The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

Volume IX, 1593–1597

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

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Contents of Volume IX

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Illustrations

  • Autograph signature of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 69
  • Coat-of-arms of the city of Manila (two representations); photographic facsimiles from original MSS. (dated 1683 and 1748) in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 213
  • Map of islands of Luzón and Hermosa, with part of China; photographic facsimile of MS. map by Hernando de los Rios Coronel (dated June 27, 1597), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ... 305

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Preface

The events related in the present volume (1593–97) conclude the first quarter-century of the history of Manila as a Spanish settlement. That city, although small, is gaining in importance and prosperity; it is fairly well fortified, and its public institutions are increasing; it is now the seat of an archbishop, and three dioceses are formed to be under his care. Restless spirits among the Spaniards desire to conquer neighboring lands; this is partially accomplished in Mindanao, but that island proves to be of little value. An expedition is sent nominally in aid of Camboja against Siam, but is unsuccessful. Meanwhile, the Spaniards are not free from danger: the emperor of Japan is apparently plotting their subjection; and the natives of the islands, although nominally pacified, are inclined to rebel. The increasing numbers of the Chinese in the islands render them dangerous, and various restrictions are imposed upon them. Governor Dasmariñas, slain by his Chinese oarsmen, is succeeded pro tempore by his son Luis Pérez; but the latter is too young for so important a post, and the king reestablishes the Audiencia at Manila. Its president, Francisco Tello, is also governor of the islands.

In 1593 another ambassador arrives at Manila from the Japanese ruler Hideyoshi. This is Faranda, Page 6who furnishes a full account of the manner in which Fray Juan Cobos had been received in Japan the year before, and of his own appointment from the emperor as envoy to the Spaniards, on which errand he departed with Cobos. The latter perished by shipwreck, Faranda arriving safely at Manila. He professes a desire for peace and friendship between the Japanese and Spaniards, instead of the subjection of the latter; and asks that Franciscan missionaries be sent to his country. Since he brings no credentials, except letters from Fray Cobos, the governor orders an official inquiry into the whole matter, and examines witnesses about it. Juan de Solis, a Spanish captain who happened to be in Japan when Fray Cobos arrived there, thinks that the emperor is sincere in asking only the friendship of the Castilians. Solis relates the events of the father's stay there, confirming the account given by Faranda. A similar deposition is made by Antonio Lopez, the Chinese convert who comes with Faranda. But there follows a long account, apparently obtained from conversations held with this Antonio and several others, of intrigues and plots among the Japanese to subdue the Philippines, as they have done with Corea. The Spaniards are warned against the Chinese who are in Manila. Much of this is apparently the gossip of the Parián; but it affords curious side-lights on the relations between the Japanese, Chinese, and Spaniards. A letter from Dasmariñas to the Japanese emperor (May 20, 1593) announces his despatch of another envoy, the Franciscan priest Pedro Baptista.

Governor Dasmariñas writes (June 20, 1593) to King Felipe, reporting the present state of affairs in he islands. He asks for more missionaries, and Page 7states the qualifications that they should possess. He intends to found a new Spanish colony in the recently-pacified district of Tuy. All Luzon has now been explored and pacified. The fortifications of Manila are now in good condition; accordingly, the city is safe from outside enemies, and the natives can see that the Spanish occupation is a permanent one. The cathedral is so nearly completed that worship is celebrated therein; and the convent of Sancta Potenciana is well under way. Galleys are patrolling the coast to watch for enemies; but the clergy have so opposed the efforts of the governor to man the galleys that he could not equip them as well as he desired. The permission given to the Indians to pay their tributes in produce or in coin, as they might choose, is leading to the ruin of the country; for the natives are in consequence neglecting their industries and manufactures, and prices are much higher. The royal officials, therefore, now collect the tributes in produce only. Again the governor complains of the marriages of wealthy widows to adventurers, who have thus “defrauded several very honorable and worthy captains and soldiers who serve here;” he recommends that heiresses be not allowed to marry without the king's consent. He also advises that all collections of tributes be made by the royal officials, who should pay the encomenderos their dues. Another letter of the same date is especially interesting, as containing the earliest data thus far available on the first printing in the Philippines. Dasmariñas desires the king to provide some suitable design for the coat-of-arms of the city of Manila. He protests against the heavy duties levied in Mexico on goods exported from the islands. These letters are followed by a Page 8memorandum—unsigned and undated, but probably written about 1593—of “the troops required in the Philippines;” this is itemized, and gives a total of 1,517. On September 27, 1593, Dasmariñas sends a friendly letter, with gifts, to the king of Camboja, who is threatened by the king of Siam; and he offers to be arbitrator of their differences. An unsigned list (1594?) is given of the villages reduced by the Spaniards under an officer named Berramontano.

Luis Perez, son of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, who has succeeded to his father's office, writes to the king of Camboja (February 8, 1594) renewing his father's proffers of friendship for that ruler. At this time Hernando de los Rios, administrator of the royal hospital at Manila, demands from the government more aid for that institution. Witnesses testify that there is much sickness and mortality among the Spanish soldiery in the islands; and that the hospital, as their only resource for care when ill, should receive an increase of its present inadequate income, and new buildings should be constructed for its use.

In 1594 Francisco de Ortega, Augustinian visitor-general in the Philippines, presents a number of reports and petitions to the king. The abstracts of these papers which are preserved in the Sevilla archives are here presented. The first of these documents contains a list of the islands, with a brief account of their size and population, of the number of religious already at work in them, and of the number yet needed. Next, Ortega asks for certain grants from the royal bounty for his order: a fixed sum for the building of the burnt monastery; an increased allowance for the yearly support of the religious, as prices have risen; allowances of wine, oil, and medicine Page 9for the Augustinian convent at Manila; and an increase in the number of religious provided for it. He complains that the Dominicans are, by their mission to the Chinese, intruding upon the rights of the Augustinians, and prays for the establishment of a convent of Recollect Augustinians in a place proposed by him. Ortega urges upon the king the temporal and spiritual importance of providing religious ministers, of striving to gain an entrance to China, of accepting the advances of the Japanese king of Firando, of conquering Ternate, of resisting the Japanese tyrant, and of pacifying Mindanao. He asks that more troops be sent to Cébu; that the Spanish settlement there be raised to the rank of a city; that the regidors be crown appointees; and that its people be permitted to send their exports directly to Nueva España. He also advises that the port of Cavite be more strongly fortified. A royal decree (April 27) orders that one hundred religious be sent to the islands.

On April 22, 1594, a council of war is held at Manila, to agree upon the reply which shall be made to an arrogant despatch from the Japanese emperor, ostensibly peaceful, but containing covert threats and accepting certain gifts as tokens of vassalage. He then reads a draft of reply, which is criticized as likely to cause unnecessary offense by some expressions therein; an amended reply is read and adopted by the council, a few days later.

Luis Perez Dasmariñas asks (June 15, 1594) from Felipe II aid for two charitable institutions in Manila—the girls' seminary of Sancta Potenciana, and the Confraternity of La Misericordia; also for the establishment and support of a temporary lodging-house Page 10for colonists, and of a hospital for the servants of Spaniards. In another letter (June 22) the governor commends to Felipe's favor Carbajal, the captain who had gone to Japan; the latter is now sent to Spain with Hideyoshi's letter. On the next day, Dasmariñas advises the king of further news and despatches from Japan, sent by the envoy Fray Pedro Baptista. The Japanese emperor professes friendship, but Dasmariñas does not trust him, and has done all in his power to fortify Manila.

Carbajal, the captain who conveyed the Franciscans to Japan, writes (1595?) to the king, to inform him of the prosperity and importance of that country, and the attitude of its ruler toward the Spaniards. The emperor has treated the Franciscans kindly. Carbajal recommends that the Spanish trade in China should be diverted to Japan. In 1595 the diocese of Manila is elevated to an archdiocese, and three new bishoprics are created—those of Cébu, Nueva Cáceres, and Nueva Segovia. The king of Spain, in the decree (June 17) making provision for this, also appoints incumbents for these posts.

Dr. Antonio de Morga, sent to the Philippines in place of Rojas, reports to Felipe II (June 25, 1595) his arrival and inauguration as lieutenant-governor, and urges the necessity of an investigation (which was accordingly decreed) of the royal treasury of the islands. He encloses the various official papers establishing his appointment and inauguration in due form. In August of that year, Luis Dasmariñas is persuaded to send aid to the king of Camboja against the Siamese. This is requested in his behalf by Diego Veloso, a Portuguese adventurer who has spent ten years in that country, and who states that its ruler Page 11has protected the Christian missionaries in his kingdom and now should be aided by the Spaniards. Certain stipulations are proposed to be fulfilled by the king of Camboja in return for Spanish aid, and Veloso accepts them in his behalf.

Instructions are given to Figueroa (November 13, 1595) regarding the conquest of Mindanao. On November 26 following, the king issues a decree reestablishing the Audiencia of Manila, and appointing as its president the new governor of the islands, Francisco Tello—sending him detailed instructions as to the ceremonies to be observed in receiving the royal seal, “which are to be the same as would be observed in the reception of my royal person.”

Luis Pérez Dasmariñas writes to Felipe II (December 6, 1595) giving a general report of external conditions in the province. After a reference to the progress of various religious missions, he reports that Figueroa has gone to pacify Mindanao, although a dispute whether he is to be subordinate to the Manila government is unsettled. He gives an account of the projects of Veloso for assisting the king of Camboja; and states that he, with the consent of both religious and military authorities, has decided to make an attempt first against Champa, but to send a representative to Camboja in order to keep the friendship of its king. He urges the sending of a moderate force against Siam, to be provided by the home government. He announces that he is planning to send an embassy to China, with gifts; and he prays the king to reimburse him for expenses connected with the sending of this embassy. Toward the end of the letter he discusses the gifts most acceptable in China.

Felipe II grants (March 20, 1596) the city of Manila Page 12a coat-of-arms more satisfactory to the Spaniards than the one which had been previously used. A royal decree, dated May 15, 1596, regulates the status of the bishoprics suffragan to the archdiocese of Manila. Ten days later, the king issues instructions for the new governor, Francisco Tello. He is earnestly charged to further in every possible way the interests of religion, especially in the instruction of the natives, and the completion and equipment of the cathedral; and to work in harmony with the archbishop. He is to provide liberally for the maintenance of the hospitals, and oversee their management. He must give the king full information regarding the number of missionaries now in the islands, and those needed there, etc.; and shall make arrangements with the superiors of the various orders for the most advantageous distribution of the missionaries who shall be sent each year. Every effort must be made to convert the heathen Indians. Tello is strictly charged not to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs, and to maintain friendly relations with both clerics and friars. No minister of religion shall be permitted to collect from the natives any fees for burials, marriages, etc. Tello is ordered to leave some missionaries at the Ladrones Islands, for the instruction of the natives. Tribute must be collected from all the pacified Indians, whether converts or heathen. The ecclesiastics must not meddle with the collection of tributes, or oppose the governor's authority; for any reforms which they may desire, they must consult with their superiors and prelates, and send applications to the king. Tithes must be paid more fully than hitherto. The duties which the citizens ask to have repealed must still be levied. Certain provisions are made for an income Page 13for the municipality of Manila. Tello is directed to see that the Chinese be removed to quarters outside the city. No duties shall be levied on provisions and munitions brought to Manila by foreigners. Various other clauses are practically the duplicates of instructions given to Gomez Dasmariñas. Agriculture must be encouraged in every way. The convent for girls is to be aided and encouraged. Encomiendas may not be sold or transferred to other holders, but should be made large enough to support both the encomendero and the instruction of the natives. The Indians should be settled in “reductions” like those of the American colonies, where they may be sufficiently instructed. Justice is not to be severe, and litigation is not to be encouraged. Religious will be provided as needed, and hence the priests are to publish no objections to the taking of tributes. Soldiers are to be well employed, receiving pay only when they have no other income, and being exempt from arrest for debt. Captains have authority only over soldiers, and the military must treat the Indians kindly. The forts and fortifications must be maintained, and a watch kept constantly against enemies, who are enumerated, “especially the English Lutherans.” Reports as to the possibility of new conquests are desired, but no such enterprises must be undertaken without circumspection and justification. As the soldiers are now fairly paid, there is no need of spoliation in conquests. The regions nearest Manila must be conquered, for there is rebellion now in the heart of Luzón. Encouragement is given to extend conquests from the Liu Kiu Islands to Java, Borneo, and the Moluccas. The expense is to be borne by the royal exchequer, so far as shall be necessary, although the plan of rewarding Page 14the conquerors from the conquered territory is to be followed. The Indians are to have the right of paying their tributes in any goods at their own option, to avoid extortion. The religious must not go to China or elsewhere, but must do the work among the Indians for which they were sent to the islands. The Chinese suffer oppression and extortion from the customs officers; this must be corrected. Encomenderos and citizens are not to leave the islands without permission, on pain of confiscation of encomiendas. Trade between the islands and China is not to be given up, in spite of objections made by the Portuguese. Effort shall be made to teach the Castilian language to the Indians. The governor must maintain cordial relations with the new Audiencia and with the ecclesiastics.

Luis Perez Dasmariñas prays the king (June 30, 1596) for permission to lade a small vessel for Peru, that he may make enough to pay off his debts. An answer is deferred until after the residencia in his case and his father's be taken. Morga writes to Felipe II (July 6, 1596) a general report. The country in general is at peace, and fears from Japan have been removed by the calming influence of the Franciscans there. Figueroa has been killed in Mindanao, leaving an estate sufficient to carry on the expedition, and infant heirs to his prospective rewards. The expedition to Camboja has gone—the tone of Morga's report evidently disapproving this; and an expedition to China has been forced to return. There has been uneasiness as to the presence of so many Chinese, and many have been sent out of the country. The lines of Manila have been newly drawn, making it easier of defense. Financial affairs require complete Page 15reform. The officials of the treasury are under suspension, pending investigation; and the revenue has been wasted for needless salaries and sinecures. The soldiery devote themselves to trade, losing their military efficiency and interfering with the business of the citizens. The city of Manila is well provided with funds, and the fiscal arrangements are just. Internal affairs are in a bad way, because of the facility and youth of Luis Perez Dasmariñas, and the lack of a regularly-appointed governor. Morga complains of the meddlesomeness of ecclesiastics. He prays for the reëstablishment of the Audiencia; and reports that the country is all pacified, needing now mainly religious. He praises the plan of educating the sons of the natives at the Jesuit college. He reports the arrival of vessels from the unsuccessful exploring expedition of Mendaña to the islands of the South Pacific. In conclusion, he prays that, in consideration of his poor health and the death of his children, he may be permitted to return to Spain.

