the court of his Majesty; but the case was remitted to the captain-general in order that Page 99justice might be done—save that the whole penalty was to consist of four years' prescribed exile, and nothing more.

Don Luis Amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for six years. His goods were to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the attorney appealed to the royal Audiencia, but the case was likewise remitted to the captain-general in order that justice might be done—only that the exile was to be reduced to three years. The sentence was executed.

Don Grabiel Tuambacar, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold—half for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He appealed to the royal Audiencia, as did the fiscal also; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that he might execute justice upon him—except that the penalty was to be only four years' exile.

Calao, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years. Half of his goods were to be applied as in other cases. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might execute justice—except that the only penalty was four years' exile.

Omaghicon, chief of Navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in Nueva España for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. This money was to be paid within a month, under pain of hanging. The fiscal of his Majesty and the culprit appealed Page 100to the royal Audiencia; there the sentence was revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. Thus he was condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being made about his goods.

Don Geronimo Bassi was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for ten years. His property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal treasury. The sentence was executed.

Don Phelipe Salalila, chief of Misilo, was exiled to Nueva España for twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold de orejeras, of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty and half for judicial expenses. He was to pay the money within twenty days under pain of death. He and the attorney of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence was executed upon him.

Don Esteban Taes, chief of Bulacan, was sentenced to prescribed exile in Nueva España for eight years, and condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, for the treasury of his Majesty and for judicial expenses. The money was to be paid within thirty days under pain of death. He and the fiscal of the king appealed to the royal Audiencia—which, on an examination Page 101and new trial, revoked the sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence was executed.

Magat Salamat was condemned to death. His goods were to be employed for the erection of the new fortress of this city. He appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that justice might be done—except that the goods were to be set aside for the treasury. The sentence was executed.

Don Agustin Manuguit was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six years, and condemned to pay twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the new fortress. Failing to pay this sum, the term of his exile would be doubled. He agreed to pay it, and the sentence was executed.

Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos, was sentenced to exile from his village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. He was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the fortress, to which he agreed.

Alonso Lea was acquitted on the trial.

Amarlangagui, chief of the village of Tondo, was exiled from this jurisdiction for four years, two prescribed and two unconditioned. He was also condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward the said building of the fortress. He agreed to this, and the sentence was executed.

Don Joan Banal, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the said fortress. He agreed to this, and paid the money. Page 102

In the case of Amaghicon, Indian chief of the island of Cuyo, sentence is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city.

The said sentences, as specified, were executed upon the above-named persons. Those who were exiled to Nueva España are about to sail in the ships which are to be despatched this year to that country. As for the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines; but in case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been ordered to make investigations about them. They are already doing so, as appears from the said trial and process, to which I refer. And, in order that the whole matter may be evident, I give by the said command the present record, in Manila, on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. I affix my seal, in testimony of the truth.

Esteban de Marquina, notary-public.

We, the notaries who have here signed our names,[3] certify and attest that Esteban de Marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this city, as is stated herein, and is now exercising his office; and that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified and authenticated, both within court and without. Done at Manila, on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. Page 103

[1] Orejeras was the name of a fine grade of gold used by the Malays; see Vol. III, p. 224, and IV, p. 99.

Exile thus inflicted was of two kinds. The Spanish phrase here is seis años de destierro precisos—the last word meaning that the culprit's residence was prescribed in a certain place. In the other form of exile, read, for precisos, voluntarios (“at will”), which may be translated “unconditioned”—that is, he might choose his place of residence.

[2] Span., corte; a now obsolete use of the word, to signify a district of five leagues around the court. It will be remembered that Sande, in 1577, fixed the boundaries of the city of Manila within this limit. (See Vol. IV, p. 107.)

[3] As the names of these notaries do not appear on the MS. from which our transcript was made, it was probably one of the duplicate despatches sent to Spain, rather than the first and original document.

Letter from Gaspar de Ayala to Felipe II

Sire:

Last year I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the events that had hitherto occurred in these islands; of what has since happened I will give account in this letter. As soon as the ships left for Nueva España, we set about building a ship of seven hundred toneladas at the cost of your Majesty's royal exchequer. As purveyor thereof was appointed Captain Don Juan Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province of Pintados. The ship is being built in that district, and paid for out of the tributes which your Majesty has from that province; and this city provided some articles which were lacking there. The purveyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming year. This ship will be the fourth of your Majesty's vessels on that route [to Nueva España]. I understand that two of them will be of no use for this next year, as they will have to be laid aside. Thus it will be necessary, that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built continually. Although the Mariscal Grabiel de Rribera and Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of Acapulco on the first voyage, Page 104for the Piru trade. Although they could be bought in these islands on the account of your Majesty's royal exchequer, it seems to me better that your Majesty should save the profits that will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built.

The accounts of your royal exchequer have been audited this year, and are being sent with everything clearly expressed. The entire accounts are set forth and the data in detail, each class by itself. Because the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. Its income has not reached the value of last year, although your Majesty's gold has been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had to be distributed in various payments. If it were possible for your Majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of the ships, there would be considerable profit. However, as the gold is being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet the salaries and other necessary obligations, it is, when there is a lack of coin, distributed at the common value—although, as I have said before, a somewhat higher value is given to your Majesty's gold. If, as I have written in other letters, your Majesty would be pleased to command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from Nueva España to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence the value thereof in gold, it would give the greatest relief to this treasury and profit to your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thousand pesos in gold, at the price at which it is given in tribute by the Indians, would amount to fifty thousand in Nueva España. This could be done very easily, Page 105if your Majesty would assume the risk of the transportation of the money and the return of the gold. As a result, your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations, and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom. [Marginal note: “Abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of Nueva España.”]

