The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

Volume VIII, 1591–1593

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

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Contents of Volume VIII

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Illustrations

  • Autograph signatures of Augustinian officials; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 215
  • Autograph signatures of Dominican officials; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 223
  • Autograph signature of Antonio Sedeño, S. J.; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 227
  • Autograph signature of Pedro Baptista, O.S.F.; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 231

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Preface

In this volume are recorded the more important events in the history of the Philippine colony during the years 1591–92. The dissensions between the secular and the ecclesiastical authorities continue, though the governor asks, in various important public affairs, the advice of the religious orders, and in view of a threatened invasion by the Japanese, appeals to the ecclesiastics to cease their opposition to his measures, and aid his efforts to save the colony. Dasmariñas does all in his power for its defense and increase; but the unfriendly attitude of the ecclesiastics, the restrictions laid on commerce, the poverty of the public treasury, and the greed of officials and other influential residents, all greatly hinder and embarrass his efforts. A papal decree orders the Indian slaves in the islands to be freed. Explorations are made in northern Luzón, opening up a rich and important region; and the conquest of Mindanao is undertaken. The Chinese trade continues to call for special measures: the Spanish residents of the islands ask for permission from the home government to trade with the Portuguese colony of Macao; and, in order to encourage the Indians to keep up their native industries, they are forbidden to wear Chinese stuffs. A revolt of the Zambales and Negritos of Page 5western Luzón is quelled, and the surviving insurgents are dispersed or enslaved. The emperor of Japan demands from the Spaniards of the islands tribute and homage, which excites in their minds apprehensions of coming war.

The document of 1591 relating to the collection of tributes in the islands, begun in Vol. VII, is here concluded. The bishop asks the governor to let him know his decision regarding such collection; the latter replies (February 8) that he cannot make any change in present conditions without further orders from the king; and issues (February 28) a decree regulating the collection of tributes. A dispute between the bishop and the governor ensues, followed by letters (dated March 4–21) interchanged by them, which are an interesting revelation of the relations between the religious and secular authorities, and of the conflicting interests involved therein. The governor repels (March 8) the accusation that he has been the mouthpiece of others; defends the Jesuits from any suspicion of unfriendliness toward the bishop; and complains that he is still attacked in the pulpit. In another letter (dated March 19) Dasmariñas makes suggestions to the bishop regarding the best means of meeting the religious needs of the Indians with the small number of priests who can be thus employed. He denies that he has any partiality for the Augustinians over the other orders and makes various explanations regarding his attitude toward the orders. He then urges the bishop to follow his suggestions, and thus to fulfil his obvious and pressing duties—advising Salazar not to meddle with the encomenderos, and other matters which do not concern his office. Dasmariñas also complains Page 6that the bishop does not provide laymen to instruct the natives; that he allows the Indians to come to Manila too often with their complaints, and that there are irregularities in the appointment of clergymen to benefices. Salazar replies (March 21) to this epistle, manifesting little confidence in the promises made by the secular authorities, and calling for their fulfilment. The bishop complains of the wrongs that are being perpetrated, and of the curtailment of his own authority. He claims that he has the right to decide whether a religious order may take possession of a new field. He discusses the governor's suggestions regarding the provision of clergymen for various districts, and explains what he is willing to do. He objects to placing one friar alone in a village, and desires to leave the assignment of the friars' charge to their superiors—citing for this the arrangements already adopted in Mexico regarding this matter; he also objects to any interference with his priests by the governor, rebukes the latter for assuming to instruct his bishop in the episcopal duties, and asserts his own rights and privileges. Salazar declares that he cannot find suitable laymen to instruct the Indians, and that they come to him for help and counsel because the governor treats them so ungraciously. He no longer fills the office of “protector of the Indians,” for it has brought him only sorrow, and he cannot do for them what he desires.

A decree of Gregory XIV (dated April 18, 1591) requires restitution to the Indians for the losses caused to them in the conquest of the Philippines, according to the ability of the individual conquerors; and sets free all Indian slaves in the islands. Page 7On May 12 of that year are signed articles of contract for the conquest of Mindanao, a task which is undertaken by Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa (the same officer formerly sent thither by Sande). He is to establish at least one settlement there; and encomiendas are to be allotted, the most important being reserved for the crown, and one-third of the remainder for the conqueror. Certain documents dated between April 9 and May 20, 1591, relate to a municipal ordinance (March 30) forbidding the Indians to wear silks or other stuffs from China. Dasmariñas institutes an inquiry (April 9) into the results of this on the natives, and the possibility that the decree should be suspended in some cases. Ten witnesses, converted Indian chiefs, testify that the importation of Chinese goods has ruined the native industries, and demoralized the people; and that the ordinance should be enforced.

A document unsigned, but prepared by order of the governor (dated May 31, 1591), gives “a detailed account of the encomiendas in the Philippinas Islands,” royal and private, pacified and hostile, with and without instruction; the names of the encomenderos, and the number of the tributarios, religious ministers, and magistrates in each. At the beginning is given a description of the city of Manila, with the churches, public buildings, governmental and municipal offices, Parián, etc. There are some three thousand Chinese in the islands, two-thirds of whom live in the Parián, where they have two hundred shops. There are so many friars in Manila that some of them might well be sent to districts where ministers are lacking. At the end of the document is a brief summary of the above statistics. The Page 8writer concludes that the number of religious teachers ought to be at least doubled, and “even more, for when they arrive here, one-fourth of these will have died”—pathetic commentary on the hardships of a voyage across the Pacific.

At the end of his first year as governor, Dasmariñas writes (June 20, 1591) a report for that period. Delay in receiving the royal despatches before leaving Spain has prevented him from obtaining the money which he was to expend in building the Manila cathedral, and the amount raised for this purpose at Manila had been much lessened by poor management; but he has stopped the waste (mainly in large salaries), and is pushing the work as fast as he can. He has aided the hospitals, but they need much more help, for they are crowded with patients on account of the unhealthful climate. He complains that the bishop hinders his attempts to obtain a statement of accounts from the Franciscan friars in charge of the hospital for Indians; the king thereupon orders that this matter be officially investigated, and that the governor take possession of both hospitals in the name of his Majesty. Dasmariñas recommends that more ministers of religion be furnished for the Indians, and sends an exact statement of the encomiendas and their religious needs (the document preceding this). He places before the king the problem of collecting the tributes, which he has recently been discussing with the clergy and friars; summarizes the position of the latter thereon, and his own arguments with the bishop; and complains that the latter is arrogant and self-willed. Another letter of the same date reports his measures for fortifying the city; he imposes a tax of two per cent Page 9on all shipments of goods from the islands. The bishop opposes this measure, as do the members of the late Audiencia, apparently because it touches their personal interests too closely.

In the summer of the same year, the citizens of Manila ask that they may be allowed to trade with the inhabitants of Macao, the Portuguese settlement in China. Dasmariñas orders an inquiry to be made into this matter, and has various witnesses examined. This is done according to a detailed interrogatory—the witnesses testifying that the Portuguese of Macao trade with the Philippine Islands, with much profit and advantage; that the trade of Macao is rapidly increasing in extent and range, and yet does not notably decrease the abundance of goods to be had at that port; that, if the Spaniards trade there, it will be much easier to introduce the gospel into China; that hitherto no trading ships have gone from the Philippines to India; that trade with Macao will enrich the islands; that the Portuguese at Macao have plundered a ship sent thither by Dasmariñas; and that the Chinese desire the trade of the Spaniards. To this are appended various declarations and decrees which bear upon the question discussed; and, finally, the recommendation of Dasmariñas that the king permit trade between the islands and Macao.

Hostilities arising with the Zambales of Luzón, the governor calls upon the religious orders for their opinion regarding the justice of waging war against these Indians. The Augustinians make a long and elaborate response; they state three conditions as necessary to make a war righteous—that he who begins it must have authority, just cause, and righteous intention. These are explained in detail, as general Page 10precepts, and then applied to the question now before them—all fortified by citations from doctors of law and theology, and from the Bible. Their conclusion is that war may be justly waged against the Zambales. They also lay down the rules which should, ex jure gentium, be followed in the conduct of such war; and end by recommending that the Zambales, when conquered, should be transplanted to some other district, and remodeled into an agricultural people. This document is presented in full, as a curious and interesting example of the reasoning employed by churchmen of that time in settling questions of public concern, and of the opinions then current regarding the laws of war. The Dominicans mention the evil practice of head-hunting among the hostile tribes, and declare that the latter have no right to attack, as they have done, the peaceable tribes; on the contrary these latter have just cause for war on the Zambales and Negrillos. To them the question is, whether it is, in the circumstances, expedient and necessary for the Spaniards to attack these ferocious peoples. The fathers consider this war as justifiable; the enemy should be destroyed, and all who are taken captive should be enslaved for a specified time. The Jesuits consider that the first step is to ascertain who are guilty of inciting the outrages which the Zambales have committed against both the Spaniards and their Indian allies—whether all of that people, or only a few; whether their chiefs, or certain lawless individuals. When this shall be known, then the guilty, and they only should be punished. If the tribe as a whole, or their chiefs, are responsible, war against them is justifiable; but it should be waged with all possible mercy Page 11and moderation. These fathers also recommend a limited period of enslavement for captives; and that the women and children of the conquered people shall be removed from their country and dispersed elsewhere in small bands—a proceeding from which “they will receive much benefit, both spiritual and corporal.” But they protest against mutilation, except for those who shall commit individual crimes. The Franciscan guardian renders a short opinion, to the effect that malefactors should be punished, and highways made safe for the Indian allies. If war be necessary to accomplish this, then war is justifiable; but therein the innocent should be spared.

A letter of congratulation to the bishop, clergy, and people of the Philippines is sent (March 25, 1592) by Clement VIII. On May 31, Governor Dasmariñas writes to the king. He states that he has received no letter from his Majesty since he arrived in the islands, and fears that his own to Spain may be lost. The islands are generally in a prosperous condition; trade is flourishing, the religious orders are at peace, “and, aside from the bishop, everything is quite as it should be.” The cathedral church is complete; the seminary for girls is established, and some of its inmates have been married, and a new house is being erected for its use. The new fort is well under way, and some artillery has been mounted in it. New galleys have been built, which are manned by Zambale slaves captured in war. All trading is now done by the royal ships, which is much less expensive and more satisfactory. Dasmariñas recommends that private shippers be charged a moderate rate on tonnage. The Zambales have been reduced to subjection, their country devastated, and Page 12the survivors dispersed in various new settlements. New explorations have been made in the interior of Luzón; one, which seemed important, had to be abandoned on account of sickness among the troops; half the Spanish soldiers have died. The country is in danger of attack by the Japanese, and needs prompt and effective succor; he asks that the troops be sent from Castilla, “and not Creoles or exiles from Mexico.” The governor is trying to secure quicksilver, on which the Chinese have given him prices. With this letter he sends a set of rules for the hospital.

A brief account of the expedition to Tuy is furnished (June 1, 1592) by Luis Perez, son of Dasmariñas. He has easily pacified the natives, who are a superior race; and expects to establish a Spanish settlement there, another year. The governor writes (June 6) to the king to make certain explanations about his relations with Pedro de Rojas, his legal counselor. The letter is conceited and self-willed, prejudiced and overbearing. Dasmariñas complains that Rojas and other late auditors have been greedy of gain in the foreign trade, and have opposed the governor's efforts to raise funds for necessary expenses. The latter has ascertained what their business dealings are, of which he has sent reports to Spain. He recommends that Rojas be transferred to some other country, preferably not Mexico. (An endorsement on the MS. states that Rojas has been given an appointment in Mexico.) At the end is the “register of merchandise carried in the ship 'Sant Felippe';” all the consignors are ecclesiastics, or officials of the Audiencia. In another letter (June 11) Dasmariñas informs the king of a recent embassy sent Page 13to him by a king in Japan, and sends to him translated copies of the letters which they bring, which demand from the Spaniards subjection and tribute, to be rendered to him. In this emergency, they are endeavoring to prepare for possible hostilities and Dasmariñas asks that the Mexican government be commanded to furnish troops and supplies to the Philippines. The letter of the Japanese ruler (written in 1591) demands, with much arrogance, that the Spaniards render him allegiance and tribute. Dasmariñas replies cautiously, alleging that he does not understand the Japanese language, and fears that the envoy is making false representations; he accordingly sends an envoy (Father Juan Cobo) to carry this letter, with a present, to the king of Japan.

Another Letter to Felipe (June 20, 1592) recounts the difficulties which Dasmariñas had to encounter upon arriving in the Philippines. He is disgusted with the exorbitant claims made by the soldiers for rewards due them for their services. He finds no ships or supplies, and no place where the latter could be kept. He is building storehouses, and collecting what supplies he can find. He has built such fortifications as his means permitted; for this he has levied various duties and contributions. He has incurred the enmity of the bishop and friars. The royal exchequer is empty, but heavily loaded with debts—a legacy from the Audiencia. The governor objects to the Chinese trade, and thinks that the natives of the islands should be induced to raise and weave their own cotton. He has issued a decree forbidding the Chinese traders to remain in the islands; this is violently opposed by the clergy and friars. Dasmariñas warns the king that this measure will decrease the Page 14royal income. The bishop intends to go to Spain, and is trying to make trouble for the governor. Another letter of the same date is devoted to an account of his difficulties with the ecclesiastics. He complains of their arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, and of the bishop's headstrong and obstinate disposition, and his interference with the conduct of secular affairs. Both he and the friars have so used their power over the Indians that the latter “recognize no other king or superior than the father of the doctrina, and are more attentive to his commands than to those of the governor.” Dasmariñas accuses them of practically enslaving the natives for their own service and benefit; and the bishop of taking for his personal use the money entrusted to him for restitutions to the Indians. The clergy “are all better merchants than students of Latin.” The governor thinks that it will be best to send the bishop to Spain. In another letter (July 9), he complains of the evils arising from the unregulated marriages of the widows and minor heirs who have inherited encomiendas, and suggests that he be empowered to control such marriages.

Two papers unsigned and undated, but evidently emanating from the governor, contain suggestions for precautions to be taken by the Spaniards in view of the threatened hostilities by the Japanese. These suggestions are submitted to a council of war and to the religious houses, respectively. Among the former are the expulsion of Japanese and Chinese traders from Manila; the accumulation of provisions; agreement that no one will, if captured, accept ransom; and establishment of a refuge in the hills near Manila for the women, children, and sick. The religious are asked to give their opinion on certain Page 15points: whether it would not be well to take from the Indians their gold, as a pledge for their good behavior in the event of hostilities; to induce the Christianized natives to remove inland to more secure locations, there to produce rice and other supplies; to seize the property of the Chinese and place it in the warehouses of the city, and break up the Parián; and to oblige the encomenderos to store in the city the provisions which they collect as tributes. Another communication from the governor is addressed to the ecclesiastics. He reminds them of their persistent opposition to his measures, but urges them, in view of the common danger that threatens the colony, to unite with him in efforts to repel it and to save the country.

A letter from Felipe to Dasmariñas (January 17, 1593) commends the governor's faithfulness and care in his office, and replies to various suggestions made in his dispatches. Dasmariñas is to take possession of the hospitals for the king, restrain the assumption of authority by the bishop, and not allow him to meddle with the payment of salaries to the priests. The religious orders are not to interfere with civil affairs. Dasmariñas shall appoint, in place of the bishop, a protector of the Indians. All the tributes are to be increased by two reals; and the royal fifth shall be exacted as soon as practicable. The soldiers are not to be allowed to trade, beyond the amount of a few hundred pesos; the governor may, at his discretion, permit some to return to Nueva España. The removal of the Chinese traders from Manila is left to the governor's judgment. Workmen in the islands are to be paid there, from the royal treasury. The duties levied by Dasmariñas are approved and continued. Page 16With this letter go two decrees; one (dated on the same day) ordains that suits involving one thousand ducados or less may be concluded in the court of the islands, and those for larger sums may be appealed to the Audiencia of Mexico. The other (dated February 11) restricts the trade with China to the inhabitants of the Philippines, and forbids those of the American colonies (except those of Nueva España) to trade, not only with China, but even with the Philippines.

The Editors October, 1903.

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Documents of 1591

Sources: All but two of these documents are obtained from original MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The papal decree is found in Hernaez's Colección de bulas, i, p. 108; the account of encomiendas is taken from Retana's Archivo del bibliófilo filipino, iv, pp. 41–111.