Tello writes to Felipe II (July 17, 1596) a letter upon his arrival. He is pleased with Manila, although many public requirements are not attended to. The Chinese near the city require watching. The archbishop has remained in Mexico. Trade has fallen off; and soldiers should be sent yearly to make up for deaths and losses. He recommends the continuation of the Mindanao pacification at the expense of the heirs of Figueroa. In a postscript he reports bad news from the Camboja expedition.

The pacification of Mindanao (begun by Figueroa) is continued by Juan de Ronquillo. He sends a report (May 10, 1597) of the campaign to Governor Tello. After a fierce contest with the natives, Page 16in which neither side gains the victory, a treaty of peace is negotiated. Great distress ensues for lack of food, among both Spaniards and Indians; and aid from Manila is asked. Mindanao is a poor country, and will be of very little use to Spain. Ronquillo urges that supplies of troops, ammunition, and provision be sent from Manila, for the Mindanaos will certainly rebel as soon as tribute is exacted from them; and it is best to complete their conquest promptly. The missions in this island have been assigned to the Jesuits; but only one priest is now there, and more are needed at once. The encomenderos to whom Mindanao has been assigned ought to aid in its subjugation, and should be sent at once with troops to the island. A brief outline of the campaign is added, unsigned and undated.

A memorial by Hernando de los Rios (June 27, 1597) to the king of Spain urges the importance of conquering surrounding countries, notably the island of Formosa. He describes certain routes, more direct than those hitherto followed, between Spain and the Philippines, and also complains of the number of Chinese who infest Manila. Luis Perez Dasmariñas urges on Felipe II (June 28, 1597) the evils resulting from the presence in the islands of so many heathen Chinese, with their vices, cunning, and danger to the state. “Except for self-interest, we are mutually contrary and hateful.” He recommends a number of severe measures limiting their activity, and placing obstacles in the way of their employment; and adds various notes recommending specific regulations for them.

The Editors
November, 1903.

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Documents of 1593

Sources: These translations are all obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: Part of the first document is translated by Consuelo A. Davidson; the rest of this, and the remaining documents in this group, by James A. Robertson. Page 18

The Second Embassy to Japan

[Statement by Faranda]

My lord the emperor Conbacondo[1] sends me as his ambassador to your Excellency, as the representative of King Philippe, to ask that we maintain hereafter the peaceful relations required by the close bond of true friendship and fraternity, for which reason I, in the name of my lord the emperor Conbacondo and as his ambassador, ask his Majesty King Philippe and your Excellency to accept and receive that friendship, as my lord the emperor desires. The letter brought by Gaspar, my vassal, was in order to ascertain whether your Excellency and the other Spaniards were friends or foes, and not, as had been imagined or understood here, that you should become vassals of my lord the emperor, and render him obedience and submission. Having learned the truth, my lord the emperor sent this embassy, ordering me to put on the garment which I am wearing, which means friendship and fraternity; for if we had come for war, as was thought, my garments would have been different, and I would have come in a different manner. It would have greatly pleased me if it had been possible for father Fray Juan Cobos to come, to present the sword which, as a token of friendship and true Page 19brotherhood was given to him to be presented to your Excellency; and to describe the kind reception accorded to him there and the love shown to him, so that I might have been more cordially received by your Excellency. Your Excellency, not being acquainted with the many things said in this city concerning my visit, is very kind to receive me in this manner, not knowing even who I am, which could have been explained by father Fray Juan Cobos if he had come.

Will your Excellency be pleased to order that a reply be given to me as soon as possible, that I may go away and take the other Xaponese who are here, because it is time to do so, and because the Xaponese who have come heretofore from Xapon are not of the higher classes, but are very low. Your Excellency should decide whether you do not wish them to go, as people of this sort are a shame to the kingdom of Xapon; and, in case provisions or anything else are required from my country, I will send them with merchants duly registered. For that purpose I ask your Excellency to give me a seal, and I will leave here one of mine, so that all our procedures may be uniform and harmonious; for it would not be right to have the people from the kingdom of Xapon come here to rob the land and occasion scandals, thus giving a bad name to our country, and especially in a country with which we have established close friendship and with whom we are at peace. I also ask that when the emperor needs the Spaniards in the wars which he may wage, your Excellency will bind yourself to send him reënforcements of men, and he will do the same at any time when your Excellency shall see fit to send to his kingdom of Xapon for soldiers. Page 20

Everything that I have asked from your Excellency herein is in the name of my lord the emperor. Your Excellency has doubted my authority, because I did not present letters from my lord the emperor. They are in the possession of father Fray Juan Cobos and give me ample authority to negotiate with your Excellency in regard to everything required to establish peace and amity. I will wait until I reach my emperor's presence and I will then send the agreements written by his own hands, and signed with my name, as a proof of my veracity.

[Authentication]

We, the undersigned religious, state that the ambassador did sign this memorial; and I, Fray Gonzalo Garcia, certify that everything contained herein was dictated to me to be written for your Excellency in the Spanish language by his order; and I as interpreter had it written by one of the religious who here sign our names. Dated in this city of Manila, the twenty-seventh of April, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

Fray Gonçalo Garcia
Fray Geronimo Vazquez
Fray Andres del Spiritu Santo

[Statement by Faranda]

Last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two, Conbacondon, the emperor of the realm of Xapon, commanded me to come to these islands to negotiate for peace and amity with your Excellency and the Spaniards residing here, your Excellency having agreed to it as the representative here of his Majesty King Don Philipe. In order to carry out Page 21my emperor's orders I went as far as the province of Sanchuma,[2] to a seaport, whence I was to sail; but while making preparations for my departure, I was attacked by sickness. Then, in order not to lose the opportunity or to disobey said orders on account of my illness, I decided to send in my place my vassal Gaspar, whom I greatly esteem, believing that he would execute the commission well, as he is a man experienced in all matters pertaining to these Islands, having been in them before; and in consequence I sent him, giving him the letter from the emperor my lord. He came and delivered it; but, as there was no interpreter, it was not understood, and he was discredited because of the little authority he had, as he was not an ambassador. For that reason your Excellency decided to send father Fray Juan Cobos and Captain Lope de Llano, who were to visit the kingdom of Xapon and ascertain the truth concerning the embassy which my said subject brought. When Fray Juan Cobos arrived in Satisma he wrote two letters, one to the emperor, my lord, and another to me as the person to whom the embassy sent to these islands had been entrusted. The said two letters were tied together, and I received them in the town of Mengoya, where the court of my lord the emperor is established.[3] For the sake of courtesy, I did not separate mine, but took both and delivered them to the emperor my lord, who read his and gave me mine—ordering a captain Page 22and myself, one by land and the other by sea, to go to meet father Fray Juan Cobos. We departed at once, I going by sea; and I met him at Geto, a place between Firando and Mangasatte,[4] where I received him with great pleasure, and brought him to the court where my lord the emperor then was. Upon being notified of his arrival, the emperor ordered one of his nobles to give him hospitality in his own home, so that Father Juan Cobos could rest there until a house could be adorned with gold, to shelter him with more pomp, because he was the envoy of so great a governor and because he is a father, and known to be a learned man, and that all his royal city might see how grand a reception was accorded to him. Twenty-five days afterward, when everything was ready to receive him, I sent six hundred of the principal men, nobles and gentry, to convey him to the emperor's presence, sending a beautifully decorated litter, on which the father was carried on their shoulders. Everyone was amazed to see such a reception, the like of which had never before been accorded to any other ambassador, although many had come to my lord the emperor, some to offer obedience, others to negotiate peace treaties. It was because the emperor knew that the Spaniards are a warlike nation, valiant and honored above all other people, that he gave them such a reception; and so it was known over all the court.

My lord the emperor was inside the fortress, and when father Fray Juan Cobos reached the palace he was bidden to enter the audience-chamber where the emperor was waiting for him, and where he received Page 23him with the greatest honor and show of affection ever shown to any man, seating him next to himself. Father Fray Juan Cobos presented him with the letter, which upon being read, showed how doubts had arisen regarding the embassy sent by the emperor the year before. My lord the emperor called me, and asked me why I had not fulfilled his orders—to which I replied that I had gone to do so, but that, while at the seaport, I had been taken sick; and in order not to miss sending his embassy, I had entrusted it to one of my vassals, a Christian. Then my lord the emperor ordered me to go with father Fray Juan Cobos to visit your Excellency in his name, and to deliver my letters and try to establish lasting relations of friendship and amity; and finally sent me away, after having given me full instructions as to what I was to say and do. To father Fray Juan Cobos my lord the emperor gave a sword of great worth and value, as a token of friendship, for your Excellency; and a letter, wherein it was written that we were to be friends and brothers.

Father Fray Juan Cobos and I departed for the port, but on arriving there he would not embark on my vessel. So we set sail, he on his vessel and I on mine. Upon leaving I told father Fray Juan Cobos that it would be better to wait for the tide, and until the moon came out; but he answered: “Your people do not know or understand the sea.” I am a pilot, and, seeing that the high tide was against us, I waited until the moon arose; but the father would not wait, and so left, and I have never since seen him. The advice I gave him before leaving was so that the emperor my lord might not ask me why I had not advised him, and so that the father himself might not Page 24have reason to complain against me. I gave him two of my kinsmen to accompany him, since he would not sail on my vessel. Before he left, I asked the father to give me a letter for your Excellency, because the ocean was not safe; and I asked also for some one who would come with me to these islands, and who could tell who I was, and state the reasons why I came. He gave me Antonio, a Christian Sangley. The said Antonio asked the father for a letter to your Excellency, and he gave it to him; and so we separated, in the manner above described.

I, Faranda Quiemon, ambassador of the emperor of the realms of Xapon, state that the people of the said realms are heathen, but have already begun to accept the gospel law, and wish to become Christians; and if this desire and belief has not spread more, it is because of the lack of ministers and priests. I know that my emperor desires me to bring back some fathers, provided they are of the order of St. Francis, because this is an order and habit new to him; and our Lord Jesus Christ and he will be well pleased that I should do them this service. If your Excellency will order this to be done, you will confer a favor upon the said emperor and myself.

I beg your Excellency to favor me by commanding that ten fathers of the above-mentioned Franciscan order be sent to accompany me from this city to Xapon for the said object—the said ten fathers to be Fray Pedro Baptista, Fray Vicente Vermeo, Fray Blas de la Madre de Dios, Fray Juan Pobre, Fray Diego Portero, Father Gonzalez, Fray Francisco Parilla, Fray Joseph, Fray Francisco Ribero, and Fray Andres (an unsettled priest). Besides the fact that we shall all take as a favor the service done our Page 25lord, I promise in the name of the emperor and on his royal word that they shall be well received and well treated, and that no harm shall be done them; and if they become unwilling to stay, and are disinclined to do the work for which they have been taken thither, I promise to send them back to this city as they came.

[Letters from Fray Juan Cobos]

The bearer of this is Faranda Quiemo, a Xaponese, who goes in a new vessel, which has some red pictures painted on the poop. She is a staunch ship, carrying one hundred and twenty men, Chinese and Xaponese. It carries as a signal a red pennant at the stern. Given at Cuxi, a port of Xapon, on October 29, 1592.

Fray Juan Cobos

[Addressed: “To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, at Manila.”]

Because of the uncertainty of the ocean, I send this note by another vessel which sails together with ours from this port, so that in case it reaches your Excellency before us you will not be alarmed on our account. Our trip has been very prosperous, and, should the Lord preserve our health, we shall, as soon as we find ourselves in Manila, report to your Excellency how well we were received by the emperor and how well attended, thus honoring our lord the king, your Excellency, and our nation. Nothing more at present, as I am writing these lines only in case our ship should prove less speedy. From Page 26Xapon, province of China,[5] port of Cuxi, November 4. Captain Lope Llanos kisses your Excellency's hands; he is very ill with quartan ague.

Fray Juan Cobos

[Addressed: “To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of the Felipinas Islands.”]

The bearer is Antonio Lopez, a Chinese, who sails on the vessel of the Japanese Faranda as a token of peace, and to protect the vessel, so that no harm may be done to it.

Fray Juan Cobo

May Jesus be always with your Excellency. It was found necessary that Antonio Lopez, the Chinese, depart in the vessel of Faranda Quiemo, who is the master of the Faranda who carries these letters and was the source of all these messages. Although I leave the port in Xapon before him, the fortunes of the ocean are various, and he may arrive there first. Glory be to God that our voyage has been very prosperous, as your Excellency will learn. As this letter is only intended as a safe-conduct for its bearers (for which we are hostages), and as a permit to Antonio Lopez, I say nothing more except that I recommend your Excellency, in case he shall arrive before I do, to give them a kind reception, because we were well received by the emperor. It is worth while for your Excellency to send here for copper and hemp, on the king's account, as I shall report to you at my arrival. Page 27Captain Lope de Llanos kisses your Lordship's hands; he is very ill with quartan ague. He is not writing, because this letter is intended only for the purpose above mentioned. From the realm of Xapon, province of Chaxuma, at the port of Cuxi, November 4, 1592.

Fray Juan Cobo

Addressed to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the order of Santiago, and governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands.