By virtue of your royal decree received by your governor in the past year, concerning the sale of the magistracies and offices of notary, by order of your said governor the following offices were sold, in the usual manner of selling your royal property: Four public notaryships in this city, at eight hundred pesos each; the notarial office of Panpanga, at one thousand pesos; that of the province of Pintados, at one thousand seven hundred pesos; that of Cebu, at six hundred; that of Bombon, at three hundred; that of Ylocos, at three hundred; that of Camarines is set at six hundred, and has not been adjudged to a bidder. These offices were sold with some inducements, in order that there should be more bidding. Of ten magistracies which were placed at auction, five were sold—the first at one thousand four hundred pesos, the second at nine hundred, the third at a thousand, the fourth at one thousand two hundred, and the fifth at nine hundred and ten. The others are left to be auctioned upon the arrival of the ship from Nueva España. To increase the value of the offices sold, there were also admitted some bonuses, after payment of which, I understand, the offices will clear fifteen thousand pesos more or less. That the magistracies might have more value to meet the present necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the condition that the owners thereof could Page 106renounce them by depositing in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the offices of clerks. Should your Majesty confirm this, it will be of much profit to your royal exchequer.

Besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be sold, no mention was made of those of La Laguna, of the Coast and Tondo, of Bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of Pangasinan, which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by themselves. Moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of the alcaiceria [silk-market] of the Chinese, where there is a separate judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection of the Chinese ships, in the form provided by your governor, and used by Thomas Perez. If this last office were sold with the others, we could find a person who would give therefor five thousand pesos; and should your governor provide the office of al-ferez-mayor and that of depositary-general, it would come to six thousand pesos. I understand that if your Majesty should command these offices to be sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found many purchasers.

When Alonso Veltran, your notary of the court of this Audiencia, departed for Nueva España, he sold his office, by official permission, to Alonso de Torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five hundred pesos. The third thereof was placed in your royal treasury of which he made royal exhibition in the Audiencia, and asked to be admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. When your governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that cause was not for the Audiencia, but for the governor, because the general decree providing Page 107for the sale of offices for Nueva España came addressed to the viceroy. Consequently, the Audiencia referred to the governor the cognizance and decision of this matter; and he declared that the said Alonso de Torres was not entitled to admission. Although the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order, as he said, to avoid misfortune. For this reason, your royal treasury lost one thousand five hundred pesos. To remedy this, and to increase your royal exchequer, it is most important for your Majesty to command that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of Nueva España in the year eighty-one,[1] which treats of the sale and renunciation of offices, be observed in these islands. Its fulfilment should be enforced by your president and auditors; and, when a vacancy occurs in any office, the said office should be sold, in order that your royal treasury may have some relief. If it is not thus commanded, the governors will exercise the privilege of providing offices.

Last year I reported to your Majesty that, because of the death of Doña Ana de Palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned by her in Camarines. Petition had been made to your governor that it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your Majesty's royal decree; and that twelve thousand pesos of income should be paid to this royal Audiencia. But because Captain Joan Maldonado presented another decree in which your Majesty commands that there be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted Indians, on account of his Page 108many services and extreme poverty, part of the said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred Indians, more or less. Moreover, at the end of December of the past year, eighty-eight, the encomienda owned by Don Luis de Sagajosa at Ylocos was left vacant by his death. I petitioned your governor to place it to the account of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree. He declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would remain vacant, and the income would be assigned to your royal treasury as royal property, until your Majesty should command otherwise. Less than seven hundred Indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by the hospital. Appeal from this was made to the Audiencia, and the case was continued. The result thereof was that another decree was issued by your Majesty to the Augustinian friars, in which your Majesty granted them a gift and alms of ten thousand ducats, payable within ten years in unassigned Indians. In consideration of their poverty, I consented that from the income of this encomienda there should be given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should be fulfilled. Then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that the said encomienda be allotted to your royal crown; but that from the income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos for eight years, and to the convent of San Agustin three hundred pesos every year until your decree should be fulfilled. After the payment of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for religious instruction, and the costs of the collection, Page 109I understand that there will remain clear for your royal treasury the sum of one thousand four hundred pesos, besides the nine hundred of the hospital and convent after their dues are satisfied. The Audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision, he would not comply. He was ordered to give a writ, in order that the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title.

Later, on account of the death of Captain Villanueva, two encomiendas were left vacant—one called Malgandon, and the other near this city—which were worth two thousand pesos of income. As soon as he died, without notice thereof having been given to me, on the first day of last May before daybreak, your governor assigned the said encomiendas—that of Malgandon to Cristoval de Axqueta; and the other to Don Luis Enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from this city. At the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. On the following day I heard the news, and I presented myself in the Audiencia in order to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should be taken. I appealed from whatever writ of possession might be provided; and I ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the parties. Cristoval de Axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal the possession which I had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan. The other litigants did not take possession; and, the case being concluded, Page 110a writ was issued, by which all were protected in their possession. The decision in respect to the ownership was submitted to your royal Council of the Indias, I having appealed from the writ. The case has been concluded and considered, and the decision has not been reached; of that I shall later send a report to your Majesty.