Translations: Such part of the first document as appears in this volume is translated by Norman F. Hall; the second is by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the third and fifth, by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Herman G. A. Brauer, of the University of Wisconsin; the sixth, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio; the seventh, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the eighth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University. Page 18

The Collection of Tributes in the Filipinas Islands (concluded)

Letter from the Bishop to the Governor

Jesus

Inasmuch as your Lordship wrote to me at San Francisco del Monte that the encomenderos were urgently seeking from you permission to make collections from their encomiendas, I despatched to you from that place an answer to the letter which your Lordship wrote to me after having received my statement and that of the other theologians of the bishopric who think carefully about this matter. I had therein represented to your Lordship some of the difficulties which might result from carrying into execution some of the plans proposed in the aforesaid statement. In the reply, I solved these difficulties; and have since been waiting to learn what your Lordship has communicated to the encomenderos regarding collections in the encomiendas which are without religious instruction. Since I must inform all confessors who are outside the city how they are to deal in the confessional with the aforesaid encomenderos, I pray your Lordship to favor me by advising me of your transactions with these encomenderos, so that we may all be of one mind, express ourselves in harmony, Page 19and avoid dissensions among ourselves, which are wont to be the cause of many evils. It is necessary that your Lordship should inform me promptly; for messages must be sent to some districts remote from here, and, if I do not write at once, I shall be unable to send word to the confessors in time. May God guard your Lordship. From this house, on Ash Wednesday of the year 91.

The Bishop

Reply by the Governor

Yesterday I received a letter from your Lordship in which you request me to inform you what resolutions and plans I have adopted in the matter of collecting the tributes. I reply that besides the former statements and conclusions which your Lordship has written on this subject in such learned fashion, I have read also the last decision and statement thereon which your Lordship sent me in reply to my letter to you on this subject. I answer that all this comes as from your most reverend hand, and is most holy and excellent. But on account of those very obstacles which I represented to you, which every day are constraining me more and more, I dare not undertake any innovation, or put into execution a doctrine which will expose all our affairs to such risk.

The point on which your Lordship and I most differ is concerning the pacified encomiendas which possess justice and religious instruction; and in those also pacified which enjoy justice, but are without religious instruction. The king grants to neither your Lordship nor myself authority to deal with these encomiendas, nor in his instructions does his Majesty mention or raise any doubt in regard to them; he discusses Page 20only those which are disaffected, or were never pacified. Consequently, the other encomiendas must remain in their present condition, without making any changes, until such time as his Majesty shall make other provisions. I therefore state that my opinion and final decision is that which your Lordship may see in this document. I trust that your Lordship will strive to conform thereto; if you cannot, please give an account of your opinion of it to his Majesty, so that he may declare what action we are to take. In the meantime, I shall order the encomenderos and the collectors to act in accordance with my decision; and I have no more to say on this matter, and shall make no changes. As far as I am concerned, this discussion is closed for the present, and settled until I shall receive further orders from my king; for this decision is what I consider best for his royal service. From the office, February 8, 1591.

[Salazar writes a short letter (dated Feb. 14) to Dasmariñas, urging him to adopt the measures proposed by the clergy; but, as it contains no new information, we do not present it here.]

Order Issued by the Governor for Collection of the Tributes

I, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these Islas Philipinas for the king our lord: Inasmuch as I am notified, by the decrees and instructions of his Majesty, wherein he commands and charges me to exert myself to check the excesses and lawless acts which are prevalent in the collection of the tributes in the encomiendas belonging to his Majesty, as well as those of the other encomenderos, Page 21I have looked into this matter; and, with all the care and attention I could give, I have consulted and conferred as to the best order and method that should be employed in the aforesaid collections, in order that God and the king, our lord, may be served. Therefore, in order that the Indians may not be annoyed or aforesaid excesses—it is fitting that the procedure is not due them, to put an end to the evils and wrongs which have existed in this business, and to check the aforesaid excesses—it is fitting that the procedure which is to be henceforth followed be understood and established. Accordingly, by this present I do order and command that in the collection of tributes, not only in the encomiendas of the king but in all others, the following rules and conditions shall be observed:

First: In the encomiendas of his Majesty as well as in those of private persons, where they have Christian instruction and the administration of secular justice for the maintenance of law and order, the entire tribute levied may be collected from the natives; and the encomendero is bound, with that part of the tribute which falls to him, to aid in the support of the minister or ministers of religion who belong to his encomienda. The said tribute shall be collected in its entirety in the aforesaid encomiendas where justice and religious instruction exist, and equally from all the Indians therein, whether believers or unbelievers. I also order all encomenderos who are or shall be appointed in the encomiendas, to provide with the utmost punctuality and promptness, each in his own encomienda, that part of the tribute which is due from them for the maintenance of religious teaching, churches, and all other purposes of religion, under penalty of being deprived of their encomiendas; and Page 22the collectors, under the penalties hereinafter written, which will be most vigorously executed.

Item: In those encomiendas where justice is administered, but where, through lack of ministers, there is no religious instruction, the tribute shall be collected, reserving that part which would be due to the minister, if they had one—namely, a fourth part of the tax, a little more or less, which part shall be left and freely surrendered to the Indians.

Item: In those encomiendas which, on account of their remoteness, have neither justice nor religious instruction, no tribute shall be collected until such time as God shall order the affairs of these islands; and his Majesty, informed of their condition, shall make other provisions, in order that he may be better served.

Item: The same is decreed for those encomiendas which are disaffected or have never been pacified. No collection shall be made in this case except from those encomiendas which, having once been pacified, and having rendered obedience to his Majesty, shall without any just cause rise in rebellion. From those encomiendas may be taken such part of the tribute as can conveniently be collected, for their preservation and by way of recognition; and whatever small portion his Majesty may order, and what the lord bishop cites, may be collected.

And since, according to the above, no tribute is to be levied where there is no justice, occasion is offered for many parts of these islands—which, on account of their great distance, are beyond its reach—to become turbulent and rebellious as soon as they realize that they are released from tribute which is now collected from them. Most pernicious consequences [would Page 23follow (?) —illegible in MS.] and many other districts would be disloyal and rebellious; and it would be necessary, when they should have sufficient religious instruction, to go back and win them and [illegible in MS.] anew. Assiduous efforts shall be made to provide, as quickly as possible, justice in the aforesaid encomiendas. Where it is now lacking, I charge the encomenderos to inform me of such districts and territories, with their topography and location; also of the number of those who pay tributes, so that I may appoint accordingly, in each encomienda, an alcalde-mayor, or a deputy, or others, if necessary, who may be suitable persons for such offices. They will have salaries sufficiently large to enable them to administer justice to the natives, protecting and defending them against anyone who would injure them, and maintaining such intercourse and friendship with them as will incline them to receive religious instruction when they shall have it. Thus in all the encomiendas which have this justice and preparation, as soon as it is known what benefits are conferred upon the natives by those ministers of justice, in influencing and governing them, as above stated, authority will be given to the encomenderos to collect the three-fourths of the tribute, as I have said. But in the meantime, none of it shall be imposed or levied; and as soon as justice is established, efforts shall also be made, until religious ministers shall come, to employ a layman or laymen of virtuous life and example, in order to instruct the natives, to the best of their ability, in the things of our holy faith; and such persons shall receive some benefice, in accordance with the royal right of presentation.

The encomenderos shall fulfil and observe all the Page 24aforesaid orders, under penalty of being deprived of their encomiendas. In encomiendas belonging to his Majesty, and in those of other and private persons when the encomenderos shall—by order, or through any other lawful impediment—be prevented from making the collections personally, in case these collectors should exceed just bounds they shall be fined five hundred pesos for his Majesty's treasury, and half the expenses of any war thus caused. In addition, they shall make good any losses caused by them to the said Indians, and shall pay all costs. The aforesaid persons are likewise ordered to make the collections with all possible gentleness and equity, observing the other instructions of his Majesty concerning the manner of collecting tributes. The Indians shall pay in kind, or in such articles as they prefer to give. I also order that an authorized copy of this my decree be furnished to each and every one of the encomenderos or collectors who shall engage in the aforesaid collections. This decree I order and command to be observed, fulfilled, and executed, under the penalties above stated, for the present and until such time as his Majesty, when well informed of the present state of affairs in this land, which has been mentioned above, shall make suitable provisions in these and all other matters, according to his pleasure. Upon the first occasion that offers itself there shall be sent on my part and that of the encomenderos of this commonwealth, to his Majesty, a detailed and careful account of what is here decreed and ordered, as well as what the lord bishop suggests and advises; so that his Majesty, having examined both sides of this question, may make such provisions and so direct our course that God and his Majesty may be best served, and all may have the Page 25same object. Done in Manila, on the twenty-eighth of February in the year 1591.

Letter from the Bishop to the Governor

[Evidently as the result of a dispute between these two dignitaries, Salazar writes (March 4) a letter to Dasmariñas, deprecating any hostility between them, defending his own position, ascribing the differences between them to intermeddlers, and prophesying evil to the country if Dasmariñas maintains his present purposes in regard to the tributes. He criticizes the governor's decree in various points—the permission to collect three-fourths of the amount levied; the appointment of more officials (in most of whom the bishop has no confidence); and the importance attached therein to the administration of justice in the encomiendas, as compared with the provision of religious instruction.]

Since your Lordship cares so little for these arguments, know that the reason which induced his Majesty to command that in Nueva España there should be no fiscals was, that they wrought injury to the Indians; ... and yet he had not so much certainty of the evil deeds committed by the fiscals as he has of those done by the alcaldes-mayor and the deputies. ... Among other decrees which, I am told, Doctor Vera brought when he came here as president of this Audiencia, is one commanding him to be very cautious in creating alcaldes-mayor, on account of the injury thus occasioned to the country. ... You say that you do not dare to make changes, lest the encomenderos abandon their encomiendas, or become disaffected; and yet you know that all the inhabitants of these islands, whether or not they possess encomiendas, Page 26have been and now are faithful and loyal vassals to their king; and that nothing which could occur, even to the injury of their property or lives, would prevent them from rendering obedience to his Majesty's commands. This is one of the things in which the inhabitants of these islands can take most pride, and his Majesty should most highly value them, on account of the fidelity with which they have served him, at the cost of their lives and possessions. [The king confers the encomiendas upon certain persons, who thus assume obligations to the Indians; that they may fulfil these, he orders them to collect the tributes. Accordingly, the alcaldes-mayor do not appear in the king's provisions regarding this matter, and Salazar questions the governor's right to appoint them.] Neither the king of Castilla nor his ministers can exercise, in regard to the Indians, more authority than what the church confers upon them; and the church has not over the infidels as much authority as some who think otherwise have given your Lordship to understand. ... The church did not grant'lordship over the Indians to the kings of Castilla with the principal object of establishing justice among them, but did so in order that they should furnish to the natives religious instruction—which always, and in every instance, can and ought to be given them. [No tribute should be imposed upon the Indians unless religious instruction is given to them; and to allow them the fourth part of the tax is not to benefit their souls. The bishop insists that the governor is responsible for taking such measures as shall remedy the present abuses, and urges him to accept the plan proposed by the clergy.] If your Lordship, after reading what I here state, shall decide to pursue and carry Page 27into execution the opinion and resolution which you have communicated to me, I cannot, without violating the obligations of my office, decline to release the consciences of those whom I have in charge. From this your Lordship's house, on the fourth of March of the year 1591.

Fray Domingo, Bishop of the Filipinas.

Letter from the Governor to the Bishop

[Two days later (March 6) Dasmariñas answers, at considerable length, the letter written by the bishop. He adopts a conciliatory tone, disclaiming any intention to be arbitrary, unfair, or unfriendly. He explains his position in regard to the collection of tributes, saying that the plan laid down in his recent decree is but temporary, awaiting only the provision by the king of a sufficient number of religious teachers. He reminds Salazar that encomiendas and tributes were established in the land as soon as the Spaniards had obtained a foothold there, when only some half-score priests were to be had. Religious instruction is the chief but not the only reason for collecting tributes; and, until it shall be adequately provided, it is but reasonable to collect for the benefit of justice bestowed upon the Indians. The tax also is very moderate; “since an Indian pays here one peso, while in Nueva España he pays three or four pesos, by way of tribute.”] The advantages resulting to the Indians are not so small as your Lordship thinks. If we had no other example of this, the one which is afforded by the province of Pintados would be sufficiently convincing—seeing that, before the Spaniards came to these islands, and even after they came, the inhabitants voyaged from one island to another Page 28with many boats, assaulting, plundering, and murdering one another, not only in their fleets by sea, but in armed bands on the land. It was only after they had intercourse and communication with the Spaniards—although they had no religious instruction, and in most regions no justice—that factions, and raids, and assaults have ceased among them. This is no insignificant gain, to say nothing of many others, which, as I have said, result from the establishment of justice, in their better government, order, and preparation for receiving religious instruction, which is our principal object. Dasmariñas admits that religion is more important than justice; but the latter is so much more expensive that it justifies the appropriation of a larger share of the revenues; moreover, the encomendero should be allowed enough for his support, and for that of his family and the soldiers whom he must support (usually eight or ten in number). A parallel case is seen in the relative positions of himself and the bishop; the latter's office is certainly a higher dignity, and of greater importance, yet he receives but two thousand (pesos?), while the governor has twelve thousand; but the latter is thus remunerated because he incurs much greater expense. The governor claims that his instructions command him to consult the bishop only in reference to affairs in the districts which are mutinous, or have never been pacified; and cites the instructions further to show that he is justified in collecting tributes where religious instruction is not given, and that the bishop's privileges in the conduct of affairs are only advisory, not authoritative. Moreover, the opinions which the religious orders have furnished to him show that they disagree with the Page 29bishop in many important particulars—not to mention that the bishop and the religious superiors signed their approval of his plan in this matter, soon after his arrival. Dasmariñas has already compelled the encomenderos to refrain from collecting the fourth part of the tax when they do not provide the Indians with religious instruction—a reform which had never been secured until he made it. He advises the bishop to institute another reform by insisting that the encomenderos shall not collect any tributes until they shall have provided for the Indians both religion and justice.

I do not understand how it can seem to your Lordship that to provide the land with justice is to bring about its destruction. Your Lordship has, indeed, told me that, when the alcalde-mayor is what he should be, he better edifies and preaches than any minister of religion whatever. Thus far, I have not found any of these officials who are bad, except those of whom your Lordship has made some complaints to me, and whose evil-doing is proved by naught else than the opinion of your Lordship.

It seems to your Lordship that I wish to appoint too large a number of these alcaldes-mayor; but one day your Lordship asked me to appoint some of them. Since I have come to this land, I have established a new administration of justice in the island of Masbate; and good results which have followed, can be stated by the father custodian, who arrived yesterday from that island, and is well acquainted with the excellent result there. Hitherto, tribute has been collected there in the absence of every form of religious teaching, or administration of justice; but now, only from their intercourse and relations with the Page 30Spaniards and from having justice established at once among them, they have already made such progress that they demand a minister, and even the blacks have come down from the interior to settle near us.

[The governor reminds the bishop that the progress of religion among the heathen must depend upon the foundation established for that good work by secular government; and that if this be not maintained the land will relapse into barbarism, and the Spaniards will be compelled to abandon what they have begun to build in the islands.] Your Lordship should make some estimate of the damage which would result therefrom to the king our lord and his royal treasury; for according to that his Majesty would have to find one hundred and fifty thousand pesos and more with which to make restitution, to say nothing of thirty thousand of income which he would lose; for all the encomiendas are his. These islands would be left without one soldier, and your Lordship and the religious would alone remain; but within eight days there would be none of you left. Your Lordship may be sure of one thing: until I receive express orders from my king to do so, I can make no change whatever in regard to the encomiendas, by reducing or cutting off their income. It is twenty-six years since they were first instituted, and during twelve years your Lordship has known that they were in this condition; and yet you have until now maintained silence. [The governor again declares that he will not change his attitude; and that he has no right to interfere between the king and the encomenderos. It is his business to establish justice, and the encomenderos are bound to provide instruction; but they must have the means to do so.] Your Page 31Lordship does not provide religious to minister to the Indians, because you have none; but you have never been willing to give these good Christian laymen whom I have mentioned permission to go among them meanwhile to do this good work, although the encomenderos have many times asked for them, both since and before I came here. But your Lordship replies that you are not willing that any layman should teach them to make the sign of the cross; accordingly nothing is done for them. [The governor justifies some minor provisions of his decree, on a basis practically the same as has already been set forth; and, in his turn, cites various learned theologians. He requests the bishop to prevent the clergy from discussing this subject in their pulpits, as they have often done, which is not fitting to the uses of a house dedicated to God.]

Letter from Salazar to Dasmariñas

[The bishop replies (March 8) to the foregoing letter, which he accuses of being inspired by others than the governor—presumably by the Jesuits, since the name of Joseph de Acosta rouses Salazar to anger; he declares that “the doctrine contained in that book[1] is exceedingly pernicious, and erroneous in regard to the Indias,” and warns the governor that under their guidance he will infallibly plunge into many errors. The land will go to ruin, and the governor and his advisers will be responsible therefor. He defends himself against what he considers unjust Page 32aspersions on his character, and remonstrates against the governor's neglect of his counsels. He promises to put a stop to the preaching by his clergy on public matters. The salary due him is greatly in arrears, which has caused him much privation; but he does not wish to receive it if it shall proceed from unjust collection of the tributes.]

Letter from Dasmariñas to Salazar

I have received your Lordship's letter dated today. When your Lordship says that, with the great number of opinions I am trying to weaken yours, I can only reply that my intention certainly has not been such, but to tell your Lordship with all plainness and truth the state of the case—which is that I have learned whether this is the general sentiment of the theologians of this bishopric, as your Lordship said it was in your conclusions. Even if it were so, I could not do more than leave it in the same state in which it was, and report it to his Majesty. But, my lord, if I find some other expression of opinion in clinging to the majority, I do not think that I am mistaken in it; and to this end alone I wrote to your Lordship—certainly not that you should be troubled by what did not come into my thought. Still less would I have you think that I made use of anyone in writing the letter which I sent to your Lordship last night, for I certify, upon the life of my son Luis, that (although that letter seems to your Grace to be a large harvest from my little stock) there is not in it one word by another person, save what suggested itself to me from my own papers and discourses; for all that I wrote there I have told you already at various times, except those quotations from authors and Page 33from the Council of Lima. Those I asked to be given to me, from memory, by the person who mentioned them to me as authority for what he stated and thought; and I quoted them there that your Lordship might see that I had not made up my mind without foundation. All this I had need of in order to justify myself in your eyes, for it seems to you that I could not reply without the help of assistants; but thus far neither my king nor his advisers have noticed in me such a deficiency as that. On another occasion your Lordship told me, in Saint Agustin,[2] that I had read Father Acosta, although I have never in my life seen his book; and when your Lordship says that his doctrine is very pernicious, I have nothing to reply but that no book is written by any father of the Society which is not very carefully looked over and examined and approved by all the members. But before God, and in the name of the holy season [Lent] in which we are, I protest to your Lordship that all these fathers have not erred toward your Lordship in anything except that, at my request, they said what they felt. They are very devoted to you; and if there is in my letter anything worthy of blame, the fault is mine. I say this that your Lordship may not lay it upon anyone to whom it does not belong. Nor am I so fond of the far-fetched reasonings of others that in order to write a letter I need to use anything but the argument which the subject itself and its accompanying circumstances carry with them. And one occurs to me now, which is that matter of having laymen, for lack of religious ministers, look after and bring together the Indians and instruct them in our holy faith. This, I say, is in conformity with the Page 34royal right of appointment, where the king expressly orders it; and although your Lordship says that it is not to be believed that the king with so much risk should have put into my hands alone so important a business, I am satisfied with myself and I think that his Majesty is. For any business which is not of my profession I shall not direct by my own judgment; in this matter, accordingly, I consulted with those whose business it was, and I pray your Lordship to tell me if I did wrong in this. Your Grace says that I am new in the islands, and unlettered; and on the other hand you say that those with whom I have consulted are misleading me and are mistaken. I do not know then what recourse your Lordship leaves for me to find it out, if, as you say, I am a new arrival, and not a theologian, and you take away from me the recourse to the experienced and the theologians. Now since enough has been written and answered about this, I beg of your Lordship not to weary yourself with answering this letter, which is written only not to leave yours without reply. At least do not answer until the treatise is finished which you say you are composing, in which may it please the divine goodness to give your Lordship so much light that his Majesty, seeing it, may confirm it and approve it as a thing from your hand—with the result that all may be of one opinion in this island, and that all the service of God may be set in order and freed from difficulties, and that these divisions and encounters may cease; for I assure your Lordship that in many ways the state is very much scandalized, and that that matter is ill carried out which you said would be improved concerning the pulpits, for this affair was discussed with no little liberty in that Page 35place today. May our Lord keep your Lordship. From the office, March 8, 1591.

Letter from the Governor to the Bishop

As your Lordship was absent from this city, and many things presented themselves to me which were important to the service of God and of his Majesty, and needed remedy, it seemed to me that in order to provide for them it would be best for me to represent them to your Lordship in this letter; and I beg of you to see to them in order that they may be provided for and adjusted as may be most fitting and may best serve our Lord.

The preaching of the gospel is the matter in which we serve God most in these regions to which it came so late; and this is the first intention of his Holiness and of his Majesty, and it is the principal care which your Lordship and all of us who have come here must have. Yet, although this is so, there is nothing which needs more to be provided for and set right than this, on account of the lack which there is of ministers, whether clergy or religious, to do this work. For although his Majesty in his holy zeal has sent so many and continues to send them, there is need of a great many more, considering the many regions which we must reach. So we must not only make all possible efforts to have a sufficient number of ministers come, but must try to find means to distribute in so wide a field the force that we have here, endeavoring with all equality to arrange and stretch the line as much as possible, that there may not be an over-abundance in some parts and a distinct lack in others; but rather we should act as one who has Page 36much to cover and but little cloth, who plies the shears with no little prudence, being watchful in marking his outline to see how it can reach here and there. This may cause some inconvenience to the religious themselves, for it comes to this [illegible in MS.] since we have not the fulness and abundance that there is in España. I have already asked this from your Lordship at other times, as being one who was under such obligations to set about it, as well for the good of the souls as for the temporal good of the king and of his encomenderos, by selecting and distributing ministers in order that thus religious instruction may be communicated and spread. For this the following [illegible in MS.] plans occur to me, if they seem suitable to your Lordship.

The new settlement of La Hermita and Malate may be all one administration. Paranaque and Cavite at least can be another; and, by establishing a house for religious at Cavite, Paranaque and the tingues [“hills”] may be administered by visit, and also the lowlands of Tuley and Limbo. In this way there will remain three clergymen who can minister elsewhere, because [illegible in MS.] which is a great burden. The Augustinian fathers are able to give enough instruction to [meet (?) - illegible in MS.] their obligation; and they will accept it and take charge of it without any more alms being given them. I would save up what is given there, in order to bestow it somewhere else; for there are so many places where there is need of it. Moreover, two religious could be taken from Vatan, because there are four there, and two are sufficient, and there are not enough alms given for more. Furthermore, Father Leon is a very good speaker; and the dean, as he Page 37wishes to advance him, can employ him in the ministry.

The king's villages in Ylocos are for the most part without religious instruction; and the Augustinian fathers say that it should be given to some of them because, as they are new Christians, they do not confess yet. Thus, if the convents were near, a few might remain alone until there should be plenty of ministers; since now all that they can do is to baptize them and prepare them for subsequent confession. It would not be unsuitable that, for the present, while there is no greater supply of ministers, one friar should be alone in a house, since one clergyman is also alone, and is entrusted with the care of a greater number of souls. Moreover, Father Carvajal is a good interpreter and could be of use. I beg of your Lordship to insist that the clergymen who are ministers of religious instruction should not come and go so many times to Manila—not only on account of the offenses which they commit, of which there always are some (as your Lordship might ascertain if you wished to), but also that they may not impose such burdens on the Indians. This is as much as concerns the provision of ministers.

I propose the Augustinian fathers to your Lordship because they have a greater number of religious than the other orders have, and not because I have any partiality in regard to the orders, as your Lordship suspects. I do not know on what you found your suspicion unless it be on the advantages and benefits which have resulted to these fathers from my protection and favor, as your Lordship is accustomed to say, because you will not give any. I will tell you of several things in which, by my interfering Page 38and inclining to your side, they have lost what was due them; for in Cagayan I took away from them a resident's house which was worth one hundred and fifty pesos of rent to them; in Tondo, the lands to which the Indians laid claim; and the property in Laguio and Nuestra Señora de Guia, which was theirs. When they were saying mass in their house to the Indians, with considerable notoriety and scandal to them, and no little affliction to the fathers, they were ejected from the [illegible in MS.] at my instance; for I asked it, and chose to give them this punishment, in order to palliate their offense. Thereupon your Lordship [illegible in MS.] occasioned some disturbance to result. This is what I have done for this order, and the way in which I have favored them, which in truth I might have done in many things most deservedly, and very rightly and justly. But I protest before God that I neither have now nor have had any other consideration or regard in this or in anything else, except a desire that in some way or other so evident an obligation should be fulfilled, and that religious affairs should be settled as they ought, according to the adjustment and amendment which they themselves sought [illegible in MS.] In accomplishing this, let not your Lordship understand that the royal exchequer is to suffer, because [illegible in MS.] his royal intention is that there shall be no lack in this. Accordingly, we shall have recourse in other districts to the clergy whom I mentioned above as being at leisure, who will be occupied with their own support. The plans for this, as I say—taking away here, and replacing there, and distributing and selecting them in order that each one may receive a little—this is all matter for your Page 39Lordship and for the obligations of your office. It is much more your Lordship's duty that you should attend to this business than it is to prevent the king and his encomenderos from enjoying what in justice they ought to, because they do not give you ministers or because they have not them. Your Lordship can remedy and provide for this only in one of three ways—either as a protector of the Indians, or as bishop, or as one who has a special commission for it from his Majesty. As protector, what your Lordship can do is to bring suits in the courts (and, even then, not in all cases), and be satisfied with the decision; or else perform your own duties in the matter. As bishop, your Lordship is concerned with the collections of tribute, in that in confession you should deny absolution to anyone who confesses that he has not fulfilled well the charge of an estate. I do not know whether you, as bishop, can command the confessors that they all should refuse absolution in this or that case, provided the said confessors and your Lordship be of the same opinion and doctrine. As for special commission, I do not know if your Lordship have one, unless it be in the unruly and unpacified encomiendas. With this supposition there remains to your Lordship no other foundation on which to act. Neither does his Majesty commit it to you, nor do I find how your Lordship can be occupied in dealing with [illegible in MS.] more than to give your opinion on it; and here ends the prerogative which your Lordship can claim in this matter. You make strenuous efforts in what does not properly concern you, and fail to remedy what is most necessary and close to your office, which is what I mentioned above about religious instruction. I beg Page 40of your Lordship that, putting aside human considerations, you order that this be attended to, which the good of these souls demands with [illegible in MS.] necessity. Since in this way there are needs now, there will be at least many more. Meanwhile, until ministers are provided more liberally from Spain, let them all get along as best they can, and accommodate themselves, establishing houses wherever they wish to, and where no better opportunity is to be expected. God knows that this does not [illegible in MS.] your Lordship, because you interfere with my office. As far as this is concerned, if I could [illegible in MS.] with it and my commission, or even give it all to your Lordship, and perform my duty, [I would ask (?) —illegible in MS.] your Lordship to do it, if it were not for the obstacle which that would put in the way of the careful guidance and [illegible in MS.] who manage affairs.

Neither does your Lordship resolve to order that, on account of the great lack of religious ministers which exists, provision may be made in the encomiendas that laymen of good life and example may instruct the Indians, bringing them thus to a knowledge of the true God, as well as into friendship and intercourse with us. From this would result at least the favorable disposition which you wish them to have for the time when there may be religious instruction for them, as his Majesty orders in his charge regarding presentations. I have proposed this to your Lordship on several occasions, but you do not set about it or reply to it. Since your Lordship [knows(?) —illegible in MS.] what persons will be fitted for this ministry, I beg you to tell me of some who are suitable; for, as I am new here, am not as Page 41well able to [select them(?)—illegible in MS.] properly; and those whom I brought and know are occupied in other duties and neither [know(?)] the language nor are acquainted with the country.

The dependence which the Indians have upon your Lordship as one to shelter them and to defend them as bishop and father; and, beyond this, as protector, to try and relieve them and to negotiate with the person whom the king shall maintain here concerning all that shall be to their good, and to ward off all that would be grievous to them—all this is very just and proper in your Lordship, and very necessary to the Indians as poor, wretched beings. Although I have always told them to go to you or to the alcaldes-mayor, who would report their suits or troubles to your Lordship or to me, I did not, my Lord, intend to give them occasion that on pretext of this, or of protection, they should come with every childish trifle to Manila from their villages, perhaps very far away. And it is not two or four Indians who come, but often a whole village, with their women and children. But whether they come in small or in great numbers, they stay here, spending in petitions more than the thing which they are suing for is worth, while they are needed at home by their sowed fields, their plants, their young cattle, their wives, their children, their houses, and for their services to the community and the church and others. One might come on a business of importance, as I have ordered. Now your Lordship sees how annoying this is, and how you should wean them from repeating these comings and goings, in which they work their own harm and ruin themselves; and so, except in very important cases, their trouble and our time Page 42might be spared by preventing their coming and wasting time with their troublesome affairs.

The dignities, prebends, and canonries of your Lordship's cathedral you will fill the first time, according to the apostolic privilege which your Lordship holds, and then the king begins to present. I am very plain in this, for all I wish is to know what and how many have been filled by you and how many remain to be filled, in order that we may agree on this, as well as on provision for the beneficed curacies and the administration of religious instruction, which are assigned to the clergy. In these his Majesty always presents one of two whom you propose, according to his edicts. It will be well to know if the number is full or if there are some places to be filled, and if those which are filled are so with establishment in a parish and canonical installation by your Lordship, preceding presentation by his Majesty, or if they are, as I have heard of some, only in encomienda, accepted with your Lordship's consent; because in this way, by taking away one and placing another [illegible in MS.], and not in right of possession, the royal right of presentation is defrauded. I do not understand how it is that, when your Lordship had ordained Father Salinas under pretext of [giving him] the benefice of Catanduanes, it remained as it was, and he is serving in Valayan. I say all this only through desire that your Lordship may lose nothing of your rights, and that I may not give a bad account of what I am responsible for to his Majesty; and that affairs may be settled with the clearness and certainty which is desirable. I had other things to tell your Lordship, but they will wait for a better opportunity in order not to weary you; Page 43and if any doubt or difficulty arises between your Lordship and me concerning what has been said, there are learned men here who can easily solve it by examining it and discussing it, and by their decision and determination I will abide very willingly. Our Lord, etc. From this house of your Lordship, March 19, 1591.

Letter from Salazar to Dasmariñas

Jesus

Yesterday afternoon I received a letter from your Lordship, and intended to begin a reply immediately; but there are so many occupations crowding upon me that they do not leave me time to take breath; and although I came out here to finish the little treatise which I had promised your Lordship, I see that neither here nor there have I opportunity to do anything.

I was much pleased with the earnest zeal which your Lordship showed in your letter, but you must know that as I am old and have seen so many things, I do not care very much for what I hear, but wait for what may be done; because laying down general rules and instructions for what is to be done is a very easy thing, but very hard to put into practice. Who doubts that the preaching of the gospel is the most important thing for which we have come here? but yet I see that this is the least object of solicitude; and, if you do not think so, look at the progress of the natives. I know very well that there is plenty of care about temporal things; and, as long as these present themselves, religious instruction is to cease—or the Indians must support it, even if they never understand it So we all say that the Gospel is the principal Page 44thing, but our works show what it is that we care most about. Ordinances, decrees, and provisions which speak in favor of it, we have in plenty; the fulfilment of them will come when there is nothing temporal to be looked after, which will be very late. If your Lordship does not think so, ask what is going on in the island of Panay. Of what do they take most account, of the galleys and ships which are being built there, or of the religious instruction which was to be preached there? Because I have seen with what dislike your Lordship hears of what is going on there, I have ceased to inform you of it—which I did, hoping that if you understood the situation, you would find means to improve it. Letters and messengers from there have told me things which are enough to break one's heart; but now I am hardening it, because I see that it is of no use for me to grieve over them. This I say in reply to the statement in the preface to your Lordship's letter, in which you say: “If they would allow me to be bishop, I would maintain better order in my bishopric than there is, and the natives would be much better instructed and not so harassed.” But where there are so many to order and so few to obey, he who leads this dance can ill guide it to the place where it ought to go. For this reason many things are going so far astray, and they will go astray as long as he who has care of everything does not have the authority which he ought to have. For how can I arrange for the religious instruction, or take away here or place there, if after I have ordered it someone says that he chooses not to abide by it, but to do what he thinks best? Allowing, in general, that in moral matters there is a little improvement, Page 45let us come to the particular point which your Lordship treats of in your letter. But, before considering it, I wish to warn your Lordship that concern for these things, and the arrangement of them, and deciding who is to be here and who is to be there, is my business—not only because it belongs to my office, but because his Majesty particularly committed and entrusted it to me, recommending me to do it in communication with your Lordship; but the execution of it he leaves to me, as by right is proper. I say this because I have heard that by virtue of some decree or other they are persuading your Lordship that religious can establish themselves without my consent in villages where they have never been. In this they are misleading your Lordship, and they themselves are mistaken; for that decree on the other side—which notifies the viceroy of Nueva España, which has never been used in this land, and which no governor has ever dared to use—is previous to the Council of Trent, after which it has no force, because in it the contrary [i.e., to the Council's decision] is decreed. So I beg of your Lordship, as I am in quiet and peaceful possession, that no house whatsoever be taken in my bishopric for religious without first seeking and obtaining my permission. It was some days ago that I found this out; but because your Lordship told me that you did not believe what they said to you, I did not pay any attention to it until I learned, yesterday, that the provincial of San Augustin says that, by decrees which they have from the king, they can occupy houses without my permission. This I believe your Lordship will not do; and I can not understand how they can do it with any conscience With this understanding, let us come to what you say. Page 46

The new settlement of La Ermita and that of Malate can very well be under one religious administration, and it shall be that of the priest whom I have placed there. The same seems to me to be true of Cavite and Parañaque, of which the priest whom I have there shall have charge. In this way the fathers of San Augustin can take away three or four religious who are now in those two places, and put them in other localities where they have great need of these men to fulfil their responsibility. I say this on the one hand, on account of the great satisfaction which I have in these two ministers; and on the other hand, because they are already incumbents of those two districts, and as such are, in equity, under obligations. Accordingly, I will not and cannot give them to one who may tell me that he will not receive them except as a favor, and then remain there, even though I should be dissatisfied with him. Add to this that I have need of some clergymen near me for the many necessities which arise, which religious cannot supply, and in order to help in the cathedral at times; for there is much need of this, as your Lordship has probably seen sometimes, when you have been there. As for what they say, that the fathers of San Augustin will take charge of those districts without having more alms given them, I am very sorry on account of this offer of these fathers, because I know that whatever burden is taken from the king's treasury will fall on the Indians; and I do not wish this, neither should your Lordship wish it. Since those fathers have, as I have said, so many districts to provide for, let them take there what they get therefrom.