Decree

In the city of Manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, I, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the Order of Santiago, and captain-general of these islands, declare in the name of the king, our lord, that whereas last year some letters and an ambassador claiming to come from the king of Xapon were received here, and, moved by suspicion and fearing war, I sent the father Fray Juan Cobos with letters for the emperor; and whereas it is over a year since the said father left here, and, notwithstanding I have received letters from him meanwhile, making known his safe arrival and the prompt execution of his mission, I am anxious because he does not return; three Xaponese vessels having arrived, and in one of them a man by the name of Faranda, a Xaponese who claims to be the ambassador; and as I wish to be informed what sort of a man this Faranda is, and to learn whether Father Cobos arrived there and how he was received and sent away, and the purpose that Faranda has in coming, and what are the intentions and objects of the said emperor, and whatever else it Page 28is expedient to ask in order to disperse and clear away the prevalent uncertainties, and know whether we are to have safety and peace with that king: I hereby order that the following investigation be made, the proceedings of which shall be attached to the original letters sent by father Fray Juan Cobo and to the memorial submitted by Faranda; and I sign it with my name.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas

Before me: Juan de Cuellar

[Testimony]

In[6] the city of Manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, the said governor and captain-general, Gomez Perez Das Marinas, summoned Captain Joan de Solis to his presence, in order to make the above-mentioned investigation. He took the oath before God and on the sign of the cross, in due form, and promised to answer truthfully the questions asked him. The tenor of the questions having been read to him, he said that, as one who had just come from the kingdoms of Xapon, and reached this port and bay but yesterday, and who was in Xapon when father Fray Joan Cobos arrived there—where this witness was building a ship (the one in which he came hither), and work on which he left and abandoned, in order to go to see, protect, and serve the said father Fray Joan Cobo, and to instruct him in Page 29the customs and usages of the country, as the father came in behalf of his Majesty—he will relate here what he knows. While this witness was in the kingdoms of Xapon last year, the emperor resolved to send an embassy here. This he entrusted to Faranda Queymon, but as the latter fell sick at the time of his intended departure from that country, he sent in his stead a Christian Xaponese, named Gaspar, otherwise called Faranda. This witness says that what he heard and was told regarding that matter—not only by the emperor himself, with whom he conversed several times, but by other personages and nobles of the emperor's court—was always that the intention of the king of Xapon was only to ascertain, by means of this embassy, whether these Philippines Islands were friendly or hostile to him; for if they were friendly, then he wished friendship and alliance with the governor and the Spaniards, and trade and intercourse. If they were not friendly, then he would consider them as enemies, and would attack them. This was the object of the embassy, and the emperor's intention, as he himself declared three or four times in the presence of this deponent, in the following formal language: “It is true that I sent Quiemon on that embassy, for, as a man who knows that land, he gave me an account of it. But what I wished was friendship, and trade and intercourse with the Castilians, as I have been informed of the good treatment given to my Xaponese there. I do not want silver, gold, soldiers, or anything else, but only to keep them as friends.” This witness, as he knew the emperor's nature, and his veracity, and the punctiliousness with which he keeps his word, thinks that he does not claim vassalage, tribute, or any recognition Page 30from this community and kingdom, nor does he intend to commit any wrong toward this kingdom; but rather this witness believes and knows that the emperor will aid this kingdom with soldiers, and whatever else might be asked from him. Therefore he thinks that he who interpreted the letter could not read or interpret it, if he asserted that the emperor demanded vassalage; for the characters used in their writing are difficult to understand. Likewise this witness declared, in regard to the arrival of father Fray Joan Cobo in the kingdoms of Xapon, that he saw that Father Cobo went from the port of Chandomar to Nangoya, where the emperor was residing, and that this witness accompanied and entertained him through the entire journey—about one hundred leguas. This witness saw with his own eyes that the city of Nangoya is a city of one hundred thousand or more inhabitants. This city was built and settled in five months. It is three leguas long, and nine leguas in circumference. It was built by order of Quambaco, by which his power was manifest. As soon as Father Cobo had arrived and was about to disembark in the port of the said city of Nangoya, a nobleman of the court came to receive him, bearing three letters—one for the said father, another for Captain Lope de Llano, and the third for the present witness. They [the father and the two captains] were borne on the shoulders of men to the house of the man who came to receive them. There lodging had been prepared by order of Cuambac. Within a week, Cuambac had the father summoned; as soon as the latter had entered the palace, the emperor bade him be seated, and received the messages that he bore. Then he made the above assertion to him with indications Page 31of great pleasure. After that he ordered a collation spread for the father, and asked him if he would like some tea to drink. The father replied that he kissed his Highness's hands. As he rose to go, the emperor ordered him to be taken to the Chanayu—a small house where the most privileged go for recreation and to drink tea[7] with the emperor. This house is well provided with gilded tables, vessels, sideboards, and braziers; and the cups and basins, and the rest of the service, are all of gold. There the emperor ordered a very fine banquet to be spread for him, and had wine carried to him. He again repeated the words above mentioned, two or three times, and then sat down. After a moment's conversation, he took leave of the father. Thirteen days after that, he sent the father a catana or sword, which is held in high estimation there in his kingdom, because of its fineness and adornments; and a letter for the governor. This letter was written on a large sheet of gilt paper resembling damask, in letters of gold. This witness saw it, and took it in his hand, and had it read many times. In brief, it contained these words: “I sent Quiemon, as he is a man of intelligence, and as he had given me a relation of that country, and the good treatment shown to my vassals there; but I do not desire silver, gold, or soldiers, or anything else, but only fast friendship with your nation, for I hold everything under my sway. In Coray [Corea] my captains have already taken the king prisoner, and are now near Lanquin, and about to seize China. I am sending you a sword now, in order that you may have some remembrance from me in that country. You shall have this written Page 32to your king, and shall send me his reply. To the lioccata of Manila, Huye Çama,” (that is to say, “the great captain”) The honor shown to father Fray Joan Cobo was never shown to any foreigner or native, according to the assertion of this witness, as one who has a thorough understanding of the customs and laws of that country. From all of the above it can be understood that the said father was received and his business despatched with great honor. And, as to the father not having come to this country, this witness declares that be knows that the father embarked, after receiving many presents and supplies. The vessel on which he embarked was in poor repair, and the season the very depth of winter. The sea was in great turmoil, and the winds contrary. On this account he thinks that the father perished at sea. As to the person of the ambassador Faranda, he knows him to be a man of influence in Xapon, who was recently created a lord by the emperor of that country. The emperor ordered him to come here in attendance on father Fray Joan Cobo, as one who was held in high estimation. For this reason, this witness thinks that his coming is without any duplicity, or cause for suspicion—beyond a little vanity, to show that he is a lord, and one whom the emperor chooses for things as important as this. Therefore this community has no grounds for fear of any wrong being done by that country; but should, on the contrary, esteem highly the friendship made with the said emperor; and as the latter is a friend so powerful and important, his ambassador should be served and entertained in the manner that seems most desirable to the governor. This witness asserts the above, by the oath he took, to be what he knows and what Page 33he has heard. He is thirty-eight years old. He affixed his signature to the above.

Joan de Solis

Before me:

Joan De Cuellar

In the city of Manila, on the first of June, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, for the investigation of the aforesaid matter, an oath was received in due form of law, before God and on the sign of the cross, from Antonio Lopez, a Chinese Christian, an interpreter. He took the oath, and promised, under charge thereof, to tell the truth. Being questioned regarding the matter, this witness declared that he went to the kingdoms of Xapon last year with Father Cobo. He saw that the father was very courteously received by the emperor upon his arrival there; for he saw Father Cobo enter [the palace] and go to meet the emperor. He saw that Father Cobo appeared very happy and cheerful, and heard him say that after a few days he was to go back with his business well despatched. He saw the father embark well and happy, with a present from the emperor of a very fine catana, or sword, for the governor of the Philippinas. Father Cobo gave this witness a letter, which he brought to the governor, for he sailed in the ambassador's ship, by order of Father Cobo. This witness knows that the emperor was very friendly to the Spaniards, and that the ambassador Faranda Queimon came to make a treaty of peace. The latter is the same man whom they saw enter and go with Father Cobo to meet the emperor. Queimon is not hostile, but friendly. This is the truth and Page 34nothing else, on his oath. He is about forty years old. He signed the above, according to his custom.

Before me:

Joan de Cuellar

Collated with the original:

Juan de Cuellar

[Endorsed: “Matters discussed with the governor by Faranda, ambassador from Japon.”]

Antonio said that he heard that the emperor of Japon gave the conquest of these islands to Kunquyn. He also heard the soldiers of the house of Kunquyn say that they would like to come to these islands; and they asked him if the people of Cagayan were subdued. Upon Antonio replying “yes,” they said “no,” and that they knew it. He has heard that the king of Japon gave the conquest of the island of Ermosa to a Japanese; and that, when this man shall come to these islands, he will come through them, island by island, and that they had already set out. The greatest distance between any of these islands is about two days' sail by sea, and one or two nights. The Xaponese laughed when they heard Antonio say that these islands contained four or five thousand Spaniards. They said that the defense of these islands was merely a matter for jest, for one hundred of the Japanese were worth two or three hundred of us; and that, therefore, the conquest of these islands presented no difficulty. They declared that the natives of Cagayan were ill-disposed toward us; and that the Japanese would no sooner land in Cagayan, than the natives would deliver the Spaniards to them. Antonio declared further that three large ships were Page 35being built in Japon; and he could not understand why, unless for these islands, as they had no need of them for other purposes.

Antonio Lopez declares further that he heard in Japon that the king ordered this ambassador to return with the news, if the people of Luçon should submit. But if they did not submit, then he should order none of the Japanese here to return to Japon; as he would kill those who did return, for he wished them to live here. Antonio thinks that caution regarding the Japanese here should still be maintained—for, as I understand, there are three hundred or more Japanese here, and one hundred and fifty came in the ambassador's ship. According to Antonio's opinion, no confidence should be placed in the infidel Sangleys; for many of them have been in Japon, and those most evil and most opposed to the Chinese are those very Chinese. He declares that a Japanese, named Don Baltasar, conspired with Don Agustin at the time of the revolt. This was told to Antonio Lopez by a Christian Sangley in Firando. He declares that there are many of the Japanese here who came to Cagayan seven years ago, and that the pilot who has just arrived in this ship also went to Cagayan, to plunder. He has many times heard the Japanese say that they would go to Ciuteui, thence to Cagayan; and that the king of Japon ordered the inhabitants of Liutai not to render homage any longer to China. They recognized that country to the extent that, when the reigning king died, his successor had to be approved by China. All the trees in Japon are assigned to the king; and no one may cut them without his permission. Antonio declares that little confidence can be placed in the Sangleys, Page 36in the Parian; for many of them, having been promised some vassals by the Japanese, are in rebellion. In Japon there is universal talk of the abundance of gold in this land. On this account, the soldiers are anxious to come here; and are coming, as they do not care to go to Core, which is a poor country. Those who come from Core say: “Formerly when we were going to plunder their country, the Chinese immediately united with us; but now there is no one in Core who cares for our friendship, but all love the Chinese even unto death.”

Antonio thinks also that “the infidel Sangleys should not be allowed to go to the Visayas, nor a Christian with many other infidels, as is the custom, but that only Christians go, on account of the acts of treachery and revolt that the Chinese, instigated by the Japanese, may attempt.” He declares further that three or four Japanese asserted, in the king's court, that if they should go to Manila, the natives themselves would deliver to them the Spaniards dead. As he understands, because of this and of other things, Father Juan Cobo said that when he returned here he would confer with the governor as to the advisability of not permitting a single Japanese to remain in the country. Antonio declares that Father Juan Cobo left Japon so quickly, and at a so inopportune season, because of his fears of the Japanese; and that he had previously agreed with this Antonio Lopez to send him to Hroguyaca, on the pretext that he was going to China, but with instructions to change his course at sea, and return here.

Antonio declares that Juan Sami, a master of Chinese letters, who accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo, read the letter given to this Faranda by the Page 37Japanese emperor. It contained injunctions to subdue the inhabitants of these islands, and oblige them to recognize him as lord. If the Spaniards should not do that promptly, he [the emperor] would come soon; and had it not been for the dangerous sea for half of the distance, he would have come already.

Juan Sami, master of Chinese letters, declared that he accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo to Japon. There the father met Juan de Solis, a Castilian, who was much persecuted by the Portuguese. This same master presented a petition to the Japanese king, by order of father Fray Juan Cobo. This petition complained of the injuries that Juan de Solis had received from the Portuguese, who had stolen from him a quantity of gold, silver, and other property. He presented this petition to the king of Japon, on the day when he met him. The latter accordingly ordered one of his captains to return all the stolen articles; but as yet only five hundred pesos are paid.

Francisco de Loadi de Oñate declares that he knows Juan de Solis; who is a captain of the king, our sovereign. This captain went, at the order of the Audiencia of Panama, to Macan, in order to purchase copper and other articles; but the Portuguese seized all his money and his vessel. They sold the ship very cheaply, and sent the crew as prisoners to Goa. From sheer pity, he entered his pulpit one day, and there complained of the injuries done to the captain—among others, maiming one of his arms. After this the aforesaid Solis, in company with a father of the Society,[8] who was about to go to Japon as visitador, Page 38went to the said kingdom. Without the knowledge of the father visitador, Solis, as soon as he arrived at Japon, presented [to the king] a rich gift, which according to various estimates cost seven or ten thousand ducados. He also presented certain letters in the name of the king our sovereign, whereupon he was very kindly received by the Japanese king. The latter gave Solis a letter ordering the refunding of all that had been taken from him, with interest. After this Solis obtained permission to build a vessel, which was already completed, all but stepping the masts. The boatswain was found dead one morning, and the ship scuttled. Solis, after the Portuguese and Theatins had denied that they had done this, went to Meaco. When the king of Japon asked him why he did not go, he told him what had happened; and recounted to him what the father visitador had done. Thereupon, the king began to persecute the Theatin fathers. The witness declares further that the said king gave the said Captain Solis a letter ordering that no Portuguese or any other person should dare or attempt to oppose him any further.

Francisco de Lorduy

Juan Sami declared that he saw and read a letter from the king of Xapon to the governor of these islands. Its substance was as follows: “Formerly I was a man of little renown. Now all who live beneath the sky recognize me and are my vassals. I ordered the king of Core to render me homage. At Page 39his refusal, I sent my captain to war upon him, and seize his land even to the confines of Liauton.[9] This Liauton is a land with many Chinese soldiers, near which resides the king of China. I have seized the fortress of Partho, which I have subdued, and it is very devoted to me, because I love the people of that fortress as fathers and mothers love their children. Those who recognize my authority I do not ill-treat, but I send my captains to war upon whomsoever shall refuse to submit to me. I am writing this letter to thee, so that it may prove a token, signal, and reminder. Thou shalt write these things to the king of Castilla quickly, so that he may be informed thereof. Do not delay, but write at once. I send thee that sword, which is called quihocan.” He declares that this letter was given to the father while in the court; and that when the father was about to leave, he received a second of like tenor, written later than the above. In it the emperor stated that he was sending this Faranda as ambassador.

In what pertains to Corean matters, he declares that the Japanese did indeed conquer the kingdom at first, but that many soldiers came from the country of Liacaton, who harassed the Japanese greatly. After many of the Japanese had died by sword and disease, the Chinese recovered this fortress of Partho and other districts.

He declares moreover, that father Fray Juan Cobo asked him: “Why dost thou fear to have the Japanese go to China?” He answered him that the Chinese did not fear them, as there were many soldiers; Page 40and even if the Japanese should kill many of them at first, many others would come afterwards. When he asked the father if he were afraid to have them come here, to Luçon, he said that the father answered: “No, even if many hundreds of Japanese should come.” He declares that it was after the father had talked with the king that the churches were destroyed.

Antonio Lopez declares that father Fray Juan Cobo showed the king of Japon the kingdoms of our king on a globe. He gave this to the king, with the names of the kingdoms written in Chinese characters, with the distances between them. The occasion for this arose, because when the king of Xapon read the letter written from this country, he saw so many kingdoms, whereupon he asked to have them pointed out to him in detail, with their size and the distances between them. The father told him that the Portuguese were subjects of the king of Castilla. The father wrote this to Hunquin, who requested it from him in the name of the king. Antonio Lopez says that he does not know whether it was on the occasion of Hunquin asking the father why he did not acknowledge subjection to him, or on the other occasion of the father coming to say that the present which he had taken to the king of Japon was not sent in the name of our king (for he did not acknowledge any superior), but that it would be from the Theatin fathers; but after the father had conversed with the king, on his return they found the churches destroyed.

Moreover, he says that at some time during this month Luis, a servant of Joan de Solis, will come here. This man served as interpreter between the Page 41father and the king of Japon, and also Hunquin.