For these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling them that I am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself popular with them, while disparaging me. Consequently, some of them bear me ill-will. Your said governor, although he knows that he cannot take Indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three or four times; and I have had them taken away by process of law. He satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a means of support, but that I had taken it away. As I took exception to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but I am. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command your governor to refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which I exercise and the actions at law which I cause are for your royal service, the increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience and obligation. As I am hated in this country for doing my duty, would your Majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where I may serve better and more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. When your Majesty receives this, I shall have served in this office of fiscal almost seven years. Should your Page 111Majesty not be disposed to grant me this favor I shall continue in my service here until I die.

Still later, at the death of Doña Maria de Miranda, two encomiendas were left vacant, both worth a thousand pesos of income. They were given to Don Fernando de Villafaña, by virtue of your royal decree, in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an encomienda of Indians. He has served in these islands about ten years, and for his good service and poverty but little has been given him. On this account, and as your Majesty had commanded that he be given an encomienda of Indians, I took no exception, as in the other cases.

This year there came from China eleven or twelve vessels with but little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars and a severe plague. It has been reported that a ship from Panama or Piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at Macan, which is on the river of Canton. As I have stated in previous communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between Piru or Nueva España and China, this country will be depopulated and ruined. The principal means of support here is the merchandise from China, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be sold in Nueva España. This would be completely done away with, should ships go from that country or Piru to China; for it is evident that, if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market or sale for the goods brought from these islands. Neither would the Chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least not in so large numbers; and besides the general loss to this land, there would be lost the customs duties of import and export. Page 112

At my petition, in view of the fact that a large part of the gold paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was decreed that within a fortnight after the collection of tribute, the gold should be declared, and the registers of collection displayed, before the officials of your royal exchequer, under penalty of losing the third part of the tribute for that year. The aforesaid was proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city, and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor. Nevertheless, there is laxity in the declarations; and it would be of great benefit for your Majesty to order the officers of your royal exchequer to exercise great care in this, and to see that the disobedient suffer the penalties. [Marginal note: “Bring the decrees in this case.”]

Last year a fragata was despatched from this city to Maluco. Therein were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of letters from this Audiencia and your governor. This fragata anchored in a port of the island of Borney, called El Paso; and the natives attacked them, after having given assurance of safety so that they would land. They killed one of the friars, and all the men except three or four Spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed it. Those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order of the king of Burney, and that a Spanish soldier who had gone there had been persuaded to turn renegade. They pay him a stipend for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and powder. Your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenger to ask for this soldier; but the reply has not yet Page 113come. Many people were of the opinion that, if soldiers had been in these islands in any great number, a fleet should be sent to attack the said king—both for the reason already given, and because he was a tributario to your Majesty, and has refused to pay tribute. But with the few troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who are in Manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in this kingdom. There are many enemies and but few Spaniards, and the latter are dying in great numbers every day. Also, for lack of troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as I reported to your Majesty last year, had been perpetrated by the king of Mindanao. In the past few days the Indians of Cibu have revolted, and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute, and other soldiers. They seized the women, and detained them for a long time, until the alcalde-mayor of that island, with a number of friendly Indians and fifty or sixty Spaniards, attacked and chastised them. Some were killed in the encounter, and those most guilty were hanged. Thereupon the said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island was pacified. It lies more than one hundred and fifty leagues from this city. Later, on the seventh of last June, there came further advices from the said alcalde-mayor, to the effect that the natives of said islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the city, and kill all the Spaniards who might be there; and that several of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are being taken to arrest the others. Your governor sent him instructions as to what he should do.

Four or five months ago two soldiers came from Page 114the city of Segovia, located in the province of Cagayan. They were sent by the alcalde-mayor of that province, bringing word that the province was all in rebellion and that the Indians had killed many Spaniards. The natives were so bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. He begged for reënforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province would be depopulated. It is the most important of these islands as it is the nearest to Japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast of China. Reënforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what supplies and ammunition they could take. We have received news of their arrival only. The outcome of the expedition I will relate when it is over. Captain Martin de Barrios was also slain by the Indians while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with other soldiers; and I am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. When there is any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send messengers to keep up relations. This is because the Indians know that there is but a small force of Spaniards, and that they are separated from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as they formerly were, under a military régime, but by a judicial order.

The past year we were informed that the Indian chiefs of this district had met together at different times to discuss rebellion against your royal service, and the death of all the Spaniards in these islands, and the mastery of this land which was enjoyed by their forefathers. At the time when this happened Page 115there was in this city a Japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and carrying on commerce. The natives made arrangements with him to come to their aid with ships and soldiers. They were to give him part of the land, and would send messengers to the king of Borney and other principal Indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to their assistance. They swore very solemnly according to their custom to keep and fulfil the agreement. They chose a king, captains, and officers of war; and weapons were made in secret. On the discovery of their treachery and plots, the principal chiefs were arrested; seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property confiscated. Many others were exiled, some from their villages, and others to Nueva España who sail in this ship. By this punishment it seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. May God aid us, and free us from so many dangers to which we are exposed. This land will be lost and ruined if your Majesty does not expressly order a goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid to the men for their support. It is pitiful to see them die of hunger, and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. Your Majesty should not permit such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the realms of Great China. For this it is very important to learn that language, and for some religious of the orders of St. Augustine and St. Dominic to teach the Chinese in that tongue, since in that wise they will become fond of our religion. May God bring this to pass, later. It would tend greatly Page 116to the preservation of the soldiers, should your Majesty order your viceroy of Nueva España to send a doctor to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal treasury of Nueva España. For lack of a physician and of someone who knows how to cure sickness, many of the people die—especially the soldiers and sailors, who have few comforts.