Concerning the religious of Batan and the others of this bishopric, it seems to me that neither your Page 47Lordship nor I should interfere with them, for they know what is suitable for the government and preservation of their orders; and they would be great fools not to consider themselves first rather than others, for St. Paul knew very well what he was saying when he bade his disciple Timothy to take heed to himself first and afterward to teaching. For the apostle knew very well how proper it was for a minister to take heed to himself first rather than others—and this not only for the good of the minister himself, but also for that of those to whom he ministers. Now since the apostle said this to a bishop, who is under so great obligations to look after his sheep, how much better might it be said to the friars, who have this duty only through charity. This is the law of charity, primum mihi secundum tibi; and this should be observed more among religious than among other ministers who are not included among them—in the first place, because these religious did not choose to take up this ministry as under just obligations to do so, but merely through charity, which looks first to itself and then to its neighbor; in the second place, because a simple-minded minister who is withdrawn from the world, and given to prayer, and a careful observer of his religion, and who will make the Indians feel that he lives as a saint, is worth more than twenty who are inattentive to their duties, and who cannot remain an hour in their cells. These virtues and other similar ones, without which a religious can not maintain himself, can ill be acquired by the religious when they go alone and are so separated as you wish. Would to God that I might see in every house for Indians, not four such as are in Batan, but six or eight, and not one, as your Lordship says, because I Page 48should expect more fruit from these six or eight quiet ones than from eighty heedless ones. For as St. Paul said, speaking to the Corinthians, Regnum dei non est in sermone sed in virtute; for chattering is chattering, and teaching through works is the true teaching. There are no people in the world who have so great need of good ministers as have the Indians, or who notice as much as they do the life which these ministers lead, and the example which they set them. For one religious to be alone, although he be a St. Paul, is unsafe; and so it is proper that in this region we should permit the superiors of each community to govern their religious and arrange for them as it seems best to them; for, since they came to convert these souls, it is to be believed that they will not fail to do so if they can. But they will not, and very rightly, consent to ruin themselves through maintaining the religious instruction; but this is not unfavorable to religious instruction, but rather very favorable to it—since, in the way which I describe, it is to give them ministers who will profit them; and the way which your Lordship proposes means to put fire to them which will consume them. Of this I have more experience than your Lordship or anyone else who is in these islands, because I was a friar forty-six years, and minister more than thirty, and have been bishop twelve; and I know it all and have seen it all, and this is good reason why more reliance should be placed on me than on any other. This same matter was discussed in Mexico among all the orders. When they saw that it was ruinous to them to be alone, they determined to establish houses where there should be at least four; and, in order that they might support themselves without being Page 49burdensome to the Indians, they decreed that the orders of St. Dominic and St. Augustine might have some estates in the Indian villages, by which to support themselves. As it had been ordered by his Majesty that they should not hold property in the villages of the Indians, I went to España to see about the matter, and obtained from his Majesty the revocation of this decree. As some of the auditors of the Council said what your Lordship says now, I freed them from that error, and proved to them that it was not expedient that the friars should live otherwise than in a community. I discussed the same thing with his Majesty, and it seemed well to him and so it was provided. In confirmation of this, the fathers of St. Dominic who came to these islands brought a brief from his Holiness, confirmed by the royal Council, which orders that in each house there should be at least four religious; and they tell me that in the [illegible abbreviation in MS.] they praised it greatly and were much edified. In this way, wherever your Lordship thinks of making a short cut, you take a longer route. To give to the Indians ministers [as you propose?] will be to give them those who would destroy them, or at least who would be of very little profit to them. Do not think that I am so careless that I would have waited till now if I had thought that what your Lordship says would be expedient; but as I know how important it is for the good of my sheep that those who teach them should live uprightly, I am more pleased to see the religious living together than to see them separated. I am sorry in my heart when I know that some religious is alone in a house, and if I could remedy it I would do so; but I do what I can in not consenting Page 50that, through taking too many houses, the friars may be left alone in others. Your Lordship will do me the great favor and kindness not to treat of any other matter which shall be contrary to this, because I know that it is to destroy the religious and ruin religious instruction. The provincial who shall do this will give me a very bad example; and I shall understand that he cares more about establishing houses than about looking after his friars or religious instruction. On this account the religious and I have had some quarrels, but I know that they have not been right; for my zeal and desire has not been to prevent their having houses, but to prevent their taking so many that they could not support those establishments without harm to themselves and to the Indians. When your Lordship says that two are sufficient in Batan, you show clearly that you are not well informed of what is needed in order that there be religious instruction; for in Batan there is need of two more friars in order that it may be well instructed. As to what your Lordship says about provision for the encomiendas of Ylocos, you have as much care for them as if you forgot those which the king has in Panay and in other regions of the Pintados, who are all, or most of them, Christians. The Augustinian fathers, in whose charge these were wont to be, abandoned them; but since they have returned to take charge of the religious instruction of that people, and the obligation which holds them is greater than that of Ylocos, let them cease to claim houses there until they have more ministers. As for those who were to be sent to Ylocos, where there was no obligation at all, let them be sent to the Pintados, where there is so much obligation. With those who Page 51are to be taken from Malate, Laguio, and Parañaque, two or three houses might be occupied among the Pintados in the king's villages, which have been without religious instruction now for some time. If your Lordship carries this out, you will take a great burden from the conscience of the king and from your own, and those fathers will do a thing which they are under great obligations to do; for to claim the charge of Ylocos is only a whim of those fathers, and a desire to undertake what they cannot carry on vigorously. If your Lordship had consulted with me, I know that I should have given you much safer advice than that which others give you; because there is no one in this country who knows as much as I do about what is fitting, nor is there anyone who would give it to your Lordship with so little regard for other considerations as I.

What I have said about the religious, that it is not fitting for them to go about alone, does not extend to the priests; because these, by their profession and habit, are not obliged to be together, but each one goes by himself. This has been the usage of the church, and, so far, we have not seen that any bad results have followed; but many indeed have followed from the religious dwelling alone.

There is another great evil in what your Lordship wishes, and it is that, to station so many religious who are scattered about, each one by himself, is not to establish religious instruction but to permit it to go to ruin; for I have always been of the opinion, and shall be all my life, that a few well instructed are better than many ill instructed. When they are ill instructed they are like an ill-cured wound, which, when we think that it is well, breaks forth again. Page 52Thus it is with the ill-instructed Indians; for when we think that they have profited, we find that they are worse than before they were baptized. This comes from never having sufficient religious instruction, which in this part of the world is most necessary, among these unfortunate people who in but few places have seen one happy day. Your Lordship also suggests where the priests may be placed. To this I reply that, as we leave it to the superiors to govern their religious, it would be right for your Lordship to leave it to me to govern my priests, as I leave it to you to look after your captains and soldiers; for I know what each one of my priests is for, as your Lordship knows of your men. Your Lordship must understand that I am not so careless of the life that the priests lead that I am not on the watch, and they know this well; and if sometimes they come to Manila it is with my permission, or on business which cannot be avoided. In this I know that there is more to be remedied elsewhere than in my priests. If the scattering of these ministers in so many regions is, as your Lordship suggests, that the king and the encomiendero may collect their taxes, it seems to me that this is not a good means for it; because where there is not sufficient religious instruction, as there is not where there is one minister in an encomienda, neither the king nor the encomenderos can receive as much as your Lordship wishes to give them. And I know well from the Christian spirit of our king that, if he were informed of the truth which I know and have told you, he would never consent that any money which was so ill gathered should enter his treasury. Some day this truth will be known and we shall see who will weep for not having believed Page 53it. His Majesty understood this very well when, in an article of the letter which he wrote to me, he bade me to try to provide sufficient religious instruction; for his Majesty sees clearly that what is actually done is rather to neglect than really to provide the Indians with what they need. Would to God, as I know that what I say is true, that I might satisfy my conscience by not saying what I am going to pass over in silence, and that I might be in peace; for I desire this more than to see myself in the midst of disputes and hard feeling. But the obligation which I have, to fulfil the duties of my office, does not allow me to keep silent, but I have to speak and say what I feel.

I do not understand what your Lordship says about the Augustinian fathers and do not wish to reply to it until you have explained it to me, because it never entered my thoughts to be sorry that you should favor them, for they deserve it and your Lordship should do so. But when your Lordship says that since you came here they have lost some of their rights, I do not wish to agree to that, nor do I think that they will say so; but let this wait for another time, for I do not wish to treat of it here.

At this point your Lordship makes a long digression, trying to give me to understand what my office is and what I can do and what I can not do, and for this your Lordship makes distinctions of protector and bishop and commissioner. Your Lordship need not have taken so much trouble; for, as Captain Becerra dares to write to me not to take so much trouble to give him light, because he has enough from God, so it would not be very much for me to dare to tell your Lordship not to take so much trouble as Page 54you have taken in this letter to teach me what my office is and what I may do in conformity with it—because, speaking with the respect which is due to your Lordship, you did not come to this bishopric to teach me but to be taught by me. In truth I do not understand what could be your Lordship's thought in discussing a matter so foreign to your profession; and it did not seem at all well to me, unless your Lordship regards me as so contemptible a person that I am not equal to this. Although humility is well in all, and particularly in bishops, it is not humility for the sheep to teach the shepherd; nor would it be considered well in me, and still less so in your Lordship, if it were known that I allowed you, who should take rules of right living from me, to give them to me. Read, or have read to you, the chapter si imperator 96 distin., in which your Lordship will see what is the duty of secular princes and what that of bishops, where among other words it says these: “If the emperor is Catholic he is a son, not a prelate, of the church; and whatever concerns religion he is to learn, not teach.” In what follows in this chapter your Lordship will see what is your duty and what is mine; and our Lord, through the prophet Malachi, says that the lips of the priest held knowledge, and from his mouth the law is to be sought, and not from the governors. Since your Lordship wished to be master when you should have been pupil, you could not avoid falling into the difficulties into which you have fallen in this letter, as you say that you do not know whether the bishop can order that all the confessors should not absolve in this or that case. It is almost a matter of course that the bishop may reserve cases, when that may seem best to him; and Page 55it is an amusing thing that your Lordship sets about declaring to me when the confessors are to reserve the cases and when they are not to do so. I am astonished, and marvel at your judgment and prudence in coming to discuss such matters with your bishop, especially when your Lordship knows that he has studied a great deal to know this which you can not know, nor would it be proper for you to know it. The cases which I shall reserve shall be reserved, and those who dare to absolve, although they may have other privileges, will commit mortal sin, when the bishop declares the reason why he does it; and many doctors of the highest standing maintain that the absolution is void in such cases. When anyone shall confront me with a concession opposed to this, he must have studied deeply, for many talk about concessions without understanding them. Since your Lordship meddles so much in things in which you ought not to, do not be astonished if I reply as is suitable, in order that your Lordship may be instructed, and that I may satisfy the objections which are brought against me. When your Lordship says that you do not know and can not discover how I can be concerned in trying to remedy anything which concerns the encomiendas which are peaceful, except by giving my opinion about the matter, I say that I am not astonished that your Lordship does not know, since you are not under obligations to know; but I am astonished that because you yourself do not know, your Lordship should think that I do not know, since you cannot but confess that I know much more than your Lordship does about the matter in question. That your Lordship may be completely undeceived, please know that in order to discuss the collection of Page 56tributes and the rest that has to be done in that connection, I have no need of a commission from the king, because I have it from God. This limitation is proper for your Lordship, because you have no power but that which the king has given you. I hold mine from God, who gives the bishops all that they need to govern their bishoprics; and so I do not need to have the king tell me what I have to do, but I have to determine what is proper for the unburdening of the royal conscience, and my duty toward your Lordship and the others who are under my care; for I know better than any who are here what is proper for relieving the royal conscience in the Philipinas. Do not consider this as presumption, for it is not, but merely telling the truth; for if we consider the law, I studied it very well many years ago, and as for the facts, I know them better than anyone else, and there is no one who has so much experience as I. Your Lordship need not tell me that it is not my place to act in this matter, for it is, and it is more fitting for me than for any other to act in it and determine what should be done about it. Neither do I need to pay any attention to the fact that there are some who say the opposite, because, beyond the fact that I know that those who say the opposite are wrong and make your Lordship err, besides this, I say that when the bishop determines a thing after having taken due care not to be mistaken, it should not be suffered that others, however excellent they may be, should dare to say the opposite, for this is to cause dissensions between the prelate and his flock. Whoever shall be the cause of this, it will not go well with him, because in this bishopric there is no other doctor than I, and whatever I say must stand and Page 57pass in my tribunal. If I am not what I should be, let them use the remedy which our Lord Jesus Christ left in His church, as St. Luke tells in chapter XII. This is to wait for God to remedy the matter, and advise with anyone who, by his authority, can remedy it, and in the meantime to commend it to God. This same remedy laymen have as regards their governors. But in order that they should undertake to remedy it by opposing it, the error of the bishop must be so great that it could not be tolerated without great prejudice to the faith or to customs. But since I have relied on the reasons which I have, and have consulted with those who could give a good opinion about it, and particularly as I am so certain that I am in the right, it would be rash boldness for another to say the opposite, or to dare to preach it. Your Lordship is very much mistaken when you think that what I say is nothing but the opinion of any other person whatsoever; for now that I have set about determining this and discussing it so purposely, I know that no one who says the opposite can support it. I say this with such liberty because I know what I am saying; and in the defense of it I should think it but little to lose my life. When your Lordship tells me that I interfere with what is your business, I consider it as a great offense; for you yourself are a good witness of how little trouble I have given you in this matter, and henceforward I shall give much less. I am not so desirous of ordering that I wish you to share your charge with me, for my own work, which is not small, is enough for me. I do wish to have your Lordship know that my discussion of the manner in which the collections are to be made, or from what encomiendas they may be made and from what Page 58ones not, is not interfering with your Lordship's office, but fulfilling the duty of my own. Not that I am to imprison or sentence encomenderos who collect contrary to what I say, for this is your Lordship's duty. Before the tribunal of conscience I must condemn those to make restitution who collect without having the authority to collect, even if it be with the permission of your Lordship; and I must place your Lordship under the same obligation because you gave them such permission. This distinction of powers your Lordship ought to have known before telling me that I was interfering in what was not my business.

In the matter of employing laymen where there are no ministers of religious instruction, your Lordship says that I do not make up my mind, although you have already proposed it to me several times. Twice your Lordship tells me in this letter that you have communicated things to me, but I am astonished that my poor memory does not recall any of them. One of the greatest satisfactions is that your Lordship does things all by yourself, without my having anything to do with them, and in truth I hold it as one of the greatest mercies that could come to me; and although his Majesty orders the opposite, as many things fail to be done which kings command, so this also shall fail to be done, to my great satisfaction and to yours also, as I think. I have not stationed Spaniards in the encomiendas because I do not know whom to place there; and I remember very well having said this to your Lordship, but we agreed together that I should decide this matter, as I remember it. There is no reason why I should give your Lordship a report on the persons who can be appointed, because it is my business to appoint them, Page 59and to determine their salaries—not only by commission from his Majesty, but it is also my due on account of my office. But I have not dared, and do not dare, to appoint anyone—not because I do not wish to and have tried to, but because I know that there is no one in whom we can trust without great harm to the Indians and very little benefit; because those who could go and be of service to the Indians do not wish to, and those who wish to are not suitable. Thus your Lordship will see how right I was in saying that to appoint many alcaldes-mayor and lieutenants is a greater harm to the Indians, and this is not a fancy of mine but a common saying in all the land.

It is very amusing to me that your Lordship places to my account the coming of so many Indians to me that I may favor them, just as if I called them, or were a party to driving them away. It is evident that your Lordship knows but little of the Indians, since you say this. In order that I may tell you some truths, as your Lordship wished to tell me, please know that the Indians are much dissatisfied and complain that you receive them very ungraciously and roughly, and thus many do not dare to appear before you. This can but be a great obstacle to what is needed to be done in this country. If my meeting them with a friendly aspect and treating them kindly is the cause of their coming to me, I do not think that I shall mend my ways in this, because I know what they need. As far as being protector is concerned, that obstacle has been removed, for it is some time since I abandoned the office of protector; and by no means would I take it up again, for I do not wish to know more sorrow than I have known, without Page 60any other result than to grieve my heart at the sight of it. When his Majesty shall learn the reasons which I had for giving it up, I am sure that he will not regard me as undutiful to him in having abandoned it.

In conferring the prebends and benefices I abide by the royal rights of presentation in what I am obliged to; but to station a clergyman in a Christian Indian village [doctrina] when there is someone who opposes, is a thing that I have sometimes done, and will do henceforward, because I know that it is proper to do so for the service of God and the good of the sheep which I have in my charge. Against this there is no right of patronage; nor would it occur to the king to wish that this should not be done, nor would it occur to me to defraud the royal right of patronage; for I know very well the obligation under which I am to keep it, and I know when anyone acts according or contrary thereto. Surely I am surprised that your Lordship should meddle in such trifles as to ask from me an account of the title under which Father Salinas was ordained. If your Lordship does not know how he can act, I know; and for that reason I created him a priest; and I know that this was well done, and that it is not fitting to do anything else. I know that your zeal is great, but I also know what St. Paul said of others who had zeal, and zeal for God, but he said that that zeal was not according to knowledge. And certainly, when your Lordship interferes in the things in which you interfere in this letter, although I say it be with great zeal, you have greatly exceeded your powers, and overstepped the bounds to which they extend. For even if your Lordship had known and seen that I Page 61transgressed due limits, your Lordship had neither license nor authority to treat in so imperious a manner your bishop, whose instruction and advice your Lordship is bound to follow, and your Lordship should not undertake to constrain your master. The worst thing would be that your Lordship should think that what you have said pertains to your duty, because that would be a graver matter; for, if your Lordship could stretch your arm so far as that, there would be no need of any bishop in this country, except a titular one,[3] for I do not see what remains to me if your Lordship can do all the things which you imply in this letter. But please read the chapter, si ymperator, already cited, and you will see how far your powers extend, and what is for me to do. Your Lordship has plenty to do in your office without extending your authority to mine, and I have plenty to do in mine without treating of what belongs to yours—although, since I have in my charge your Lordship's soul, not only as a Christian but as governor, I cannot be so careless as not often to be obliged to examine what you are doing and advise you of what you ought to do. This your Lordship cannot do with me by virtue of your office, although as friend and lord, as one who desires my good, I shall be pleased to be advised by your Lordship of my faults, which I know very well are not few. Except in what my office obliges me to, be certain that I shall keep as far from interfering in the matters of your government, or from giving you any trouble, as if I were not living or were not in the country. Page 62

This has turned out a very long letter, and certainly my occupations did not give me time for so much; but the great amount of matter in your letter which needed to be answered left me nothing else to do. Believe me that I am very much opposed to discussing such matter especially when a man has to say something which may seem praise or esteem of himself, which is a thing very unfit for those who try to serve God. But when this is not done arrogantly, or in vanity, but to defend the necessary truth, it is done as St. Gregory the Pope did against the emperor Maurice, and Gelasius the Pope against the emperor Anastasius. Even Moses and St. Paul, although they were so humble, when it was necessary to defend their authority said things of themselves which, said in any other connection, would seem wrong; but, spoken for the purpose for which they said them, were rightly spoken. As I think that what I have said is enough to satisfy your Lordship's letter (and, if anything remains to be set right, time will not be lacking in which it can be discussed), for the present let this be sufficient. May our Lord give your Lordship the light of His grace, that you may follow His holy will in everything. From Quiapo, March twenty-first, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.

Fray Domingo, Bishop of the Filipinas. Page 63

[1] Referring to the Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Sevilla, 1590) of Joseph de Acosta (1540–1600), a noted Jesuit writer. Markham's translation of this interesting work forms nos. 60 and 61 of the Hakluyt Society's publications (London, 1880).

[2] Evidently a reference to the convent of the Augustinians.

[3] Spanish obispo de anillo, literally, “bishop with a ring;” the same as a bishop in partibus infidelium. This means a titular bishop of the Roman Catholic church whose territory is occupied by infidels, so that he cannot reside there.

Liberty if the Indians in the Philippines

Gregory XIV, Pope: In perpetual remembrance of the affair.

Since, as we have recently learned, in the first attempts to christianize the Indians of the Philippine Islands, so many dangers of life had to be undergone, on account of the savageness of these Indians, that many were constrained to take up arms against those Indians, and even to ravage their property; while subsequently, after the conversion of these Indians—who, abandoning their worship of false gods, now acknowledge the true God and profess the Catholic faith—those who formerly had ravaged their property now wish to make good what they destroyed, but are without the means of so doing: with the desire to provide for the peacefulness of conscience of the said persons, and thus to guard against all dangers and discomforts therein, by these presents, with our authority, we charge and command our venerable brother the bishop of Manila to have the above-named persons and the parties to whom restitution is to be made come to an agreement thereon among themselves, with satisfaction to be made to the owners wherever these are known. But where they are not known, then the same compensation is to be made Page 64through the bishop in benefit and aid of Indians in distress, should they who are bound to restitution be able conveniently so to do; otherwise, if poor themselves, let them make satisfaction whenever they reach a comfortable state of life.

Moreover, in order that the resolutions determined upon by the said bishop, with religious and learned men assembled together, in benefit of the Christians newly converted to the faith, be not infringed by them through mere whim or anyone's individual deed or fancy, we wish and by our apostolic authority decree that whatever orders and commands be passed by the majority of the assembly in the interest of the Christian faith or the health of souls, for the good government of Indian converts, shall be steadily and invariably observed until further orders or commands by the same assembly.... In fine, we have learned that our very dear son in Christ, Philip, the Catholic king of the Spains, has ordered that in view of the many deceits usually practiced therein, no Spaniard in the aforesaid Philippine Islands shall, even by the right of war, whether just or unjust, or of purchase, or any other pretext whatsoever, take or hold or keep slaves or serfs; and yet that in contravention of this edict or command of King Philip, some still keep slaves in their service. In order, then, as conformable to reason and equity, that the Indians may go to and from their Christian doctrinas and their own homes and lands freely and safely, without any fear of slavery, in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication, we order and command all and singular the persons dwelling in those islands—of no matter what state, degree, condition, rank, and dignity—on the publication of these presents Page 65to set wholly free, without any craft and deceit, whatever Indian slaves and serfs they may have; nor for the future shall they in any manner, contrary to the edict or command of the said King Philip, take or keep captives or slaves.

For the rest, as it would be difficult [to send] these present letters to all and singular the aforesaid islands, etc.

Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, April 18, 1591, the first year of our pontificate. Page 66

Articles of Contract for the Conquest of Mindanao

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands for the king, our sovereign, etc.:

His Majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands, to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true God, and their reduction to the obedience of His holy church and of the king, our sovereign; and to this end and object his Majesty has given me commission to make the expeditions and pacifications that I think best for the service of God and his own, and likewise to give license and commission for making them. By reason thereof, he also commissions me to make covenants and agreements with explorers and pacifiers who are willing to bind and pledge themselves, at their own cost, to make such expeditions and pacifications. Moreover, the island of Mindanao is so fertile and well-inhabited, and teeming with Indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, and of so great circumference—namely, three hundred leagues—and distant two hundred leagues from this island of Luzon; and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in Page 67wax, cinnamon, and other valuable drugs. And although the said island has been seen, discussed, and explored (and even in great part given in repartimiento), no effort has been made to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished with instruction or justice—quite to the contrary being, at the present time, hostile and refusing obedience to his Majesty; and no tribute, or very little, is being collected. And the assignment into encomiendas made there has been null and void, as being made contrary to his Majesty's ordinances contained in his instructions and articles on “New Discoveries,” as the land must be first entered and entirely pacified, and its rulers and natives must be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty, and given to understand the evangelical instruction. Besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said island greater wrongs, to the offense and displeasure of God and of his Majesty, are resulting daily; for I am informed that the king of that island has made all who were paying tribute to his Majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after putting many of them to death while doing it; so that now each Indian pays him one tae of gold. I am also told that he destroyed and broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when told that it was adored by the Christians; and that in Mindanao, the capital and residence of the said king, are Bornean Indians, who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of Mahoma, and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from Terrenate—gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in their trades—who at divers times have killed many Spaniards when the latter were going to collect the tribute (once killing thirteen, and at other times four or Page 68five), without our being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of troops. By reason of the facts above recited, and because all of the said wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and, when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of Borney, Jolo, Java, and other provinces, will become obedient to his Majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be pacified, subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the natives; and that justice may be established among them, and they be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize God and His holy law, I have tried to entrust the said pacification to a person of such character that he may be entrusted with it. Now considering that the good qualities requisite for this, and which are demanded by section twenty-seven of “New Discoveries,” are found in Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa—that he is rich, powerful, possessed of many friends, popular with the soldiers of this country, and well-acquainted with the land, as being one of the first discoverers—and that he has served his Majesty loyally and faithfully, and offers of his own accord to make the said pacification at his own expense; therefore, as I am confident that he will fulfil whatever he covenants and contracts to do in his Majesty's service, I have resolved to entrust and charge to him the said pacification, in his Majesty's name. And if he, on his part, shall fulfil his offers, which accompany this writ, then I, on my part, will fulfil likewise what I promise, as a reward for the said pacification. Therefore, by this present, I empower and authorize said Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, to make the said pacification and settlement of the island of Mindanao, and at his own Page 69expense, under the following conditions and declarations:

As the first condition, the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez binds himself and promises to fulfil and observe as inviolate, first and foremost, the decrees and ordinances of his Majesty in the sections of “New Discoveries,” and in each one of them, separately—of which he will be given an authorized copy, so that he may exercise the equity and good method of proceeding, gently and without violence, which his Majesty has commanded to be observed and kept in the said pacification.

Item: That said Captain Estevan Rodriguez binds himself and promises to pacify and colonize the said island of Mindanao at his own expense within three years—making one settlement on the river of Mindanao, and more if necessary, according to the condition of the land; and to maintain the island, thus pacified and colonized, for one year.

Item: From that time the life-title of governor of said island shall be given to said Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, and to one son or heir. And I shall have letters sent to his Majesty, entreating him to show him favor by granting him the title of adelantado or of mariscal of the island, as may be his pleasure, in accordance with the orders of his Majesty in my instructions.

Item: It is granted in his Majesty's name that, when the said pacification and colonization is completed, he may allot the land and island of Mindanao into encomiendas as follows: First, the ports and capitals shall be allotted to his Majesty's royal crown. Having subtracted these, he may, from the remainder, allot one-third part to himself, for the time mentioned Page 70in the said sections of “New Discoveries,” and in whatever part he wishes. The other two-thirds remaining he may allot and apportion among the soldiers enrolled under his banners, and those who take part in the said pacification.

The said Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa said that he accepted the above covenant and agreement made as above stated, and promised to abide by its provisions. To this he pledged himself and his property; and both the said governor and captain-general, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and the said Captain Estevan Rodriguez signed the agreement (written secretly by the said governor), before me, the undersigned notary, Manila, May twelve, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas
Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa

Before me:

Juan de Cuellar

[Endorsed: “Agreement for the conquest of Mindanao.” “Look for the decree mentioned, in order to see that it is provided; and bring it.”] Page 71

Ordinance Forbidding the Indians to Wear Chinese Stuffs

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands, to you, Juan de Alcega, alcalde-mayor of the province of Pan Panga, and of the places pertaining thereto; or to your deputy:

Be it known unto you that some days ago the city of Manila issued an ordinance, which was confirmed by me, forbidding the Indian natives of these islands to wear silks or stuffs from China, for many reasons mentioned in the said ordinance. And in order to ascertain whether any benefit or advantage will result to the said Indians from the said ordinance and whether certain offenses against God and other abuses will be averted; and whether there are any for whose sake the execution of the same should be suspended: I therefore now, by these presents, ordain and command you that, by reason of the declarations hereinbefore made, you secure information from Spanish and Indian witnesses, examining the same in accordance with the interrogatory sent herewith; in order that his Majesty may be informed of the facts disclosed and asserted, and may issue commands at Page 72his good pleasure. Given at Manila, on the ninth day of April, in the year 1591.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

By order of the governor: Juan de Cuellar

Compared with the original:

Felipe Ramirez, notary.

Whereas, the city of Manila, on the thirtieth day of March of this year, issued an ordinance forbidding the natives from wearing silks and stuffs from China, for many reasons mentioned in the said ordinance, which are of importance to the general welfare and the good government of these islands; we, the cabildo and government of the city of Manila, command that the said ordinance be submitted to the royal Council of the Indias for confirmation, in order that the said causes, and any others that may exist, may be certified to his Majesty. We entreat your Lordship to send us information, in accordance with the questions sent you herewith, and that an authorized copy of said information be sent us for transmission to his Majesty, with the said ordinance; for which purpose, etc.

The witnesses are to be asked if they know whether, when first the Spaniards discovered these islands, all the natives wore any other garments than those made in the islands, planting cotton and weaving cloth for their own use, and continuing to do so even for many years after the Spaniards had settled in the islands; and whether the one or two ships that came from China each year, brought any cloth or silks to the islands. For these were not sold among the natives; and all that was carried in these ships was earthenware, horns, herbs, desaumerios, and other trifles of little importance. Also whether, after the Page 73Spaniards settled here, and the Chinese began to increase their trade with them and to bring many ships to these islands laden with cloth, the natives began to wear garments of said cloth from China, discarding their own, which they formerly used; and whether this use has reached such a pass that there is no year when the said natives do not buy and use for their clothing over two hundred thousand robes of cotton and silk, which at the present time are worth as many pesos—and in a few years will, unless this injury [to our trade] is opposed and checked, be worth twice as much. For as the natives are not a people who strive to acquire much property for the purpose of leaving it to their heirs, but spend all they get in food and drink and clothing, and as no one needs more than one or two pieces of cloth a year, they care not whether these garments be cheap or dear, but pay for them whatever is asked; and in this way the price has risen so high, that a piece which at first could be bought for two reals, now sells for ten, and very soon will cost twenty.

Also whether, for the reasons given in the preceding question, there results what would be a serious loss to these islands, and injury to his Majesty—that is, whether it be true that, whereas the Chinese formerly, in payment for the clothing they brought, carried away from these islands thirty thousand pesos in money, they now, on account of the recklessness and extravagance of the natives, take away two hundred thousand pesos. This money leaves the realms of his Majesty, and is carried to a foreign country, in violation of royal edicts; this would be prevented if the said natives were not to clothe themselves with the said stuffs. Page 74

Also whether the said natives have, since the Spaniards have been trading in these islands with the Chinese, abandoned the tillage of their lands, as regards not only the cultivation of cotton, but that of rice, wine, and other products of the country; and have given themselves over to vice and idleness, refusing to work. For, as there is money in the country, brought hither by the Spaniards, some of it gets into the hands of the natives, in payment for services and in many other ways. And thus the natives, finding the stuffs brought by the Chinese ready at hand, and having money to pay for them, have abandoned work and the cultivation of their lands, and become vagabonds, both men and women—courting the favor of the Spaniards, and committing and causing numberless offenses against God. For the natives are addicted to theft and licentiousness, and the women are ready to sell their persons; and for these reasons there is, here, more than an intimacy of men and women.

Also whether the evils and disorders above mentioned would disappear with the observance of the said ordinance. For the natives would then be at work, and there would be an abundance of fruits and provisions in the country, and at very low prices, as there has been hitherto, and thus the country would be supported; and there would not be taken out of the kingdom the large sums of money which the Chinese now carry away for the provisions which they bring to sell—such as flour, sugar, lard, and other things. Moreover, the natives would dress in their own stuffs, which are better woven and more economical than those from China; and besides making cloth for their own use, they would have some which the Spaniards could buy for their trade; and Page 75another large quantity of money would remain in the country, which now is taken from it because the said natives do not make the said cloth. Another serious evil would cease; the natives would no longer sell raw cotton to the Chinese, who take it to their own country and make it into cloth, and then return to sell it to the natives, and with these goods deprive them of their money. Most of all, there would be an end to the evils and sins against God above mentioned.

Also whether the observance of the said ordinance will induce the natives and the Chinese to carry on trade as they formerly did, without using money; for if the natives should wish to trade or barter in the islands (which is not forbidden to them), they can and will obtain goods, as they formerly did, in exchange for such articles as siguey (a small white snail), dye-wood, and carabao horns; to this mode of trading the Chinese will adapt themselves, and the outflow of money will cease.

Also whether all these islands, or most of them, are well adapted to the cultivation of cotton, so that, if the natives are set to the task, enough will be produced to supply all the islands with, provisions and clothing; and whether cloth will be made, as good as, or better than, that which comes from China, and a surplus be left for shipment to Nueva España in exchange for necessaries, and a larger surplus of cotton to be used in exchange for Chinese wares; and whether as much money will be taken out of the country as is now taken away. Let the witnesses tell what they know on these subjects; and whether the facts above stated are notorious or well-known, and matters of public discussion and report. Page 76

In the village of Bacolor, province of Panpanga, of the Philipinas Islands, on the thirteenth day of the month of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one, Captain Juan de Alcega, alcalde-mayor of the said province for our lord the king, declared that, inasmuch as the cabildo, magistracy, and government of the city of Manila, among other ordinances which they enacted for the welfare and government of that city, and for the benefit of the state, issued one forbidding the natives of these islands to dress in silks or stuffs from China, for the reasons and difficulties mentioned in the said ordinance; and because the enforcement and observance thereof is very just and expedient for these islands, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the habit of Santiago, governor and captain-general of the islands for our lord the king, in his royal name approved and confirmed the same. But as Don Frai Domingo de Salazar, bishop of these said islands, in the name of the natives as their protector, has protested against the said ordinance on the ground of its being injurious to the natives, the captain-general, in behalf of the said natives, and in order to ascertain the truth, makes the statements contained in this mandate. And in order to ascertain whether the observance of the said ordinance would put an end to the troubles therein mentioned, or whether a fulfilment of the same would result in the injuries to the said natives which the said bishop, as their protector, mentions, I hereby command that the following investigation be made, and that the witnesses be examined in accordance with the interrogatory submitted by the said cabildo.

Signed:

Juan de Alcega

Before me:

Felipe Roman, notary. Page 77

Evidence

In the village of Çubao of the said province, on the fourteenth day of May of the year aforesaid, the said alcalde-mayor, for the purpose of the said investigation, caused to appear before him Don Nicolas Ramos, a chief of the village of Cubao and governor of the same—who, being duly sworn according to legal form, with the aid of the interpreter Domingo Birral, and having promised on the sign of the cross to speak the truth, was questioned in accordance with the purpose of the interrogatory, and deposed as follows:

In reply to the first question this witness stated that he knew that before the Spaniards came to these islands for their discovery, pacification, and settlement, and that of all the peoples who then were, or have since been, discovered here, all the natives of the islands, so far as this witness is informed—chiefs, timaguas, and slaves, without distinction of rank—wove cotton fabrics, with which they clothed themselves, all from cotton of their own planting. It is true that, as far back as this witness can remember, he thinks that he has never known cotton to have been planted or gathered in this province, or along the river and coast of Manila, from the village of Cabite to this province; but in all the other tribes except these cotton was planted, large quantities being gathered and sold to the inhabitants of this Pampanga, and to those of the river and coast of Manila, who gave in exchange the rice which they cultivated, and sometimes gold; and they procured the cotton for the purpose of spinning it and weaving cloth for their own garments. This continued to be the custom for many years after the coming of the Spaniards; for, although one or two ships came from China each Page 78year at that time, these brought no cloths or silks, but only iron, and earthenware, and camanguian. The principal reason why the Tagalos of Manila and the inhabitants of all this Panpanga have never cultivated cotton, is because they do not know how; and because they have never been accustomed to grow anything but rice, on which they chiefly subsist. This was his answer.

In reply to the second question this witness stated that since the Spaniards have become established in these islands, he has noticed how the Chinese have come hither, in larger numbers every year, eight ships at least coming annually from China; and in some years this witness has seen as many as twenty and thirty, all laden with cloths and bolts of silk. And when the natives of these islands and of this province saw all these cloths brought by the Chinese, they made less exertion to weave their own; but to avoid even that little work, all the natives began to clothe themselves with the said stuffs from China, discarding entirely their own, which they formerly wore. And so far has this gone at the present day, that all alike—without distinction of chief from timagua, or of timagua from slave—dress in these stuffs, making it impossible to judge of their rank from their dress. In this way a very large quantity of cloth is used—far more, as it seems to this witness, than the number stated in the question; and he is very certain that, if this tendency is not checked and corrected, the price of every one of these stuffs will in a few years be doubled; for now even the cheapest costs not less than a peso. For the natives of these islands do not accumulate wealth, but spend it all in food and clothing; and as none of the natives, however high his rank Page 79may be, needs more than two or three pieces of cloth in a year, in order to avoid the labor of weaving them, and so that they can spend their time in idleness, they prefer to buy them from the Sangleys, whether they are cheap or dear, paying without hesitation or heed whatever price is asked. The result is that everything is growing much dearer; for a piece of cloth which at first usually cost, on the average, three or four reals, as already stated, now costs ten reals, and, unless this rise is checked, will very soon cost twenty—and this for the reasons mentioned in the question. These matters should be considered, and some corrective be found, to avoid further difficulties. Thus did he reply to this question.

To the third question he replied that, for the reasons mentioned in the preceding question, considerable damage has been and is suffered, and, unless some check and remedy is applied, will continue to be suffered in these islands, by the Spaniards and by the inhabitants of the country, both Spaniards and natives, and especially to the injury of his Majesty's service; this damage consisting in the fact that while the Chinese formerly took away from these islands, in exchange for their merchandise which they bring from their own country, at the most from twenty thousand to thirty thousand pesos in money, at the present day—as all the natives are extravagant enough to buy their clothing, since they can dispense with making it—these merchants take from the country all the money stated in the question, and even more. This money they take out of his Majesty's dominions to their own country, whence it never returns. And this might be prevented if the natives were forbidden to buy the said clothing, and would dress in the stuffs Page 80which they formerly were accustomed to wear. This was his answer to this question.

In reply to the fourth question he stated that, before the coming of the Spaniards, all the natives lived in their villages, applying themselves to the sowing of their crops and the care of their vineyards,[1] and to the pressing of wine; others planting cotton, or raising poultry and swine, so that all were at work; moreover, the chiefs were obeyed and respected, and the entire country well provided for. But all this has disappeared since the coming of the Spaniards. For since their coming all the Indians have given themselves over to vice and vagabondage, wandering from village to village to avoid work, and to indulge their vices—and this because, seeing that the Spaniards have plenty of money, they are eager to serve them. Finding that they have money, and food and clothing being given to them, or procured by a day's labor, there is nothing to induce them to return to their villages to cultivate the soil, and raise animals, and work, as they formerly did. This state of affairs is already so general in these islands that, when the attempt is made to compel a native to work, he immediately takes to flight, and wanders about, halting only at a place where he is allowed to remain idle. From this have resulted the offenses mentioned in the question, a condition which requires a remedy. Such was his reply to this question.

To the fifth question he said that all the evils and difficulties and offenses against God, our Lord, mentioned in these questions will disappear if the said Page 81ordinance is properly executed; for all the natives would work, and the country be well supplied with crops and provisions, and a surplus sufficient for the maintenance of all the natives and Spaniards, as before the coming of the Sangleys, and the money which the Chinese now carry from this country to their own would remain here. Indeed, if these traders stopped coming altogether, the islands would not lack supplies; as for clothing, the natives could dress in their own stuffs, which are three times better than those brought from China; and, besides what they make for their own garments, they could make a large quantity for trade with the Spaniards; thus would be kept in this country a very large sum of money, and thus all this country would be wealthy and prosperous. This has not been accomplished hitherto because the natives, for the reasons before mentioned, will not weave their stuffs as they used to. And, besides all this, there would be an end of the very great injury caused by the Sangley's buying the raw cotton and taking it to his own country, to be there worked into cloth, which again is brought to these islands for sale. Best of all, there would be an end of all the evils and offenses which the question mentions, and for which a remedy is most important. Thus he replied to this question.

To the sixth question he replied that everything said in the questions in regard to the Chinese and the trading with them, before the Spaniards had come, is true; that so matters were wont to be in these islands. Where the natives had not the kinds of goods mentioned in the question, they paid for them in rice and gold, which is very advantageous to the Chinese. If they continue to come and seek to trade Page 82with the natives, the arrangement described in the question would be very advantageous to both parties; and the Chinese would no longer draw from the country the large quantities of money which they have taken away yearly. Thus he replied to this question.

In reply to the seventh question he declared that he knew that all the tribes who have been discovered in these islands could plant cotton, and that the soil is adapted to that use; but that the natives of these provinces, and of those in which rice is grown, have been and are unwilling to plant cotton, fearing lest they may ruin the cultivation of rice, which is their chief article of food. But this witness is certain that, if they would consent to do so, they could plant cotton, as it is a crop that requires less labor than rice; and if cotton were cultivated at least by the Tagalos Indians, who are the laziest of all, large quantities of cotton might be gathered. With this they could make cloth of very good quality for their own garments, and even some besides for the use of the Spaniards, who wore these garments when they first came to the islands; much also would remain for shipment to Nueva España; and there would still be a large surplus of cotton for exchange against any articles they might desire. All these are facts well and publicly known, and matters of public report. The witness reiterates his statements and abides by them. He does not sign his name, as he cannot write, and appears to be about forty years old.

Signed by the interpreter, and by the alcalde-mayor

Juan de Alcega

Domingo Birral

Before me:

Felipe Roman, notary public. Page 83

And after the above the said alcalde-mayor caused to appear before him Don Juan Lisin, an Indian chief of the said village of Cubao, who received the oath through the said interpreter, was sworn according to the law; and on this oath, being questioned in accordance with the interrogatory, he deposed as follows:

In reply to the first question this witness declared that he knew that, at the time when the Spaniards discovered and pacified these islands, all the natives thereof—and especially those of this province, as this witness has seen—wore no other garments than those made of the cloths which they then wove, which were very good; nor did they care to use, instead of this, stuffs from other countries. And although one or two ships came from China, these carried no cloth, but only plates, horns, iron, and camanguian, which they took in exchange for rice and gold, and for cotton in the boll, where this was grown. And thus he replied to this question.

To the second question he said that since the Spaniards had settled in the city of Manyla, the Sangleys—who at various times had formed settlements there—seeing there were Spaniards in the country, and that the money they brought was different from that which had been used there before, began to increase their ships, bringing each year a greater number than before. In these they brought to the islands very large quantities of provisions (although there was no need of these in the country), together with many pieces of satin, damask, and taffeta, and other pieces of fine silk, and a large quantity of cotton cloths, white and colored. And so far has this gone that this witness has known as many as twenty ships to come in a Page 84single year, and he has known a time when at least eight entered the river of Manila alone. For, besides these, many go to the provinces of Pintados, which they call Pan, Cubu, Pangansinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan. And when the natives of all this Panpanga and of the rest of these islands—the Bisayan as well as the Tagalan—saw these large quantities of cloth brought by the Sangleys, and that these were so cheap, they were unwilling to weave cloth, as they were wont to do before the Spaniards had come and before the Sangleys brought cloth to them. To avoid this labor, little as it was, all the natives have taken to buying their stuffs for clothing, and have entirely abandoned their own, which they formerly wore. The result is that in all this province, as this witness knows, no cloths are made; for whenever a garment is needed by a chief, timagua or slave, he straightway goes to Manila, where the Chinese have their market, and buys it from them. Another result of this practice is this: As all the natives—chiefs, timaguas, and slaves alike—dress in these Sangley garments, the slave as well as the chief, no one can decide whether they are not all chiefs. A large quantity of the cloth is consumed, and it seems to this witness that the number is even larger than stated in the question, rather than smaller. And if this evil is not resisted and remedied very soon, this number will greatly increase. For as the natives are compelled to buy them from the Chinese, every one of the said pieces of cloth, however worthless it may be, costs a peso or a peso and a half. If the matter is allowed to go farther, experience shows that each year the price of clothing will go higher—all the more because the natives of these islands, when they have any money, try to spend that Page 85little for food and clothing; and, not valuing the cloth that they already have, they buy what they need—in order not to weave it, as this witness has said—paying whatever is asked for it. Even the most prominent and the richest of the natives finds three pieces of cloth enough for an entire year; and these he buys, whether cheap or dear, never hesitating to give whatever is asked for them in barter, rather than to weave them—although that would not be more work than they could easily accomplish. If this be permitted, all goods will, as before stated, grow dearer every day. A piece of cloth which this witness has known to be sold, and himself has bought, in former years for three or four reals, sells today for eight and twelve reals: and it will very soon cost twenty, if no check or remedy be applied. Thus he answered this question.

To the third question he replied that the evil referred to in the question is as therein specified. Last year it was stated to this witness that the Sangleys carried away to their country more than three thousand pesos, which he knows leave these dominions. This evil should be corrected; and the remedy would lie in forbidding all the natives of these islands to buy any cloth whatever for their own use, and in requiring them to weave the same, as they formerly were accustomed to do. Thus he replied to this question.

In answer to the fourth question this witness declared that he knows that, since the Spaniards have traded with the Chinese in these islands, the natives have begun to desert their villages—some of them leaving their rice-fields, and others the cultivation of their vineyards or the planting of cotton, living in idleness and vagabondage; some have taken service Page 86with the Spaniards and others with the Chinese. All this has resulted in a corruption of their morals; for, being paid in money for their services, and having a livelihood, as stated in the question, they buy their clothes from the Sangley, abandoning all labor, being encouraged and favored by the Spaniards; and this has led to the offenses against God our Lord which are mentioned in the question—which are very numerous, as the natives are so many; and unless a remedy is quickly applied, these crimes will increase more and more each day. Thus he replied to this question.

In reply to the fifth question this witness declared that he knows that, if the ordinance mentioned in the question is enforced with rigor, the evils and offenses against God, before mentioned, will cease entirely; and, the said ordinance being observed, all the people will work, as they did before the coming of the Spaniards. Thus the country will be maintained and well provided with all necessaries, and the money which now goes from it will remain here, and the natives will be rich; and besides all this the natives will weave much cloth, and make their garments from it, as it is three times better than that from China. There would also be a large quantity of cloth for sale to the Spaniards, and even much which they could use for themselves, as they did before the Sangleys began to bring goods hither. Thus would another large sum of money remain in the country. Of all these advantages there is great need in this country, which has suffered because an ordinance so just and advantageous to the entire country was not framed sooner. There would be an end of another great evil to which the country has hitherto submitted—namely, that the Page 87Chinaman buys cotton and takes it to his own country. And the other abuses mentioned in the question would also cease. Thus did he reply to this question.

To the sixth question he said that the proposals therein contained are very just for the natives of these islands, and the Chinese, if they continue to come to this country (which will not be necessary), will be glad to barter their goods for the articles mentioned in the question, and will be satisfied; for they traded thus before the coming of the Spaniards, and went away well contented. And thus will end the outflow of the money which has been hitherto carried from this country, and will continue to be carried away if no remedy be applied. This was his answer.

To the seventh question he replied that all these islands, except this province of Panpanga, and that of Calonpite and Candava, and the river and coast of Manila—all the rest, according to statements made to this witness by people who have visited them, are well adapted to the growing of cotton; and if the natives are induced to plant it, a large quantity would be produced, enough to maintain even those who do not cultivate cotton. Then much cloth will be made for the use of the natives, better than that which comes from China; and there will be a surplus for shipment to Nueva España in exchange for other things; and there will be a further surplus of cotton for trade with the Spaniards and the Chinese—although, as already said, it would be no injustice to the Chinese to forbid them taking cotton hence to their own country. Thus he replied to this question. He reaffirms, upon the oath which he has taken, that all his statements are known to be notoriously true, and are matters of current Page 88report; and he signs his name. He seems about thirty years old.

Juan de Alcega
Don Juan Lisin
Domingo Birral

Before me:

Felipe Roman, notary.

[Eight more witnesses are examined; but as they testify to the same purport as the two preceding deponents (and almost in the identical language of these), we omit their testimony. All of them are Indian chiefs, from villages near Manila; and all are presumably converts, as all bear Christian forenames. At the end appear the following affidavits:]

This document was prepared and copied from the original which remains in my possession, and was prepared by me at the command of the said alcalde-mayor; and which I declare to have been truly and certainly done in the village of Bacolor on the twentieth day of the month of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.

Witness: Pedro Garcia de Molina.

Joan de Alcega

I, Phelipe Roman, notary of the province of Panpanga, in place of Rodrigo Quadros, notary-public of the same, prepared this document by order of the alcalde-mayor, who here has signed his name. At the end I have hereunto affixed my seal, in witness of the truth.

Phelipe Roman, notary. Page 89

[1] Spanish viñas; here used metaphorically, since the natives then obtained their wine from the palm-tree, and from rice, etc. See Vol. III, p. 202; iv, p. 67; and V, p. 169. Cf. U.S. Philippine Commission's Report (1900), iii, pp. 264–266.

Account of the Encomiendas in the Philipinas Islands

A detailed account of the encomiendas in the island of Luçón and the other Philippinas Islands, both those belonging to his Majesty and to private individuals, pacified and hostile, with instruction and without it; with the names of the encomenderos, the number of tributarios in each encomienda, the number of ministers of instruction in them, and the number they lack and need; the capitals and the alcaldes mayor established therein, who maintain peace therein, and govern them in peace, justice, and civilization, in their present condition. May the last, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.[1]

Manila

The city of Manila is located in the island of Luzón. It is the capital of all the islands, and the usual residence of the governor and captain-general, his counselor, and his Majesty's army. This city has about three hundred citizens. It contains the cathedral and bishop's house, and the prebendaries—to-wit, Page 90dean, archdeacon, schoolmaster, treasurer, two canons, seven or eight clerical priests, and some, although few, who are to receive orders. The city has a monastery of Augustinian friars, usually with sixteen religious, counting those who are going and coming—eight of the number being priests, and the rest brethren and candidates for orders. There is one Dominican convent, with four or five friars; and another convent of the same order, with a Sangley hospital, in the Parian in the same city, with two religious. There is one Franciscan convent, which generally contains four priests and seven or eight brethren, counting the teacher and the novitiates. The Society of Jesus has also a professed house, with its father superior, three priests, and three brethren. There is a royal hospital for the Spaniards, and another for the Indians, under charge of two Franciscan lay-brethren. The number of paid soldiers is generally about two hundred, besides their officers. There are two chief constables, one city and the other government; two constables; a prison warden; the three judges; the officials of the royal estate—factor, accountant, and treasurer; an executioner; a notary; a probate judge; the municipal body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary, twelve regidors, and two secretaries—one of finance and war, the other of administration; six notaries-public, and two attorneys; and one constable to attend to vagabonds. There are many calling themselves captain, but only four have companies. This city contains the silk-market of the Parian, which is composed of Sangley merchants, who have two hundred shops. The Parian contains about two thousand Sangleys, more or less, with their judge and governor. In addition to these there are somewhat more than one thousand Page 91in the city, in Tondo, and throughout the islands, engaged in various occupations and trades. Inasmuch as this relation treats only of the ministers of instruction here and those necessary, I shall not discuss further details of Manila and the islands, in order to come to my purpose. Manila and its environs have sufficient instruction, and even more than enough; for the usual alms is given to the religious of the convents, and they are charged to administer the sacraments and to give instruction to the natives there, each convent in its own district. Therefore the ecclesiastics occupied in Manila and its immediate environs, where there are plenty of ministers, might be sent to other districts where ministers are lacking.

His Majesty—In the city of Manila are many Indians who are liable to duty, both in service and in other employments, who are continually shifting— so that, out of the three thousand tributarios that there should be, not more than five hundred tributes are collected for his Majesty. To administer the sacraments and give Christian instruction there is one parish priest for the Indians, and they attend mass at the hospital for Spaniards. They are under the jurisdiction of Manila, in affairs of justice. ... D.

Bagunbaya: His Majesty—His Majesty collects about three hundred whole tributes in the new village of Bagunbaya. This means one thousand two hundred souls. The convent of Sanct Agustín of Manila provides instruction for one-third of them, those nearest the city. The other two-thirds attend mass there. They are under the charge of the parish priest of the Manila Indians—that is, as far as the hermitage of Nuestra Señora de Guía [“Our Lady of Guidance”]. There mass is celebrated for them; Page 92while he who says it to the Indians of Manila says it in the hospital. There are many other churches where they may attend mass, for the parish priest assists at that of the hermitage, as it is a good settlement and outside of the city. These Indians are under the jurisdiction of Manila. ... CCC.

Laguio y Malate: His Majesty—His Majesty collects three hundred tributes, which represent one thousand two hundred souls, in the village of Laguio y Malate. They are instructed by one Augustinian religious, who has a church and house there. They are under the jurisdiction of Manila. ... CCC.

Longalo y Parañaque: His Majesty—In the village of Longalo y Parañaque—two places merged into one—are eight hundred tributes, which are collected by his Majesty; counting in those of other small hamlets, they represent, in all, three thousand two hundred souls. They are in charge of one Augustinian convent established there, with two religious. These religious visit the other small hamlets. Tondo exercises justice therein. ... DCCC.

Cabite and Others: His Majesty—In the village of Cabite and other neighboring hamlets, his Majesty has three hundred and seventy tributes, representing one thousand four hundred and eighty souls. One ecclesiastic residing there has them in charge. He visits in addition some small villages very near by, and the port of Cavite, where Spanish sailors are wont to be found. ... CCCLXX.

Maragondon: His Majesty—His Majesty collects two hundred tributes, which represent eight hundred souls, in the village of Maragondón. Formerly the ecclesiastic of Cavite visited them, being assigned a special salary therefor. But he does Page 93not visit them now; and for three years they have been without instruction, through the bishop's negligence. ... CC.

Dilao: His Majesty—In the village of Dilao his Majesty collects two hundred whole tributes, representing eight hundred souls, whose instruction is in charge of the convent of Sanct Francisco of Manila. They attend mass at this convent, as it is quite near. ... CC.

Tondo: His Majesty—The town of Tondo, on the other side of the river, opposite Manila, is an encomienda of his Majesty, and is capital of a district, with its own jurisdiction and an alcalde-mayor. In Tondo, Nabotas, and Tambobo are collected one thousand five hundred whole tributes, which represent six thousand souls. It has one Augustinian convent with two ministers, who can give sufficient instruction. ... MD.

Besides that, there is another convent of Dominicans, with two religious, who furnish instruction to forty Christian Sangleys, whose tribute is paid to his Majesty. They are under the civil jurisdiction of that town. ... XL.

Zapa: His Majesty; Pedrode Chaves; a minor son of Velazquez—In the village of Capa, an encomienda of his Majesty, are collected two hundred tributes. In Pandaca, an encomienda of Pedro de Chaves, are collected one hundred more. In other neighboring small hamlets, on the river above, belonging to the minor son of Velazquez, are collected two hundred more. Together these amount to four hundred [sic.]. They are under the charge of one Franciscan religious who resides in Zapa and visits the other places. ... CCCC.

Passi: Thome de la Ysla—The encomienda of Page 94Passi belongs to Thome de la Ysla. It has two thousand tributes, under the instruction of one Augustinian monastery with two ministers. On the uplands are two thousand more, among the Tingues above, who, although friendly, pay no tribute and have no instruction. They could be provided with two more ministers in due time. ... MMMM.

Tagui: Captain Vergara—The encomienda of Tagui belongs to Captain Vergara. He collects there eight hundred tributes. It is provided with adequate instruction by Augustinians. ... DCCC.

Thus the encomiendas of Manila, its coast, and the opposite shore of Toado have nine thousand four hundred and ten whole tributes, which represent thirty thousand six hundred and forty souls, or thereabout. They have thirteen ministers of instruction, without counting that given by the monasteries, as above stated. Thus they are amply supplied with instruction, and even more than sufficiently. They are under the judicial and civil jurisdictions of Manila and Tondo, according to their districts.

La Pampanga

Batan: Esguerra—The encomienda of Batan, belonging to Juan Esguerra, has about one thousand tributarios, who represent four thousand souls. There is one Dominican convent there, and justice is administered by a deputy. ... M.

Bitis y Lubao: King—The encomienda of Bitis y Lubao, which belongs to his Majesty, has about five thousand tributes, or twenty thousand souls. It has four Augustinian convents. Justice is exercised by one alcalde-mayor and his deputy. ... MMMMM.

Macabebe: Pedro de Chaves—The encomienda Page 95of Macabebe, belonging to Pedro de Chaves, has about two thousand three hundred tributes, or about nine thousand two hundred souls. It has one Augustinian convent. A portion of these Indians are instructed, however, by a friar—that portion of them settled in certain new arable lands in Araya. Justice is administered by the alcalde-mayor of Bitis y Lubao. ... MMCCC.

Candava: Don Juan Ronquillo; Don Goncalo Vallesteros—The encomienda of Candava, belonging to Don Juan Ronquillo and Don Goncalo de Ballesteros, has about two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. It has one Augustinian convent, but a portion of these tributarios are in charge of the religious in the above village of Araya. It is in the civil jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of Candava. ... MM.

Apali: Minor daughter of Santos; Juan Lopez; Cañedo; King—The encomienda of Apali, belonging to a minor daughter of Santos, has one hundred and seventy tributes, or six hundred and eighty persons. The encomienda of Cabanbangan, belonging to Juan Lopez de Leon, has about three hundred tributes, or one thousand two hundred persons. The encomienda of the village called Castilla, belonging to his Majesty, has seventy tributes, or two hundred and eighty persons. Another village, called Capalangan, with seventy more tributes, or two hundred and eighty persons, belongs to Antonio de Cañedo. All these villages are instructed by one Augustinian friar, who lives in the above village of Apali. All the above-named villages are near a river. It is in the jurisdiction of Candava and Calompit. In all, these amount to six hundred and eighty tributes or Page 96two thousand seven hundred and twenty souls. ... DCLXXX.

Calompit: Juan de Morón [sic]—The encomienda of Calompit y Agunoy, belonging to Juan de Morones, has about three thousand two hundred tributes, or twelve thousand eight hundred souls. It has two Augustinian convents, and one alcalde-mayor. ... MMMCC.

Malolos: Tirado—The encomienda of Malolos, belonging to Tirado, has about nine hundred tributes, or three thousand six hundred souls. It has one Augustinian convent. Justice is administered by the alcalde-mayor of Bulacan. ... DCCCC.

Binto: Cañedo—The encomienda of Binto, belonging to Antonio Cañedo, has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is in charge of one Augustinian religious from the Malolos convent, which is close at hand. It is in the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor above, who visits it. ... D.

Guinguinto: Ligero—The encomienda of Guinguinto, belonging to Ligero, has about five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. Instruction and justice are administered from Bulacan. ... D.

Caluya: King—The encomienda of Caluya, belonging to his Majesty, has about seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It is under the charge of the convent of Bulacán, and is in the jurisdiction of that town. ... DCC.

Bulacan: Mariscal—The encomienda of Bulacan, belonging to the Mariscal [i.e., Gabriel de Ribera], has about one thousand two hundred tributes, or four thousand eight hundred persons. It has one Augustinian convent, and one alcalde-mayor. It is a capital town. ... MCC. Page 97

Mecabayan: Minor son of La Rea—The encomienda of Mecabayan, which belongs to the minor son of La Rea, has about seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It has one Franciscan convent. It is in the jurisdiction of Bulacan. ... DCC.

Thus the encomiendas of Pampanga have eighteen thousand six hundred and eighty whole tributes, or seventy-four thousand seven hundred and twenty souls, more or less. They have twenty-eight ministers of instruction, by whom, for the present, they are well instructed, and well governed in judicial and civil matters.

Pangasinan

Lingayen: King—The encomienda of Lingayen, belonging to his Majesty, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. It has one Augustinian convent. The inhabitants are peaceable, and have justice. ... M.

Sunguian: Vexarano—The encomienda of Sunguian, belonging to Vexarano, has six hundred tributes, or one thousand [sic] four hundred persons. It has justice and is pacified. There is no instruction. It needs one religious. ... DC.

Magaldan: Axqueta—The encomienda of Magaldan belongs to Captain Christoval de Axqueta. It has eight hundred tributes or three thousand two hundred persons. It has both instruction and justice. ... DCCC.

Labaya: King; Ximenez; minor son of Sandoval—encomienda of Labaya, belonging to his Majesty, Juan Ximenez del Pino, and the minor son of Alonso Hernández de Sandoval, has one thousand Page 98five hundred tributes, or six thousand persons. It has instruction and justice. ... MD.

Tugui y Bolinao: Aguilar—The encomienda of Tugui y Bolinao, belonging to Alonso de Aguilar, has two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. Not more than one-half are pacified. They have no instruction. The magistrate visits them. They need at least three or four religious. ... MM.

Thus the encomiendas of Pangasinan have about six thousand whole tributes, or about twenty-four thousand souls, who have eight ministers of instruction. They will need five more, which will make in all thirteen. The natives of this province will be sufficiently instructed with that number.

Ilocos

Bigan—The town of Bigan is called Villa Fernandina. Five or six Spanish citizens are settled there. It has one parish priest, one alcalde-mayor, and one deputy.

Baratao: Don Bernardino—The encomienda of Baratao, belonging to Captain Don Bernardino de Sandi, collects tribute from one thousand five hundred men, or six thousand persons. It has one Augustinian convent with two religious. It has justice. Two more religious are needed. ... MD.

Purao: Guiral—The encomienda of Purao, belonging to Christóval Guiral, has two thousand tributes, or eight thousand persons. There is one Augustinian convent with two religious, and it has justice. It needs two more religious. ... MM.

Dumaquaque: King; Don Alonso—The encomienda of Dumaquaque, belonging to his Majesty and to Don Alonso Maldonado, has nine hundred Page 99tributes, or three thousand six hundred persons. It has one monastery with two religious, and justice. ... DCCCC.

Candon: Aregue; Ribas—The encomienda of Candón, belonging to Juan el de Aregue and Ribas de Mendoza, collects nine hundred tributes, which means three thousand six hundred persons. They have justice, but no instruction. Two ministers are necessary. ... DCCCC.

Nabucan: The Mariscal—The encomienda of Nabucan, belonging to the mariscal Gabriel de Ribera, collects one thousand four hundred and ninety tributes, which means five thousand nine hundred and sixty persons. It has instruction, one ecclesiastic, and justice. It needs two more ministers. ... MCCCC. [sic]

Napandan: Hospital—The encomienda of Narandán, belonging to the hospital for Spaniards, collects three hundred and ninety tributes, which means one thousand five hundred and sixty persons. It has instruction and justice. There is one minister in it. ... CCCXC.

Bigan: King—The encomienda of Bigan; his Majesty collects there eight hundred tributes, which means three thousand two hundred persons. It has one religious who takes care of it, and has justice. ... DCCC.

Batay y Batanguey: King—The encomienda of Batay y Batanguey; his Majesty collects there one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons. It has no instruction. It is at present visited from Bigan. It has justice. Two ministers are needed. ... M.

Panay: Don Pedro de Aguirre—The encomienda Page 100of Panay belongs to Don Pedro de Aguirre, a minor. He collects seven hundred tributes, which means two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice, but no instruction. One minister is necessary. ... DCC.

Sinay y Cabugao: King—The encomienda of Sinay y Cabugao, belonging to his Majesty, pays one thousand tributes, which means four thousand persons. It has justice, but no instruction. It needs two ministers. ... M.

Barao: Don Juan de la Peña—The encomienda of Barao belongs to Don Juan de la Peña. He collects there seven hundred tributes, which means two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice, but no instruction. One minister is needed. ... DCC.

Cacabayan: King; Gaspar Perez—The encomienda of Cacabayan, belonging to his Majesty and Gaspar Perez; two thousand one hundred tributes are collected there, which means eight thousand four hundred persons. It has one monastery with three religious, and justice. ... MMC.

Boncan: Hernan Gutierrez—The encomienda of Boncan belongs to Captain Hernan Gutierrez. He collects there three hundred and fifty tributes, which means one thousand four hundred souls. It is visited by the fathers from Ylagua. It has justice. ... CCCL.

Ylagua: King—The encomienda of Ylagua belongs to his Majesty. He collects from it one thousand five hundred tributes, which means six thousand persons. It has three ministers, and justice. ... MD.

Balleçillo: Piçarro—The encomienda of Balleçillo belongs to Andres Piçarro, who collects there one hundred and fifty tributes, which means six hundred persons. It has no instruction, but has justice. It needs one minister. ... CL. Page 101

El Abra de Bigan: Doña María Ron—The encomienda of El Abra de Bigan; Doña María Ron collects from it one hundred and fifty tributes, which means six hundred persons. It has no instruction, but has justice. It needs one minister. ... CL.

Bacarra: Captain Castillo; Hermossa—The encomienda of Bacarra; one thousand tributes are collected in it by Captain Castillo and Andres de Hermossa. This means four thousand persons. There are two Augustinian priests, and the people have justice. ... M.

Dinglas: King; María Bermudez—The encomienda of Dinglas belongs to his Majesty and María Bermudez. They collect there six hundred tributes, which means two thousand four hundred persons. It has no instruction, but has justice. One religious is necessary for this encomienda. ... DC.

Thus in the province of Ilocos and its jurisdiction, there are seventeen thousand one hundred and thirty whole tributes, or sixty-eight thousand five hundred and twenty persons. It is in charge of twenty ministers of instruction, and needs about eleven other ministers for the districts where they are wanting, in all more than thirty ministers. With this number it would seem that there would be sufficient instruction in the gospel, as there is in peace and justice.

Cagaian

The City of Segovia—The city of Nueva Segovia is the capital of Cagayan, and its principal port. It has a number of Spanish citizens, with an alcalde-mayor, his deputy, and regidors. There is one Augustinian convent in charge of the Spaniards, with one priest, and his associate, a brother. Page 102

Cabicunga: Don Sebastian—The encomienda of Cabicunga is assigned to Don Sebastian Ruyz de Baeca. It has five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand souls. It has no instruction, but has justice. One minister will be needed there. ... D.

Pata: Vacant—The encomienda of Pata lies vacant. It has two hundred tributes, or eight hundred persons. It has instruction and justice, and is peaceful. The minister of Cabicunga could visit it, and it would have sufficient instruction. ... CC.

Massi: Serpa; Vacant—The encomienda of Massi, belonging to Christoval de Serpa, has five hundred tributes, which represent two thousand persons. ... D.

On this river of Massi is another encomienda, called Bangal, with three hundred tributarios, which means one thousand two hundred persons. It lies vacant. They are both pacified and have justice, but no instruction. One religious to reside in Massi, and visit Bangal, will be sufficient. ... CCC.

Tulaque: Captain Castillo; Juan de la Feria—The encomienda of Tulaque, which belongs to Captain Castillo and Juan de la Feria, has one thousand five hundred tributarios, which means six thousand persons. The greater portion is pacified. They have no instruction. Two ministers will be necessary for the whole. ... MD.

Camalayuga: King—The encomienda of Camalayuga belongs to his Majesty. He collects there five hundred tributes, which means two thousand persons. They are pacified. They have no instruction, but have justice. ... D.

Camanaguan: King—The encomienda of Camanaguan belongs to his Majesty. He collects there three hundred tributes, which means one thousand Page 103two hundred persons. Likewise Tocol, which has one hundred tributes, or four hundred persons. These tributes have been assigned to the repairs of the fortress of the city of Segovia. They are pacified and have justice. At present one minister, to reside in Camalayuga and visit the other villages, will suffice. ... CCC.

Gotot: Don Pedro de Espinosa—The encomienda of Gotot belongs to Don Pedro de Espinosa. It has six hundred tributes. One or two of its settlements are pacified. Justice is administered there. It has no instruction. One religious will be necessary there. ... DC.

Maguin y Taviran: King—The encomienda of Maguín y Tabiran belongs to his Majesty. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. There is one pacified settlement. Justice is administered from Cagaian. There is no instruction. One minister for the instruction of these settlements will be necessary. ... D.

Sinavanga: Juan Pablo—The encomienda of Sinavanga, belonging to Juan Pablo de Carrion, has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. It is hostile, and has no instruction. Two ministers are needed there. ... M.

Manacu: Don Sebastian—The encomienda of Manacu, belonging to Don Sebastian Ruyz de Baeza, has two hundred tributes, or eight hundred friendly persons. It has justice. The two ministers of Manacu are without instruction. The ministers of Sinavanga might care for those of Manacu, and it would be instructed. ... CC.

Dumon: Sequera—The encomienda of Dumon, belonging to Juan de Sequera, has eight hundred Page 104tributes, which means three thousand two hundred persons. It is hostile. One religious might be stationed there when it is pacified. ... DCCC.

Talapa y Gatara: Juan Vasquez; Argonca; Alonso Martín—The encomienda of Talapa y Gatara belongs to Juan Vasquez and Juan de Argonca. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. They are hostile. One religious might be stationed there, when they are pacified, and who can visit the estuary of Talapanga, which has fifty tributes, or two hundred persons, and belongs to Alonso Martín. It is hostile also.... DL.

Lobo: Don Rodrigo Ronquillo; Diego Ronquillo—The encomienda of Lobo, belonging to Don Rodrigo and Diego Ronquillo, has four thousand tributes, or sixteen thousand persons. It is all hostile. For its administration and instruction it requires six religious. ... MMMM.

Bato and Masipin: Don Sebastian; Alonso Martín—The encomienda of Bato belongs to Don Sebastian Ruyz Baeza. It has four hundred tributes, and Masipin two hundred tributes, which means two thousand four hundred persons. It is all in rebellion. It might have one religious to minister to both parts. ... DC.

Caralanga, Yaguan, Ygui, Tagoran, Pagamon: Francisca de Cardenas; Alonso Vazquez; Alonso Sanchez; Don Sebastian—All the above encomiendas belong to Francisca de Cardenas, Alonso Vazquez, Alonso Sanchez, and Don Sebastian Ruyz de Baeza. They have about six hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. All of them are hostile. They might have one religious to administer instruction in them all. ... DC. Page 105

Nabugan: King—The encomienda of Nabugan belongs to his Majesty. It has seven hundred tributarios, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It is in rebellion. One minister to instruct them is needed. ... DCC.

Gabalatan, Gat, Tapia, Dudulique: Don Sebastian; Alonso Sanchez; Patiño—These encomiendas of Gabalatan, Gat, Tapia, and Dudulique, belong to Alonso Sanchez, Don Sebastian, and Patiño. They have six hundred tributes, or two thousand four hundred persons. They are all hostile. One minister is needed for them, who may live in Gabalatan and visit the other villages. ... DC.

Tubigarao, Tabagar, Acuba: Henao; Alonso Vázquez—These encomiendas of Tubigarao, Tabagar, and Acuba, belong to Henao and Alonso Vazquez. They have seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. They are in rebellion. When pacified, one minister might instruct them. He could live in Tubigarao and visit the other villages. ... DCC.

Batona, Sulu, Rot, Lapugan: Bartholome de Caravajal; Enrrique Martín—These encomiendas of Batano, Sulu, Rot, and Lapugan, belong to Enrrique Martín and Bartholome de Caravajal. They have five hundred and fifty tributes, or two thousand two hundred persons, who are in rebellion. When the rebellion is suppressed, one minister can furnish instruction in all these villages. ... DL.

Cimbus: Caravajal; Serna—The encomienda of Cimbus belongs to Bartholome Caravajal and Estevan de la Serna. They have one thousand two hundred tributarios, or four thousand eight hundred persons. It is all in a state of rebellion. When pacified, Page 106two ministers can attend to the instruction there. ... MCC.

Nalaguan: Juan Vázquez—The encomienda of Nalaguan belongs to Juan Vázquez. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is hostile. One minister is necessary. ... D.

Bololutan: Caravajal; Juan Vazquez—The encomienda of Bolo y Lulutan, belonging to Bartholome Caravajal and Alonso Vázquez, has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. Bolo is at peace but Lulutan is in rebellion. One religious can administer instruction in both parts. ... D.

Bataguan, Sugarro: Alonso Sanchez; Alonso Galindo—The encomienda of Bataguan and Sugarro, belonging to Alonso Sanchez and Alonso Galindo, has six hundred tributes or two thousand four hundred persons. It is all in rebellion. One religious can administer instruction, and can reside at Bataguan and visit Sugarra. ... DC.

Balissi, Moyot, and Camiguil: Serna; Alonso Sanchez; Juan Vázquez—The encomiendas of Balissi, belonging to Estevan de la Serna, Moyot, belonging to Alonso Sanchez, and Camiguil, belonging to Alonso [sic] Vazquez, have five hundred and fifty tributes, or two thousand two hundred persons. They are in rebellion. One minister, who could live in Balissi and visit the others, could furnish instruction. ... DL.

Purrao Culit: Miguel Nunez—The encomienda of Purrao Culit belongs to Miguel Nuñez, and has about five hundred tributarios, or two thousand persons. It is in rebellion throughout. One minister could furnish instruction to all the inhabitants. ... D.

Taotao: Alonso Martín—The encomienda of Page 107Taotao, called otherwise Tingues de la Paxada, belongs to Alonso Martín. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is all in rebellion. One minister might instruct these encomiendas. ... D.

Yoguan: Luis Patiño—The encomienda of Yoguan has another village, called Togol, and both belong to Luys Patiño. They have four hundred tributarios, or one thousand six hundred persons. It is all in rebellion. One minister can instruct these villages. ... CCCC.

Pugao: Juan Rodríguez de Mansilla and others—The valley of Pugao, which is in charge of Juan Rodríguez de Manssilla, at the head-waters of the Rio Grande; we are informed that it has two thousand tributarios. They are in rebellion. When they are pacified, they will require three ministers. This encomienda belongs to others together with Manssilla. ... MM.

Babuyanes: Alonso de la Serna; Francisco Castillo—This encomienda of the Babuyanes consists of two islands belonging to Estevan [sic] de la Serna and Francisco Castillo. From one to the other is a distance of two leagues. It has five hundred tributarios, or two thousand persons. They are all in rebellion. It might have one minister, living at Puga and visiting Aperri. ... D.

Calayan: Serna—This island of Calayan belongs to Estevan de la Serna. It has four hundred tributes, or one thousand six hundred persons. It is in rebellion. It needs one minister. ... CCCC.

Camiguin: Alonso Martín—The island of Camiguín belongs to Alonso Martín. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It is in rebellion. One religious might attend to the instruction there. ... D. Page 108

We have notice of other islands, although we have not seen them, and they remain yet to be allotted. Thus in the province of Cagayan and the islands of Babuyanes, there are twenty-four thousand whole tributes, or about ninety-six thousand souls. Notwithstanding that most of it is in rebellion, a great part of it is being reduced to the royal crown. In all the province there is not a single minister of instruction, and it will need thirty-eight religious, when it is wholly pacified. As to the administration of justice, in the part now pacified or being pacified, the encomienda and government of Nueva Segovia has it in charge. When all is pacified, more alcaldes-mayor will be needed, and will be provided.

La Laguna

Mirabago: Juan Gutierrez—The encomienda of Mirabago, belonging to Juan Gutierrez, has six hundred, nay, seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice. The instruction of this encomienda located on the shore of the lake is in charge of the bridge[2] of Tabuco. One minister is needed for the tingues. ... DCC.

Tabuco: Don Luis Enrriquez—The encomienda of Tabuco belongs to Don Luis Enrriquez. It has one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. The tingues of this encomienda live very far away, although the ecclesiastic in charge of this encomienda visits them. For this reason they will need one ecclesiastic. ... M.

Taitay: Juan Pacheco—The encomienda of Taitay, belonging to Juan Pacheco, has six hundred tributes. Page 109One Franciscan friar takes sufficient care of the instruction there. ... DC.

Bay: Juan Pacheco Maldonado—The encomienda of Bay belongs to Captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado. It has two thousand one hundred tributes, or eight thousand four hundred persons. It has two Augustinian convents, and justice. It has sufficient instruction. ... MMC.

Pila: Captain Mercado; Peñalossa—The encomienda of Pila belongs to Captain Mercado and Ensign Peñalosa. It has one thousand seven hundred tributes, or six thousand eight hundred persons. It has justice; and two Franciscan convents furnish sufficient instruction. ... MDCC.

Mahaihai: Captain Ossorio—The encomienda of Mahaihai belongs to Captain Ossorio. It has five hundred tributes, or two thousand persons. It has justice, and one Franciscan friar. ... D.

Lumban: King—The encomienda of Lumban belongs' to his Majesty. He collects there one thousand seven hundred tributes, which means six thousand eight hundred persons. It has two convents of Franciscan friars, and is well instructed. ... MDCC.

Tayaval: King—The encomienda of Tayaval belongs to his Majesty. It has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. It is sufficiently instructed. ... DCC.

Panguil: Minor son of Velazquez—The encomienda of Panguil, belonging to the minor son of Velázquez, has eight hundred tributes, or three thousand two hundred persons. It is instructed by Franciscans. ... DCCC.

Sinaloa: Brito—The encomienda of Sinaloa belongs to Pedro de Brito. It has seven hundred tributes, Page 110or two thousand eight hundred persons. It is sufficiently instructed, although the tingues live very far away, and cannot come to the convent for mass. One more minister is necessary. ... DCC.

Moron: Hernando deAbalos; Hospital—The encomienda of Morón belongs to Hernando Abalos and the royal hospital. They have one thousand tributes, or four thousand persons. They have instruction, but in order that all may have it, one more minister is needed. ... M.

Nayun: King—The encomienda of Nayun, belonging to his Majesty, has seven hundred tributes, or two thousand eight hundred persons. They are sufficiently instructed. ... DCC.

Thus the province of La Laguna, which is the alcalde-mayoralty styled by itself Bay, has eleven thousand five hundred whole tributes, or forty-eight thousand four hundred souls. These are well instructed, for with its twenty-seven ministers, if the tingues were gathered in the settlements, and another four ministers were added, it would have sufficient instruction. Likewise it is all furnished with adequate justice.

Vicor and Camarines

Caceres: The town of Caceres is the capital. It has thirty Spanish inhabitants and one Franciscan convent with two religious, not counting those who come and go. There is one parish priest with his church, stationed by himself, to whom his Majesty gives a stipend of fifty thousand maravedís; and, with the balance given by the citizens, the sum amounts to more than three hundred pesos. There is one alcalde-mayor and his deputy.

Milarrit: Minor son of Torres—The village of Page 111Mirralit [sic], belonging to the minor son of Torres; in this encomienda there are five hundred and twenty whole tributes, or two thousand and eighty souls in all. This encomienda is one-quarter of a league from the town up the river. Two Franciscan religious from the convent of Caceres visit it, so that it is sufficiently instructed. The magistrate of Caceres administers justice there. ... DXX.

Minalava: King—His Majesty has control of the encomienda of Minalava, in which are six hundred and sixty-eight tributes, or two thousand six hundred and seventy-two souls. The villages of this encomienda are quite close to one another, so that they can hear the bell when it is rung, and assemble in this encomienda. There are two religious of the order of St. Francis—one a priest and the other a lay-brother—so that it is furnished with instruction. In addition, these religious visit the following encomienda. ... DCLXVIII.

Ynguinan: Doña María de Ron—These two religious visit the encomienda called Ynguinan, which has two hundred and six entire tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. By means of the above mentioned visitation, instruction is furnished. ... CCVI.

Linaguan: Pedro de Salazar—These two religious visit Linaguan also. It belongs to Pedro de Salazar, who has in the said encomienda of Niguinan sixty whole tributes. It is one-half league from Minalava, its capital. There is another encomienda two or three leagues farther. At present these towns of Niguinan and Linaguan are not sufficiently instructed by this visitation. However, with the addition of one more minister they will have sufficient. Page 112Justice is administered in these encomiendas by the alcalde-mayor of Caceres, two or three leagues away. ... LX.

Nabua: King—His Majesty has another encomienda also, Nabua by name, numbering one thousand and eighteen whole tributes, or four thousand and seventy-two persons. The villages of this encomienda are near together. They used to have four ministers, for they visit the two following encomiendas. There are in Nabua two Franciscan friars. ... MXVIII.

Bula: Doña Maria de Ron—The village of Bula belongs to Doña María de Ron. It is four leagues from Nabua. It has two hundred and six whole tributes, or eight hundred and twenty-four persons. It is visited from Nabua. ... CCVI.

Bao: Minor son of Sebastian Pérez—These fathers of Nabua visit also the encomienda of the minor son of the late Sebastian Perez, called Bao. It has one hundred and seventy-six tributes, or seven hundred and four persons. Like Nabua, the capital, it used to have four friars, but now has not more than two. These encomiendas are not well administered, but five religious would be sufficient for it. ... CLXXVI.