Moreover, Antonio declares that when he was accompanying father Fray Juan Cobo one day, as they journeyed together, he asked the father: “Father, shall we have war in Luçon this year?” The father answered: “No, we shall not.” The father said that he was going to Castilla this year to discuss some matters that only he could discuss there, as he alone had seen them; and that it would be advisable to send fathers of St. Francis to Japon this year, for the fathers do not desire money. The Japanese are tractable in disposition, and they greatly desired the fathers. The father said it would be advisable for him to continue diverting them for four years, when the fortresses in Manila would be completed; and then there would be war.

Letter from the emperor of Japon to the governor of Luçon

Formerly I was an insignificant man and held in but little esteem; but I set out to conquer this round expanse under the sky, and those who live beneath the sky upon the earth are all my vassals. Those who do homage to me have peace and security, and live without fear. But I immediately send my captains and soldiers to those who do not render homage to me, to make war upon them, as has recently happened to the king of Core. Because he refused homage to me, I have seized his kingdom even to the confines of Liauton, located near the court of the Chinese king. Already have I seized the fortress and district of Parto, and have pacified it thoroughly. Although the kingdoms were in revolt and about to make war, I gave them by means of my good plans, Page 42thought out in one, two, or three days, one after another, laws and decrees, whereby I pacified them; for I love my vassals as parents love their children. The kings of other nations are not as I; for although they give me but little, still I receive them. In that paper I am sending thee those words, in order that they may serve as a reminder. Thou shalt write the following at once to the king of Castilla: “Those who insult me cannot escape, but those who hearken to me and obey me live in peace and sleep with security.” I send thee this sword, called quihocan, as a present. Talk with Tuquy at once, and do not delay.

Antonio declares that Firanda's clerk said to him yesterday: “Antonio, see that thou tellest the truth. It matters little that we Japanese are about. Thou shalt tell the truth.” Antonio answered him that he would indeed tell the truth, and what was not true, he would not say.

Antonio declares that when he asked a Japanese friend of his, who brings a few cotton articles, why he served Faranda, and if it were better for his trading, this Japanese answered that Faranda was their ruler, and without his leave not one of them could return to Japon. If Faranda did not obtain a favorable message this year, then he would not return to Japon; but if they treated him well he would return. Antonio declares that this good treatment means obedience to the king of Japon.

Moreover he declared that Faranda's brother told him that four months are needed to go from Mexico to Luçon, and from there at Luçon to Mexico another four; and on this account but few soldiers could Page 43come from Mexico. Japan is not more than twenty days' journey distant, and therefore it would be well for us to appreciate this fact. Antonio declares that he told this to Father Juan Cobo and to Captain Llanos.

Antonio says that one Usangro, a great friend of Faranda, took him, while in Japon, to his house. This man is now sick in the ship. Antonio says it will be advisable for him to take Usangro to his house, in order to repay his hospitality. He says that he will try to find out from this man how affairs stand.

He declares that those who accompanied Faranda assert that the latter came to become governor of Manila. All those of the ship say this, and he heard it said likewise in Japon. He did not know whether Faranda were to govern only the Japanese, or the Tagals, or the Spaniards as well.

He asserts also that Faranda's servants told the Sangleys to be careful of their actions, for their master Faranda was to govern them also here at Manila.

He says that what he understands of Faranda's purpose is, that the latter promised the king of Japon that he would plan how these islands should render the king homage. His intention is to take a certain rich present with him, in order that he might say in Japon that he brings recognition. But now, as the father has not come, and as he believes that he will not obtain the present that he seeks, he is sad; and thus he will be very low-spirited, compared to his previous state of mind.

He says also that when Don Agustin, a Tagal of Tondo, and Don Baltazar, a Japanese, conspired together to seize Manila, Don Agustin gave the latter Page 44a hat, and Don Baltasar gave the said Don Agustin a morion and some cuirasses. This Antonio says also that father Fray Juan Cobo conferred with him upon the advisability of our concerting with China against Japon, in the following manner: If the Japanese should attack China, we would aid the latter; and if they attacked these islands, then the Chinese should aid us.

He asserts that the father once told him that Faranda, as he had lost his property, was about to come to these islands to confer with the governor, so that his two vessels might engage in trade between these islands and Japon. When Antonio said to the father: “Take care that thou dost not reveal the design of this man, namely, to wrest Manila from you Spaniards,” the father responded that Faranda did not dare do it. Antonio says that he does not know whether the father told this to Faranda to test him, for well he knows it, but it is certain that the father knows that the Japanese are trying to have the people of Manila render homage to them.

Miguel Onte says that he has heard it reported that, about forty years ago, the Japanese were trading in China. Then they were very mild, and feigned to be very humble. But after they had learned the passages, rivers, and entrances, they came to China to plunder; and thirty-four years ago they robbed him and many others who were with him.

He says that in the time of Santiago de Vera, the Chinese said to the latter: “Take care, sir, do not allow the Japanese to come here; for if a few come now, and receive hospitable treatment, more of them will come tomorrow, and continually more, so that Page 45what happened to us will happen to you Spaniards.”

He says that he has heard it reported that the father of this Faranda requested the conquest of these islands from the king of Japon a number of years ago. To this end he requested five thousand soldiers; and the king of Japon promised him ten thousand. He has felled trees and prepared timber to build vessels.

Moreover, he declares that two other vessels are about to come here now. Before the coming of the Japanese this year, there were four hundred Japanese here. These two vessels have brought almost three hundred, and another three hundred will come in the ships that are coming. Therefore much caution must be employed.

He says also that many of the Sangleys who came with Faranda declare that this Faranda wants a share in these islands, and that they do homage to him. Miguel says that he cannot understand what Faranda wants here, unless it is this thing. If something is not given him, he will not return to Japon, but will send for troops.

He declares further that, when the Japanese made their first assault in China, they were living there peacefully. One night they set fire to the town that they inhabited, and captured and robbed all the people whom they could find. Many of the Sangleys fear lest this be enacted here. For why has Faranda come here to Manila, unless for this? It is said that he is gloomy because of the non-arrival of the troops.

He declares further that what he understands of the Chinese is, that if the Spaniards, when war should break out, would make arrangements with the Chinese to give them money and the heads of all the Japanese that they might kill—giving them a certain Page 46sum for each head, and allowing them to take it to China afterwards—many of the Chinese would fight with good courage. Two or three thousand soldiers could be found, who would fight very bravely.

He says that it would be advisable to go to Patan and Sian for saltpeter and lead. Sangley Christians could go for this in their own vessels. He declares further that, in case of necessity, they might bring from the Atarrayas, whose habitations extend from here to Palañaque, more than thirty picos of lead.

I, Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir, declare that I have learned, through a very certain and indubitable medium, that one of the Japanese who accompanied Faranda, and who is in his immediate service, told a certain individual that Faranda was coming to these islands in order that they might render him homage. If they should refuse it, he would not dare return to Japon; as the king of that country would hang him, if he returned without taking Manila, or its fort. There were five hundred Japanese here for the accomplishment of this. In testimony of the truth of the above, I affix my signature. April twenty-four, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir

Antonio says that he heard it said in Hunquin's house in Japon that ten bañes of soldiers (one hundred thousand Japanese) would come here. When this Antonio told them that these islands contained only five or six thousand soldiers, and that here at Manila there were no more than three or four thousand Page 47soldiers, the Japanese said that so many troops would be unnecessary; and therefore that ten thousand would be sufficient.

He asserts further that his guest said, about three days ago, that three days would be sufficient for five or six thousand men to come here to Manila.

He says also that the clerk of Faranda and of the ship (who was arrested yesterday), while talking today with Pablo Rroman, told the latter that twenty Japanese were equal to twenty of us.

Antonio Lopez says also that on the night when his Lordship granted him leave to go to his house—the night of the feast of the Resurrection—Pablo Rroman was in the ship. This was told Antonio by the Sangleys, in particular by one of his cousins. Therefore they could ascertain from the father the intentions of Faranda. He says that he heard that he was going for copper.

This Antonio says also that, while he was in Faranda's house, Faranda ordered Don Pedro Leon, a Japanese, to ask a Spaniard present to fence with him. The Spaniard fenced, whereupon Faranda remarked that he was skilful. This he said in sarcastic comment on us, as was gathered from his manner of saying it.

He says also that the Sangleys who came in Faranda's ship complained that Faranda does not allow them to remove their possessions from it, and that none of them are willing to return with him.

He says also that the distance from Japon to Liutue is three hundred Japanese leguas, which are equal to two hundred Castilian leguas. In his opinion, and he says the father thought the same, ten Japanese leguas are equivalent to eight of ours. Page 48

He says also that a Japanese threatened Antonio Melo, a Christian Sangley, that, if he sold the vessel which he had brought from Japon, he would speak to Cunbaço, who would crucify the Sangley.

He says also that one sails from Luiteui [Liukiu?] to the island of Hermosa, whence he strikes Sioabuetabo, where the men go naked. If the weather is favorable, this voyage takes two days and one night, but if not, the only ports are in these islands of Liuitiui above mentioned. This Liuitiui consists of seven islands. He asked this in Japon.

He declares further that his guest told him that, if no fathers are sent to Japon this year, there will be war next year. If the governor sends a present to Cuanbaco, Faranda and Cuanbaco will be very glad; but if not, then there will be war. Father Fray Juan Cobo had discussed the same thing with this Antonio.

Antonio asserts, moreover, that he suspected in Japon that Hunquin would not allow Juan de Solis's ship to sail. He remarked this to Juan Sami, his comrade, a Christian Sangley, who had gone to Japon with him and father Fray Juan Cobo. He based this assertion on the fact that when this Antonio wished to bring the ship in which the father had come, Hunquin must have prevented its sailing; for, until this Faranda left, a servant of Hunquin remained at the port. Although this man was poor, yet Faranda respected him, feasted him, and gave him a garment when he left. His name was Hirobio.

Moreover, he says that his host told him that four or five thousand men would come in large vessels to conquer these islands, and that this number was sufficient. Only ten ships would be needed for this.

He declares that, in his opinion, it would be an Page 49advisable plan for the governor to contrive to despatch a couple of Japanese vessels without telling Faranda that he would give him any present, or any fathers to accompany him. He should show signs that he wishes to detain Faranda, in order to ascertain his intention in this way; for the latter has said that his ship must leave these islands first.

He asserts also that the Japanese emperor admits in his letter that the sword which he sent by means of the same Japanese, is called guihoccan. This is a Chinese word, which, being translated into our language, signifies: “I am sending thee that token of brotherly love. Cross the sea, so that thou mayst render submission to me.” This letter gi, or word gui, signifies “love,” and a token of the love which exists between brothers. This word hoc signifies subjection. Finally this word can signifies sea. Thus “the sword guihoccan” admits of the above explanation.

He declares also that his guest told him that the ships would not come to this bay; but that the soldiers would march here by land.

Miguel Onte declares that many Sangleys would buy catanas, but they did not dare, for fear lest the governor would take them away. He says the Chinese would like to sail five days ahead of the Japanese.

Antonio Lopez says that the helmsmen of the ship have told him that they and the pilot had consulted together as to the way of reaching Manila in the quickest time, and says that they will come by way of Liuteui. He declares also that he thinks that the Page 50Japanese have detained Pedro Solis's vessel and another one, which were about to sail; for surely, had they not been detained, they would have arrived. He says also that the reason why the helmsmen do not wish to return is because they know that the Japanese are coming next year, and that the latter will force them to bring them here. On this account, they wish to remain here and return to China. He says, too, that great care should be taken; for, in his opinion, it would be very advisable to detain the Japanese, and not allow them to return. For it is certain that they will try to subdue us; but if these do not return, the Japanese in Japon will be as though blind. He says further that Faranda told him yesterday that affairs were turning out well, and that they and we would be friends; and that it was very well that the governor had invited them. He also said that because the inhabitants of Core refused their friendship, and endeavored to fortify themselves, the Japanese retreated, in such manner as their knowledge of the country permitted—not being acquainted with the routes in the fortified part of the country, but only with those where it was not defended.

[Endorsed: “Ancient fears of Japon, 1593.”]

Copy of the letter written by Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to the emperor of Xapon.

Last year I wrote to your Grandeur through father Fray Juan Cobo, in reply to a letter given to me here in your royal name, although I had good reason to doubt the authenticity of the embassy as well as the meaning of the words, and I have waited almost a year to receive your statement and reply; and have Page 51only received a very short and general letter from Father Cobo, stating that he sailed away from there six months ago, highly favored and with his mission expedited by your royal hands, which I kiss therefor. Two Xaponese vessels, which have been hospitably received by me, have arrived here—one of them bringing Faranda, who claims to be your ambassador, but who brings neither a chapa nor your letter, nor an answer to mine, nor anything to clear up my doubt. And now, considering the uncertainty of the sea-voyage, and the fact that Father Cobo has not come, I am more in the dark than ever, and more desirous of learning your royal intentions and wishes. For, although Faranda brings me no credentials, yet I cannot believe that a vassal of your Grandeur, and one to all appearance so honored, would dare to appropriate and use your royal name without your order. Therefore, in such uncertainty, I cannot do otherwise than hear him and speed him in his mission. I answered a memorial which he gave me, as he will show you. At present, to clear up the doubt and uncertainty, I am sending father Fray Pedro Baptista, who is a most serious man, of much worth and character, with whom I counsel and advise in the affairs most important to my king; in short, he is my comfort and my consolation, as he is to all the people of this state. He carries with him the letters which have passed between us, and the copy of Faranda's memorial, and my answer thereto, so that he may there consider the whole affair with your royal person and bring back to me the explanation and certainty and decision which are to be hoped from your royal heart. He has power from me to accept and establish the peace and amity which are offered Page 52in your royal name and requested from us by Faranda; and the treaty shall be held in force and observed until such time as the king my lord, advised of the facts, shall order me what to do. I trust that all will come out as you desire. I, for my part, shall do all I can to further this. May God keep your royal person and grant much prosperity to you. From Manila, on the twentieth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-three since our Lord's birth.

I was particularly inclined to send this despatch by one who, besides the high esteem in which he is held by me, is a member of the holy order of St. Francis, as Faranda requested this in his memorial addressed to me, wherein he said that it would greatly please you to see there fathers of this blessed order. This man is one of most strict and holy life, which alone would make him worthy of veneration. Page 53

[1] Another corruption of Kuwambaku (see Vol. VIII, note 42).

[2] The province of Satsuma, in the southern part of Kiushiu Island, the most southern of the main Japan group.

[3] Miako (more generally known by its Chinese name, Kiôto) was the capital of the Japanese emperors from the year 794 until 1868. Mengoya is probably the same as the modern Nagoya, an important city in the province of Owari; in the other MS. the name is Nongoya.

[4] Firando is now Hirado; and Mangasatte is apparently a corruption of Nangasaki.