Your Majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and serve for nothing whatever. It will be more profitable and less costly to have a couple of small ships and another couple of armed fragatas. This can be done if your Majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be broken up.

The fort, which is being built of stone, has been fractured in some places, from the great weight. They say that it is caused by the small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and built in a round shape. It seemed as if it could be made secure by building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is now being done. If the cavaliers had been built at first, much money could have been saved; but, as there are no engineers here, they have done the best they could—although several captains say that they had given warning at the beginning of the work. For this there has been collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties which used to be paid to your Majesty on the money brought from Nueva España. Later, collections were made from the Indians of the land, on each being levied one real—thus raising another twelve thousand pesos, more or less. Now another tax of one real has been levied on the Indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is so poor, everything must be borne. Page 117

In last year's letter I advised you that at my petition, taxes were levied on the Indians in their suits, according to the tariff of Spain, charging the Spaniards triple the amount. Finding that the clerks could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done.

Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, son-in-law of the licentiate Melchior Davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. This he proved by some Indian women of his house, although he did not find them in the act. I conducted the trial, and, after review thereof, condemned him to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand pesos for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other things.

This year a Japanese ship came to this port with many supplies and arms. There must have been more than five hundred arquebuses and as many of their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. As the conspiracy of the Indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was believed that it came for the execution of that plot. On entering the port, this ship was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and the crew imprisoned. It was learned that they were going to sell the weapons in Cian, and they were released from custody, on condition that they would sell the goods here. This they did, and this country has consequently been supplied with weapons.

As your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money, it happened at the beginning of February of this year that, on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the bishop of these islands Page 118commanded the royal officials, under pain of excommunication, to pay them the stipends assigned them from your royal treasury—amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually, for four prebendaries. According to my information your said officials owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with them in the month of July of the year eighty-seven—namely, that from that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury was so over-burdened. At this notification they replied to the bishop that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one and they were laymen. Of necessity, they appealed to the Audiencia; and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. This was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a Saturday evening. After the Audiencia saw what difficulties would follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the council-room. To this he gave a certain reply, and after considering this, with the documents, another decree was made, in which it was declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which the Audiencia ordered to be retained under its own jurisdiction. As I was not present at this decision it was ordered that I be notified, and that I should appear in the suit in defense of your royal jurisdiction. Therefore, on the Monday next following, I presented before the said bishop a petition requesting Page 119that he absolve the persons excommunicated, and declare himself not to have jurisdiction over that cause. To establish the fact that the recognition thereof did not belong to him, I stated in the first argument of my petition that it could not pertain to him as the royal officials were mere laymen, and not subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to the royal. I alleged further reasons that the cause was secular and temporal. Among other things, the bishop replied to the petition that he was not satisfied with a proposition that I had offered, in reference to the holy office of the Inquisition. This caused exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to every person who entered his house he said that I had been guilty of a heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. Moreover, as there is here a commissary of the Inquisition, he called together many friars and certified this proposition, separating it from the petition and paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the circumstances under which I made it. I am sending a report of all the proceedings, in order that your Majesty may provide for the future, as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury, which your Majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to the prebendaries and curates. The bishop, for the sake of peace, after he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal Audiencia, issued a decree in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his Holiness and to your Majesty. He protested that Page 120he would proceed with the case when he saw fit. Although I stated in petition that the bishop had not complied with the ordinances of the Audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred the penalties provided—which I begged to have executed—everything was passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. In this wise, whenever any dispute over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop displays like obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being added to the principal one. If a penalty should once be imposed that would hurt him, he would obey and comply with the ordinances of the Audiencia. But he says publicly that nothing can be done which will restrain him, and this is what he desires. Because of this case the prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of February until the twenty-second of March—when, as it was holy week, they returned. During this time only the cura came to the church, to say mass; and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were caused among all the people. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order this case to be summarily settled. The bishop declares that he will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees fit to do so; and it should be decided if it is right to suffer this thing. Also, because I as fiscal attend to the defense of your royal jurisdiction, should the bishop have license to declare in writing that I had made a proposition touching the Holy Inquisition? It was not only this, but that the statement went from one pulpit to another, by his command, that to say that the bishop was not judge of that cause was a heresy. These and other words of which the Audiencia Page 121will give information caused no little scandal in this city. Likewise he refuses to obey the ordinances of the Audiencia, making light of and disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in temporal matters.

It is quite common for controversies to arise between your governor and the bishop as to which of them is to assign the salary to be given to the ecclesiastics who administer instruction, both in the encomiendas of your royal crown and in those of private individuals. Since the salaries in the encomiendas of the crown are paid from your royal exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at least that they do so jointly. In this way your royal patronage will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is providing. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more and more difficulties arise.

A case has been considered in the Audiencia, between the bishop and the order of St. Augustine, as to whether the said order and the religious thereof are to administer instruction to the Chinese living in the village of Tondo. Ever since the settlement of this town, they have had a convent there, ministering to the natives in their own language. They say that they have also instructed the Chinese, who understand what they say. The bishop placed in this town friars of his own order, the Dominican, so that they could minister to the Chinese in a chapel there. The Augustinians complained, saying that by a brief of his Holiness, and a royal decree which they presented, two monasteries of different orders should not be situated in the same town, or in its vicinity. The Page 122Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that within thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of one order, to administer instruction to the natives and the Chinese. As this ordinance concerned a matter already adjudicated, the bishop asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon declared that by that ordinance the Dominicans were not excluded from the administration of instruction to the Chinese. An appeal was then made on the part of the order of St. Augustine; and they said that some of their religious would in a short time know the Chinese language. They were commanded by ordinance to observe the past decree, until your Majesty should have been consulted and should provide otherwise. Afterward, when the Augustinians saw that they were not by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to the Chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. The bishop, as he desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the Chinese language to preach to the Chinese on the afternoon of St John's day, went to the town of Tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other side of the river. He had trouble with the Augustinian friars, and the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. Thereby was caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and Chinese, and among the Spaniards. The Augustinian friars complain that the bishop, being a Dominican, favors his own order and persecutes them; and that before the coming of the Dominicans to these islands they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord.

There is great need of religious to administer instruction to the natives, since of the few who were Page 123here a large number have died, this year and last. There are many places without instruction, and in still others there are ecclesiastics who do not know the language, from which it results that the natives cannot be well instructed. It is of much importance for the welfare and pacification of this land that religious should come here, because in those places where they are now stationed the Indians live more peaceably and with less license. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give orders for their prompt despatch, since their coming is so necessary for the service of God and the good of souls. They should be of the three orders already here.

In this city there are two hospitals, one for Spaniards and the other for the natives. That of the natives is under the charge of a Franciscan friar,[2] who cares for them and ministers to them with much charity. It seems as if God supports them as by a miracle; for there are usually more than a hundred patients, sick with all kinds of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other income. It would be very injurious if the Franciscan friars should abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your Majesty to order that they hold and administer it, as has been done hitherto. Moreover, license should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every year from these islands to Nueva España. There should be levied on them neither duties in these islands, nor freight charges at Acapulco; for with Page 124this privilege, which would little affect your Majesty's interests, they can further the work, and support themselves.

Those who are serving your Majesty in this royal Audiencia are: the doctor Santiago de Vera, your president; the licentiate Melchior Davalos, the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, and the licentiate Don Antonio de Rribera, your auditors. The first two suffer from many ailments and infirmities. There are also myself, a secretary, a reporter, three attorneys, and interpreters and other officials of the Audiencia.

The persons who have been provided with offices this year are the following: Don Fernando de Villafaña, alcalde-mayor of La Laguna, with a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other alcaldes-mayor; Pedro Manrique, alcalde-mayor at Pangansinan, who has served your Majesty nine years, in these islands; Cristoval de Leon, chief magistrate at Calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and with wife and children; Gaspar de Ysla, chief magistrate at Lubao, one of the early colonists, and married; Captain Gomez de Machuca, alcalde-mayor of Camarines, who has served ten years in this country, and married here; Bartolome Pacheco, alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, who has seen six years' service in this land; Captain Don Alonso Maldonado, alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the Chinese, who has served here six years; Clemente Hurtado de Monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this city, who has seen six years' service here; Lorenço Lopez de Abiste, alcalde-mayor of the island of Çubu, who has served here six years; Captain Don Diego de Alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor as Page 125warden of the old fort, at the death of Captain Juan Maldonado, who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; Juan de Bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the Indians, and is now inspecting in the province of Ylocos; Don Gaspar de Vera, son of your governor, who was appointed as general of the sea; and Joan, Cantero, alcalde-mayor of Calompite, who has served seventeen years in this land.

On the twenty-ninth of June returned the messenger sent by your governor to the kingdom of Burney to ask the king to deliver to him the soldier who had turned renegade, as I have said above. Although the king made some excuses for his acts, he nevertheless refused to deliver the renegade.

On the same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and water in this city. The natives say that they never saw such a one. The sea and the river Madre rose until they joined and reached the fort. Much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two ships which were here loading a cargo for Nueva España—one belonging to your Majesty, and the other to the mariscal Grabiel de Rivera—were driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood that they cannot be repaired. Even should one of them be repaired, it cannot make the voyage this year. In all the port not one ship or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send advices to Nueva España of the condition of this land, which is most unpropitious. By this calamity, so injurious to the community, the people have become greatly disheartened. Moreover, as I write this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from Nueva España, Page 126although this is the seventh of July. The entire support of this land depends on the coming and going of the ships; and if they are not here by May or the middle of June, by delaying longer they run great risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this land. Sailing from the port of Acapulco at the beginning of March, they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. As this is of so much importance, I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order your viceroy of Nueva España to exercise the utmost diligence in the early despatch of the ships which are to come to this land, in order that they may accomplish the purpose of the voyage.