[5] Evidently an error in the MS. (which seems to be a duplicate copy of the original); the other MS. has “Chaxuma”—i.e., Satsuma.

[6] From this point we follow the second and fuller account given in the other MS. (see Bibliographical Data at end of volume). The two agree nearly to the end of Solis's deposition; then follows, in the first, a brief statement by Antonio Lopez, and a letter from Dasmariñas to the Japanese emperor (which we shall give at the close of the second report).

[7] In the original, cha, a word of Chinese origin.

[8] The Christian religion was first introduced into Japan by the preaching of the great Jesuit St. Francis Xavier, in 1549. Favored Page 38nby the Japanese ruler Nobunaga, the Jesuit missions rapidly increased; and by 1581 “they reckoned nearly one hundred and fifty thousand adherents in all classes of society, and over two hundred churches.” (Rein's Japan, pp. 265–271.)

[9] Liao-Tung, a province of Manchuria which lies between Korea and the Chinese province of Chi-Li (in which is Pekín); the former is also known as Mukden, from the name of its capital city.

Two Letters from Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to Felipe II

Sire:

Last year, 1592, I gave your Majesty an account, in various letters (written in duplicate), of the condition of matters in this country, and of everything that had occurred up to that time of which I should advise you, and at greater length. Now I repeat that information sending with the present letter a brief summary or memorandum of the various points about which I wrote, so that, being thus reminded of what required deliberation, your Majesty may be pleased to order that all these matters be examined and suitable action taken. But lately (April 27), on the arrival at this port of a vessel from Mexico, I received no letter from your Majesty or your councils, because no fleet went hence to Mexico this year. Consequently I shall note here only what has happened since last year. Since I have had, this year, no news of your Majesty's health, may it please His Divine Majesty, that when this letter reaches you, it will find your Majesty enjoying the health needed by the interests of Christendom, and the prosperity for which we, your Majesty's vassals and servants, pray; and may this continue so for many Page 54long and happy years, so that the disturbed and embarrassed condition of affairs which now generally prevails may be reduced to order.

As I have written to your Majesty of our need here of ministers to give Christian instruction, I have great hopes that your Majesty has done us the favor to send a great force of missionaries to this vineyard and to this new field of Christendom, which so sorely needs them. I hope, too, that these laborers will not come from Mexico, but from España, and that they will be among those who are most needed there; for this land, so new and so distant from your Majesty's royal sight, demands such men. Likewise they should be humble, peaceful subjects, loving God and your Majesty, and attentive to their ministry of preaching the holy gospel and the salvation of souls. They should not be men with selfish interests, or have special objects or pretensions in view which would divert them from their chief aim. I am hoping for them chiefly because of the great need for them in the province of Tuy. This province was rendered obedient to your Majesty without bloodshed and voluntarily, by means of the fathers. At that time they paid some beads, and rice, and some small articles of little or no value, only as a slight token of recognition. I thought it better, according to our promises to them, not to collect any tribute from them inside of one year; and although this time has expired, still I have not thought it proper to collect the tribute, because of our lack of ministers to instruct them, and because I am thinking of founding a Spanish settlement there. This latter I propose doing, on account of the fertility of that region, and its superior climate, as well as the robustness of the Indians, and their Page 55great vigor and intelligence. They have large villages and houses, abundance of rice, cattle, fruit, cotton, anise, ginger, and other products. In that region fifteen thousand tributarios are subject to your Majesty's obedience. When the year, as above stated, had expired, I sent to Tuy, about five months ago, thirty soldiers under their leader, for the sole purpose of visiting those villages and ascertaining whether they were obedient to your Majesty's service and friendly to us. I sent them some beads, hawk's bells, and other trifles of slight value, although these things are highly esteemed among them. The people were found to be quite peaceful, obedient, and friendly, and were willing to pay the tribute to your Majesty at that time, as you will see by the accompanying information. I was unwilling to have the tribute collected until we have fathers to instruct them—or at least, until we institute justice among them and found a settlement there. For this last-named purpose I have no men, because many have died of disease during the past year. I am considering whether I shall make the settlement in Tuy, as it is the capital, or between Tuy and Cagayan; upon the arrival of the vessels, and after I have ascertained the fitness of the troops (for this vessel brought but few), we shall determine what is best.

The same need of ministers is felt in the provinces of Cagayan. And although all these provinces are so truly pacified, and the Indians therein very friendly and well satisfied, and all pay tribute, still the fourth part of the tribute is not collected, because of the lack of ministers. There is a countless number of villages needing instruction, and all ready to become Christians, and for this reason also I am awaiting Page 56ministers. I enclose information concerning the excellent condition of that region.

I have written your Majesty before of the good condition of the Zambales' affairs, and the severe punishment meted out to them, and the lack of ministers for the recent settlements made in pacifying them. Because of this lack, we have been unable to establish these settlements, as fully as is desirable—although the highways are safe and open, while in the mountain districts disturbances are but slight; so that the good condition prevails that your Majesty will see by the inclosed account. In Pangasinan and Ylocos, the tributes have been lately increased, and the whole district enjoys peace and tranquillity, as is apparent by the other account enclosed. In all these transactions in the above districts, there has resulted no confusion; on the contrary, there is universal tranquillity and accord. The same peace and tranquillity reigns in the provinces of Pintados, Cibu, and Camarines; and although, at my arrival here, on the opposite coast there were some things that needed attention and adjustment, as well as in other parts of these islands of Luzon and all this kingdom, there is now no quarter that has not been explored and that does not render peaceful homage to your Majesty.

Your Majesty will have learned from my letters of the satisfactory completion of the enclosure and fortification of this city, since it was already walled from the new fort on the point along the whole stretch of seacoast to the round fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia [“Our Lady of Guidance”]. This fort having fallen, not having been properly constructed, and so that it was of little or no use, I have reduced it to such shape that it will be of use, by joining to Page 57it a defense of cut stone, about as high as the fort, and a rampart that commands all the country and part of the sea. On the other side, I have built another rampart, small and low, for the defense of the principal gate of the city, which has been built there under the shelter and defense of the projection of the high fortification; so that fort is now safe and useful. Afterward the work will be completed on the other side. I am sending an account of this. From this gate, the wall is being continued along the land side toward the river as far as its entrance, with the same thickness, height, and shape as the other wall, and each with its traverses.

And now this city is enclosed by sea and land, so that only one small portion fronting on the river is open between that and the fort of the point. This has not been enclosed, because that open space is so small, and it fronts on the river between the fort of the point and another cavalier named Sanct Gabriel which has been built there. As these two are opposite each other and within easy distance, it is evident that no danger will enter by that place, for it is the best guarded and most secure. And, too, as this wall and fort have been built at so little or no cost to your Majesty, except from the two per cent tax levied once, and from your Majesty's monopoly of the sale of playing-cards, I ran so short of funds that I was compelled to leave this bit of the shore unenclosed. But, God be praised, the work in its present condition is so far advanced, that no enemy who attacks me can give me any cause for anxiety. Your Majesty may see what has been done since my arrival here, by the accompanying plan.[1] This wall has had no less effect Page 58for the undeceiving of the natives. Hitherto they have hoped that the occupation and settlement of the Spaniards here was not to be permanent, as was observed in a joint meeting of the religious orders and myself, held in your Majesty's fort about one month ago. At that time Fray Christoval, who was managing this bishopric, said that, less than one month previous, some chiefs of La Laguna (which is five leagues from this city) had asked him when the Castilians were going to leave. They will have been already undeceived in this regard, and the insolent and audacious designs of the hostile mestizos and foreigners will have received a heavy blow when they see this city enclosed and defended by land and sea.

Although the cathedral church was being finished when the vessels left, after the portal was built—although with opposition and a suit, as your Majesty will see by the accompanying papers—I had your Majesty's arms placed upon it. Truly, that was sufficiently contrary to the will of these priests here, who—just as if your Majesty were some foreigner, and not the sovereign, as you are, of all this land—declare that, wherever the arms of St. Peter are placed, those of your Majesty are unnecessary, to such a state has the insistence and license of the ecclesiastics here come. Finally, as to the building of the church, it is so far advanced that, notwithstanding the little still to be done, the divine offices are celebrated therein with due propriety. The canons receive their pay from their stipends, and are content therewith. There is need of a prelate—who, as I have written your Majesty, should be not a theologian, but a canonist, in order to serve suitably God and your Majesty. Page 59The work on the new convent of Sanct Andres and Sancta Potenciana for the shelter and training of girls is well under way, although for lack of money not so far advanced as I would like. However, the girls are being cared for in the house first assigned them.

As I have written to your Majesty, I have four galleys fitted up, which are actually patrolling the coast, and acting as a defense to these islands whenever needed, although they cost me abundance of complaints, both in and out of the pulpit, from these blessed fathers, who have compelled me to make the enclosed inquiries; and yet, with the rumors and dangers current at the present time, these four seem but few to the theologues. My only regret is my inability to provide and fit them with all the things that they lack, as I wrote your Majesty.

In accordance with clause 7 of your Majesty's instructions, whereby I was ordered to allow the Indians to pay their tribute in land products or in money, as they chose, your order has been observed hitherto. Experience has shown that the carrying of this measure farther means the ruin of the country; for since the Indian sees that he can pay his tribute with ten reals, which he makes in one day's gain, all the rest of the year he makes merry and spends his time in idleness and leisure, drunkenness and magabalijas, which are his sources of income. Therefore they do not sow their fields, raise animals, or weave their cloth, or cultivate the fruits of the earth. On this account no rice is found, nor one mata or lampote,[2] which is worth more than three from China. Page 60There is no cotton, wax, gold, or other article of exchange; and all the trade here in these things has been lost, as well as the great cheapness of these things when the Indians paid their tribute in produce, and not as they might choose. When it became evident that the country was falling into ruin, and the pressure brought to bear by the encomenderos in opposition to the religious orders, and the injuries and annoyances resulting from this method of collecting the tribute were seen, it was determined that it should be collected in produce, as your Majesty will see by the resolution taken there. Therefore we shall collect the tribute in accordance with this decision, until your Majesty shall be pleased to order otherwise.

The bishop of Malaca wrote me the letter that I enclose herewith. And although I answered him so briefly, and without making a decision (as you will see by the enclosed copy of the letter), because I did not like to say what I thought without first consulting your Majesty, now, because of some news and information given me in regard to matters of the commerce and navigation of those regions and of these, I lay before your Majesty, in the enclosed paper, the drawbacks and advantages on either side that I find in this matter, so that, after examining them, your Majesty may be pleased to order in all these matters what is most suitable.

I have written to your Majesty concerning the great annoyances resulting from the unsuitable marriages of widows and minors, who are wealthy encomenderas of this country. It is a fact that within the last few days, three cases of very great inequality and irregularity have occurred in the marriages of the widows of very respectable captains, with an income Page 61of more than four or five thousand pesos. One of them was of advanced age, and quite unfitted for marriage. They all married youths with little or no money, who have employed evil methods to obtain this end, and have defrauded several very honorable and worthy captains and soldiers, who serve here, and for whom such encomiendas were especially established. These women inherited these encomiendas from their husbands or fathers. This abuse will result in the complete destruction of this country, and the discouragement of its soldiers and conquistadors, unless your Majesty remedy it. This can be done by ordering that these marriages shall not be made here without communicating with you, under penalty of loss of such encomiendas; and it should be provided that the governor should not make this an opportunity whereby to accommodate and provide for his relatives and servants. Your Majesty will act according to your pleasure.

The encomenderos and soldiers of this country, who have grown old and married here, say, whenever I summon them for certain matters in your Majesty's service—whether for actual service, or only to confer with them—that they are old, that they have served sufficiently, and that they are embarrassed with wives and children. Thus I find them disinclined to any service; but, if I do not summon them, they assert that I give them nothing to do, and do not consult them at all. The worst of it all is that they all imagine themselves capable of giving counsel. Those who are capable know very well that I employ them, and consult them in matters about which I think they have something to say. For those who would complain, I leave the door open, so that Page 62they may present their arguments in regard to the mistakes made hitherto.

Having ascertained very carefully the extortions and injuries inflicted on the Indians by the encomenderos and their collectors, in the collection of their tributes, I have thought that it might be a good plan to have the tributes of all the encomiendas collected in your Majesty's name, and placed in the royal treasury; then they could be paid out from it to the encomenderos. By this method innumerable acts of tyranny and insolence would be avoided, which can not be remedied, especially in encomiendas distant from here one hundred, one hundred and fifty, or two hundred leguas. Not one case of punishment has occurred in these encomiendas, although there are wrongs. We must go there with the authority of the law. Thus all the encomiendas would have but one master and true proprietor—namely, your Majesty. The collectors would be appointed by one person, and would be men of merit, and conscientious and moral. The estate of the temporal[3] encomenderos would be managed for them at less cost than they themselves would incur therein, and all the tributes would be collected without any care or trouble on their part. Although this might be somewhat severe on those who already possess encomiendas, it might at least be adopted for those in the future who are granted favors and new appointments (just as if the encomienda were vacant), so that this so commendable usage might be introduced. In reality the value of the encomienda would be given to them, Page 63minus the cost of collection; and the instruction, would be much better paid, although this latter is regulated as carefully as possible. By this method, too, certain soldiers who are poor and still in service could be appointed to make these collections. May our Lord, etc. From Manila, June xx, 1593.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas

Sire:

Because of the great need, I have granted in your Majesty's name a license for this once for the printing of the “Christian Doctrine,” copies of which I enclose herewith—one in the Tagal language, which is the native and the best language of these islands, and the other in the Chinese language.[4] I hope that great benefits will result therefrom in the conversion and instruction of the people of both nations. And because the countries of the Yndias Page 64are on a larger scale in everything, and because things are more expensive in them, I have set the price at four reals apiece until your Majesty is pleased to decree what is to be done.

On certain of the buildings of this city upon which it is advisable to have the city's arms placed—as the houses of the cabildo, the prison, and others built at the expense of the city—I have not allowed the arms to be placed; for the arms which are now on some cloths[5] on its cabildo, which are those used at the discovery of this country, seem to me to have more meaning and to be more pleasing to the natives of the country than to the Spaniards who settled it. For they represent a bark or frigate in a river, with a shore lined with cocoa-palms, which is a fruit of this country. If some memorial of some king imprisoned, or some notable deed were to be placed on them, they [the Spaniards] would consider them suitable. But of them, I say, that should the Indians seek for a coat of arms as a memorial of their native place and country, they could find none more suitable. Therefore I believe that the city will adopt with ready compliance such design as your Majesty may ordain. For this purpose, I have ordered that, on the façades of the principal gate of this city, and in other places, where I have had your Majesty's arms placed, collateral stones be placed for those of the city, as yet left blank, until your Majesty shall determine what shall be decreed in the matter.