On the first of July, arrived the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, who had gone to chastise the Indians of the province of Cagayan, who as I have said before, were at war. Although he had gone out with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly Indians, he did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy their crops. He says that the Indians themselves burned their villages and went to the mountains. It is known, however, that he left that province in a worse state of war than before, and when the Indians see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage.

We Spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies on every side. If we are not relieved in time by the despatch of reënforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it is wanted. As I have already said, we are but few, and the troops die very quickly. When the Indians see an opportunity to crush us, they are not likely to let it slip. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order Page 127your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them; and also that he should send some money, because on account of the many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. Sometimes, for lack of money, important things are left undone.

On Sunday, the ninth of this month, I was in the cathedral, where were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a solemn procession and sermon. The deacon came out to sprinkle the holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. It is the custom to give it first to the Audiencia. When the deacon came back from the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop would not cause precedence to be observed for the Audiencia, they would go to hear service elsewhere. When the bishop learned this, he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not to preach; and we were left without a sermon, to the great scandal of the people gathered there.

There is nothing else at present. Only I pray that our Lord may preserve your Majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in His holy service. At Manila, July 15, 1589.

The licentiate Ayala. Page 128

[1] Apparently a reference to the law found in Recop. leyes Indias (ed. 1841), lib. viii, tit. xx, ley i, which enumerates the offices that may be sold in the Indias. Cf. ley i, tit. xxi, which relates to the renunciation of such offices after purchase.

[2] This was a lay brother, Juan Clemente, who came with the first Franciscan mission. (1577). He devoted himself to the care of the sick among the natives, and was in charge of a hospital for them (founded by himself) for many years. For an account of this charity, see Santa Inés's Crónica, i, pp. 379–392.

Royal Decree Regarding Commerce

The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas,[1] knight of the order of Santiago, and appointed by me governor and captain-general of the Phelipinas Islands. As soon as Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, came here, ordered and empowered by all the estates of the islands to discuss certain matters regarding the service of our Lord, and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of those islands, I ordered certain members of my councils to come together to hear him. This they did, and a thorough examination was made of certain memorials which that religious had been ordered to present.[2] After they had consulted Page 129with me upon certain points of the said memorials, I decided, with the approval of the above-mentioned councilors to whom the matter was delegated, upon the following instructions which are given to you. I order you to fulfil your duties, in every respect, with the consideration, care, and diligence which I expect from you. The father has also entreated me, in behalf of the said city, to order that no persons entering the ports of the said islands from without shall be made to pay duties—whether they be Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, or any other people whatsoever, especially when they bring provisions, ammunition, and raw material for these articles. These taxes are a grievance to the Chinese, and trade is hindered, and there are other resultant disadvantages, as the said Father Alonso Sanchez has informed me at length; accordingly I have held and do now hold it best that for the present no more of the said duties be levied upon provisions and ammunitions. Therefore you will not permit any duty to be levied until otherwise ordered and decreed. Another advisable measure discussed was that no Chinese or foreign ships could sell at retail the goods which they carried to the islands, as is done now; nor could the inhabitants buy the goods, openly or in secret, under severe penalties. The purchase of the said goods was to be discussed by the Council, and as many and so qualified persons as the business demanded were to be appointed. These persons alone should buy in a lot all the merchandise brought by the ships, and then distribute it fairly among the Page 130citizens, Spanish, the Chinese, and the Indians, at the same price at which it should be appraised. The matter was discussed and examined by the members of the said Council, and it has seemed best to send you the decision reached in this affair, as I now do. I order you, keeping this in mind, to give the orders which you may think acceptable to me. You will keep me informed of your proceedings, and will not permit or allow any person to go to the ships except the ones appointed to do so by a special order. You will endeavor to give products of the islands in exchange for the said merchandise, so as to avoid, if possible, the introduction of so much coin into foreign kingdoms as has been customary. Besides the good results which will follow from carrying out the provisions of the preceding clause, we may expect another of no less importance; and that is, that by enforcing the regulations, not only will you rid yourself of the Chinese retailers, who conceal and sell their merchandise, but there will be also avoided many other losses, expenses, and scarcity, and the secret sins and witchcraft which they teach. Their shops, which are necessary for the sale at retail, could, in the course of the year, be given up to Spaniards, so that they might remain in their possession and bring them profit. Such a course would also bring together a larger number of citizens. You might permit the Chinese Christians and other old inhabitants to remain, who do not come and go, and are not retailers in the true sense of the word; but who work as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, and in other labors for food production. Considering the importance of this affair, you are warned not to permit or allow the presence of infidels and retailers in Page 131the said islands; and to prevent their coming together in so large numbers as to give rise to difficulties. All this you will carry out with the care and diligence which I am confident lies in your character and prudence, and the zeal which you will show where my service is concerned. San Lorenzo, August 9, 1589. Page 132

[1] Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas was corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena in Spain when (in 1589) he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands. Arriving there in May, 1590, he at once began the task of providing suitable fortifications for Manila, and a body of paid troops in place of the irregular and unpaid soldiers who had hitherto been the only dependence of the Spanish colony. In October, 1593, he formed a naval expedition to recover the fortress at Ternate; but on the way thither he was treacherously slain, with nearly all the Spaniards in his galley, by the Chinese rowers thereon. See Morga's account of him in Sucesos, cap. v, or in Stanley's translation (Hakluyt Society's publications, no. 39), pp. 32–39; also La Concepcion's Hist. de Philipinas, ii, pp. 177–213.

[2] The proceedings of Sanchez at the Spanish court, and the decisions of the government regarding the Philippine colony, are Page 129nfully recounted by La Concepción in his Hist. de Philipinas, ii, pp. 103–148. Sanchez did not return to the Philippines, being assigned by the general of his order to various duties in Spain; his death occurred not long afterward.

Instructions to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, whom I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands. Upon the arrival of Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, who came, by order and authorization of all estates of the said islands, to confer about certain matters pertaining to the service of our Lord and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of the islands,[1] I convened certain members of my councils in order that they might hear him. After they had done so, and had examined in great detail certain memorials that the father presented, in accordance with his orders, and had consulted with me in regard to all the points of the said memorials, I resolved, with the advice of the aforesaid my counselors, to whom I committed the matter, upon what will follow here, which will serve as your instructions. I order you to observe and fulfil them to the letter, with the consideration, care, and diligence that I expect from your person. Page 133

2. Infinite thanks should be given our Lord, and I hereby offer them to Him, for the great mercy that He has been pleased to show me, in that, during the period while I, by His mercy and will, rule as king, and through me as the instrument, those so remote islands have been discovered; and that at present, as I have heard, more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants enjoy in those islands evangelical instruction, besides the great inclination which is manifest to spread the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith throughout the other islands with which all that great archipelago is sown and inhabited for the space of more than nine hundred leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude. This does not include the vast kingdoms of the mainland—China, Cochina, Conchinchina, Champa, Canvoja, Siam, Patan, Joor [Johore], and others—notwithstanding that I wish and desire that a pathway to them be opened. In order that this end be attained, it is necessary that for the present, and until our Lord so dispose and direct it, the conservation of what has been pacified and conquered, by so great labor and at so vast expense to my exchequer, be looked after carefully. I charge you straitly to see to this, taking note of the condition of affairs, what is advisable for their continuous improvement and settlement, and giving them a sound foundation, so that among so many enemies, not only may they be preserved, but continue to increase daily.

3. First: The above-mentioned father, Alonso Sanchez, has reported that the cathedral of those islands, located in the said city of Manila, has no building, ornaments, or other adornments pertaining to the service of divine worship; or income, or alms for Page 134its aid, or in order to provide it with sacristans, verger, or other necessary assistants; and that being, as is the case, in the gaze of so many idolatrous enemies and Mahometans, both natives and foreigners who meet there—especially the Chinese, who have observed this condition—it is very annoying that they should see it served so inadequately and covered with wood and thatch—poor, dilapidated, and without provision. And because it is very just, and in accord with my will and desire, that the above-mentioned church be built and served with all possible propriety, you shall, as soon as you arrive at the said islands, especially further the building and construction of the said church. You shall apportion for this purpose the sum of twelve thousand ducados, in three parts—to wit, one from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third from the Indians, as is done in Nueva España. The said twelve thousand ducados shall be spent upon the said building within four years, spending three thousand each year. And in order that it may be better done and be commenced immediately, I have ordered two thousand ducados paid, in anticipation, on the account of my third, from my royal treasury of the said Nueva España. As you pass there, you will ask them to send this amount.

4. I have been told that there are two hospitals in the said city of Manila—one for Spaniards, and the other for Indians—and that both of them suffer extreme need; for to that of the Spaniards resort many soldiers, sailors, and other poor folk, who become ill through certain exertions in my service, and those common to that country; while that of the Indians is sustained by themselves, by means of their Page 135fruits, work, and tributes. All those who are treated in the latter hospital fall sick in the same manner as the others, and in the foundation and preservation of the settlements. Both classes die in discomfort, through having no building in which to be protected from the ravages of the climate, and through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses, and other necessities. It would be advisable to send these supplies from the said Nueva Spaña, together with some blankets. This is, as you see, a work of the greatest charity, and it is especially desirable to assist with great care in the consolation and treatment of the sick. And besides that, you shall have diligence to examine the hospital built there, and ascertain what care is taken of the sick. From the first repartimientos that may become vacant in the said island, you shall apply to the principal hospital sufficient for an income of five thousand pesos annually; and to that of the Indians, five hundred ducados annually, granted from the increase of the tributes of the Indians (which shall be collected in the manner set down in the sixth section of these instructions), so that both may enjoy the said income as long as may be my pleasure. From these amounts the necessary buildings shall be constructed, and other things provided, so that both may be properly conducted. In order that this may be commenced immediately, I have granted four hundred ducados to the principal hospital, and two hundred to that of the Indians, to be paid from my royal treasury of the said Nueva Spaña, as you will see by the decree that will be given you.

5. The said Father Alonso Sanchez also reported that the need of ministers of instruction in the said Page 136islands is so great that many Indians die without baptism; that because of the same need, the conquest and conversion of other islands are neglected; and that it would be advisable to send religious from the orders established there, with instructions to remain there and not go elsewhere. Already permission has been granted and the needful care taken, so that some religious may go there, and others will be provided as soon as possible. All of them shall be notified to resolve upon staying in the said Philipinas Islands, and not to go to any other place without the express permission of the bishop and of yourself. Therefore I charge you that, whenever any religious shall offer themselves to you to leave the said islands, you shall confer with the said bishop, and shall consider and discuss the matter; but you shall grant the said permission only after thorough consideration.