The procession made here on Corpus Christi day, with the assent of the bishop, passed before his residence; and although but twenty or thirty paces from Page 65the royal buildings, the procession did not go to them, which they could have done at the cost of so little time and space, and would not, on that account, have been prevented from returning to the house of the bishop. Will your Majesty order in this regard according to your pleasure.

The city is concerned, and I believe I wrote to your Majesty, about the ten per cent duty imposed in Mexico recently on merchandise from this country; and although I desire nothing so much as that there be found a way to provide for the pressing need in which your Majesty finds yourself in these necessitous times, still, with your Majesty's permission, I will say only concerning this, that, although it is true that the profits of this merchandise, if well administered, might endure this duty, yet the citizens of this country are poor, the money and capital are restricted, and the land is new; and at the beginning these gains were larger than now, since, because of the heavy expenses, the net profit obtained is much less. Likewise it appears that the same statement is true of the natives, who feel keenly so many burdens, and who are suspicious that we are gradually increasing them. Therefore they say the Castilians have good words but few deeds, and those evil. Those who might better carry this burden are the Chinese, because of the great profit and gain that they make and obtain here in so little time. But I fear also that if they are annoyed, they will not come and will abandon the trade, by which this country lives and increases. I do nothing but put both of these considerations before your Majesty, so that you may ordain in everything what is most to your service. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many happy years as Christendom Page 66has need, and as we, the vassals and servants of your Majesty, desire. Manila, June 20, 1593.

[Endorsed: “Filipinas. Copy of a letter written by Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas.”] Page 67

[1] This plan is not in the Archivo de Indias.

[2] A textile fabric of cotton made by the natives of the Philippines; see Zúñiga's Estadismo (Retana's ed.), ii, 88, where the word is spelled lompote.

[3] Spanish, encomenderos temporales; apparently referring to grants of encomiendas made for a limited time, or to those which were held subject to an annual pension.

[4] It has been generally supposed that the first book printed in the Philippines was the Arte y reglas de la lengua Tagala (Bataan, 1610). J.T. Medina cites the Historia eclesiastica of Fray Alonso Fernandez (Toledo, 1611—but he cites p. 100 of edition of 1693), to show that in 1602 a book was published at Manila concerning Our Lady of the Rosary. But this letter of Dasmariñas proves conclusively that printing in the islands goes back to at least as early a date as 1593. It was published by Retana in Política de España en Filipinas (October 23, 1899); and in part by Medina, who conjectures that the “Christian Doctrine” there mentioned was composed by Fray Juan de Plasencia. Aduarte states explicitly (Historia, ed. 1640, i, p. 108, and ii, p. 16) that the first printer in the islands was Juan de Vera, a Chinese convert, in the Dominican convent at Manila; and that he was incited to do this work by the Dominican friar Francisco de San Joseph. But he also states that the latter came to the Philippines with Benavides (1595). For further accounts of printing in the islands, see Medina's Imprenta en Manila (Santiago de Chile, 1896), pp. v–lxxvi; Retana's Zúñiga, ii, pp. 93*–100*; and Middleton's Notes on Bibliography of Philippines (Philadelphia, 1900), pp. 27—37.

[5] Apparently meaning pieces of canvas on which the arms were painted.

Memorandum of Troops Required in the Philippines.

The soldiers necessary to guard the city of Manila, and the redoubts, galleys, forts of Cagayan and Çebu, and presidios erected against the Zambales:

For Cagayan, seventy soldiers are needed for the defense of the city, and thirty for the fort and presidio of San Pablo, near Cagayan, the total amounting to one hundred 100
For the town of Arevalo, in Otton, one hundred 100
For Camarines, one hundred 100
For Ylocos, one hundred 100
For Çebu—that is, the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jhesus—one hundred 100
For the settlement of the provinces of Tuy, recently explored, one hundred 100
For the presidios among the Çambales—namely, the presidio de San Andres de Mexico, thirty; the presidio of Tarla, thirty; the presidio of San Phelippe de Malabuc, thirty; the presidio of La Playa Honda, thirty: the total amounting to one hundred and twenty soldiers 120
For the guard of Mariveles, eight soldiers. 8Page 68
For the guard and defense of this city of Manila, we shall need one thousand men—or, at the very least, six hundred. 600
For the new fort on Point Sanctiago, ten gunners and twenty soldiers 30
For the fort of Nuestra Señora de Guia, eight gunners and twenty soldiers 28
For the cavalier of San Gabriel, six soldiers and one corporal 7
For the fort at the port of Cavite, twenty-four soldiers 24
For four galleys to guard these coasts, to each one twenty-five soldiers, a total of one hundred 100
Total, one thousand five hundred and seventeen men 1517

With this number this kingdom would have some assurance of security, both from the natives and from surrounding peoples. It should be taken for granted that reënforcements be sent each year to maintain this number; for, because of the unhealthfulness of this country, many are constantly dying.

[Endorsed: “Troops necessary in those Philippinas Islands.”] Page 69

Letter from Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to the King of Camboja

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Sa[n]ctiago, governor and captain-general of Luson: For the king of Castilla, my sovereign, I wish you health and prosperity. I received the embassy and letter of the king of Camboja[1] with great happiness; with these, as well as with the elephant and the friendship that you send me, I am greatly pleased—as also with the inclination that you manifest for the service and devotion of the king, my sovereign. I shall inform the latter of this, and it will be esteemed highly. I have grieved sorely over the wars and hostilities between the kings of Camboja and Sian; for I would much prefer that perfect harmony, accord, and peace should reign between two such kings and neighbors (both of whom are our friends), for without it is neither advantage nor happiness. I would grant the king of Camboja the aid and reënforcement Page 70that he begs against the king of Sian, but that king would marvel at it. He is also a servant of mine, and our friend. Therefore I wish to know the cause and grounds for these animosities, and the justice and reason on either side, for thus can I come to a just decision. In the meanwhile, since the result of wars (even when they are victorious ones), is for the most part ruin, death, destruction, and depopulation of kingdoms and vassals; and my good will and affection toward the king of Camboja binds me to desire to see him freed from these difficulties and this uneasiness, so that he may live tranquilly, and that we may have intercourse and friendship, and that commerce and harmony may increase among all of us everywhere, to the common advantage of all—I have tried to provide the easiest and best method. This is for me to become arbitrator, in order to try to adjust these differences. Therefore I have written a letter and sent an ambassador to the king of Sian, without informing him that the king of Camboja is in need of aid and has begged it from me, and I think that he will accept. If so just a cause should fail, then your and my cause is more reasonable and justifiable, in order to do what you beg of me. In any event, you can be certain of my being a friend to the king of Camboja—as your ambassador, who is returning well-treated and happy, will tell you in greater detail. Let us consult and discuss over the road already opened. Those of Camboja will always receive the same hospitable treatment as in their own land. I am sending you some emeralds, and a horse, which is an excellent animal, in token of affection, besides some hunting dogs, for Belosso told me that they were much esteemed in Camboja. Because of Page 71the lack of certain Spanish curiosities, I am not sending such; but I shall procure them for another time. If another rose diamond from this country would be acceptable, I shall be very glad to give it to you. To fulfil more completely our friendship, I am sending you the copy of the letter that I wrote to the king of Sian. May God preserve and prosper you. From Manila, September 27, in the year 1593 since our Lord Jesus Christ's birth.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

[Endorsed: “1594. Copy of a letter to the king of Camboja from Governor Gomez Perez.”] Page 72

[1] According to Morga, this king was named Prauncar (Phra Uncar) Langara; and his ambassador was Diego Belloso (Veloso), a Portuguese. On returning to Cambodia with this letter to its king, the envoy found that country conquered by the Siamese. He was captured by them and carried, with the presents that he bore from Dasmariñas, to Siam. Later, he aided in the restoration of the exiled royal family of Cambodia to power; and for these services a province was given to him. See Morga's Sucesos (Hakluyt Soc. trans., London, 1878), pp. 44—52.

Documents of 1594

Sources: The royal decree of April 27 is taken from Santa Inés's Crónica, ii, p. 607; the remaining documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: The sixth document is translated by Consuelo A. Davidson; the first two letters in the seventh, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio, and Arthur B. Myrick, respectively; all the remaining matter, by James A. Robertson. Page 73

List of Philippine Villages Reduced by the Spaniards

List of the villages reduced to the service of his Majesty, and the names of the chiefs who have made peace, since Captain Ffernando de Berramontano went to those provinces as chief and leader of the troops, at the order of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands.

  • Potol and its allies—chiefs, Atano, Anguilo, and Ffucao.
  • Village of Cataguram—chief, Manipas.
  • Village and river of Tulaque—chief, Apavao.
  • Village and river of Massi—chief, Seriban.
  • Village of Gatara—chief, Lipagam.
  • Valley of Sinabanga—chief, Amangapa.
  • River of Bangal—chief, mother of Sseriban.
  • River of Pata—chiefs, Amanbacay and Manipaz.
  • River of Cabrasinga—chiefs, Lumboy and Ffucman.
  • River of Maguin—chief, Seriban.
  • Estuary of Bacto—chief, Sivican.
  • Bulay-chief, Macapito.
  • Village of Magamon—chiefs, Higoran and Maramossi.
  • Village of Higuy-chief, Hivigan.
  • Village of Carlanga—chiefs, Maguigal and Agarrao.
  • Village of Linga—chief, Palatao.Page 74
  • Village of Lobo—chief, Dalapiao.
  • Village of Arangay—chief, Abugam.
  • Village of Pras—chief, Agarrao.
  • Village of Gumay—chief, Saguin.
  • Village of Tarugo—chief, Valigot.
  • Village of Gadu—chief, Balagua.
  • Village of Taban—chief, Baloy.
  • Village of Catabagam—chief, Banagua.
  • Village of Tapayacan—chief, Vanga.
  • River and towns of Nabunga, belonging to his Majesty—chief, Tabuga.
  • Village of Calabatan—chief, Bacu.
  • Village of Maguin—chief, Baligot.
  • Village of Malapil—chief, the same.
  • Village of Tuao—chief, the same.
  • Village of Canoran—chief, the same.
  • Village of Agat—chief, Lahizio.
  • Estuary of Malaguit and village of Sinagan—chief, Calaz.
  • Village of Doga—chief, the same.
  • Village of Cabicumga—chief, the same.
  • Village of Gabutan—chief, the same.
  • Village of Taramin—chief, the same.
  • Village of Lines—chief, the same.
  • Village of Massi—chief, the above.
  • Village of Nagugan—chief, the above.
  • Village of Gumoy—chief, the same.
  • Village of Talapa—chief, Çiroy Babalino.
  • Village of Pelitan—chief, Sibay.
  • Village of Lubutan—chief, Magalate.
  • Village of Batagua—chief, Ladaran.
  • Village of Tubigarao and its allies—chief, Lahinaman Darrey.
  • Village of Maguila—chief, Batoninam.Page 75
  • Village of Calabatan—chief, Matalo.
  • Village of Care—chief, Alu.
  • Village of Duli—chief, Duli.
  • Village of Bolo—chiefs, Manoto and Sino.
  • Village of Masepni—chief, Seriban.
  • Village of Guinoya—chief, Sinanagua.
  • Village of Balissi—chief, Matalaguan.
  • Village of Purrao—chief, Zuaduban.
  • Village of Bual—chief, Mamagua.
  • Estuary of Nalaguan—chiefs, Tagabassi, Pasigan and Sima.
  • Village of Carrima—chief, Urragam.
  • Village of Taporagua—chief, Sidagay.
  • Village of Cacaguayan—chief, Zalope.
  • Village of Talamas—chief, Marratan.
  • Village of Alata—chief, Vaguigo.
  • Village of Tabagan—chief, Basugumi.
  • Village of Bugarro—chief, Pigol.
  • Estuary and villages of Dumon.
  • Durangua.
  • Tinapanga.
  • Gabemta.
  • Balogo—chief, Bengel.
  • Village of Camalayuga—chief, Litagua.
  • Village of Daludu—chief, Jseamalaza.
  • Village of Tocolana—chief, Mandarelac.
  • Province of Yugan, but lately conquered, with seven villages.
  • Villages of La Lamona and Mandaya, seven in all.
  • The chief river, named Tazo.

Camalayuga, Segovia, Tocolana, Pantao, Camanao, Gotate, Tagay, River of Maguin, Calimotan, Dumon, Durango, Tinaponga, Gabemta, Bolaryo, Balobo, Galitan, Dulaga, village of Mapanga, Locon, Page 76Masepin, Estuary of Arolo, Pagaman, Amoran, Agopan, Estuary of Bacto, Yamaguam, Mangua, Bagan, Goran, Magano, Higuy, Batana, Cacomigan, Arrimanao, Cataessaman.

Catadar, Estuary of Maguila, Cacomigan, Cabugao, Mapapala, Boboo, Estuary of Bagam, Tubigarao, Abas, Louba, Nota, Botoan, Lulu, Lapugan, Vical, Estuary of Malagui, Nalaguam, Ungagui, Carrama, Ymaniz, Quinoyo, Marranate, Batagua, Boluye, Lulutam, Estuary of Batagua, Amiguibay, Bugarro, Bonoay, Bugao, Bungal, Alu, Alagua, Bolabic, Togote.

Cugan, Alate, Roge, Fugao, Inlet of Purrao, Bolo, Tingar, Pipin, Purrao, Dala, Bicum, Malata, Duyusan, Bacuam, Baga, Upland of Lapazada, Nabotas, River of Çimbuey, Pelitam, Alata, River Atam, Paguyamapi, Luday, Lama, Babayugom, Malin, Casiyam, Agutane, Maguilo, Parbuam, Tabussi, Capay, Minaga, Balaga, Malopi, Matudo, Loquillo, Beledeca, Cagavian, Bagu, Guto, Labu, Tongolan, Talogua, Talaona.

Gumitan, Lubutan, Ligon, Baporago, River of Baporago, Cabalaratan, Gamoy, Abazague, Passacoy, Biao, Malay, Bulagua, Plains of Llobo, Madulango, Cari, Duli, Marañon, Tapie, Nabunge, Bangal, Ulagua, Tarugo, Gadu, Ylagua, Pras, Tarro, Taban, Carlanga, Yagam, Ramoron, Pagamal, Agunge, River of Llobo, Tabagam, Pipi, Gumabi, Capayam, River of Palmarez [“palm-groves”], Malabit, Arangay, Lobor, Valley of Palmarez, Estuary of Gacare, Jataro, Talapo, Talapanze, Mandayo.

La Lamona, Potol, Sinabange, Cabunuam, Jacatay, Tocol, Alibumga, Maperi, Manaco, Paracam, Page 77Duludu, Ladugo, Minalam, Batal, Batatas, Balissi, Estuary of Latupe, River of Lulaque, Simayo, Massin, River Bangal, Bangal, Pata, Cabicumga. Page 78

Letter from Luis Perez Dasmariñas to the King of Canboja

To the king of Canboja:

Don Luis Perez Dasmariñas, knight of the order of Alcantara, governor and captain-general of Luzon, for the king of Castilla, my sovereign, wishes you health and prosperity.

After the governor, my father, had despatched Captain Diego Belosso, your ambassador, and had given him the enclosed letter, God our Lord, in whose hand and divine providence are life and death, was pleased to take my father to himself.[1] I succeeded him in his duties, and in the good-will and friendship with which he was ready to aid, in every way, the desire and service of the king of Canboja. I shall continue the same in all sincerity, as the bearer of this will inform you. And as proof of this, in order that Diego Belosso[2] may not go unaccompanied, I am sending Diego de Villanueva with this reply. He is an honored nobleman, of excellent Page 79qualities; and he might be of some service and use to you there in mining matters, for he has much knowledge thereof, as well as in the working of metals. You may discuss with him what you wish, and anything pertaining to the good of your kingdom. You may credit anything that he may say and represent in my name. I shall be very glad to establish intercourse and communication between us; for the people of Canboja will ever meet, when they come here, hospitable reception and fatherly love from me. Truly I wish that I had here some Spanish curiosities to send to the king of Canboja, in token of love and friendship; but on a second journey, God pleasing, I shall be better prepared. In the meanwhile I shall inform the said king, my sovereign, of this new friendship, and of the pathway opened for trade and communication between us, which is so useful and agreeable to all, and from which I hope will result glory for our great God, and many beneficial results. The king, my sovereign, will heartily commend and favor this, and will rejoice exceedingly that it shall result in every way to your satisfaction and approval, an object which I shall forward whenever opportunity presents. May our Lord God preserve and prosper you. Manila, February 8, 1594.

Considering that the king of Canboja wishes to advance Diego de Belosso, and that he is a deserving man, I have given special orders that he should go, as he does, free from restrictions, and with satisfactory equipment.

[Endorsed: ”+1594+. Copy of the letter to the king of Canboja from Governor Don Luis Perez.”] Page 80

[1] Regarding Dasmaríñas's death, see note 44, Vol. VIII. He was succeeded by his son, Luis Perez, the writer of this letter; he acted as governor until the summer of 1596.

[2] Belloso secured aid from Luis Perez Dasmariñas for the exiled king of Cambodia; but Morga says (p. 46) that this was done against his advice and that of other leading officers.

Investigation of the Hospital

I, Hernando de los Rios, administrator of the royal hospital of this city, declare that, because of the small amount of income and alms received by the said hospital, the needs of the sick are not provided for. It is impossible to give them everything requisite for their health, inasmuch as there are many sick there, both of the ordinary troops and the mercenary soldiers, to whom his Majesty gives medicines, and for whom he supplies a physician, as he is bound to do. The same provision is made for the other poor and needy inhabitants and citizens to whom his Majesty is under obligations, as they are old soldiers and settlers who have served for many years in this country without any pay. Many of them fall sick from the great sufferings that they undergo, because of the unhealthfulness of this country, both in food and climate, and from other causes. However, these would be much more numerous, if there were no place in which to succor their necessities. As is well known, not one of the sick has (and there is not in this city) any other place where they can go except to this hospital. It is well known how much more it costs his Majesty to transport a man from Nueva España than to sustain him after having brought him here; and for the Page 81common welfare of this community and its conservation, it is necessary to have men here. Hence, and since charity to the sick is so great a service to God our Lord, I beg and entreat your Lordship to be pleased to assign to the said hospital from the royal exchequer what is necessary for its efficient administration and maintenance, in consideration of the fact that the income apportioned to it is inadequate, because of its heavy expenses. If necessary, I am ready to undergo investigation, and I take oath in due form that this petition is made with no ill intent, and I beg justice.

Hernando de Los Rios

February 16, 1594: Investigation shall be made in regard to the contents of this petition. The witnesses whom the administrator of the hospital shall present in the course of the legal verification which he has been ordered to make shall be examined in accordance with the following interrogatory.

1. First: Whether they are acquainted with the said hospital.

2. Item: Whether they know that there is no other hospital in these islands and city where the Spanish, especially the soldiers, can be treated.

3. Item: Whether they know that the majority of the soldiers serve for pay, and that there are, as a rule, fifty or sixty sick, or even more.

4. For the fourth question: Let them state whether they know that, by failing to give them the necessary attention, his Majesty would be put to greater expense and cost, and this community would suffer great harm and loss, because of the death of many, and because of the much greater expense to Page 82the king, our sovereign, in transporting one soldier here than in supporting two.

5. Item: Let them state whether they know that, because of the small pay and the dearness of food, and because of their discomfort and their heavy toil in mounting guard and in sentinel duty, many fall sick daily and die; and that for this reason, the said hospital always contains more sick men than it can take care of.

6. Item: Let them state whether they know that many of the old sailors and soldiers, who have served his Majesty here, are poor and needy; that these men are useful in this country, because they are, like the others, ready for whatever occasions arise; that they have no other place to go to except the said hospital, when they become sick; and that his Majesty is under obligations to provide them with a hospital, as he has not rewarded their services.

7. For the seventh question: Whether they know that the hospital possesses an income of but little more than one thousand five hundred pesos, and that the gifts to it are very few.

8. For the eighth question: Whether they know that the said hospital needs more than six thousand pesos for its maintenance, since its expenses are high, and since there is no other food in this country that can be provided for the sick than fowls, which are valued at excessive rates—as, for instance, two reals, or two and one-half or three reals.

9. The ninth: Let them state whether they know that the said hospital uses many drugs from Castilla and other regions, which are very dear, because they are brought from so great a distance as those who know say. Page 83

10. For the tenth question: Let them state whether they know that the said hospital is in great need of buildings for the service of the poor, and the accommodation of the others who work in the said hospital; since it has but one corridor, where the said sick are poorly accommodated and crowded; and that therefore the said hospital needs four more buildings.

11. For the eleventh question: Let them state whether they know that, in addition to the things enumerated above, the said hospital has need of a very large force of attendants, as brethren and slaves, and of other services from Indian men and women, upon whom a great sum of money is necessarily spent, both in wages and food; and that they are badly accommodated, because they have no adequate house.

12. For question twelve: Whether they know that all the aforesaid is public and well known.

Hernando de Los Rios

Evidence on the part of the hospital

In the city of Manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of April, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four, Colonel Hernando de los Rios, steward of the Spanish hospital of this city, in answer to the contents of the petition and interrogatory above set forth, presented as witness Fray Diego Muñoz, prior of the convent of Sant Pablo de San Agustin of Manila, and commissary of the Holy Office. Oath was taken from him in verbum sacerdotis, and he promised to tell the truth. Being interrogated in accordance with the inquiry, he deposed as follows:

1. To the first question he answered that he knew of the royal hospital of this city of Manila from the Page 84time of its establishment by Doctor Santiago de Vera. This was his answer.

Being asked the usual questions prescribed by law, he said that he was thirty-four years old and competent to be a witness.

2. To the second question, he answered that he knew there is no other hospital for treating Spaniards throughout these islands except that of the said city of Manila. Therefore Spaniards from all the islands, especially ordinary soldiers and mercenaries, go there for treatment. This was his answer.

3. To the third question he answered that he knew the number of patients in the said hospital, as he had been in it many times. He thought it contained ordinarily fifty or sixty sick soldiers. This was his answer.

4. To the fourth question he answered that he knew that by not giving proper attention to the sick, his Majesty would suffer greater expense and cost in being compelled to send other men in their place to this country. This will be a great expense to his Majesty, because of the high cost of transporting each of those who go to the said islands; besides, on account of the great distance of the country, and the difference of its climate from that of our España, many men die. This was his answer.

5. To the fifth question he answered that his reply was the same as to the preceding question.

6. To the sixth question he answered that besides the mercenaries and ordinary soldiers who are treated in the said royal hospital, many others are also treated—namely, sailors, and old and poor Spanish soldiers, who because they have not the means to be treated, have recourse to the said hospital. These Page 85his Majesty is under obligation to assist, because of their services. This was his answer.

7. To the seventh question he answered that he referred to the attestation and certifications given by the officials of the royal exchequer of these islands, and that he knew that the income is insufficient for the heavy expense incurred by the said royal hospital—as this witness and the other superiors of the religious orders of this city have written to his Majesty, begging him to assist the said royal hospital by increasing its income, since it is not sufficient. This was his answer.

8. To the eighth question he answered that his reply was the same as to the preceding question.

9. In answer to the ninth question he declared that he believed that, since so many sick persons are treated in the said hospital, many drugs must necessarily be used which are not products of this country, and which must be brought from Nueva España and other regions. This was his answer.

10. In answer to the tenth question he declared that he knew that the hospital needs more buildings than it has, for the sick are many and crowded. This was his answer.

11. In answer to the eleventh question he declared that he did not know; but that he thought that for so many people as are there usually, many servants are necessary. This was his answer.

12. In answer to the twelfth question, he declared, on his oath, that the aforesaid is the truth and is public and well known; and he affixed his signature to it.

Fray Diego Muñoz

Before me:

Martin Sanchez de Leyba, royal notary. Page 86

[In like manner, depositions were taken from Fray Alonso Jimenez, provincial of the Order of St. Dominic; Father Antonio Sedeño, superior of the Society of Jesus; Captain Pedro de Chaves, master-of-camp; Diego Velazquez de Mercado, dean of the cathedral of San Pedro de Manila; and Gaspar de Ysla, former steward of the hospital. Their testimony is much the same as the one given above, nothing new being brought out. The document ends as follows:]

In regard to this work I certify, in so far as I may, as to its necessity and justice, for the welfare and amendment of all this country and community; and that it is a work worthy the royal heart of his Majesty, that it needs his royal and generous protection and favor, and that God our Lord through His poor, will be greatly served in it.

Luis Perez Dasmarinas

Therefore I affixed my seal in testimony of accuracy.

Gaspar de Azebo

[Endorsed: “Inquiry in regard to the great advantage derived from the royal hospital of Manila, and in regard to the affirmation that the poor cannot be supported with its income.”] Page 87

Report Concerning the Filipinas Islands, and other Papers

A Report Concerning the Filipinas Islands, which it is Advisable to Settle and Pacify; and other Matters

Most potent Sire:

Fray Francisco de Ortega[1] of the order of St. Augustine, visitor-general of the province of the Philipinas, and prior of the convent of the city of Manila, with desire and zeal for the service of God our Lord, and of your Highness, in order to inform you concerning the nature of the Philipinas Islands, which have rendered obedience to your Highness, and of what is advisable for their welfare and increase, and for the relief of your Highness's royal conscience, makes the following declaration.

1. That it will be of much import for your Highness to order the island of Mindanao, which is four Page 88hundred leguas in circuit, to be pacified and settled. It is said that there are many people there who, when pacified, will need, according to the report made, at least eighty ministers for the conversion of those natives. This said island lies to the south. It produces a great quantity of cinnamon, which, if cultivated, will prove a source of great profit to the royal exchequer of your Highness. This island is quite near those of Maluco, and the occupation of it will be very advantageous, because of what is said of the trade and commerce of the said Malucas Islands, of which we would thus gain practical knowledge.

2. The island of Leyte lies in the same southern region. It is sixty leguas in circumference. It is apportioned to eight encomenderos, who have about five thousand Indians as tributarios. The latter have up to this day never seen ministers of the gospel, and they have been paying tribute for over twenty years. It is advisable, for the relief of the conscience of those encomenderos and the royal conscience of your Highness, that ministers be furnished. For the conversion of those natives, ten ministers will be needed, counting one minister to each five hundred tributarios. These latter will amount to ten thousand souls, but more rather than less, counting the women and children.

3. The island called Negros, which has been so called by the Spaniards because in this island there are more than the usual proportion of a race called Negrillos; they are not, however, as black as those of Guinea. They live separate from the natives of the island, which is something like one hundred leguas in circumference. Four thousand five hundred Indians pay tribute in this island, which is allotted to eight Page 89encomenderos. These, as well as the encomenderos of Leyte, above mentioned, have repartimientos of Indians in other places. For the conversion of these natives, nine or ten more ministers of the gospel will be needed. According to the above report, there are some twenty thousand souls there.

4. The island of Panay has twenty-five thousand Indians as tributarios, or about one hundred thousand souls, rather more than less. It is one hundred leguas in circumference, and has sixteen encomenderos, and fourteen religious of the order of St. Augustine, in six monasteries founded there—one on the river of Panay, which is in the royal crown lands of your Highness, and the other five monasteries in villages of the encomenderos. All the other villages of this island, which is the best in that land, after Luzon, are without ministers. To comply with the obligation and relief [of the conscience] of the encomenderos, thirty-six ministers are needed, in addition to the aforesaid; for the island, as I have said, contains about one hundred thousand people, great and small, requiring the ministry of instruction.

5. The island of Cubu, which was the first in this archipelago to render obedience to your Highness, and where the first settlement of Spaniards was established, is one hundred leguas in circumference, or thereabouts. The number of Indians in the southern part, is not known with accuracy, because it has not been visited. Four thousand Indians pay tribute to eight encomenderos. It has no ministers of the gospel, but there is a monastery of the order of St. Augustine, established in the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, and they have in charge a village of the natives near by, with about one thousand two hundred Page 90inhabitants. All the rest are without instruction. Six ministers, besides the three in the said monastery, are needed for the conversion of those natives.

6. The island of Bool is twenty-four leguas in circuit, with one thousand Indian tributarios, or about four thousand souls. They have never had, nor have they now, any instruction, and they have paid tribute for eighteen years. They need two ministers for their conversion.

7. The island of Cuyo is twelve leguas in circumference. It has one thousand Indians paying tribute, but, for want of ministers, none of it is christianized; for they have never had them and have not now. They have been paying tribute as long as those of the island of Bool. Two ministers are needed for the instruction of these natives.

8. The island of Mindoro is eighty leguas or so in circuit, and lies to the south. It is but scantily populated; although much of it has not been visited, in the known parts there are about two thousand Indian tributarios. The chief village of this island, which belongs to your Highness, has one minister. There is need of six ministers of the gospel, counting the one priest that it has.

9. And further, the said father Fray Francisco de Ortega says that, in addition to the islands named above, are other small islands, whose names follow. Ybabao is twelve leguas in circuit, has eight hundred tributarios, and is an encomienda. Samal has three thousand Indian tributarios, or something above ten thousand souls, and a circuit of about fifteen leguas. Capul is ten leguas in circuit, and has three hundred and fifty tributarios. The island of Maripipe has a like number, and is fifteen leguas in circumference. Page 91Camanguian, ten leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty tributarios; Cubuyan, eighteen leguas in circuit, and two hundred and fifty tributarios; the island of Cabras, a like number, and is eight leguas in circuit. Vanton is about ten leguas in circumference, and has about three hundred tributarios. That of Marinducq is thirty leguas in circuit, and has eight hundred Indian tributarios; Romblon, eight leguas in circuit, and one hundred and fifty Indian tributarios; Tablas, eighteen leguas and two hundred and fifty tributarios. The island of Ambil is five leguas in circuit, and has one hundred and fifty Indian tributarios; Buracay, six leguas, and two hundred and fifty tributarios. That of Helin is about eight leguas in circuit, and has three hundred Indian tributarios; Calamianes, sixty leguas in circuit, or thereabout, and thus far is known to have six hundred tributarios; Caguayanes, eighteen leguas in circumference, and about five hundred Indians; Mazbate, twenty-five leguas and five hundred and fifty tributarios. The island of Fuegos is nine leguas in circuit, and has two hundred tributarios; Ymaras, fourteen leguas in circuit, and three hundred and fifty tributarios.

10. All the above islands, and four other small ones, each of about eighty or one hundred Indians at the most, have no ministers of the gospel, nor are there any Christians in them, although all are apportioned into encomiendas. One encomendero holds five or six islands as an encomienda; and, because they are not easily accessible, these natives are almost without possibility of ever having ministers, or of attaining to a knowledge of God our Lord. However, if they should have ministers, and if these dwelt in some of the best populated islands, they could visit the Page 92others, since they are near one another. By this means, those souls might be helped.

11. The island of Catanduanes, which lies north, near the island of Luçon, is about thirty leguas in circuit, and has four thousand Indian tributarios. It is apportioned to four encomenderos. Eight ministers of the gospel are needed for the conversion of those people, who number about sixteen thousand souls.

12. The island of Luzon, whereon is located the city of Manila, is the best and most thickly populated, most abundant in food and richest in gold mines. It is three hundred leguas in circumference, and is all apportioned among encomenderos. The villages in the chief places of the provinces belong to your Highness's royal crown. In this and other parts, your Highness has thirty thousand tributarios or thereabout. Although they all pay tribute in the villages under charge of encomenderos, many of them have no instruction; and they have paid, and there has been collected from them, tribute for more than sixteen years. That this may be quite evident to your Majesty, he says that, in the province of Camarines, located eighty leguas from the city of Manila in the said island, in the vicinity of the volcano of Albay, are four encomenderos, who collect more than three thousand tributes, and there are no ministers of the gospel. This means twelve thousand souls to be converted, for not one of them is a Christian, for the reason given above. For their conversion, six ministers will be necessary.

13. Further in the above province are four other encomenderos, who collect tribute from the island of Capul (which lies four leguas away), and from the bay of Ybalon. They collect almost three thousand Page 93tributes, and they likewise have no minister of the gospel. There are some two[2] thousand souls, and they will need six ministers for their conversion.

14. In the above province is an islet of about two or three leguas in circuit. It is apportioned to two encomenderos, who collect one thousand two hundred tributes. This means four thousand souls, and will require two ministers.

15. Item: In the said province, near the volcano of Albay, is a village called Yguey, with seven hundred Indian tributarios, and not one a Christian, for lack of ministers. It belongs to one encomendero. There are about three thousand souls, more or less, who need two ministers of the gospel for their conversion.

16. In the same island of Luzon, toward the north, in the province of Cagayan, are some allotted Indians, who, although they pay tribute, are not baptized for lack of ministers. Their encomenderos are twelve in number, and the Indians in their encomiendas, ten thousand four hundred, or more than forty thousand souls. In proportion to the others, they will need twenty ministers for their conversion.

17. In the same island of Luzon, in the provinces of Ylocos and Pangasinan are twelve encomenderos, with sixteen thousand Indians paying tribute, which means about seventy thousand souls. Very few of these, not eight thousand, are baptized. They need thirty ministers for their conversion and instruction.

18. Besides the above, in the same island, another thickly-inhabited province in this region, one week's journey from Manila, was explored two years ago, by order of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas. According Page 94to the report given to the said Fray Francisco de Ortega by friars of his order, at least forty ministers are needed there for the welfare, assistance, and conversion of those natives. Thus, all together, two hundred ministers of the gospel are necessary for the administration and conversion of the natives of those islands—which are under the protection and dominion of your Highness, to whom they have rendered obedience and whom they recognize as king and sovereign. This number is in addition to those who are there now, reckoning among these latter the descalced fathers of the order of St. Francis, who sailed in the fleet now on the way for Nueva España, in order to go to the said islands. And in order that your Highness may consider as excellently employed all that you have spent from your royal exchequer in the furtherance of this apostolic and sovereign work of conversion, he [Ortega] gives a report as to the monasteries of religious and the ministers of the three orders there, and the great results produced by the preaching of the gospel among those natives. This is to the great merit of your Highness, since they [the monasteries] have been the chief instrument of the relief and salvation of the Indians.

19. There is one monastery with four religious of his order of St. Augustine, in the island of Cubu. They have baptized about six thousand, large and small, of the Indians in their charge there.

20. There is another monastery of the same order in another small island, called Batayan. It has two religious, who have baptized three thousand souls.

21. In the island of Panay, the best island after that of Luzon, are six monasteries of his order. The island has sixteen ministers, who have baptized more Page 95than thirty thousand persons, large and small. Each day the conversion extends farther and it is through lack of ministers that more are not baptized.

22. In the island of Luzon, where the city of Manila is located, in a province called Pampanga, in a territory of eighteen leguas, are twelve monasteries of his order. These have twenty-nine religious, all priests. This district has twenty-three thousand five hundred tributarios, or ninety thousand souls—more, rather than less—for they are a people who multiply rapidly. Of all this number, there are but few unbaptized.

23. In the same province (I mean island) of Luzon, is another province, called Ylocos, and another, Pangasinan, where his order of St. Augustine has eleven monasteries; and another in a Spanish settlement on the Cagayah River, where there are twenty-eight religious, all priests. In all this territory are twenty thousand tributarios, or about eighty thousand souls, of whom fifty-five thousand are baptized, while the rest are daily becoming converted.

24. In another province, called Bombon, where there are two large lakes, the shores of which are all settled, within a territory twenty leguas from the city of Manila are established eleven monasteries of his order of St. Augustine. Here there are nineteen thousand five hundred tributarios, or more than eighty thousand souls. Of these more than sixty thousand are baptized, while the rest are regularly being converted. The said monasteries have twenty-six religious, all priests.

25. The monasteries belonging to the order of St. Augustine in those islands in the villages of the Indians number forty-three, with one hundred and five Page 96ministers, who have in their charge, as reported, two hundred and eighty-nine thousand souls, of whom two hundred and forty-four thousand are baptized, while the remaining forty-five thousand are being converted daily. In addition there is another monastery in the city of Manila, with twenty-five ministers—ten of them priests, and the others without sacerdotal orders. This is in addition to novices, of whom there are usually some in the monastery. The members of the convent have in charge certain Indians near the city along the seacoast. Thus there are forty-four monasteries with one hundred and thirty ministers.

26. The monasteries of the order of St. Francis in Indian villages in those islands, number twenty-three. They have forty-nine ministers in these; and in the city of Manila they have another monastery of their order, with fifteen religious—priests and brethren, laymen and choristers. He [Ortega] does not know the exact number of Indians in their charge, although he thinks that they have baptized something like thirty thousand persons.

There are four monasteries of the order of St. Dominic in Indian villages, and two in Manila—one among the Chinese settled there, and the other among the Spaniards. All six convents have eighteen ministers, and he thinks they have baptized something like fourteen thousand souls.

Fray Francisco de Ortega presents this report to your Highness, as one who has an experience of twenty-four years in those islands, and what remains from thirty-nine years in Nueva España. He presents the report with all sincerity, so that your Highness may have detailed information, and may deem Page 97yourself to be well served by his order. His hope is that the necessity of ministers—both for preaching to the natives already converted, and for the conversion of so vast a multitude of people still to be converted—being evident, your Highness, with your royal and usual kindness, may have a great number of ministers of the gospel sent; since God is sending the remedy that is drawing this people from their blindness, by the hands of your Highness, for whom He is keeping the reward of so noble and sovereign a work as this of converting a new world to the knowledge of God our Lord.

[Endorsed: “Fray Francisco de Ortega of the order of St. Augustine.”]

What He Begs for the Monasteries of His Order

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Sire:

Fray Francisco de Ortega, visitor-general of his order of St. Augustine, and prior of the convent of the city of Manila, in the name of that province, and by the authority which he has for that purpose, humbly begs and beseeches the following from your Majesty.

1. That your Majesty be pleased to bestow, as a grant and as alms for the building of the monastery of that city, a fixed sum for a certain period, as you did in past years for the building of the church of the said monastery. In that case were assigned for the period of ten years one thousand ducados annually. This grant is asked in consideration of the fact that it has been burned twice, and has been in part rebuilt from the alms that the religious have acquired with Page 98great difficulty. Another ground is the many services performed by his order in that country for your Majesty from the beginning, when it was settled, with innumerable hardships which they endured when engaged in implanting the faith, and in the service and relief of the royal conscience of your Majesty—there being then no other ministers there except them alone, as is quite well and commonly known, and as will appear by the evidence which he adduces thereof. Finally, a third ground for the grant is the fact that the monastery of Manila is very poor, so that it cannot continue the work undertaken, and therefore the religious are much inconvenienced by the narrowness of their quarters. This is a house where great strictness and austerity are observed; and in the bestowal upon them of this grant and alms by your Majesty God our Lord will be served abundantly, and his [Ortega's] order will receive benefit and favor thereby. Questions 20 to 24 and the opinion. [In the margin: “Let the father declare the nature and extent of the favor which he desires, and let the decree referred to be brought.” “A copy of the decree mentioned is brought.”]

2. Item: That in consideration of the fact that when your Majesty's first governor in those islands, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, assigned one hundred pesos (of eight reals to the peso) and fifty fanegas of rice annually for the support of each religious, goods were very cheap, while now they are worth twice as much, and the religious cannot be supported with this alms, he begs and beseeches your Majesty to have the goodness to order that the alms for the food and clothing of each religious be annually one hundred pesos de minas, or at least Castilian ducados, and the Page 99usual amount of rice. This is a very moderate request, since the religious possess no income or chaplaincies, and it will bring but little additional expense upon your Majesty's royal exchequer, as the monasteries sustained by your royal crown are but few; and if your Majesty gives commands to this effect, they will be much advantaged and favored. [In the margin: “Let the governor give information of conditions in this matter, and what he deems best for the future. Let him make a report of everything in minute detail.”]

3. Item: The said father Fray Francisco de Ortega declares that fourteen years ago, when he came from those islands the first time, your Majesty at his request and supplication granted favor to that province, by ordering your royal officials to give annually, to each religious who was a priest, two arrobas of wine for the mass, and to each convent of his order in the province six jars of oil for the lamp of the most holy sacrament, as was done throughout Nueva España. This was not fulfilled, because before the arrival of the time for the royal officials to give this alms the said convent of St. Augustine was burned; and among the property and papers destroyed was your Majesty's royal decree, bestowing the said favor. He begs and entreats your Majesty, in confirmation of the said favor and alms, to issue your royal decree, inserting the first decree therein, so that henceforth the said grant may take effect; and to direct the officials of the royal treasury in Mexico to send the things granted in kind to the royal officials of Manila, so that the latter may give them to the monasteries of the said order, in pursuance of and conformity with your Majesty's commands. By Page 100so doing the decree will be fulfilled and the expense to your Majesty's royal exchequer will also be diminished. [In the margin: “Have this decree renewed.”]

4. Further, he declares that at the convent of San Augustin de Manila the novices are taught, and that the arts and theology have been and will be regularly studied there. It is a seminary whence they go, and will continue to go, to other districts to preach to and convert those natives, and to instruct those already converted, and to administer the sacraments of our holy Catholic faith. There they receive and lodge the religious going to those islands from this kingdom to engage in the apostolic work of the conversion of those natives. The house is poor, so that with its present resources it is impossible to support eight friars, without the alms that your Majesty ordered to be given for four-there being, as a general rule, more than twenty religious in the said convent. He begs and entreats your Majesty, in consideration of the aforesaid, to order the grant increased to the number of twelve religious, more or less, as may be your Majesty's pleasure. They will receive this as a great help and bounty. [In the margin: “That which is provided for the second section above.”]

5. Item: He begs and entreats your Majesty, in consideration of the aforesaid and of the fact that the convent at Manila is an infirmary for all that province, where all those engaged in the conversion and administration of the sacraments in the Indian villages come for treatment when sick, to grant bounty and alms to the said convent, by ordering that the physician and the medical supplies necessary for the treatment of the said religious be at the cost of your Page 101Majesty's royal exchequer, as your Majesty has done in the kingdom of Peru. [In the margin: “Let him be given the decree in accordance with the declaration made.”]

6. The said father Fray Francisco de Ortega informs your Majesty that the bishop of those islands, of his own notion and at his own pleasure, placed religious of his own order of St. Dominic in a settlement of Sangleys (natives of the kingdom of China) near the city of Manila, and across a river that flows through it. From the beginning when that island was gained and settled, the religious of the order of St Augustine have had the said Chinese and natives in charge, to whose conversion and baptism they have paid special attention. From the monastery of his order to the place where the Dominican fathers have settled the distance is but two shots of an arquebus. This is in direct opposition to your Majesty's orders and the commands of your royal decrees—namely, that wherever the monastery of one order is established, no other shall be placed except at the distance appointed by your Majesty. As most of the Chinese settled there are idolatrous heathen, it is a great disadvantage for them to be mingled with the newly-converted Christian Indians, the natives of another race; and from this mingling arise many offenses against God our Lord. In order to avoid these, it would be advisable for your Majesty to have those Chinese removed thence to the place where the rest of their nation have settled, leaving those natives free. It would be well also to decree that the Dominican fathers there shall settle in another place where there is greater need for them; and that your Majesty entrust the execution of all the above to the governor Page 102of those islands, [In the margin: “Have the governor examine and provide for this.”]

7. Further, he says that some three years ago father Fray Mattheo de Mendoza, of his order, implored and entreated your Majesty, in the name of that province, to be pleased to grant permission for the founding of a monastery of Recollet friars of his order, in a hermitage called Nuestra Señora de Guia, located in a place about one-quarter of a legua from the city of Manila. Your Majesty ordered your royal decree to be issued to the effect that the governor and bishop should make investigations as to whether it would be useful and advantageous to have the said hermitage granted for the said purpose, and that they should send their report, together with their opinion on the matter, to the royal Council of the Yndias. In fulfilment of this direction, the said governor has sent the said documents to your Majesty. He [Ortega] entreats you to have it examined and, in accordance with it, to provide and order what is deemed of most advantage to the service of God our Lord, and of your Majesty—considering that, if the said Recollet religious are established there, from their good instruction, life, and example great results will be obtained, both among the natives, and from the devotion of the Spaniards. [In the margin: “Let the governor undertake the establishment of whatever religious of the order of St. Augustine he thinks advisable.”]