6. Another section of the above-mentioned memorials indicates how instruction may be provided, not only where there is none, but also where there is some, although inadequate; that it would be advisable to increase the tributes and clear up the appraisements of the tributes, for they are at present in a very confused and dangerous condition, because of many scruples and injuries connected with them; and that, as each Indian's tribute has hitherto generally been collected in pesos of eight reals apiece, it should reasonably be raised to the value of ten Castilian reals to each of the said pesos—provided that the Indian may not be forced to pay it in any designated article, but only in money, if he have it, or shall choose to give it, or in some other article produced by him, or in goods acquired in trade, according to their valuation at the time of payment. Because, Page 137after discussing this point, it is believed that each peso may be increased by two reals to make up the ten, as is petitioned, therefore you shall order that this increase be paid into my royal treasury, and that half a real be used to pay the obligations of the tithes, and the other one and one-half reals be used for the pay of the soldiers stationed in the said islands, and for other things pertaining thereto; and that the encomenderos be obliged to pay, from the eight reals remaining, for the necessary instruction, and their share of the building of the church, during the time of its construction, in accordance with the foregoing. The said Indians shall reserve the choice to pay the tributes in money or in products, in whichever one they wish.

7. Another section of the said memorials also petitions that in order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, the encomenderos be ordered to pay the tithes, according to the use and custom in Mexico; for, inasmuch as the commonwealth previously had neither church, bishop, curates, nor settled rule, the tithes have not been paid. This is a just order, and as such you shall enforce it, providing that the said tithes due be paid from the products of their farms and their animals.

8. On the part of the said city of Manila, I have been petitioned to have it granted some public property, in order that it may attend to the affairs of peace, war, government, and other matters pertaining to its conservation and defense, and for suits that may arise—granting it for this purpose some Indians, or something from the duties on Chinese merchandise, or on the storehouses or shops where they trade. After advising with my counselors, I have determined Page 138to bestow upon the said city for six years, for its public property, one-half of the fines and pecuniary penalties paid into my treasury, and the incomes from the said storehouses; with the obligation that, each three years, the account of money thus obtained be sent, as well as a statement of what is expended. You shall take care to procure the advancement of the said city in this, to watch in what manner this grant is used, and to order that the said account and statement be sent at the proper time.

9. I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that neither in the said city nor in any other part of the other islands shall be paid the three per cent duty[2] imposed by Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, as the country is very new and needy, and the inhabitants have to assist in many other things. Although I would be very glad to relieve them, still expenses are so heavy, that I must aid myself by whatever is available. Therefore it will be advisable to collect the said three per cent. You shall give orders to this effect; and that the amount that is collected from these duties on merchandise be placed in my treasury on a separate account, and it shall be used for paying the soldiers stationed there; and that of the rest that is collected this duty be discontinued for the present.[3]

10. I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that none of those who resort from foreign parts to the ports of the said islands—as Page 139Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Cianese, Burneyes, or any others—pay duty, especially on food, ammunition, and materials for ammunition. Because of this, much annoyance is caused—as, for instance to the Chinese—and the steady course of trade is hindered, and other troubles follow. After receiving detailed information from the said Father Alonso Sanchez, I have considered and still consider it advisable that, for the present, the collection of the said duties on provisions and ammunition be repealed; and therefore you shall not allow them to be levied until I order and provide otherwise.

11. I was also petitioned by the said islands to order that, inasmuch as none of the merchandise from Sevilla to Mexico pays any duties on the first sale, it be not paid on the merchandise sent from those islands to the port of Acapulco, or other places. So little is collected in said port of Acapulco, namely, twelve pesos per tonelada of freight on the goods of the inhabitants—the duty imposed by Don Gonçalo Ronquillo—and because likewise the proceeds of this duty are needed to pay the said soldiers, you shall order that it be collected for the present for the above purpose.

12. One of the things most conducive to the good government of the state and the happiness of the members and parts composing it, is the equitable administration of distributive justice. Accordingly, I command that the offices at your disposal and the advantageous posts of the country be given to men who merit them by their services and capacity, in such manner that the offices be filled by old citizens, who have lived in the country at least three years, and are citizens of it; and the encomiendas to soldiers who Page 140shall have lived there in actual military duty and service. Among them you should always give the preference to those who are most deserving; including, with the other circumstances of greater and better services in the country, their length of residence there. They must not be sons, brothers, relatives, servants, or friends of yours; for—besides that you are advised that you are not to grant encomiendas of Indians or provide offices to such men; and, with this end in view, a sufficient salary is given you to enable you to help them—it is not right for men who are but new arrivals, and have done no work, to enjoy the fruit of another's toil. If rewards are bestowed justly, all will serve willingly in the hope of attaining reward. Therefore it is my will that you observe this order; and, that it may be thus inviolable, I declare that, now and henceforth, your said sons, brothers, servants, and friends shall be incapable of holding the said encomiendas or offices. And because certain persons, who already hold encomiendas in the said islands, and with these easily [can satisfy] whatever needs they may have, are begging for further reward, you are advised not to grant them any more until many others—who, as I have been informed have been there for so long a time and are deserving, and have toiled in the conquest and maintenance of the country, to a much greater extent than those who are petitioning anew; but who have not been rewarded, and therefore are poor, irritated, and querulous—shall be provided and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and means of gain. You shall take especial care to reward those whose names follow: