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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XII, 1601-1604

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII

Preface 9
Documents of 1601-1602

Expedition to the Malucas Islands. Arias de Saldanha,
and others; 1601-02 29
Principal points in regard to the trade of the
Filipinas. Alonso Fernandez de Castro; [undated;
1602?] 46
Various documents relating to commerce. Fray Martin
Ignacio de Loyola, and others; [ca. 1602] 57
Letter to Felipe III. Antonio de Morga; Manila,
December 1 76

Documents of 1603

Three Chinese Mandarins at Manila. Geronimo de Salazar
y Salcedo; Manila, May 27 83
Resignation of his office by the bishop of Nueva
Segovia. Miguel de Benavides; Manila, June 4 98
Letters to Felipe III. Miguel de Benavides; Manila,
July 5 and 6 101
Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña, and others;
Manila, July-December 127
The Sangley insurrection. Pedro de Acuña, and others;
Manila, December 12-23 142

Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (to be concluded). Pedro
Chirino, S.J.; Roma, 1604 169
Bibliographical Data 323

ILLUSTRATIONS

Map of China and East Indies (original in colors), in Voyage ofte Schipvaert, by Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Amstelredam, M. D. XCVI), p. 22; photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston Public Library. 90, 91 Title-page of Relacion de las Islas Filipinas, by Pedro Chirino, S.J. (Roma, M. DC. IV); photographic facsimile, from copy in library of Harvard University. 171

PREFACE

The general documents contained in this volume cover the years 1601-03; they are followed by Chirino's Relacion, which was published in 1604, but the events related therein end in 1602. The two notable occurrences in this period are the great fire, and the Chinese revolt in Manila in the year 1603—the latter ending in the slaughter or expulsion of almost all the Chinese in the islands. Pirates are still raiding the shores of the northern islands; but the available forces of the colonial government are diverted to the assistance of an expedition from India which attempts (but unsuccessfully) to drive the Dutch from the Spice Islands. Commercial difficulties still affect the prosperity of the islands, caused mainly by the unauthorized share of Mexican speculators in the profitable trade between the Philippines and China; and various expedients are proposed for the regulation of this commerce. The great fire is a heavy blow to the Spanish colony, and the people fear the vengeance of the Chinese for the slaughter of their countrymen. The new archbishop of Manila complains that the religious orders are in much need of inspection and reform; some neglect the Indians to whom they should be missionaries, others keep the infidel Chinese on their lands, and allow the Indians to be corrupted by the vices of the former. After the Chinese revolt is quelled, vigorous protests are sent to the home government, especially by the ecclesiastics, against the laxity hitherto prevailing in the enforcement of the laws restricting Chinese migration to the islands.

These documents are followed by the noted and rare work of the Jesuit Pedro Chirino, Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (Roma, 1604). It is mainly intended as a history of the missions in the islands conducted by the Jesuits, begun in 1581; Chirino himself arrived there in 1595, and gives a full and detailed account of the missions from that time until his departure in 1602. Not only this, but he narrates many things of interest and importance regarding the people, their customs and character, their language and state of civilization, their religious beliefs and worship, and the results of missionary labors and influence upon them. Much of this information is of special value as one of the earliest records regarding the Filipino peoples in their primitive condition, before they had had much contact with the white men; for the Jesuits went even beyond the outposts of Spanish civilization, among tribes who sometimes had never seen white men before. Chirino's Relacion is here presented for the first time in an English dress; and the Editors are fortunate in securing for this publication some valuable annotations from the hand of Rev. Pablo Pastells, S.J. of Barcelona, Spain, who was for some eighteen years superior of the Jesuit missions in the Philippines. Chirino's work is begun in the present volume, and will be concluded in Vol. XIII.

The presence of Van Noordt's fleet in the Oriental archipelago renders the Spaniards apprehensive that their possessions therein may be attacked, especially that of the rich Spice Islands. Accordingly the viceroy of India determines to send a fleet to drive out the Dutch from those seas; and (May 5, 1601) notifies Tello of this. On September 1, 1602, a council of war is held at Manila, which decides to furnish aid for this expedition against the Dutch; its commander has already captured and subjugated Amboyna. This is followed by a list of the supplies furnished to the Portuguese fleet; their value amounts to over twenty-two thousand pesos, including eight months' pay for two hundred soldiers and a number of seamen. An official statement (dated October 2) enumerates the proceedings of the Manila authorities in raising these troops and supplies, and notifies the Portuguese envoys to be ready to convey this aid to the fleet. On October 26, Governor Acuña writes to the king a report on the piracies committed by the Moros. They have made several successful raids, and it is necessary to provide defenses for the islands against these attacks. An expedition had been planned against the Moro pirates; but the governor and his military advisers have deferred it, for the sake of aiding the Maluca expedition. Acuña is going to Arevalo, to despatch the ships and men for that purpose. He is doing all in his power to aid the enterprise, but fears that it will be a failure. Acuña asks permission to aid sick and needy soldiers from the royal treasury.

Alonso Fernandez de Castro, a lawyer, furnishes (1602?) a paper containing "principal points in regard to the trade of the Filipinas." He notes the decrees forbidding Mexicans and Peruvians to trade with the islands, and their violation; the result of this illegal trade is disastrous to Spanish commerce. Complaint is made that the appointments of officers for the ships are made in Mexico, thus causing great and unnecessary expense. The ships lost in the Philippine trade, and the causes of such loss are enumerated; and the kinds of merchandise therein are mentioned. The citizens of the Philippines are discontented at the partial diversion of their trade to the American colonies. A violation of the royal decrees is interpreted by the Mexicans to be not a mortal sin, accordingly they disregard them; Castro advises more leniency in both the prohibition and the penalty. Some ecclesiastics recommend that the Holy See be asked to decide whether such transgression be a mortal sin. The viceroy of Mexico has ordered an increased duty on goods coming from the Philippines, to pay the cost of soldiers and artillery to guard the merchandise on the voyage. The trading vessels lost in the Pacific are being replaced by new ones built at Acapulco; and the viceroy has sent over some ships "in trust" of private persons—a plan which is censured. Mexico should not be allowed to trade with the South American colonies in Chinese goods.

A group of documents on commerce (ca. 1602), although somewhat fragmentary, contain much interesting information regarding the trade between Spain and her colonies. Fray Martin Ignacio de Loyola, bishop of Rio de la Plata, writes his opinion regarding colonial administration in the Spanish empire. The colonies should be kept in a dependent and subordinate position, and their high officials should be sent from Spain. Commerce should be maintained between the colonies and the mother-country. At present the conditions and results of this trade are ruinous. Loyola advocates the establishment at Manila of a "consulate" of trade, like that at Mexico; strict prohibition of Mexican participation in the China trade; and its monopoly by the inhabitants of the Philippines. Letters from the viceroy of Mexico state that the merchants of Peru who trade with Spain are being ruined, on account of the long time during which they must wait for returns on their money, and the excessive duties charged on their goods. As a result, they are sending their goods to Mexico; and they demand permission to trade direct with China. Monterey recommends that this be allowed to a limited extent, and that no restrictions be placed on the use of Chinese goods in Nueva España. He has used severe measures in regard to infringements of the ordinances regarding commerce, but there is evidently remissness in the customs inspection at Manila. Another paper gives an abstract of certain points in a petition sent from the Philippines. It is requested that the officers of vessels trading with Nueva España be inhabitants of the islands; that no space in the ships be sold; that Peruvian merchants be not allowed to go to the Philippines; that the troops be paid from a special and separate account; and that the lading of the trading ships be placed in charge of the Manila cabildo. All these points are commented upon by certain bishops whose advice is apparently requested by the Council of the Indias. Various memoranda follow, on the trade between the Philippines and Nueva España; these include recommendations for a commercial consulate at Manila, diminished coinage of money, allowance of a limited amount of trade to Peru, government custom-houses at Acapulco and Manila, etc. A letter from Morga (December 1, 1602) informs the king that Governor Acuña has aided the expedition sent from India to seize Maluco; and that some of the trading ships sent to Nueva España have returned without crossing the ocean, after great losses by storms, and having risked seizure on the Japanese coast.

In May, 1603, three Chinese mandarins visit Manila. Salazar y Salcedo, the fiscal, informs the king of this, and sends him a translation of the letter presented by the mandarins to the governor (in which they explain that they have come in search of a mountain of gold, of which report had reached them); also a copy of the complaint made by the fiscal to the Audiencia regarding the manner in which these mandarins have administered justice, according to their own usages, to the Chinese residing in Manila. The governor forbids them to continue such procedure, and takes measures to fortify the city against possible Chinese invasion.

Fray Miguel de Benavides resigns his bishopric (July 4), to become archbishop of Manila. On the next day he reports to the king his arrival at Manila, and the present condition of affairs in the islands, which is very disheartening. The Mindanao pirates have ravaged the coasts, and carried away many captives. The richest part of the city, including the merchandise stored in the warehouses, has been destroyed by fire; and the ships from Mexico arrived too late for the merchants to ship goods thither this year. The people are full of anxiety over a possible war with the Chinese; and the archbishop deprecates the laxity of the royal officials in allowing so many Chinese to live in the islands. They are so numerous that their presence is a menace to the Spaniards, and they are corrupting the natives with their own vicious practices. He urges that most of the Chinese be expelled from the islands, and that the conduct of the civil officials be investigated and punished. On the next day, he writes another letter to ask that certain matters in the islands be set right. The trade upon which the people depend for support is being taken from them by unscrupulous Spaniards from Mexico and Peru. The archbishop has been urged to excommunicate those citizens of Manila who are engaged in this illegal traffic, but refuses to do so, not thinking this the right procedure in such a case; and his efforts to secure redress from the Audiencia are fruitless. He also complains that offices are given to friends of the auditors; that the latter and their women-folk monopolize the best seats in the church; and that various irregularities have crept into the church at Manila. Benavides criticises the religious orders in the islands, saying that they often neglect their duties to the Indians; and asks that the friars be not allowed to leave their charges at their own pleasure. The Dominicans and Franciscans maintain strict discipline, but neglect the Indians. The Augustinians are in great need of inspection and reform. The Jesuits lead exemplary lives, and are excellent instructors; but the Indians complain that these fathers have taken from them their lands and property. Benavides asks the king to redress this wrong. They also keep infidel Chinese on these lands, who are corrupting the Indians. The bishop demands that he shall be consulted by the governor in regard to the assignment of charges to the religious orders; and that priests shall be tried not by the Audiencia, but by the ecclesiastical courts. He asks various favors for the city and its people, and that military aid be sent to the island from Mexico. The cathedral needs repairs, and the episcopal residence is very small and inadequate to the archbishop's needs. The Jesuits should not be allowed to have a university, nor to obtain the funds which were given by the old soldiers in order to make restitution to the conquered Indians.

The Audiencia of Manila make a report (July 2, 1603) of various matters and events. Two new auditors have arrived at Manila, and Morga is transferred to Mexico. They recount the dangers and the safe return of the ship "Rosario" from Japan; and the losses incurred by fire at Manila, half of the city being destroyed. They note various matters about which they have received the royal commands, the most important of these referring to the personal services rendered by the Indians—which, the Audiencia state, are exacted only when necessary, and then paid for at fair rates. Two days later (July 4) the fiscal advises the king that it would be well to make the archbishop of Manila the president of the Audiencia—a request which is ignored by the government. Acuña notifies the king (July 20, 1603) of the failure of the Portuguese expedition against Maluco, and urges that the king take prompt measures to conquer that fort.

On November 29, 1603, the king sends instructions to Acuña to deport the Chinese residing in the islands, and to restrict the immigration of others, until no more than three thousand are left—these to be only such workmen as are needed for the service of the country. As a result of various restrictions imposed upon them, the Chinese revolt (October 9) and attack Manila; but the Spaniards subdue them after several sharp engagements, many of the Chinese being slain, and the ringleaders are executed. One of the Jesuits in Manila, Gregorio Lopez, writes to the king (December 10, 1603) to ask for reënforcements to be sent to the islands, in order that the Mindanao pirates may be driven back; they are raiding the Visayan Islands, and endangering the existence of the Christian communities formed there by the Jesuit missionaries. A letter from the cabildo of the cathedral (December 11) informs the king of the revolt of the Chinese, and the subsequent conflagration in Manila. The Dominican provincial complains (December 15) that the colony is going to destruction because the royal decrees have not been observed, especially those restricting Chinese immigration, and calls for a rigorous investigation of the conduct of the colonial authorities—to be made preferably by an ecclesiastic. Bishop Benavides writes, at the same time, a brief letter to the king, similar in tenor to that of the provincial. With his commendation of Fray Diego de Guevara to the king go other credentials for that envoy. Letters relating the events of the Chinese insurrection are sent to Spain by the governor and the Audiencia (December 12 and 18, 1603). The fortifications of Manila are being pushed forward, and an envoy has been sent to China to explain the recent revolt and its punishment. Acuña has also endeavored to procure military supplies from that country to supply the present deficiency; he dreads lest the trade with China may be cut off, which would ruin the Philippine colony. Acuña has enlisted several military companies among the Indians, who have done good service in quelling the Sangley insurrection. He recounts his difficulties in equipping a small fleet for the defense of the islands. The Mindanao pirates have again raided the islands; but the Chinese insurrection made it necessary to recall the troops who had been sent to check the pirates. Acuña relates the chief events of the past year in the Mindanao campaign, and the present state of affairs there. He complains of the lack of funds, and entreats that money be promptly sent from Nueva España. A postscript to this letter, dated December 23, asks that the conduct of the royal officials at Manila be investigated, as they had illegally allowed so many Chinese to take up residence there.

The chronological order of our narrative is here interrupted to survey the course of the Jesuit missions as related by Pedro Chirino in his Relacion de las Islas Filipinas. After a brief prefatory note, he begins by describing the location of the islands and their discovery and settlement by Spaniards. The finding of the Santo Niño in Cebú in 1565 is related at length, with an account of the miracles and the veneration connected with it; and the patron saints invoked by the Spaniards are enumerated. Among these is especially prominent St. Potenciana, chosen as their patron and protector against hurricanes. Chirino briefly describes the dress, customs, and character of the natives, and the game, fish, and fruits which serve them as food; and, at some length, the wonderful bamboo plant. He enumerates the imports into the Philippines from surrounding countries, and the occupations of the people therein who come to the islands; and praises the wealth and comfort of that region.

Chirino then mentions the coming to the islands of the various religious orders, especially recounting the labors and privations of his own order, the Jesuits, and the beginning of their settlement at Manila. Five priests, with one lay brother, are the founders of that work; Suarez dies from overwork, Sanchez goes back to Europe, and Sedeño conducts the affairs of the mission—laboring for the good of the colony in all matters, both spiritual and secular. The Jesuits exert considerable influence over the Chinese and Japanese who come to Manila. In chapter vi are enumerated the names of the larger islands in the Filipinas, and their extent is compared with that of Spain.

Chirino next defines the bishoprics and religious provinces in the islands—inserting in this account a description of the process of tattooing; and proceeds to relate how the Jesuits extended their labors to the Indian villages outside of Manila. In the district of Balayan, they have baptized some seven thousand natives within ten years. The village of Taitai is removed, by Chirino's influence and the superstitious fears of the natives, to a more secure and healthful site. He describes the customs of the natives in bathing, which is a universal and frequent practice among them. On the shore of the lagoon of Bai are hot springs, which have already become a noted health resort. Various trees native to the islands are described at length, as well as the Chinese method of reducing a large tree to a dwarf pot-plant. Interesting particulars are given regarding the Bisayans and Negritos who inhabit Panay, and of a petty war between those peoples. The Jesuits have done excellent missionary work there, in the district of Tigbauan; some particulars of this are related. One of their number, Martin Henriquez, dies from overwork, and Chirino is ordered to return to Manila. In June, 1595, eight more Jesuits come with Morga; and the missions of the order are now extended into Cebú, Leyte, and Samar. A chapter is devoted to the pious labors and death of Father Antonio Sedeño. In 1596 a large reënforcement of Jesuits arrives at the islands, headed by Francisco de Vera; and the work of the order there receives new impetus. The missionaries in all the religious orders are able to master the native languages with so little difficulty that "it seems a gift from heaven." Chirino gives some account of these, illustrated with specimens of three—Tagalan, Harayan, and Visayan—with the alphabet used by the Filipinos. He also praises the politeness, in word and act, of the Tagalos, and gives them credit for much musical ability. A chapter is assigned to the native alphabet and mode of writing. All, women as well as men, write and read; and they have already learned to do so in the Spanish language as well as in their own.

Chirino relates the progress of the Jesuit mission during the year 1596-97. The curriculum of the Manila college is enlarged, and its church (which is described in detail) is completed. A minute account is given of a nine days' fiesta in honor of the relics of saints which are deposited in the church. At this time is begun the practice of self-scourging as a voluntary penance. The Jesuit church is frequented by the Indians in great numbers, not only on special occasions, but throughout the year: and they display the utmost devotion, even forming among themselves a confraternity in honor of the relics. Their piety shows practical results, especially in the modesty and virtue of their women, qualities which the heathen neither value nor desire; Chirino narrates some instances of triumphant virtue. An account is given of the foundation and progress of the girls' seminary of Santa Potenciana: and of the various ministrations of the Jesuits in the hospitals and elsewhere in Manila. The writer relates the methods of conducting the mission of Taytay, and events there during the year 1597. Three fine churches are erected, and the missionaries gain the good-will not only of those Indians, but even of the savages in the mountains; the taming and conversion of one of these, the fiercest of his tribe, is narrated. After him, entire villages come to live near the mission, the father in charge helping them to establish their homes there; he even converts all the heathen priests of one tribe. Not only the Tagalos but the Negrillos resort to the mission, and many are converted. Chirino laments the idolatries and superstitions which still linger among even the more civilized natives; and proceeds to recount their religious and superstitious beliefs. All their religion is based on tradition and custom, and is handed down in songs. Their beliefs regarding gods, demons, etc., are mentioned; Chirino reduces most of these to their adoration of their ancestors, in whose honor they worship various images. They also worship animals, birds, and other natural objects; and have many superstitions. Chirino demolishes the little buildings dedicated to the anitos. Among those people their priests are also their physicians, or "medicine-men;" and in both rôles they deceive the credulous and ignorant votaries of superstition. The mode of offering sacrifices is described. In the mission village at Taytay, certain idolatrous rites have been secretly practiced, under the influence of the heathen priestesses; but this is revealed by the faithful among the natives to the missionaries, who promptly eradicate the evil and demolish the idols. All the heathen priestesses are converted, and now lead exemplary Christian lives.

Chirino remains alone in Cebú after Sedeño's death (1595). He not only maintains the usual services in the Jesuit church there, but undertakes to instruct the Chinese, whose language he soon learns sufficiently for that purpose. He works in great harmony with the Augustinians of the city, who aid him in times of need; and with those of other orders who sometimes come to Cebú. In September, 1596, some of the recently-arrived Jesuits are assigned to that city, and great activity ensues in their mission, including a school for children. The Jesuits extend their labors to Leyte, which island is described by Chirino; he praises the hospitality and fraternal feeling which prevail among its people. Five mission stations are established there, and many conversions are secured. A sketch of the mission labors for 1597 in each of these posts is given—Dulac, Carigara, Paloc, Alangalang, and Ogmuc. In Dulac a church is erected, and a school opened, and many are converted. The station at Caligara is also flourishing, and especial mention is made of two remarkable conversions there, one of a boy five years old. At Paloc the fathers encounter some dislike, apparently inspired by the heathen priests; but this is soon replaced by affection and religious ardor. Some miraculous cures occur here. At Alangalang, Cosmo de Flores forms a large mission village from many scattered hamlets; but dies soon after its foundation. The fathers are welcomed in Ogmuc, and a school for the children is at once begun; they are delighted at the cleverness and docility of these little ones. Many of those people are converted, including several chiefs.

Here Chirino again digresses to an account of "marriages, dowries and divorces among the Filipinos." He "had lived in the Filipinas almost ten years" before he knew that some of the natives practiced polygamy, which was not a custom in Manila, Panay, and other islands where the Spaniards had long dwelt, but had some currency among the Visayans. In certain parts of Mindanao, the woman has two husbands; but monogamy is the prevailing custom of the archipelago. The first degree of consanguinity is the only one which bars marriage. Various betrothal and marriage ceremonies are described, and their usage regarding dowries and divorces. Chirino thinks that polygamy in those islands has been derived from the "cursed doctrine" of Mahomet.

He next relates the entrance of the Jesuit missionaries into the island of Ibabao (now Samar); they find the people well disposed toward the Christian faith, and soon have churches and schools established. On one occasion, all the people of the island of Maripipi come to the fathers for baptism, and receive it, as they show themselves well prepared for it. A mission is begun at Catubig, in the eastern part of Samar; but for lack of workers it has not been maintained. Another mission has been established in Bohol, where their efforts are greatly aided by the prevalence of monogamy among the people, who suddenly abandon their idols and drunken feasts.

Chirino here describes the funeral and mortuary customs generally prevalent in the islands. The natives practice a sort of embalming of the dead. The dead person is usually buried in the lower part of his own house; and the funeral is succeeded by feasting and carousing—the immediate relatives, however, fasting. At the death of a chief, a curious taboo is placed upon the entire village, silence being imposed upon all, under penalty of death. If a man be slain by violence, his death is avenged by his relatives, the innocent as well as the guilty being slain by them. Chirino draws curious parallels to all these customs from the history of various nations, as recorded by both sacred and profane writers. He devotes a chapter to the description of "feasting and intoxication among the Filipinos." They eat little and drink much; but, even when intoxicated, they do not become frenzied or incapable.

The labors of Jesuit missionaries in the island of Bohol are further recounted. They find the people unusually well disposed toward the Christian religion, and very earnest and devout; all their idolatrous and immoral practices are soon abandoned, lest they displease the missionaries. Many are converted, and in an epidemic the lives of these Christians are preserved by their using holy water as a medicine.

Chirino gives some description of the island of Mindanao and its characteristics. He praises the bravery of its people, of which he relates some instances. The Jesuits Ledesma and Martínez open a mission in the southern part of the island, and soon obtain many conversions, including those of several chiefs; the circumstances of some of these are narrated. Juan del Campo and a lay brother accompany Figueroa on his expedition to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, where the governor is slain; soon after, the priest dies, of whose life and virtues Chirino gives a brief sketch.

The thanks of the Editors, for useful information, loan of books,
and other valued favors, are extended to the following persons:
Edward E. Ayer, Chicago; Rev. E.I. Devitt, S.J., Georgetown College,
Washington, D.C.; James H. Canfield, librarian of Columbia University,
New York; Asa C. Tilton, School of History, University of Wisconsin;
Herbert E. Bolton, Department of History, University of Texas;
William Beer, librarian of Howard Memorial Library, New Orleans;
Roland G. Usher, Boston; James A. LeRoy, U.S. consul, Durango,
Mexico; David P. Barrows, Superintendent of Public Instruction,
Manila; T.H. Pardo de Tavera, member of U.S. Philippine Commission,
Manila; Rev. A. Coleman, O.P., and Arthur S. Riggs, Manila;
Rev. Anthony Huonder, S.J., editor of Katholischer Missionen,
Luxemburg; Rev. Francesco Ehrle, S.J., prefect, and Mons. Mariano
Ugolini, of Vatican Library, Rome; Mons. Wenzel, Vatican Archives;
Rev. Alphonse Giroux, S.S., Colegium Canadense, Rome; Rev. Antonio
Ceriani, prefect of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan; Paul Lemosof,
Société de Géographie, Paris; Antonio Graiño y Martinez, Madrid;
José Maria de Valdenebro, University of Sevilla; José Gonzalez Verger,
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; C.J. Zulueta, collecting librarian
for the government of the Philippine Islands, now at Sevilla. Also
to officials of the following libraries: British Museum, London;
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele, Rome;
École de Ste. Genevieve, Paris. Favors have also been received from
many of the persons to whom acknowledgment was tendered in Vol. I
of this series.

The Editors

February, 1904.

DOCUMENTS OF 1601-1602

Expedition to the Malucas Islands. Arias de Saldanha, and
others; 1601-02.
Principal points in regard to the trade of the
Filipinas. Alonso Fernandez de Castro; [undated; 1602?].
Various documents relating to commerce. Fray Martin Ignacio
de Loyola, and others; [ca. 1602].
Letter to Felipe III. Antonio de Morga; December 1, 1602.

Source: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias—from MSS., except the second, which is a rare printed pamphlet.

Translations: The first document is translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the second, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio, and Emma Helen Blair; the third, by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University.

EXPEDITION TO THE MALUCAS ISLANDS

Letter from the Viceroy of India to the Governor of the Philipinas

In addition to the necessary occasion for the service of his Majesty which has arisen, I have desired an opportunity for your Lordship's service since, by command of his Majesty, I assumed the governorship of this state. [1] My chief instruction was to put an end to the navigation of the Hollanders in all these regions of the South, their commerce being injurious to the service of God and of his Majesty, and to his Majesty's vassals. As this was the most important thing, I did not fail to undertake it, as soon as I took possession of this state, although I lacked all kinds of needful supplies. But, putting God before me, that I might with His aid prosecute this great enterprise, and fixing my mind on its great importance, I ordered an armed fleet to be prepared—the most powerful one that has departed from this state to any other region; and I appointed as its commander Andres Hurtado de Mendoça, on account of whose Christian character and good fortune I hope God will give him success in carrying out his Majesty's intentions.

He took six galleons, five galliots, and one galley, with thirteen hundred combatants, and two thousand non-combatants for service. Of this it seemed proper to advise your Lordship, so that if the commander should be in need of any assistance you may give orders to provide it at his request—in order that his Majesty's purpose may be more thoroughly accomplished, and that the great sum expended for this fleet may not be lost. I feel assured that there will be no failure on your Lordship's part; on the contrary, I look forward without question to the entire success of the undertaking, with your assistance and favor. I trust that his Majesty will regard himself as having received better service from what your Lordship may do in this matter than by the much that I have done in this state; and in behalf of his Majesty's service I am under obligations to your Lordship. Our Lord guard, etc. (Written on May 5, 1601; received October 1, 1602.)

Decision of a Council of War at Manila to Send Aid to the Maluco Fleet

At Manila, on the first day of September, one thousand six hundred and two, there were present at the royal buildings in the said city Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of San Juan, commander of Salamanca, and president, governor, and captain-general of these islands; Doctor Antonio de Morga and the licentiate Tellez de Almacan, auditors of the said Audiencia; the commandant of the camp, Agustin de Arzeo; Don Juan Ronquillo, commander of the galleys; the sargento-mayor, Captain Christoval Azcueta; Captain Juan de Bustamante, adjutant; the quartermaster, Francisco de las Misas; the treasurer, Ventura de Santillana; Don Bernardo de Sande, warden of the fort at the Point; Captain Gomez de Machuca, Captain Francisco de Mercado, Captain Gaspar Perez, and Captain Esteuan de Prado. The said president announced and declared that by letters received from the Portuguese viceroy of Yndia and from Andres Hurtado de Mendoça, and by the report of Captain Antonio de Brito Fogaca, and of Father Andres Pereyra of the Society of Jesus, who brought the letters, he had been informed that the said Andres Hurtado had come by order of his Majesty to get control of the Malucas Islands, which the kings thereof had usurped, and of other islands after the Hollanders had gained possession of them. For this purpose he had already proceeded with a large fleet to Amboyno, where the said Andres Hurtado had already subdued that island and placed it under obedience to his Majesty. Thence he had despatched the aforesaid persons to report to the said royal Audiencia and his Lordship how he had proceeded; and in what need the fleet was of provisions, ammunition, and other supplies. He begged with great urgency that they would provide and aid him with the same, as appeared from the said letters, which were read before the said assembly. Accordingly the president requested them, after considering the matter and its nature, together with its great importance, to state their opinions upon the proper course to pursue under the circumstances.

Don Pedro de Acuña

Before me:

Antonio de Ordas

Immediately and directly the said commandant of the camp, commander of the galleys, and other captains, after discussing and conferring upon the aforesaid, declared unanimously that their opinion was in favor of assisting the said Andres Hurtado de Mendoça with two hundred men, which was the number asked for by word of mouth by the said Captain Antonio Vrito Fogaca. They agreed to this, notwithstanding that for this year the expedition to the river of Mindanao, already agreed upon, must be given up; because after considering the importance of reënforcing the naval expedition, and its usefulness in facilitating the said attack on Mindanao and causing apprehension in other islands, they regarded the aid of the said fleet as the more important enterprise for the present. They also decided to send as much assistance in the way of provisions and ammunition as was possible, and as his Lordship should direct; and to despatch everything as promptly as the weather would permit, considering that Terrenate is the principal point for the security of these islands, and the place where have originated the mischiefs done by the Mindanaos and Joloans. To this they affixed their signatures.

Assistance Sent by the Governor of the Filipinas to the Maluco Fleet
Sent out from Yndia

Memorandum of provisions and ammunition which by order of Señor Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of San Juan, commander of Salamanca, governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia which sits therein, were sent by the official judges of the royal exchequer to the islands of Maluco, in aid of the fleet sent out by the lord viceroy of India, under Commander Andres Hurtado de Mendoça:

Rice. Five thousand fanegas of clean rice, a little more or less, at three reals a fanega—the price at which it is received in tribute, although at present the market price here is a peso and a half a fanega. Total: one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five pesos.

Meat. Three hundred young beeves, at six pesos each, including salt and earthen jars. Total: one thousand eight hundred pesos.

Wine. Two hundred jars of wine, at ten reals apiece, including the jars. Total: two hundred and fifty pesos.

Nails. Eight hundred quintals of nails and spikes, at seven pesos a quintal. Total: five hundred and sixty pesos.

Gunpowder. Forty quintals of gunpowder, at two reals and a half a libra—the price at which it is given to the infantry because of the small pay they receive, although it costs his Majesty more than four reals a libra. Total: one thousand two hundred and fifty pesos.

Cloth. Three hundred pieces of cloth from Ylocos at four reals and a half. Total: one hundred and sixty-eight pesos, and four tomins.

Idem. Seven hundred varas of Castilian sail-cloth at six reals a vara. Total: five hundred and twenty-five pesos.

Needles. A hundred sail-needles, at a real: twelve pesos and four tomins.

Thread. Three quintals of cotton thread, at eighteen pesos a quintal: fifty-four pesos.

Oil. Thirty jars of oil for galagala, [2] at a peso and a half: forty-five pesos.

Infantry. Two hundred private soldiers, one hundred and sixty-five being arquebusiers, at six pesos a month; and thirty-five musketeers at eight pesos; their pay for eight months comes to ten thousand one hundred and sixty pesos. The pay of the commandant and two captains, with their officers, for the said eight months comes to two thousand pesos.

Seamen. Twenty-two seamen to go with the ships carrying the reënforcements receive a hundred and fifty pesos a year, and rations. Total for the said eight months: two thousand two hundred pesos. A pilot, whose pay, at six hundred pesos a year, amounts for eight months to four hundred pesos. A master, whose pay, at three hundred pesos a year, amounts for eight months to two hundred pesos. Three gunners in the ship "Santa Potenciana," at two hundred pesos a year, and rations; for eight months, four hundred and fifty pesos. Twenty Indian deck-hands, at two pesos a month. Total: three hundred and twenty pesos.

Grand total: twenty-two thousand two hundred and seventy pesos.

Francisco de las Missas Jhoan de Bustamante Ventura de St. Tillen

Official Statement in Regard to the Re-enforcement at Maluco

(To be sent to his Majesty)

In the city of Manila, on the second of October, one thousand six hundred and two, Don Pedro de Acuña, knight of the Order of San Juan, commander of Salamanca, governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería which sits therein, made the following declaration. A month ago, or thereabouts, he received news and information from Señor Andrés Hurtado de Mendoça that he was in the fortress of Ambona with a force which he had brought from the city of Goa to conquer and seize the kingdom of Terrenate, and that to complete the enterprise he was in great need of assistance from these islands in men, provisions, and other things. He accordingly requested such assistance, and to this end had sent Father Andres Pereira of the Society of Jesus and Captain Antonio de Brito Fogassa, as appears from the letters and advices in their possession, to which reference is made. His Lordship, the auditors and fiscal of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these said islands, and the officers of the royal exchequer—to whom by one of the ordinances of the said royal Audiencia had been committed by his Majesty the provision for such cases without waiting to consult his Majesty personally—considered the importance, advantage, and benefit to our lord the king, and the profit to these islands in the peace that they would enjoy if this project were carried into execution and the desired assistance were sent. With the unanimous approval of the members of the council of war he had commanded that the ship "Santa Potenciana," which is one of his Majesty's vessels, be immediately fitted out and provided with everything requisite, with a view to sending in it and in some other smaller vessels what has been prepared. At present the said ship is ready to sail to the island of Panay and the province of Pintados to receive the provisions, the troops, and the other supplies to be sent on the said expedition. Likewise, at the request and desire of the said Father Pereira and Captain Brito, he has given them a pilot, Vicente Dias, a Portuguese, to go in the said ship—one of the best pilots now in this city. Since everything is ready, the season far advanced, and promptitude is important, he ordered and does order that notification of the whole matter be given to the said Andres Pereyra and Captain Antonio de Brito Fogassa, as persons who came for the said assistance and are to return with it. His Lordship now has the said ship "Santa Potenciana" ready and fitted out with all things necessary to the voyage, and they are immediately or at a proper time to embark in her to go to the island of Panay, in the province of Pintados, where his Lordship is going in person to hasten and direct in the best manner the said assistance; and to give and deliver to them the infantry, provisions, and other supplies which they were to take for that purpose. And since they are provided with everything necessary, let them attend to and carry out the undertaking accordingly. The supplies are not deficient; on the contrary, he has provided them, and he demands that if by a failure to carry out the enterprise, or by not departing in season with the said ship, the said assistance does not attain the desired end, or some loss occurs, or any other evil result follows, it shall be charged to their account and be at their responsibility, and not at that of his Lordship. For he on his part has complied with everything asked from him, by word of mouth or in writing, by the said Señor Andres Hurtado de Mendoca; and has done it with the good-will and care requisite in a matter of so great importance and consequence, and of so great service to the royal person of the king our lord, and the advantage and peace of this kingdom. Thus I order, direct, and attest. Let an official copv of this declaration and the answer thereto be made, that for all time the zeal with which I have attended to the affairs of the royal service may be made plain.

Don Pedro de Acuña

Before me:

Francisco Sarmiento

Notification

In the city of Manila, on the third of October of the said year, I, clerk of the government, read the above official act, communicated it word by word, and gave notice of it to Father Andres Pereyra of the Society of Jesus and to Captain Antonio de Brito in person. When they had heard the contents thereof they declared that they were ready to undertake the direction and completion of the enterprise, and that in execution thereof they would go on the following day, or the second day at latest, and embark in the said vessel at the port of Cauite for the island of Panay, as they were directed. This they gave as their answer. As witnesses there affixed their signatures: Father Diego Sanchez, of the Society of Jesus; General Don Juan Ronquillo; and the sargento-mayor Captain Christoual de Azqueta.

André Pereyra Antonio de Brito Fogassa Francisco Sarmiento

I, Francisco Sarmiento, clerk of the government of these Philipinas Islands for the king our lord, was present at that of which I make mention above, and caused this copy to be made of the said official act which was in the archives of my said office, with the notification to them of the request made by Señor Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of these said islands. This is a corrected, exact, and faithful copy. Witnesses of the correction and accuracy are: Geronimo Suarez and Juan de Aldabe, citizens of this city of Manila. Made therein, on the seventh of October, one thousand six hundred and two. Interlineations: nao, el, Vala. In testimony of the truth, I have affixed my seal.

Francisco Sarmiento

Gratis.

Letter of Pedro de Acuna to Felipe III

Sire:

By the ships that left these islands this year for Nueva Hespaña I wrote for your Majesty, in duplicate, an account of my voyage and arrival here, and of the other events which have happened to me; and as a ship was about to depart for Malaca I was unwilling to let slip the opportunity to write these lines and to send them in it by way of Yndia, that your Majesty might be informed of what other events have taken place and have come under my notice.

In my previous letters I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the state of affairs in Mindanao and Jolo, and sent a report of the retreat to Pintados of Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato with your Majesty's force that was at Dapitan. The reason of this retreat was the information received that the enemy were preparing a great fleet to attack Pintados, which rendered it desirable to place the force at a point whence it could better be transported to the region where it might be needed. The result showed the importance of the retreat; for the enemy, being informed of it, dared not go to the said islands of Pintados, but advanced with a squadron of ships against Cuyo and the neighboring islands, distant from Pintados, where they pillaged everything and killed and took captive more than seven hundred persons. [3] This is misery enough; and, as I wrote your Majesty, this unfortunate condition of affairs cannot be remedied except by arming galleys [underlined in original] or large galliots, with which it will be possible to hasten from island to island. In many regions the mere knowledge of their existence will be sufficient to put a bridle on the audacity of these barbarians; and with them it will be possible to hunt out the enemy at home. With garrisons no beneficial results can be expected, in view of the great number of the islands; if we put soldiers wherever they are needed, the whole force of these provinces would not suffice—no, nor many more. Even if we had the troops, the cost would be enormous and the gain nothing; for the Moros come by sea, seize their booty, and take flight, without waiting to come to close quarters, understanding well how to accomplish their purposes and desires. Since it is impossible to get to close quarters with them, I am making all possible haste to build the galleys. For two I have the wood already cut, and for two others the wood will be cut next month. I am making plans to provide them with a complement of rowers; and I believe I shall be able to put them into such order that we can live with much more quiet than hitherto. [In the margin: "For the council of war—there is no answer;" and, lower down: "Again no answer.">[ [4]

It was agreed at a council of war that the fleet under Captain Gallinato should be prepared and put in order, to go on the expedition for the occupation of Mindanao. It seemed that this was the best means of putting an end to the great harm done by the inhabitants of that island and of Jolo and Terrenate, and their confederates, to your Majesty's vassals. While the orders in regard to the preparations necessary to that end were being given, two letters arrived, one from the viceroy of Yndia, and the other from Commander Andres Hurtado de Mendoca. Copies will be enclosed, from which your Majesty will understand the condition of the fleet made up in Yndia for Maluco, and its need of aid. Your Majesty will also learn from the report of Captain Antonio Brito Fogaça and of Father Andres Pereyra of the Society of Jesus, who brought the letters, that although the fleet to which the viceroy refers in his letter set sail from Yndia, it put into harbor in distress and part of it was lost, as is made plain from a statement by the said Captain Brito, of which a copy is also enclosed. A great reduction of the strength of the fleet must of course have resulted; and we considered the importance of the undertaking and the great service that would be done by it to our Lord God, and which your Majesty would receive from its success, since the king of Terrenate is the principal defender in these regions, of the accursed sect of Mahoma. We considered these things and were moved by the disturbances to which your Majesty's vassals are subjected by the necessity of preparing a defense against the enemies of our true law—especially against the English and the Dutch, with whom the Moros make regular treaties and alliances, not only for the commercial advantages thus obtained, but for their favor and assistance against us. We also took into consideration your Majesty's commands and decrees to the effect that when occasion should arise we should give aid and succor to the vassals of your Majesty in the states of Yndia, as appears from the royal decree [5] [underlined in original] of which also a copy is enclosed. The whole matter was considered and discussed in two councils of war, held with the Audiencia, the master-of-camp, and the captains; and it was agreed that for the present the expedition to Mindanao and the occupation of that island should be given up, together with all the preparations made or about to be made therefor; and that aid should be sent to the said fleet, as the more important matter, in the manner laid down in the formal votes of the councils of war, copies whereof are enclosed [underlined in original], together with a memorandum of the forces sent. I have had a ship of your Majesty's made ready, that there may be no lack of what is requisite. In it may be transported the soldiery, the provisions, and the rest; and assistance will be given by the other vessels, which will supply what is not taken in the ship. It has already been despatched to the town of Areualo, since on that island (namely, Panay) are to be collected and prepared the greater part of the said supplies. Since the expedition seemed to me of the importance that I have ascribed to it, I was unwilling to entrust the despatch of this reënforcement to anyone but myself; and to attend to it with the greatest care, promptitude, and haste, I depart today for the said town of Areualo, which is ninety leagues from this town of Manila. While there, I shall give all my energy to the matter, that not an hour of time may be lost. The result that can and should follow is in God's hands. Should it be the contrary of what we desire, life in this archipelago will be attended with many hardships. When the expedition is despatched, I shall visit the fort in Octon, which is the one at Areualo, and thence I shall proceed to Cebu; and in both places I shall give the necessary directions for their security. Since those places are the two capitals of Pintados, from which the Indians of these provinces receive aid and protection, it is essential that those positions should be properly prepared and garrisoned. [In the margin: "Let a copy of this section and of the summary sent be transmitted to his Majesty, and let him be informed of the diligence displayed, in order that his Majesty may know of the sending of the reënforcements, and of the friendly relations between the Portuguese and the Castilians in the Filipinas.">[

From the very day on which Captain Brito arrived, which was the seventh of last September, he began to give orders for the despatch of his fleet. Since the weather has been unfavorable to navigation to Maluco, he has not been able hitherto to depart. Now that the Bendavales [i.e., southwest winds] are moderating, and all is quiet, and so favorable that unless there is a monsoon, as the Portuguese call it, nothing is lacking, it seemed best to me to make all possible haste with them, as your Majesty will learn by the report which I send; so that, if there be any delay, it may be known that it has not been by my fault. I wished to make this statement to your Majesty, so that you might give orders to be informed in the matter because of what may happen in Terrenate. In my opinion the coming of a fleet from Yndia to Maluco incurs the difficulties of which I wrote to your Majesty from Mexico. The voyage is long and dangerous for galleys and galliots; and the worst is, that the enemy knows that they are remaining three or four months in Ambueno, waiting for favorable weather. Hence I fear that evil results may follow, because the troops and other requisites for defense may be made ready in advance by the islands subject to Terrenate and by the other friends of their sect.

In these islands there are many veterans who have done good service. Some are sick or wounded; and since there is here no occupation or support for them all, and since they are at such a distance from your Majesty that they cannot come before you to ask that you will show them favor in return for their services, some suffer the extremity of want, and feel greatly discontented and discouraged at seeing themselves in such misery, without anyone to turn to for relief. Hence it seems that it would be just if they were to receive rewards and gifts as your Majesty commands, and as is done in España for those who come from other regions to ask for such bounty. Inasmuch as affairs of greater consequence are entrusted to me, I beg your Majesty to be pleased to give me authority to aid such persons from the royal treasury of these islands, bestowing upon them annually such an amount as their service to your Majesty shall have deserved. I beg also for authority to give some false musters to such as deserve them, that they may be able to live and maintain themselves. Such a course, in addition to being worthy of your Majesty's greatness, will have the important effect of animating the others to do good service on occasion, stimulated as they will be by the hope of reward. Our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty in the happiness necessary to the good of Christendom. Manila, the twenty-sixth of October, 1602.

Don Pedro de Acuña

[Endorsed: "Manila. To his Majesty; Don Pedro de Acuña, the [twenty-sixth] of October. Let it be seen if this is a duplicate, and if the original has been filed." "Filed and registered within. Let attention be paid to the part on which a consultation is directed." "Two sections have already been epitomized, and were sent on to the council of war in Valladolid, on the twenty-eighth of June, 1605.">[

PRINCIPAL POINTS IN REGARD TO THE TRADE OF THE FILIPINAS

First Point

The quantity of merchandise which may be traded with; and that which, contrary to the prohibition, is brought from the Western Indias to the Filipinas.

By decrees of his Majesty, of January 11, 93, and of July 9 and 5, 95, the trade of the Western Indias with China and the Filipinas Islands is prohibited. It is only permitted therein that the citizens of the Filipinas may trade with Nueva España; and that two ships, each of no more than three hundred toneladas, shall sail from Nueva España every year, in which may be sent 250,000 pesos of Tepuzque [6] in coin, and which may carry back the proceeds thereof in merchandise, which, under fixed penalties, shall not exceed another 250,000 pesos—that is, in all, 500,000 pesos.

Notwithstanding these prohibitions, and although the same is also commanded by other decrees to be strictly observed, two million reals are usually taken out of the Indias for the Filipinas, according to advices from the viceroy of Nueva España, and from Señor Don Bernardino de Avellaneda.

Second Point

To whom it is permitted to trade and traffic in the Filipinas Islands.

By the aforesaid decree, it is permitted solely to the citizens of the said islands, for the space of six years. This license is not to be renewed, and trade and commerce is unqualifiedly prohibited to any other person whatsoever of the Western Indias, under the penalty of confiscation of his merchandise.

Nevertheless, under cover of commissions, the citizens of both Piru and Nueva España engage in trade, and they send their money in the ships going from Nueva España—some registered, and some secretly.

Third Point

That Chinese merchandise be not brought to Piru.

By the same decree it is ordered that the merchandise brought to Nueva España from the Filipinas be not taken to Piru and Tierra Firme; and that the goods which had already been brought be disposed of within four years.

By another decree of the same date, like commands were given; and that the merchandise brought to Nueva España be either consumed there or sent to España.

Nevertheless, this merchandise is taken to Piru under pretense of being that of Castilla. Hence arise many difficulties, and the commerce of España with Piru and Tierra Firme is ceasing, and merchandise from España is not sent to Piru. If this be not checked within a few years, it is agreed by all that the trade of España in merchandise with Tierra Firme, Piru, and Nueva España will cease.

Fourth Point

The ships which must be used in the trade, to whom they shall belong, and what has been permitted by the viceroys.

By the decree of January 11, 93, it is permitted that for this trade two ships, each of no more than three hundred toneladas, may sail annually from Nueva España to China. They may bring in return the property which is to come, and no ships belonging to private persons shall be sent. There shall be three ships, in order that one may remain at the port of Acapulco for repairs. They will sail at the expense of his Majesty, and the cost will be paid by their freight-charges and the cargoes that they carry. This order was altered by the viceroy, the administration of two ships having been given to private persons in 99, for this trade, with the power of appointing the officers thereof, with salary, and license to take freight, as will be stated later under the twelfth point.

Fifth Point

The appointment of the commanders and officers of said ships, and their number; the expenses incurred by them; and the question whether it will be expedient to reduce their salaries.

By the decree of his Majesty referred to in the letter of January 11, 93, sent to Gomez Perez das Mariñas, governor of the Filipinas, permission is given to the viceroy of Nueva España to appoint the pilots and officers of the ships bound for the Filipinas.

Complaint is now made of this, from the islands, that there is great expense to the royal exchequer, in that the viceroys, in order that there may be offices in which to place their followers, multiply those of the ships; and, although they have the right to appoint one pilot to a ship, they appoint a captain-general and many accompanying him, an admiral, and many captains of infantry, a sargento-mayor, a royal sub-lieutenant, sub-lieutenants of the companies, and a royal alguazil. All these are persons of little experience, who are going to seek their fortunes in the Filipinas at his Majesty's expense; and they deprive the citizens of their offices.

Information is given, by a letter from the fiscal of the Filipinas, that but one pilot is sufficient for the ships; that the troops should be under the command of the captain or master of the ship, without increase of salary to said captain or master. Thus the aforesaid officers of the troops may be dispensed with, and one gunner suffices for each piece or every two pieces of artillery.

Sixth Point

The losses of ships which have been employed in the Filipinas trade, and the cause thereof.

Through news brought by the ship "Santa Potenciana" in the year 601, it seems that the ships "San Geronimo," and "Santa Margarita," which sailed in the year 600, lost their masts in a storm; and the "Santa Margarita" drifted to the island of the Ladrones, and the "San Geronimo" to Luzon, near Catanduanes. Both were driven ashore in February, 601, without being able to save themselves. This loss is attributed by some to disagreement among the officers, and by others to the late sailing of the ships, and to a lack of sailors, and (what is more nearly correct) to the general overloading of the vessels. The ship "Santo Tomas" was lost also on the voyage out, near the channel at Catanduanes; the hulk was lost with some supplies, small wares, and two millions or more of silver, besides the 500,000 pesos which were allowed to be carried.

Seventh Point

What property may be taken to the Filipinas, and where it goes.

By the sixth point it appears that in the ship "Sant Tomas" alone, which was lost at the entrance of Catanduanes, there were over two millions besides the 500,000 pesos allowed.

This and all else which is carried is placed in the power of the infidels, who receive it as the price of the Chinese merchandise; and it can therefore be returned neither to the Indias nor to these kingdoms. Silks, damasks, taffetas, needlework, hand-mills, cotton stuffs, earthenware, wax, nails, and other merchandise of little profit are carried to those regions, thereby depriving his Majesty of his dues.

Eighth Point

The discontent of all the islands, on account of depriving them of the profits which might be had from the purchase of this merchandise; and the lading of it which his Majesty has granted, by his decrees, to the citizens of Peru and Nueva España.

The citizens of the islands, except one here and there, are very poor. They wish to abandon the islands, as there are no means of gain or profit except in trade and commerce. They are deprived of this by the citizens of Mexico and Peru, who bring over a great quantity of money, with which they do not hesitate to purchase merchandise at excessive prices. Then, in order to ship these goods, they hasten to pay high rates for the tonnage, and thus succeed in occupying the space which belongs to the citizens; and when the latter ship their merchandise it is so little that it is not sufficient for their support. On the other hand, the Portuguese pass from Acapulco to China with their money, and do not return to Nueva España. They either remain there, sending cargoes therefrom, or they send merchandise to Portugal, by way of the ports where the Portuguese trade, thus defrauding the native-born citizens of their rights.

Ninth Point

That the royal decrees prohibiting trade with the Filipinas are not observed, chiefly on account of the opinion of Doctor Sacedo, a citizen of Mexico, that the violation of royal decrees involves the penalty thereof, but is not a mortal sin. Thus the citizens of Mexico may carry on commerce in the Filipinas, and those of the Filipinas may invest money which is sent to them, without burdening their consciences, or being obliged to make restitution.

The opinion of Doctor Juan de Sacedo, a citizen of Mexico, replying to the decree of January 11, 93, states that this decree does not show clearly, and with the explicit statement necessary, that it was his Majesty's intention to bind strictly to an eternal punishment those on whom he imposes a pecuniary penalty; or that by its transgression are obligations to make restitution laid, in conscience, ipso jure non expectata judicis sententia, upon the people of Mexico who trade with the islands, or consign their property to citizens of Manila—either goods sent in exchange for the merchandise of the latter, or money which they remit to these—although both of these are prohibited. If these things are conceded, they make a profit and have the means of support. The reply thereto is incumbent upon his Majesty, from whom the decree emanated. Until his Majesty shall make further declaration, the decree is purely a penal ordinance, and nothing more. It involves only the penalty and condemnation to which the transgressor is exposed, and does not burden the conscience with mortal sin or restitution. For that, it is necessary that there be an explicit declaration—one conforming to the most lenient interpretation, which avoids fetters on men's consciences, and constraining transgressors by only a temporary penalty, and not by restitution or eternal punishment.

The religious Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis at Manila, and the cabildo of the metropolitan church of that city, ask that this matter be adjusted. The religious assert an opinion contrary to the above, saying that a mortal sin is involved. They beg that his Majesty declare his royal will, and provide a person who shall enforce obedience to the royal decrees and punish the transgressors.

The cabildo of the church declares that no one in the islands will be sufficiently powerful to enforce the decrees, unless his Holiness would undertake to decide what the faith teaches, regarding the authority which the mandatory as well as the penal laws possess in this matter. They request, therefore, that effective measures be taken by his Holiness in declaring and deciding the Catholic truth in this particular; and whether it will be a mortal sin to transgress the laws of the kingdom when that which is decreed is something very useful to the commonwealth. [7]

Tenth Point

His Majesty has granted favor to the citizens of the islands, by permitting two ships, each of three hundred toneladas, to sail annually from Nueva España to the Filipinas; and they may carry therein from the Filipinas such property as is to be transported. There shall be three ships, in order that one may remain in dry dock at the port of Acapulco. They shall sail on his Majesty's account, paying the expenses thus incurred from their own earnings.

The viceroy and Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of the Filipinas, are of the opinion that this tonnage should all be utilized, so that each ship may carry three hundred toneladas of lading, six hundred toneladas between the two ships; and these should be the toneladas of the Southern Sea, which are larger than those of the Northern Sea. There should be three ships, all alike and of the same model, each containing four hundred short toneladas of the Northern Sea, which amount to three hundred. The citizens of Manila shall lade on each ship two hundred toneladas and no more, which consequently will amount to six hundred toneladas in all the ships, in order that the goods may be distributed to better advantage, and the ships may carry more mariners.

Under this arrangement the expenses are greater, as there is one ship more, as well as the increased cost of the escorts of soldiers, and the artillery for the protection of the ships. Therefore the viceroy orders that henceforth in the Southern Sea, instead of paying thirty-two pesos on every tonelada, there shall be paid thirty-two ducados on every tonelada of stuffs coming from the Filipinas. This increase will amount to 12,000 pesos, more or less, with which may be defrayed the expenses of the infantry who return as guard of the ships and property which come from the Filipinas Islands, thereby assuring greater safety.

Eleventh Point

That ships be bought on his Majesty's account; and those which have already been bought.

Until the new ships shall be built, the viceroy has supplied the line with ships in place of those which were lost. He commanded one to be bought from the mariscal Gabriel de Ribera. That and the "Santa Potenciana" were conveyed [to the islands] by Don Pedro de Acuña; also two ships from Piru were in his convoy, moderately laden with freight. Grace was granted, in the name of his Majesty, for some permissions for carrying money and a quantity of freight. This was given as to private persons, but not that the ships should be navigated on their account or under their administration, or that they should exercise any more authority than that of a passenger. This did not deprive the city of Manila of any of the six hundred toneladas which could be shipped, but merely utilized the surplus space of the ship, thereby doing no damage to the citizens of Manila.

Twelfth Point

That the ships of the Filipinas line may be assigned by contract.

The viceroy made the experiment in the year 99, of giving two ships in trust to Don Fernando de Castro and Alonso de Torres, with the privilege of appointing officers, a salary of one thousand pesos, and permission to place in the cargo twenty or twenty-five toneladas of their own goods; they were obliged to give bonds, and to keep correct accounts of the profits and expenses. If the profits should exceed the expenses, the excess should belong to his Majesty; if the costs should amount to more than the profits, the trustee must supply the deficit from his own purse.

The officials of his Majesty at the port of Acapulco oppose this plan, and say that it is very unprofitable, and to the injury of his Majesty and the royal exchequer, in that the trustees attend only to their own profit. It is the universal opinion that the "Santa Margarita" did not come here on account of having been sent out thus in trust.

Thirteenth Point

That a limit be placed on the merchandise brought from China.

Fourteenth Point

That there be trading and voyaging to Eastern India.

There are also the general points, that the commerce of Nueva España with Piru and Tierra Firme in silks and Chinese merchandise be prohibited, without any discrimination of persons, as being a great damage and injury to the trade of España and defrauding the royal dues.

The licentiate Alonso Fernandez de Castro

Various Documents Relating to Commerce

Rule 45 on the leasing of the import duties of Sevilla, and likewise the ordinances made by the prior and consuls [8] of Mexico in regard to this trade of the Filipinas, are to be considered by the assembly discussing the trade of the Filipinas, in order to decide what is best to be done.

Letter from Fray Martin Ignacio de Loyola

Jesus

As I could not be present, I have written out my answer in my memorial on the Filipinas, and it accompanies the present letter, by which your Lordship will see what I advocate. I assert that, beyond all doubt, what I here point out would be the only remedy.

This morning when I went to receive your Lordship's blessing, and offer my respects, it was already late; and I believe that I shall not be able to do it tomorrow. Therefore I beseech your blessing in this, as one whom I hold in so great esteem, and to whom I owe so much. Upon all occasions I shall advise you of my affairs and matters of importance. As from one from whom I have experienced it, I shall receive all kindness. May our Lord preserve your Lordship, as I desire. From San Diego. Your Lordship's chaplain,

Fray Martin Ynacio de Loyola

[Endorsed: "No date.">[

Opinion of Fray Martin Ignacio de Loyola

In order that the Yndias may not be ruined, they should be dependent upon and subordinate to España, and there should be close relationship between the different parts.

This subordination and relationship consists in two things: first, in what concerns the government—political, spiritual, and temporal, and therefore it is advisable that the viceroys, governors, bishops, vicars, and commissaries-general should be sent from España. True, those who have gone from these parts and fulfil their duties properly there, should be rewarded since they have worked, and merit this favor more than those going from España.

By reason of the lack of this subordination and relationship, we know that many kingdoms which were converted to the faith returned to paganism. A good example of this is furnished in Eastern Yndia, where the apostle St. Thomas converted innumerable souls in the kingdom of Bisnaga, Cuylan, Cochin, and Caratuete. But after the death of St. Thomas, as there was no communication either with Palestina or Roma, in three or four generations there was not one Christian. Until now, for two hundred years Babylonian bishops have gone there; and now there are many Portuguese.

The second thing essential to the relationship between the Yndias and España is that there should be commerce and trade between those kingdoms. This is extremely needful, for, if commerce should cease, then communication would cease; and, should the latter cease, within a few generations there would be no Christians there. That which causes most inquiry to this commerce and communication, is the diversion of the commerce between the Yndias and España to other kingdoms, not belonging to his Majesty, but heathen and pagan; such is now the case between Nueva España, Peru, and the Filipinas, which receive annually two million pesos of silver; all of this wealth passes into the possession of the Chinese, and is not brought to España, to the consequent loss of the royal duties, and injury to the inhabitants of the Filipinas; and the greatest loss, with the lapse of time, will be that rebounding upon the Yndias themselves. All the projects and prohibitions that have been devised to remedy this loss serve but to inflict still greater injury, and to cause universal ruin.

As long as the viceroy of Nueva España continues to appoint the captains and officials of the vessels sailing to the Filipinas, the fitting reform cannot be instituted; for, it is clear that, as such officials go from Mexico, they will not hesitate to take their money and that of their friends; and even if other prohibitions may be issued, they will not cease to do so.

The fitting remedy for this matter consists in having a consulate in Manila, and in providing there the said officers, and in assigning to each citizen of the islands the amount of goods that he may export. By this method, a complete remedy for this evil will be provided, and the inhabitants of the islands, for their own benefit and interest, should endeavor to keep the trade themselves, and prohibit trading or sending consignments of silver from Mexico or Peru.

The trading in, and consignments of silver to, the Filipinas by the inhabitants of Mexico causes great detriment to the inhabitants of the islands; for, because of the Mexicans sending so much silver, the price of Chinese silks and merchandise has risen, so that, while for twenty years, when only the inhabitants of the islands were permitted to trade, they were wont to gain one thousand per cent, now they do not gain one hundred, whence results much resentment in the Filipinas. Therefore it is most certain that, if the trade be conceded to them alone, with a just limitation, they will desire to be the only gainers; and hence will endeavor to see that no Mexicans send any silver, and will execute whatever penalty his Majesty imposes on the Mexicans. This they will do, because clearly much advantage will accrue to the islanders thereby, by the lowering of the price of the merchandise in Manila and a rise in Mexico. If this reason be examined closely, my assertion will be quite clear.

I maintain the same in regard to the port of Buenos Ayres; and what has been ordained but lately I think was by divine ordination; for hitherto, notwithstanding the prohibition that there should be no trade, ships entered and cleared, and traded between Brasil and Potosi, and between Potosi and Brasil and España. And, although six judges were sent to enforce this prohibition, they were unable to effect a remedy, until the governor, Don Diego de Baldes, gave permission, as he considered it an extreme necessity, and the ultimate remedy, for the citizens of Buenos Ayres to reap some slight portion of the profits—although he erred in this, as it was done without his Majesty's permission. However, now that this license is confirmed, the matter, in so far as it touches this port, is remedied; for the amount of flour which they take cannot be of sufficient consideration to damage the commerce of Tierra Firme; and the citizens, as they profit thereby, will prevent anyone from trading outside of the port, and will execute the penalties imposed by his Majesty on those who try to trade. I relate all the above because I think great things will result therefrom to the service of our Lord and of his Majesty.

Fray Martin Ynacio de Loyola, bishop of Rio de la Plata.

[Endorsed: "+ Memorial from the bishop of Rio de la Plata, in which he declares what reform should be effected in the commerce of the Filipinas and Mexico; and asserts that the action of the council in Buenos Ayres has had very good effect.">[

Extracts of Two Letters from the Conde de Monterrey

The merchants of the corporation of the city of Los Reyes, Peru, declare that, in the commerce between that kingdom and this one of [Nueva?] España, they regard it as so necessary, that should it cease, it would mean complete destruction. On this account it must be preserved, and to this end all the means possible must be sought out.

Further, they declare that the merchandise brought to the kingdom of Peru from China is not the cause of this decline of commerce between the Yndias and España, but the inadequate regulation of the war and merchant fleets, and the winter seasons, which are the utter ruin and destruction of the merchants. This is plainly evident, since before the wars with Ynglatierra, when this matter was properly attended to, the commerce was extensive and profitable—although there was no need of so much merchandise as there is now, when the population of Peru is so much larger than at that time—and the merchants not only of España but of Peru were amassing wealth. But now they are not doing so, for the reason that is here named. All is going to destruction: payments cannot be met when due; and duties are excessive, for in order to send money to España, the shippers pay seven and one-half per cent for the galleons to guard the money, and when goods are shipped from Sevilla, they pay as much as three and one-half per cent. The principal cause of this loss is the time [required to transact business]; for from the day when the money leaves Callao (the port of Lima) until it returns in merchandise to the same point there is an interval of at least three years, counting the winters; and before they can secure returns from the merchandise another year, or even a year and one-half, must pass, for not all the merchandise can be sold for cash. Consequently this money can gain its profit only once in four years, when it could, as formerly, be thus handled twice in that time. And however great the amount of the profit, it cannot approach that of the two profits [in the four years], especially with the loss involved in the aforesaid duties for the fleets, and the new impositions of duty for the armed vessels that carry, in the South Sea, the money from Lima to Panama—and this is in addition to the duties paid to his Majesty. Thus it results that the merchants of Lima, who were formerly very rich and had ample credit, have become debtors; and this is the reason why the merchants of Sevilla do not make the same profits as formerly. Therefore there is a cry against Chinese goods, as they imagine that to be the cause of their loss. This is evident likewise, because the commerce existing formerly between Peru and Nueva España was very slight and now has increased greatly, and the Peruvian merchants prefer to go to Nueva España to make their investments rather than to España, because they can make the voyage to Nueva España in one year; and therefore can make many investments with their money. And although it is true that they bring Chinese merchandise in their shipments from that which arrives in that kingdom of Nueva España, still the greater part of the cloth bought by them is from España. Although this costs them more, the shortness of the time is of so great importance to them that they consider it more profitable than going to España, for the reason expressed above regarding the delay in time. Thus, with suitable arrangements regarding galleons and merchant-vessels, commerce is prosperously carried on.

Further, they declare that the kingdom of Peru has greatly increased, during the last twenty years, in its Spanish population, both in Spaniards born there, and in those who have gone thither from España, so that there are at least three times as many people. All these people live very luxuriously. All wear silk, and of the most fine and costly quality. The gala dresses and clothes of the women are so many and so excessive, that in no other kingdom of the world are found such; so that if four merchant-vessels went to Peru annually, all the cloth goods would be sold, as well as everything else of the cargo. Because vessels go there only at long intervals, the people make use of goods from Nueva España and China. However, in the case of the Chinese goods, they are worn only by the very poor, and the negroes and mulattoes (both male and female), sambahigos, [9] many Indians, and half-breeds, and this in great number. The silks of China are much used also in the churches of the Indians, which are thus adorned and made decent; while before, because of inability to buy the silks of España, the churches were very bare. As long as goods come in greater abundance, the kingdom will feel less anxiety, and the cheaper will be the goods. The increase to the royal exchequer will be greater, since the import duties and customs increase in proportion to the merchandise; and this increase cannot take place, if the fleets are laid up for the winter, for by this delay the merchant-vessels cannot be despatched annually—on which, and upon their money not lying idle, depend the profits of the merchants.

Therefore the merchants of Peru declare that commerce should be opened with China, and that they should be permitted to send one million [ducados] annually in two vessels, and that this million bring back merchandise to the same port of Callao. This merchandise will yield six millions, of which ten per cent, paid to his Majesty, will amount to six hundred thousand ducados. And if the license for one million is not given, it should be for one-half, the duties on which would be three hundred thousand ducados.

Further they declare that, if this be not conceded to them, they should be permitted to buy and carry to Peru the merchandise taken from China to Nueva España. There the duties on this merchandise would be imposed, and they would pay seven per cent on them, notwithstanding that only five per cent is paid in Nueva España. Paying seven per cent on the merchandise from China bought in Mexico, it will be seen of what little importance the four to six millions of ducados that Sevilla pays to his Majesty are to the royal estate, because it does not consent that goods from China may enter Peru.

And I assert that, should his Majesty ask me for my opinion, I would tell him that, if it is true that the Chinese merchandise can in no way injure the commerce of España, while its benefit to Peru is certain—especially to the poor and common people, of whom there is a great number—and since it seems desirable, for the adornment of the churches of the Indians, that there should be goods from China, my opinion would be that license should be given for only one-half million (ordering under heavy penalties that this sum be not exceeded), to be used in the following manner: Four hundred thousand ducados' worth of merchandise should be brought, and one hundred thousand worth of gold bullion. The latter is likewise merchandise in China; but traders do not like to take it as it yields them no more than fifty per cent, while on the other merchandise they make five hundred per cent and upward. Thus if this silver should be allowed to them, they would obtain gold, and this one-half million would yield three millions in Peru from merchandise which will be worth three hundred thousand ducados in import duties to his Majesty, besides the other dues imposed on the aforesaid goods. Thus the customs will increase, and, as said, these five hundred thousand ducados need not to be considered, as it is thought that this amount cannot diminish the commerce with España; for every year the merchandise of Peru yields six or seven millions, and if the trading fleets and armed galleys are sent at the same time, much more money will go to España, which on this account does not go there. These five hundred thousand ducados have, in previous years, always gone from China to Peru by way of Mexico; and as the merchants say truly, the winterings and increased duties and expenses of the winterings are causing the commerce to deteriorate. This is proved by the above arguments of the merchants, evidently cited from actual facts. Thus, if the merchants were provided with money, and were able to dispose of their cargoes every two years, and with the proceeds thereof begin new commercial enterprises, they would not be only exhausted and ruined, but rather they would be placed in easy circumstances and the country would be relieved from its difficulties by the gains thus made. With more goods, it is evident that the royal exchequer would benefit more as aforesaid. Therefore it would not be advisable to prohibit all commerce with China.

And at the very least, the five hundred thousand ducados should be granted, so that the merchandise taken to Mexico from China can be purchased in Mexico. Collecting in Peru the customs on these Chinese goods purchased in Mexico, seven per cent would be levied thereon, which plus the five per cent paid in Mexico, makes twelve per cent. The kingdom would feel greatly aggrieved if they were deprived entirely of this commerce. And if Mexico continues to have trade with China, a considerable quantity of Chinese goods will, however many precautions will be taken, be hidden in the Mexican ships for Peru; while but very little of it will be seized, and his Majesty will lose almost four hundred thousand ducados, because the goods do not enter publicly. Therefore it would be advisable that this license be granted perpetually, with the above limitation.

+

A great lack of money has made itself felt in this colony; and, after having thoroughly investigated the cause thereof, it has been ascertained that it proceeds in part from the very great sum taken out annually for China. It is also attributed in part to the issue of the money from the treasury—not that it has been less than in other years, but it has always been much more limited than it might be, and than is advisable for a commerce that is increasing in extent and value so much as is that of this kingdom. And since it would be greatly to the advantage of the treasurer to coin more money, they impute to him that, by not spending something at present, he is thus niggardly in making the necessary provision, and that by this he loses much and the state more. These two difficulties are reënforced by another—that since there have hitherto been, for various reasons, very few traders who were inclined to buy silver from private persons and send it to the mint to have it coined on their account, it has resulted that four or five men have made themselves the masters of this traffic; consequently there has been a great increase this year in the loss incurred by those who sell their silver in order to be furnished with coin. All this has been observed at the time of the vessels and trading fleet; and it is a matter of much moment, in which it has seemed best to me to inform your Majesty, inasmuch as I have undertaken to institute a reform. This, please God, will be made with energy, as in breaking open a package. When the correctives usual in this region (which are mild) do not suffice, I will propose to your Majesty other and more severe measures, which might be adopted by the Council, and one might be of sufficient advantage to your Majesty. However, it were not advisable to discuss this, but that the necessity of the public government demands it and invokes it, since only at such times can it be called just or used as an argument.

I consider your Majesty's permit in regard to the money going to the Philipinas as liberal and beyond the excess of what is carried as contraband, which is a very large amount. It is almost impossible to put a stop to this, notwithstanding that I do not give permission, expressed or tacit, in that commerce for one real more than the amount allowed; and I have ordered vigorous investigations on this point at the time of the despatch of the vessels. But if it is easy to hide the money, there is little to fear in the penalties, although orders are given that they be executed. Accordingly, in case of the cloth that can be brought to and unloaded at Acapulco, I think that, as it has bulk, it can be locked up in some warehouse and examined, or (which would be more efficacious), that no limit be placed on the use of this class of goods in Nueva España, so that those persons whom the viceroy considers needy might not be restricted in wearing it. I fear greatly that in the case of the money, as it is so easy to hide, no sufficient reform can be instituted for this evil, as I see that there is no remedy in other things of like nature, either in the armed ships or the trading vessels from those kingdoms. There, however, is less damage; for this is all in money which goes to infidels and never returns, and thus militates against this country, and that [España], and greatly weakens the commerce of both. I recently made arrangements with Don Pedro de Acuña (as I wrote to your Majesty on another occasion) for making a personal inspection at Acapulco; it was decided that I should reject the money, and, because there have never been confiscations that cause fear, that some part of each one's share should be actually applied to the treasury, and that the same should be done in Manila. Since letters received from there state that goods are very dear because of the great quantities of money that go there, it must be that this inspection was not promptly made; and I fear that there is too much laxity there. For it would appear that those islands should grow rich with the increase of money, and that if they buy at high prices they must sell the goods here at high prices; and on this account regard and favor for that land must not give the governor and Audiencia opportunity to take severe measures toward this region. I intend to use rigor at the coming of the ships this year; for this is demanded by the prevalent excesses and our actual experience of the difficulties that result therefrom.

[Endorsed : "Copies of parts of letters from the Conde de Monterey, [10] written to his Majesty, May 15, 1602.">[

Points in the Petition from the Filipinas Islands in Regard to Their
Commerce

First point

That the commanders, captains, and officers of the vessels plying on the line, be inhabitants of the said islands, and not of Nueva España, so that the losses, frauds, and injuries that they cause in loading their goods, and in the transportation by the ships of enormous sums of pesos in consignment and trust, may cease. This would save for his Majesty's treasury the salaries paid the officers of the vessels, and would benefit the islands. The citizens of the islands would receive such posts, when it should pertain to them, as a reward for their services, as the governors have been ordered to grant them to meritorious men.

The bishops of Paraguay and Nueva Segovia declare in information given on this matter, at the order of the Council, that for its remedy and the aid of the islands, it would be very advisable to establish a consulate in Manila; and that the [royal] ships, together with the vessels of the merchants, should go on its account. His Majesty should be given the hulls of the ships, and the masters and officials appointed in the said islands, to whom money from Mexico should not be committed, nor should it be given them in trust. The expense caused to his Majesty by them would thus be saved.

Second point

That the governors be ordered not to sell tonnage in the ships plying in the line to Nueva España, no matter what expenses are incurred.

The bishops assert that it is not advisable to sell any space, but that, in case of great necessity, it be done by the consulate; it would be better, however, not to sell it, for if it is sold, then there will be no freight-money for navigating the vessels.

Third point

That the viceroy of Nueva España be ordered not to give permission for any Piruvian merchants to go to the islands from Piru, under pretext that they are going to become citizens of the islands—because of the injuries that the islands receive therefrom; because of those merchants carrying, as they do, large sums of money belonging to themselves and others, and to companies; and because they only come to invest the same and return. On this account the prices of merchandise have risen more than fifty per cent. After investing their money, the commanders and masters, because of a money consideration, take these merchants back to Nueva España, without it being possible to institute any reform.

The bishops say that it is advisable that they should not go [to the islands] unless for the purpose of becoming actual citizens, for there the difficulties referred to in this point exist.

Fourth point

That the fund for the pay of the troops be placed in the treasury on a separate account, and that the said troops be paid therefrom, and from no other account, in order to avoid the disadvantages that result, and the many offenses and injuries committed by the soldiers under stress of their necessities and the opportunities that arise. This would provide a source for what money might be necessary, not only for the equipment of ships, and provision of ammunition and other military supplies, but for the pay of the soldiers, which is now spent in other things.

The bishops declare this to be inconvenient, and that the half-real which is given for the prebendaries should also be placed in the treasury on a separate account.

Fifth point

That the cabildo, magistracy, and regimiento of Manila be ordered to allot annually the lading of the vessels to the citizens of Manila, for much harm has resulted to the citizens from the governor allotting it—the lading being made illegally, and the governor having allotted it to many of his servants and relatives to the prejudice of the citizens and those born in this country. By this method the allotment would be honestly made without wrong to any one.

The bishops say that if his Majesty orders the consulate to be established in Manila, in such case it would be advisable for the consuls to make the allotment; and the governor cannot feel aggrieved thereby, since the consuls must navigate the vessels with the freight-money. However, if there are no consuls, it should be determined that the cabildo make the allotment, even though the governor be aggrieved.

The licentiate Alonso Fernandez de Castro

Various Memoranda

The question of limiting and restricting the trade between the Philipmas and Mexico has been discussed recently, and two points touching this have been determined: one, that it is not advisable for this trade to take place by way of Yndia; the other that it is not expedient to prohibit all trade between Pyru and Nueva España. There still remain five other points to be decided concerning this matter: (1) How many vessels shall take part in this trade. (2) How many toneladas shall be allowed. (3) What persons shall be permitted to take part in this trade. (4) Whether those who go from Mexico to the Philippinas shall be permitted to return. (5) Whether the sending of Sangleys to Manila be limited.

Filipinas

To lessen the coinage of pieces of four and of eight reals. [11]
It should be noted that 200,000 and 400,000 ducados have been minted.

To grant a portion of what is confiscated to the informer.

To regulate the merchant-fleets.

To increase the dues, and impose customs.

The first four sections [12] refer to what is ordained in regard to this trade.

The fifth declares the irregularity in the appointments of officers for this fleet.

The sixth, seventh, and eighth treat of the disadvantages which result from not observing the ordinances, and of their violation.

From the ninth to the thirteenth and last, are given the remedies that appear suitable for the correction of these evils.

Five points of the recent document look to the correction of illegal acts, and aim at securing the observance of the ordinances and the accomplishment of other things.

It is noted that the ordinances permit merchandise to be sent by way of Rio de la Plata, which the Sevilla merchants have violently opposed.

The tranquillity of the Indians.

Other remedies proposed by the Conde de Monterrey, who states that he will send others, showing the violations of law. This is in his letter of May 25, of this year.

The conclusion was, the relationship between the said kingdoms, and the increase of trade. It is readily seen that the increase in the manufacture of wines, and in the production of grains, olives, and other foods, and the maintenance of stock-raising by means of the cultivation of grain—all aim at the same object.

It should be noted whether it would be advisable to forbid the coinage of pieces of four and eight, beyond a certain number and quantity—namely, only that necessary to supply the needs there, and for what must be brought here.

To make arrangements for the despatch of the fleet.

To ascertain whether the bishop of Yucatan was the one who had those contentions with the governor, and of whom the friars are talking. He is proposed for the bishopric of Mechoacan.

Remedies

Considering that the trade should be preserved, and that the officials on the ships should be inhabitants of the Filipinas, and appointed there. That there be a consulate there, which should control the pancada. That the coinage of money be diminished. That the third part [of confiscated goods] go to the informer. That the duties be increased. That if Peru be allowed to trade, it be to a limited amount; and that dues and customs be imposed. That the trading fleets and armed vessels act in concert. That there be a warehouse in Acapulco, wherein to register the merchandise, and where violations of law may be detected; and that the same be done in Manila, with goods sent there. To forbid the use of stuffs for clothing from China.

LETTER FROM MORGA TO FELIPE III

Sire:

In the ships which came this year to these islands from Nueva España, came the president, Don Pedro de Acuña, who thereupon took up the government; and in the ships which were afterward despatched to Nueva España, account was given to your Majesty of this, and of what else occurred on all sides.

A few days afterward, the president supplied himself with ships, military stores, and fighting men in the provinces of Pintados, in order to go against the hostile Mindanaos and Joloans—who, with the help of the Terrenate Moros of Maluco, are infesting them and overrunning those islands every day, with a great deal of damage. Just then word came from Andrea Furtado de Mendoca that with a number of galleons and a fleet of your Majesty's, he was descending upon the fortress of Terrenate to capture it; and conformably with a letter to the president from Arias de Saldaña, viceroy of India, which he sent at the same time, he begged that reënforcements of vessels and some men, which he needed, might be sent him, in order that the purpose of the undertaking might be assured. Recognizing the great importance of this, and considering that, if that fortress were taken, besides the great profit from the cloves, [13] these regions would be safe from so fierce an enemy as that which is harassing and overrunning it, and especially that these islands would root out those Mindanaos and Joloans—it seemed to him expedient and necessary that part of what had been prepared for Pintados should be sent to the aforesaid fleet. In order to carry this out well, the president decided that he would go in person to the island of Sibu. May fervent prayers be offered to our Lord that He may give them the good fortune which is needed, in order that by it service may be rendered to Him, and that of your Majesty may be entirely fulfilled.

Of the ships which this year set out from these islands for Nueva España, the flagship and one other put in at these islands at the end of four months of stormy sailing, having lightened a quantity of merchandise and then having suffered damage to the goods, very much to the sorrow and loss of the residents of this realm. The commander of the flagship, Don Lope de Ulloa, a relative of the Conde de Monterrey, and an experienced and courageous knight, thought to make repairs in Xapon and from there, having made ready, to continue his voyage. So he went in search of a harbor in that kingdom, in the province of Toca, near the place where, in the year 96 just past, the galleon "Sant Felipe" entered. The natives gave him assurances of safety and all facilities for his departure; but when he had entered a harbor there came a governor of Dayfusama, with a number of fighting men—arquebusiers, musketeers, and archers. After having given the men on the ship the same promise of security, and after having had six Spaniards sent to Miaco with a present for Dayfusama, [14] according to the custom of the country, he captured on land some religious and some other Spaniards who had ventured to go out from the ship; and then made extraordinary efforts to stop the entrance of the harbor and to seize the ship with all its cargo. Seeing the deceit and violence which was being committed, it became necessary for the Spaniards to defend themselves, and to get out of the harbor by fighting, with loss to both sides and with great difficulty; and so, through the mercy of God, they came to these islands. When the Japanese saw themselves deprived of the capture of the ship which they doubtless already thought their own, we do not know what decision they may have reached regarding those who remained on land—nor, above all, what Dayfusama may have done. It appears only that all friendship with these infidels is dangerous, and that at least the religious who interfere in this, and consider it certain, allow themselves to be deceived easily by their ardent desire to enter these lands, which is caused by their zeal for the conversion [of the infidels]; and thus they facilitate certain matters, and are more confident in them than is desirable.

It seemed to be necessary, considering the absence of the president from this city and the arrival of the two ships of this expedition, to give an account to your Majesty of what was to be known about these matters, by way of India, in a Portuguese ship which is setting out from here for Goa. In this I have been influenced only by what is for the service of your Majesty and in order that your Majesty may be informed of what is being done in these remote regions, by every route. I beg your Majesty to pardon my boldness, and I pray our Lord to guard your Majesty for many long years. From Manila, on the first of December in the year 1602.

Doctor Antonio de Morga

DOCUMENTS OF 1603

Three Chinese mandarins at Manila. Geronimo de Salazar y
Salcedo; May 27.
Resignation of his office by the bishop of Nueva
Segovia. Miguel de Benavides; July 4.
Letters to Felipe III. Miguel de Benavides; July 5 and 6.
Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña and others July-December.
The Sangley insurrection. Pedro de Acuña, and others;
December 12-23.

Source: All these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: These documents are translated by Robert W. Haight—except the second, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio.

THREE CHINESE MANDARINS AT MANILA

The licentiate Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo, fiscal for your Majesty in the royal Chancillería of the Philipinas Islands. In the month of February or March of each year there usually come from the kingdom of China to this city of Manila thirty ships, and sometimes more, with merchandise from that kingdom. This year they were detained until the middle of May, and only fourteen ships came. In one of them were three mandarins, who are the same as those whom we call "governors." Three or four days before they arrived at this city, the chief of them sent a letter to Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal Audiencia thereof. A copy of the translation of this letter will be sent with this. In this they gave us to understand that Oyten, a Chinaman who had been in these islands, told their king that in the port of Cavite there was a great hill of gold which had no owner, and that the people of that vicinity availed themselves of it to obtain a great quantity of gold. Their king had sent him to learn the truth, for there had been those who contradicted this; and therefore the governor should have no apprehension, and might rest secure.

On the twenty-third of May the three mandarins landed in this city, with many insignia of justice which they are accustomed to wear in China, attended by alguacils, executioners, and other officers, with wands and cords, and receiving much reverence. They had a small box in which were carried the patents of their offices. While I was on that day in the company of the governor, all three mandarins came in to visit him, and we saw them coming from a window. I told the governor that those mandarins could not be allowed to carry their insignia of justice; but he answered me that there was nothing worth notice in that. A short time after this, Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, clerk of the court of the said royal Audiencia, in behalf of the auditors thereof told the governor to take notice that he could not consent that the mandarins should bear the insignia of justice in this city. He answered in the same manner as he had replied to me. The mandarins having taken up quarters in houses which were made ready for them, I had information that they were sending thither Chinese and flogging them, in form of justice, according to the Chinese usage. This moved me to enter a petition in regard to it in the royal Audiencia, demanding that this be stopped. I was ordered to give an information, and I did so, as fully appears by the copy thereof which accompanies this. When the governor learned of this, he was much angered at me, and complained bitterly of me—saying that this proceeding was in opposition to him; and that I should have first given him an account of what I wished to petition, which I should have done very willingly [illegible in MS.] had I thought it of any use. But as he had seen what occurred, it appeared to me—with the report of the Audiencia, and what I had before said to him in regard to the mandarins not bearing insignia of justice—that any further discussion of the subject with the governor might be dispensed with, and that it was my duty to petition as I did. The Audiencia took no action, because the governor issued an act commanding that the mandarins should not administer justice, or bear their insignia of chastisement through the streets. The Audiencia commanded that this act be joined with the information which I had given, and the mandarins went back to their own country. As it appeared to me well that your Majesty should know of this affair—of which you will find full details in the information of which I speak—I have thought it best to give an account thereof to your Majesty, so that your Majesty may be pleased to command that the procedure be established in the case of mandarins coming from China to this city, and direct in what state they are to go through the streets; for the tokens of authority which those mandarins bore were excessive. I have even gone so far, in order that this may be better investigated, as to have a picture made of the style in which they went about, a copy of which will go with this, since the brief time prevents me from having another copy made. I have also had placed upon it what each figure signifies, the explanations being in the petition which I placed before the Audiencia, a copy of which goes with the documents above mentioned.

On the twenty-ninth of April of this year it was God's will that there should be so great a fire in this city that, within two hours, there were burned one hundred and fifty houses, among them the best of the city, and the thirty-two built of masonry, one of which was mine. [15] Not having any people to help me, I could not save its contents, and only with the greatest difficulty did I save my library. The cause of the lack of people to aid in putting out the fire, and taking out from several of the houses what they could, was that the governor had ordered the gates of the cities locked so that no Chinese or Indians could enter—although they would have been of much use, as they have been in other fires which we have had. In the passion of my grief, for I had lost more than six thousand pesos, I said that my house had been burned through the lack of people and the order to shut the gates of the city. This coming to the ears of the governor, he became angry about this also, although he has never said anything to me about it; for the resolution which he adopted of locking the gates could only be based on the idea that the Chinese should not enter, lest they might possess themselves of the city. This could have been guarded against by letting what seemed to be a safe number of Chinese enter—as they never carry arms, and are a wretched and miserable people—and by then shutting the gates of the city and having soldiers to guard the Sangleys who were going about on the inside; and so everything would have been provided against. These occasions of annoyance to the governor might induce him, as he is somewhat hot-tempered, to write to your Majesty concerning me, seeking to discredit me—which I do not deserve, considering the desire which I have to accomplish much in the service of your Majesty, whom I also beseech to be pleased to have me heard in regard to whatever is imputed to me. May God protect your Majesty according to His power, with great increase of your kingdoms and seigniories. Manila, in the Philipinas Islands, July 5, 1603.

The licentiate Hieronimo de Salazar y Salcedo

[Endorsed: "Manila; to his Majesty, 1603. The fiscal Hieronimo de Salazar; July 5. Examined on the second of July, 1604. No response to be given.">[

Copy of a letter which Chanchian, the chief mandarin of the three who came to this city of Manila from the kingdom of China in the month of June of the year one thousand six hundred and three, wrote in the Chinese characters and tongue to Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands for the king our lord, and his president in the royal Chancillería thereof, four days before the said mandarins arrived in the said city; translated from the original of the said letter by a Dominican religious.

Chanchian, of the lineage of Au, who governs the warriors of the province of Hoquien, the envoy of the king of the realm of China, and servant of the eunuch of the lineage of Cou. Because Tio Heng, who is considered a reputable man, has gone to the king of China [16] and told him that from this kingdom there could each year be taken for the king of China a hundred thousand taes of gold and three hundred thousand taes of silver at his expense, so that his vassals should not pay tribute or be molested, the king has sent a eunuch who is called Cochay to take charge of those who have said that there was gold. This Tio Heng with five companions say that outside of the boundaries of Hayten in a place called Lician there is a mountain which is called Heyt Coavite, one lonely mountain in the midst of the wide-spread sea; and that there is no realm to which it belongs or to which the inhabitants pay tribute. In that place is collected much gold and silver. The vassals of that mountain spend gold as freely as if it were garbanzos [17] and lentils. He has seen that the vassals of that mountain of Cavite dig and gather it from the earth, and in every house of Cavite he saw, if it were a poor one, a medida (which is three gantas), and in those of the rich a hundred gantas of this gold; and they store it up in order to trade with the Sangleys who come there to trade, so that they may buy their property. And he said: "At present you have no gold within your house to spend, and you have no place whence to get it, and it would be much easier to go and get it from that said place than to ask it from your vassals. It is true that I have seen it; and now I have come to tell you this; and I do not ask that you shall give me anything for going for it, but that you should give me permission to go for it. I alone will find the people, and spend what may be necessary to go and dig it. And this year, when they have brought this gold, you can go to see the gold which the captains and merchants have brought who come each year from Luzon. In two years from now I will give you twice the gold and silver that I have promised you, and with this you may be satisfied; and the kingdom and the vassals will rejoice. This affair is serious and of great importance." The king gave permission that this should be done, and the eunuch named Cochay, with these mandarins, is accompanying Tio Heng to Luzon to reach the mine of gold and see whether there is or is not such a mine, when they will go back to the king and inform him. From all provinces there came people to the king to tell him that this kingdom of Luzon was as small as a cross-bow pellet; and that they have never heard that there was gold there, as Tio Heng says, but that he is lying. On this account the merchants of Hayten did not go to seek permission, nor did they dare to go to Luzon; but the judge of Chiochio ordered that they should fulfil their contracts with the said Tio Heng, and see whether there was gold or not. This is all their business, and therefore the governor of Luzon may rest secure, and without apprehension or suspicion of evil. I am quite certain that Tio Heng is lying, and command that they shall go immediately to learn whether there is gold or not, and order that an interpreter [naguatato] should go with them to see whether or not there is gold. They say that they wish to hasten their departure, and that they do not wish to stay in this land, giving occasion for complaints, and, believe me, you cannot detain us. Dated the thirty-first year of the reign of Landec, on the tenth of the fourth moon, which is the present month of May according to their reckoning.

[At the beginning of the Spanish translation are the following sentences, apparently memoranda by some clerk or interpreter:]

Copy of the letter which the chief Chinese mandarin of the three who came to Manila wrote at sea to the president, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas.

Mandarin is the same word as governor in Castilla.

The viceroys of the kingdom of China are for the most part eunuchs, and to that end the king bring up a number of them in his house; it is said that there are fourteen thousand from whom he may choose.

Cavite is the principal port of the Filipinas, and lies three leagues from Manila. Luzon is the name of the island on which Manila is situated.

Copy of the petition and information given by the fiscal of the royal Audiencia of the Filipinas concerning the three mandarins who came to the city of Manila.

Most potent lord: The licentiate Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo, your fiscal in the royal Chancillería of the Philipinas Islands, will relate this as best he can. On Friday, which I reckon to be the twenty-third of this present month of May, there entered into this city three infidel Sangleys, who came in the last-arrived ships from the kingdom of China; and they wear the garments and caps which are usually worn in that kingdom by the great mandarins—for it is thus they call those who serve their king in some high office of justice. They say that they came by his order to see if there is a hill of gold in the port of Cavite; for he has been informed that his Chinese vassals who trade and traffic in these said islands bring a quantity of gold on which they do not pay him duty; and, that they may pay it, he wishes to know the truth. The said three Sangleys, who claim to be mandarins, go out from their houses on their way to this city, seated in chairs upon the shoulders of four Sangleys; and, attached to their persons, on each side go six of their guards armed as archers. Before them walk two Sangleys who bear suspended from their shoulders a porcelain case in which it is said they carry their chapas which indicate that they are mandarins, which is the same that we here call "decrees" and "royal commissions." Behind them goes another Sangley on a horse, who is said to be the secretary of the three mandarins. Before them go in file six Sangleys with staves upon their shoulders, on the ends of which are white tablets with characters of gold, which is said to be the insignia of alguacils. Six other Sangleys carry little banners of different colors, with characters written upon them in the Chinese tongue, which are said to indicate the great authority and wide jurisdiction of the said mandarins. One Sangley, who they say is a minister of justice, bears a piece of cane as thick as one's arm, lacquered in black. Among these goes a Sangley with two small kettle-drums and four others with canfonias and other musical instruments which they use, all of them playing. Before all these people go six Sangleys, two of whom carry two iron chains, which are said to be to put on those whom they are ordered to arrest; two others carry two cords tied to sticks upon their shoulders, which are said to be to tie those whom they are ordered to flog; the other two, who are called upos, which is the same as executioners in España, bear two half-canes four dedos wide and a braza long, with which they flog the delinquents, whom if they wished they could kill with a few strokes. Between these go two Sangleys each one of whom cries out in his own language from time to time, with loud shouts; and it is said that they are calling out, "Make way, for the mandarins are coming," and as soon as they come out of their houses, and until they enter them again, these cries are kept up. When the Sangleys meet the mandarins, they flee from them and hide themselves; and if they cannot do this they bend their backs very low with their arms extended upon the ground, and remain in this position while the mandarins pass, which is quite in the form and manner which is customary in the said kingdom of China. Sunday afternoon in front of the house of one of the said mandarins they [MS. torn—whipped?] an Indian or mulatto in the street before the house of the said mandarin (the latter being at the window), in judicial form according to the Chinese usage. Yesterday, Monday, they flogged a Sangley in his own house; and another one they put to the hand-torture, quite according to their usage. Two of those who are said to correspond to alguazils, bearing the said banners as a sign thereof (just as the long staves of justice are borne in España), seized a Christian Sangley in the [MS. illegible] of the licentiate Christoval Tellez de Almaçan, your auditor of the said royal Audiencia, saying that they were going to take him before a mandarin, who had ordered them to seize him; but when they were outside of the house of Doctor Antonio de Morga, an auditor of the said royal Chancillería, he came to a window at hearing the noise, and stopped them. He did so because this is administering justice, and all these things are insignia thereof—whence no little scandal has arisen in this city of Manila, on account of the grave offenses which have been committed here by the said persons who call themselves mandarins, and by the others whom they have with them. I give information of this so that suitable action in this matter may be decided upon and decreed, and which, if necessary, I offer my services to investigate. I beg and beseech your Highness to command and decree whatever may be fitting in such a case, and that information may be given concerning this my petition, and concerning what may be decreed in regard to it, in order to inform thereby the royal person of your Highness for which, etc., I demand justice.

The licentiate Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo

In public session on the twenty-seventh of May in the year one thousand six hundred and three. Let the investigation be immediately made, and committed to the secretary, and the results brought up for judicial action.

Esquivel

[Then follows the above-mentioned investigation—depositions by various persons, corroborating the statements of the fiscal; and a decree by the governor, forbidding any Chinaman to insult or molest the mandarins, and the latter to exercise any rights of justice in Spanish territory.]

RESIGNATION OF HIS OFFICE BY THE BISHOP OF NUEVA SEGOVIA

In the city of Manila of the Philippine Islands, on the fourth of July in the year one thousand six hundred and three, before me, the notary and the undersigned witnesses. The most reverend Señor Don Fray Miguel de Benavides, the first bishop of Nueva Segobia of the said islands, member of the Council of the king our lord, declared that—inasmuch as his royal Majesty Don Philipe the Third, our lord and king, had been pleased to choose him, and present him to the notice of his Holiness the most holy father, the Roman pontiff, as archbishop of this archbishopric of Manila, and appreciating so fully the grace shown therein by his Majesty, and desiring to fulfil the royal will and pleasure as a faithful vassal, and for other reasons important to the service of God and that of the said king our lord, and for the good of the souls in this land—from the present moment he did relinquish the said bishopric of Nueba Segobia. This he has done as soon as he can and ought, and in conformity with law, in order that his Majesty may present for the said bishopric whomsoever he shall please; and he accepted, and does accept, in such form as is authorized and required by law, the archbishopric of Manila; and he took, and does take when necessary, the duties and obligations thereof, and its government upon his shoulders, corporally and spiritually, in order to administer them conformably to the requirements of canonical law. And as he makes the said resignation and the said acceptance, he desires me, the present notary, to make public declaration thereof in due form, and asks that those present shall witness and sign it. The witnesses are: The father provincial of the Order of St. Dominic, Fray Juan de Santo Tomas; the father Fray Juan Bautista, guardian of the said Order; and the father Fray Pedro de San Vicente, vicar of the Christian Chinese.

Fray Miguel, bishop of Nueba Segovia.

I, Benito de Mendiola, apostolic notary. By the apostolic authority of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in this archbishopric, I was present with the other witnesses at the above notarial act, and at the end affix my signature, in testimony of the truth thereof.

Benito de Mendiola, apostolic notary.

We, the undersigned, do hereby certify and declare that Benito de Mendiola who has sealed and signed this instrument, is the notary of the Holy Office in this archbishopric, and exercises his office of apostolic notary for any documents which may be presented to him. Therefore entire faith and credit must be given to all documents which have passed or do pass before him in or out of court. That this may be evident, we give the present; at Manila, on the fourth of July in the year one thousand six hundred and three.

Fernando de Alanis, public notary.

Francisco de Valante, public notary.

Jhoan Fernandez de Aparicio, public notary.

LETTERS FROM BENAVIDES TO FELIPE III

Sire:

I arrived in this city of Manila, having accepted the favor, so signal, which your Majesty has conferred upon this his most insignificant vassal and servant, by the royal decree of your Majesty; this was presented to the dean and chapter of this church, who complied with it promptly, and delivered to me the government, in which I am now installed.

I find this city and country in so afflicted and ruined a condition, and the minds of many of the Spaniards, including the principal ones here, so anxious, and desirous of leaving this country, that it causes me much concern. I am not overcome at confronting the very great and continuous hardships which result; but, without counting those dating back to the time of Don Francisco Tello, those of this year alone are enough to put us in great straits. Even the Indians have taken such courage against the Spaniards, that they came from Mindanao in battle array, to harry our coasts; and they have taken captive Spaniards, and even two priests—to say nothing of innumerable Indians, whom they seize to sell into slavery among infidels, where it is very likely that they will abandon the faith. They have destroyed villages and churches, and taken away much valuable spoil; and at one time it was only through the mercy of God that they failed to capture the governor, Don Pedro de Acuña. Other Indians, called Camucones, [18] a wretched people, have also brought misfortunes upon our people. There arrived this year two of the ships of those which went to Nueva España. The cloth sent in one of them came back badly wet, and ruined. On this day, the first of May, occurred in this city a conflagration—a most grievous loss, for, according to the account of those who were present, it was no ordinary fire, but burned the richest quarter of the city, and the convent of St. Dominic (which was the largest here), and the royal hospital for the Spaniards. It all happened in so singularly short a time that no goods or property could be gotten out of the houses; accordingly, much of the merchandise which arrived in the ships was consumed. This was especially disastrous as this poor Spanish people, who were expecting some alleviation of their misfortunes through the returns from their property sent to Nueva España this year, lost even that consolation; for the ships from Mexico for these islands this year were despatched thence very late, and arrived here at the time when those from here were departing. These are already very late, and are in great danger that what has happened in years past will occur again—that is, to return to port, or be lost in these seas. This is not the only evil, for very little of the money which has come belongs to the citizens of this country, whereas there is much belonging to Mexicans and Peruvians. It is said that not more than a hundred and fifty thousand pesos has come of the citizens' money, for all the islands, out of all the amount graciously allowed by your Majesty for this country, which amounts to five hundred thousand pesos; and that all the rest belongs to Peruvians or Mexicans. The calamity is so great that for some of the residents of these islands their agents in Mexico bought licenses at a high price, so that they might send them their own money. It is very certain that the viceroy of Mexico is not to blame for these things, as he is well known to be an excellent Christian; but some one or other is deceiving him, to the ruin of this community.

To all these troubles of ours is added another, which causes anxiety enough. One of the Chinese who came here, a chair-maker and carpenter, returned to China. He must be a man of courage and ambitious designs; for he went to the court of the king of China and, with others like himself, proposed to trouble our peace. They found a man of note, who by birth inherits from his ancestors, in the succession due the eldest son, the right to be captain of the guard of the king of China. His lineage is called Liang, and his office Pacu, while his own name is Yameng. He must be something of a spendthrift (for he is very poor), and restless in temperament. He gave ear to the said chair-maker, named Tienguen, and to his companions. The opportunity seemed to them favorable: and they decided to petition for the conquest of this country under the cloak and pretext which the situation afforded them, saying that there was a mountain here called Keit and that this mountain is entirely of gold, and other things—which your Majesty may examine, if you so wish, in the petition and memorial in this matter which was presented to the king of China, and a copy of which, translated into Castilian, de verbo ad verbum, I am sending your Majesty. This Keit is the port of this city, which we call Cabite, the Chinese calling it Keit. They imagined and told a thousand lies to one word of truth, all with the intention and desire of having the king of China give them permission to get together troops and go out to sea, and once there, either to come to conquer this country, or to become pirates and rob, in China itself or wherever they could. The king of China demanded pledges that what they were seeking was real, and not a deception by which they were to become robbers and pirates; and as this Liang Paou is a man of such standing, he furnished three hundred or more men as surety. All the viceroys of the realms and provinces of China and their councils (who reside with the viceroys)—to the number of thirteen great realms and provinces, which they call Pouchenti, beside the two powerful provinces and courts [or "circuits ">[ which they call Kin, one called Lam Kin, which means "the court of the southern region," and the other Pac Kin, [19] which means "the court of the northern region"—all the said viceroys and councils wrote to the king, trying with many arguments and examples to persuade him that what these deceivers said was false, and that he should beware of them; all this your Majesty may see, if you are so pleased, by the documents, which I send translated into Castilian. But the devil, who seeks his opportunity, furnished these evil men with a king so filled with greed and so overpowered by it that he is almost mad on the subject; and his actions indicate this, for he has had men made of gold and women of silver, and has them at his feasts and gives them drink. He sent to every one of his realms one of his eunuchs, who, in order to secure gold and silver for the king, exacted great tributes from the vassals. The empire of China feels very much oppressed by this, as the Chinese here tell us, without any secrecy, that they believe that there will be within two years, more or less, conspiracies and rebellion in China. As the king is such a man, and the adventurers furnished the said sureties, he was not willing either to follow the advice of the viceroys and their councils, or entirely to reject it. He commanded certain judges and mandarins to come to examine Keit personally, and see whether what was said of it was true or false. Accordingly, there came this year, in this month of May, three mandarins in all their majesty, to this city of Manila. Governor Don Pedro de Acuña received them and treated them very courteously and very prudently, although to some persons this seemed unreasonable; and it certainly was an irregular proceeding to give them permission to go to Cabite to see whether there was gold or not. They went there, and took with them the said chair-maker and carpenter Tienguen, whom they brought from China for this purpose. The mandarins commanded Tienguen, when they arrived at Cavite, to show them where the gold was and have done with it. The man answered with good courage, in a word, and said to them, "If you choose that this be gold, gold it will be; but if you do not, it will not be gold. I tell you that you should cut off the heads of the Indians of this country, and you will find their necks all covered with chains and necklaces of gold; and this is the gold that I told you of." Finally the governor sent back the said mandarins, apparently satisfied; and he wrote to the viceroy, the eunuch, and the inspector of the town and kingdom to which the Chinese who came here belonged. By one of these men Governor Don Pedro de Acuña wrote a very discreet letter concerning the matter. Now we are waiting to see how the greed of the king of China and of his eunuch will be affected by these things, and what measures the captain of the guard and the sureties will take to right their falsehood and save their lives; for, if they are declared impostors, they will lose their lives. We hope in the Lord, that He will look upon this Christian community which is being founded here, and will calm the feelings of the Chinese in this region; and that, if they come, they will find that the governor has the country so well prepared that either they will not go back, or will return in such a state that they will not desire to come here again. This country could be with little difficulty, if the viceroy of Mexico provides sufficient aid, put in such a condition that this war need not be greatly feared. I was the first one who learned of this matter, and who protested. I informed the governor of the matter, and afterward, on St. Dominic's day and on St. Francis's day, I likewise explained the whole affair to the congregation, quite publicly in the pulpit, so that the truth might be known—as well as the importance in which I held this, being a man who knows the language of these Chinese, and is acquainted with many of their affairs and customs in China, having spent many months there. I also did this that the affair might be taken up prudently and carefully, as there might be counselors to advise ill in the matter, not understanding it. With this affair, and its many misfortunes, this country is much troubled; and there is great need of aid on the part of your Majesty. Likewise, of late years, there have not been wanting omens and warnings in this country. A notable warning that they tell of, is two stars that fought with one another, going backward and then returning to the encounter—a thing which seems supernatural; finally, one of them moved toward Manila, and the other one toward China. I do not count these things for much; but this thing is of much importance, namely, a sadness and depression on the part of the Spaniards, which is so great that discreet and Christian people have remarked it. What makes me fear much, Sire, is not what I have told of, but what I shall now tell your Majesty—although I know that your Majesty will say that I am unreasonable, and will feel much aggrieved that I am so intrusive. The first matter is the continual sodomy which the Chinese practice in these islands to so great an extent, and communicate to the Indians—which is the worse, for the Indians were formerly most clean in this matter, so far as can be learned. God will consume us all with fire some day, or in some other way destroy us, since we, a Christian people, are tolerating and supporting in our own country a people so given to this vice. Each year one of the auditors takes in charge the expulsion of the Chinese, and this comes to no purpose except that such auditor gives a living or enrichment to some friend or relative of his; since for every license that they give for remaining here they take, besides the tribute for your Majesty, two reals from each Chinaman; this is a large tribute, as there are always eight or ten thousand of them. This is without counting the additional payments which, if the auditor or the person he appoints wishes to open his hand to receive, will amount to a great deal. While I am writing this, I am in receipt of a note from the commissary of the Holy Office, in connection with this matter, which, as it is so much to the purpose, I will give here in full. It is as follows: "Jesus be with your Lordship. Several Sangleys tried to persuade me to procure for them licenses to remain in the country, but I would not consider the matter. A few days later they came with the licenses, and told me that each one had cost them twenty reals, amounting to five tostons. If this goes on in this way, what they tell me of past years appears probable—namely, that the licenses cost seventy thousand pesos, since there was more fraud. May our Lord protect your Lordship." These are the words of the said commissary. [In the margin: "So great an excess seems to be an exaggeration, and it did not occur at a time when the auditors could attend to this.">[

These two reals from each Chinaman for the license, each year, ought to be expended to pay the salary of the man appointed by the auditor, and for other matters. These Chinese are never effectually driven out, nor is their number diminished, and I fear that these Chinese will not be driven out until God, for the sins against nature which we permit in this country, has destroyed us; for it is our greed which maintains them. The Jesuits [20] alone, have on their cultivated lands about two hundred and fifty Chinese, each of whom is worth and pays to them each month four reals and a fowl (which is worth four more), and each Friday a certain number of hen's eggs, and an equal number of goose eggs. Besides this, the Chinese give either fruit or garden truck, and are made to plant fruit-trees. This is in a single small settlement, called Quiapo, situated near this city. The Jesuits have other fields also in this neighborhood. The Augustinians have many other fields in the village of Tondo, which lies directly across the river from this city; I am told that they have in these two hundred and fifty more Chinese. The master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, and other persons, also have farms, all full of this sodomy. With the protection of these and many other persons, these men are maintained, and this vice is kept alive in this your Majesty's land. Lord, have mercy; Lord, have mercy; Lord, have mercy! I beg of your Majesty to have compassion upon us, and, since your Majesty has conferred upon me the gift of this archbishopric, to favor and aid me; for greed is most puissant, and, if there be no fear of punishment, it will support the sodomites and heretics. The governors and the auditors all are glad to have the religious write favorably of them to your Majesty and to the auditors of the royal Council of the Indias; they will therefore, tolerate much, for they are unwilling to displease the religious orders. I must speak the naked and evident truth, Sire; and, for the love of God, those who are guilty of this vice should be sent out of the realms of your Majesty, and this black Parian be taken from them. They should all go forth and return to their own country; and those who come here for commerce should remain in their ships, at least at night. There are already enough married Christian Chinamen here who can and will care for the fields, and they will engage in other employments. If it be impossible to maintain all the buildings with the promptness and abundance of laborers and craftsmen that they have at present, yet this is a small matter, and such as occurs in Hespaña and Ytalia. For if your Majesty gives permission for a hundred to remain here, ten thousand will remain; for the governors, auditors, religious, and confessors who are interested, and the captains likewise, will take advantage of the opportunity that your Majesty leaves open, with a thousand evasions, and arguments that since your Majesty gives permission for a hundred, it should also be given for other hundreds and other thousands. Accordingly, for the love of God, let there come a decree and with it a reiterated injunction from your Majesty similar to the most Catholic and potent decision of the Catholic monarchs, Don Fernando and Dona Ysabel, your Majesty's progenitors, putting an end at once to these evils and driving these people from the lands of your Majesty, as did the said sovereign monarchs. Not even considering their royal tributes, at one stroke they drove all the Moors and Jews from Hespaña, and that deed they considered as their glory. Your Majesty must not think that these people are only in or about Manila, for they are through the whole country and scattered all about; and they are spreading this diabolical crime and other vices throughout the whole land, and even their evil doctrines. In spite of this even the religious, as well as the others, tolerate them for the temporal advantages in building and other affairs, which they find in the Chinese. If we be not very pure toward God and justice and reason, a thousand will lead us to love and take pleasure in temporal affairs and interests.

The second cause for these heavy punishments is the excessive wickedness which exists among the Spaniards and Indians in the sin of carnality. The third cause is the disregard of your royal decrees and mandates. This has brought ruin upon the country; and as, in truth, just laws are the strong walls of kingdoms, so on the contrary the violations of such laws are the breaches through which enters ruin. Besides this, into this country has come a doctrine of evil theologians and jurists and confessors, who, weakening the force of the laws of the kings in their relation to the conscience, open a very broad field for the violation of what your Majesty so justly and prudently orders. [In the margin: "I say this in regard to the decrees which concern commerce between these islands and Mexico, as well as several others.">[

The fourth cause is a neglect of punishment against the alcaldes-mayor; nor is any investigation of importance carried on against them, nor are they in any way punished. This is a great pity, and as those who are going to be their successors take their residencias, they accommodate one another, and the Indians dare not speak. Other persons, more shrewd, even say that they will make any claims during the residencias, since that is of no use except to point out the way to robbery which the predecessor trod, so that the successor may follow him. These things have always caused me grief; but now that I have these souls in charge it weighs upon me much to see these evils and the little redress which comes, Sire, from your Majesty's powerful hand. I seek from your Majesty no more show of authority for the correction of these evils than belongs to me by right of office, in order to make no display of ambition; for even in matters which belong properly to my office I feel that my powers are very limited and not at all adequate to its demands. But I hope in the Lord that He will inspire in the heart of your Majesty a desire to introduce some effective remedy sufficient for these evils, since their character is self-evident. Manila, July 5, 1603.

Fray Miguel, archbishop elect of Manila.

Sire:

I have written another more detailed letter to your Majesty, and in this I shall give a brief account of several matters that should be set right. I express the desire for this under a greater sense of obligation, and the more confidently, because your Majesty has so considered this minister, vassal, and servant of yours in appointing me archbishop of this city—which appointment I have received, and have delivered to the chapter of the church your Majesty's letter to that effect and announcing that I had been given the government of it, and its occupancy.

This city and these islands are most poverty-stricken, and harassed by a thousand troubles from heaven—what with the fires, and the enemies, and (worst of all) our own friends and brothers, the vassals of your Majesty. The people from Mexico have borne down on this unfortunate country this year, in a very inundation. To repair the ruin which the Mexicans and Peruvians are bringing upon us, and in order to discover and rid ourselves of those here who are in partnership with them, the cabildo of this city, through their procurator, presented me with a petition asking me for this purpose to excommunicate such persons. I, who hold the name of excommunication in great awe, when it is placed generally upon this land (where there is not so much fear of God as in España), did not grant the excommunication; but I drew up a petition, and presented it to the royal Audiencia. To this they issued the reply which I beg your Majesty to have examined together with my petition; I am sending your Majesty a copy of the aforesaid petition and of their action thereon. If the members of this royal Audiencia were auditors, and not court alcaldes, I would not have recourse over there, but here, as to alcaldes of court, giving information and denouncing a crime amounting to public robbery, and opposed to the general welfare of all this community—for the loss and thievery falls on all alike, and is greatly against this realm—which can be so easily proved; and since the proof is so easy, I do not dare enter with the power and sword of the church. This response, saying that they will inquire about it, is not a thing of today only. I am surprised at such a response in a criminal case, (for in this matter I have proceeded not only ad petitionem partis, [i.e., "as a private-suitor">[ but also ex oficio), on acount of both the publicity of the wrongdoing, and the authority of the denunciation. I see here no evidence of the functions of the court alcaldes, although it is a country where this authority and this office is very necessary. If I speak in these matters, they can tell me that I am a theologian; and, in short, they will act as they please. Accordingly I present this to your Majesty, so that, if what I say has any weight, redress for this evil may be obtained. It is certain that even if it were only to keep anyone from imagining that this concerns any of the Audiencia, or any of their friends or kinsmen, it would be well to investigate this matter. Indeed, I do not know who could singly bring an action against the individual members of this company, but this should be done against all, for they all cause the loss to all. In short, the matter will remain without investigation, and the partnerships undisturbed, while our ruin will increase. Although I see this, I know not if I shall dare in spite of all this to impose an excommunication; for I have little faith in the consciences of some persons here, especially in matters touching their profits.

It is very necessary that your Majesty should order by royal decree and reiterated injunction [sobrecarta] in the immediate future, what you have already so justly ordered—namely, that the offices and profitable positions in the country be not given to the servants and kinsmen of the governors and auditors, who certainly obtain them from time to time. Such people alienate the residents here. Although I may appear impertinent in saying it, it is true that I fear it is of more advantage to be a servant, or married to a servant, of an auditor, than to be bishop. I say this not alone regarding those who are here, but also on account of the connection of the viceroy of Mexico with affairs pertaining to this country. On this subject I am sending, together with this, a clause of a letter written to me a few days ago by the fiscal of your Majesty, the licentiate Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo, who went to inspect the ships which have just come from Mexico. It is very important for the royal exchequer of your Majesty, and to everyone, that neither the viceroy of Nueva [España] nor the governor here should have any authority in such affairs, nor in any in which they have an interest, or which concern the auditors; and all matters in this state should be removed from their power.

I am informed that the cabildo of the church and that of the city have written, and are now writing, in regard to the seating of the wives and daughters of the auditors, and what should be conceded to the city officials. It certainly appears unfitting that in the main chapel of the cathedral, which is not very large, the priest, the ministers, and the archbishop or bishop, when they are in the most exalted part of the ministration at the altar, should encounter immediately under their eyes, handsomely dressed women and girls. I do not think that this is in accordance with the sacred canons, or with the lofty contemplations which alone are fitting at the altar, and the devil greatly prizes all that he may gain there. This has come to such a pass that even the alcaldes-mayor desire that, in their own districts, their wives should enter into the main chapels, even though the bishop be present. One of them had a fierce quarrel with me over the matter, but both he and his wife paid for it to God, a short time after, and are still suffering for it; and we know not when their punishment will end, for they pay with their honor and peace of mind. Further, it is not right that the wives of the auditors should be placed ahead of the city officials. They tell me that even the children and brothers-in-law of the auditors are sometimes seated on the bench of the city, and in the best seats. I am told that in the days of the former Audiencia neither the wives of the auditors nor that of the governor entered the chapel. Certainly it seems that to have them enter (particularly in Holy Week) when the offices are celebrated below the steps of the great altar, cannot be endured. Moreover, in this time of sede vacante [21] a concession has been obtained from the clergy that is not customary, as I am told, in the chancillerias of Valladolid and of Mexico. I beseech your Majesty to have me advised of your will in all respects, and to be pleased to have much consideration given to the fact that the altar and its ministers are in much confusion, and that things should not be introduced which are vanity, but only such as are fitting to the grandeur due to the office of ministers of your Majesty. As for the cities, they too are representatives of your Majesty, and it is just that, as such, they should be honored. What I mention as allowed here sede vacante, which is not customary in Valladolid or in Mexico, is the giving, as is reported, of the pax [22] to the auditors.

The religious orders are generally defective in a matter pertaining to the instruction; it is a most serious defect, and demands your Majesty's interference. I fear that at times it occurs through ignorance or want of reflection; and I am not sure if there be not mixed with it, now and then, a lack of affection for the Indians. They are wont to maintain certain mission villages, where they have baptized several, or even a goodly number; and then they leave them, and the bishop has no one to station there; thus souls are lost, and those baptized return to their idolatries and old ways of life—as is the case even now. It is possible that if they abandoned missions of some value, some secular clergyman might be found to go to them. But they only abandon those that no one desires—unless it be the devil, to take them away with him to hell. We are not taught to do this by the theologians and the jurists in matters of distributive justice, wherein they say that in certain times of need the less valuable benefices are to be given in turn to the most worthy of the priests, on account of the greater need of faithful ministration among the souls in the poorer benefices.

Some of the religious, too, who are good missionaries and good linguists, leave here—their superiors giving them permission, as they find that they are restless, and cannot be quieted by kind methods. But this is a great pity: in the first place, on account of the religious, who thus go astray in soul; and, again, for the poor Indians, so needy as they here are. Neither is it right that your Majesty should go to such expense to bring religious here, and then have them depart one after another—perhaps because they are not chosen as superiors in their respective orders, and for other trivial reasons—or that the superiors of the religious orders should have power to give them permission to go away. On the other hand, it would be of great advantage to make arrangements with the governor that he should not give them passage; if your Majesty would give the governor notice of this, it would be well.

The Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis here maintain very strict discipline among themselves, for which many thanks should be rendered to God. In the matter of instruction they are doing wonders in teaching, by word and deed, and in every way are very exemplary. They are, too, no great burden on the Indians, which is a serious consideration; but in the matter I mention, of leaving some missions, and abandoning them to perdition, those fathers are the most lacking, which is a very serious evil. There is no lack of friars to go to other realms, yet to relieve the royal conscience of your Majesty (for which purpose they came to these islands) and the consciences of the encomenderos, and aid these poor Indians to be saved, to take in charge mission-houses, and sustain the children that they have baptized—for these are their children indeed, to whom they are under greater obligation in spiritual matters than if they were their fathers in the flesh—these things they do not attend to. This gives me great sorrow, and particularly as I find that my friars are not very faithful in these matters, and the devil has disturbed them of late years with a spirit of unrest. There is not, and has not been discovered, a people better disposed to conversion than the Indians of these islands—I mean, as God has now disposed affairs.

It is very necessary that your Majesty should send a visitor for the religious of St. Augustine. He should be a friar from over there in Hespaña, a man of great ability, very observant, fond of poverty, etc. He should not come alone, but with a considerable number of similar religious. He must not come as visitor and vicar-general for a limited time—for the affairs of this Order here are not such that they can be set right in two, three, or four years—but as some friar named de Montoia went to Portugal. If things are as reported—and they must be so, in large part at least—affairs are in a ruinous condition. The one thing that most needs remedy in these islands, Sire, is this matter of the Order of St. Augustine.

At present one of these fathers, [23] named Fray Juan Gutierrez, is being sent by their superiors to the feet of your Majesty. He has been definitor, and has had three offices in his Order, and it has been proposed to make him provincial. I consider him a very modest and religious friar, who will earnestly plead with your Majesty in this matter of the inspection and improvement of his Order. I beseech your Majesty to favor and aid him in all ways.

The religious of the Society live here in an exemplary manner, which is necessary here, and carry out well the Indian missions in their charge. They are reputed excellent in some of their methods of instruction, but it is very necessary that your Majesty should curb them in some matters. Your Majesty should command that what I here relate be investigated. Near this city there is a small Indian village, called Quiapo, which is assigned, it must be by the governors, for the service of the great church of this city. It is pitiful indeed to see how bare it is of every advantage. These Indians feel much aggrieved at the Society's religious, saying that the latter have taken from them their lands and inheritances, to their very houses. The poor Indians are in a most poverty-stricken condition, and certainly one must shut his ears, in order not to listen to what he hears in this matter. It is a great pity that some poor Indians are complaining against the religious having taken from them their paltry property. The said Indians are writing to your Majesty in the matter; I beseech your Majesty to command that it be noted that these are the children, grandchildren, and relatives of the former king of this city, who was here when the Spaniards captured it. He was called Raja Soliman. They only ask your Majesty to protect them from the Jesuits, [24] and to cause their lands and inheritances to be returned to them. They consider all laymen as prejudiced judges; for certainly the governors as well as the auditors usually are not willing to incur the displeasure of the religious, as they do not write anything against them either to your Majesty or to any of your Council. If this matter could be entrusted to some religious of St. Dominic or St. Francis, who have no income or property in this country, as the Augustinians have, or in the lands and property of the Indian villages; the former know the Indian language, and have no need of interpreters—and it is these last who often defeat justice. It would be a great thing if your Majesty could entrust to some of these fathers the affair of these Indians against the fathers of the Society. They tell me even that one of the Jesuit fathers, who went from here as their procurator, is about to claim on their behalf, the donation of the benefice and doctrina of the said village of Quiapo. The name of this procurator is Father Chirinos. They do not make this claim for the sake of the mission or benefice, for it is a very small hamlet; but only because, if they hold the said village as a mission, the Indians will not dare to make any claim against them, or to speak. For the love of God, your Majesty should right this, for the affair itself demands an effective remedy; and at least we, as ecclesiastics and religious, should not scandalize or oppress the poor Indians, or take their property from them. The worst of the matter is that the fathers of the Society maintain with infidel Chinese the lands of these Indians, on which there is only a Sodom. I believe that this infection has been communicated, to some extent at least, to the houses of the Indians; for their proximity, and the teaching that the Indians are receiving, are quite evident. But I have already written at length to your Majesty of this in my other letter, and all that I have written there is little in comparison with the gravity of the matter.

A proceeding that may cause much annoyance is, that the governors assign houses and hospitals to some of the religious without consulting and asking the opinion of the ordinary, and agreeing with the latter in the matter. For the governors, either to find someone to confess them and overlook these things, or to write to your Majesty and your councils in their favor, or not write to their prejudice, wish to satisfy the religious, and at times in a very unreasonable manner. Your Majesty is already informed of what Don Francisco Tello did here, giving the Augustinian fathers the chapel [25] of Nuestra [Señora] de Guia, where a secular priest was teaching, and some place or other at the port of Cavite, which came near resulting in great troubles. For the love of God, your Majesty should not leave our peace in the power of the ambition or the personal interests of a governor, but command that this be done immediately, as I understand your Majesty has already disposed and ordered.

It is very necessary that your Majesty should order that if any secular priest commit some transgression, your royal Audiencia should not immediately summon him, but should give notice to the prelate and ordinary to remedy it. This should apply to complaints sent by the alcalde-mayor against the clergyman; the alcades-mayor are not so abject that they would not have even then their share of the fault. In short, they are ecclesiastics; and it seems just that in the meantime the prelates should not be behind in punishing them, and in righting matters. The secular clergy should not go, on information that may often be false, before audiencias and tribunals that are not ecclesiastical; for thus the ecclesiastical state is much injured.

The liberty of the cabildo of the city, and due secrecy for matters discussed there are very necessary; and if any secretary or regidor has failed in this matter, it would be highly desirable that your Majesty command that he be punished. If this be not done, your Majesty cannot be informed, or right matters. For the love of God, will your Majesty favor in all matters the city and cabildo, and not leave this matter of favoring them to the governors and auditors; for it is clear that these persons will not be pleased that there should be anyone who can have power to advise your Majesty, or oppose them. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to issue your royal decree so that the city may rent out the privileges of the commission exchange, which they hold by your Majesty's favor; and that provision be made for them to rent it to the Chinese. Further, this concerns the trade of the Chinese, as there is no other trade here, and nothing else for which the said exchange could serve. These men, too, are in great need of aid, both for the marriages of their daughters and for the payment of their debts to the Chinese. Your Majesty should command that permission be given them to have all their money brought from Mexico, as it has remained there these two or three years—which is a great pity, in the condition in which this city is, and with the impaired credit of the Spaniards in their relations with the Chinese. The Chinese merchants, too, are being ruined, because the Spaniards are not prompt with their payments. They weep, and say: "If we owe anything to the Spaniards, we are straightway thrown into prison until we pay; and if the Spaniards owe us anything, we cannot collect it."

By my other letter and accompanying documents, as well as the letters of others, your Majesty will see how necessary it is that this country should always be in a state of defense. For not only do we fear the Japanese, but the Chinese also seek to disturb our peace. Don Pedro de Acuña is a good soldier, and God will aid him; may your Majesty be pleased to command the viceroy of Nueva España to aid with troops, powder, munitions, etc. In case of the removal of Don Pedro, and always, it is necessary that a good soldier should come here as governor; and if he were that, and supported, not by many powerful persons in Hespaña, but by his own valor and virtue alone, it would be a great advantage.

The great church of this city is without ornaments, and greatly needs to be repaired, lest it fall to the ground. The services of worship there may cease, for there are only four salaried prebends who are obliged to come to the services of the said church, for the offices of the canonical hours, and to be vested at the altar, and to say the high masses and those for your Majesty. Even these four possess very little; and, if one of them should become sick, services could not be properly carried on. Your Majesty has already been advised of all this by way of the cabildo, and, I believe, through the royal Audiencia. I beseech your Majesty to have it remedied.

At the first founding of this city, a site was set apart for the episcopal residence. The place was very convenient, as it is close to the church; but it is very cramped, not containing in all more than about thirty-seven paces in width, and about seventy-four in length, which is not sufficient for an ordinary citizen's house, which should have a small court. With greater reason there is not room for a prelate, who cannot go out on the plazas for his health and recreation, to take a little air, but who must find some relief within his own house (especially in so hot a climate as this); and who must have apartments for servants, a prison, audience-chamber, and other rooms. I beg your Majesty to send an order that at any rate the archbishop should be assigned a site on which to build a suitable house. As for the building, your Majesty knows well that I have not enough for it unless I be aided; nor have I, either, sufficient to pay six hundred pesos for the hire of a house.

The fathers of the Society claim that your Majesty should give them a university for these islands. This your Majesty should not do, unless you grant the same to all the orders and the secular clergy as well. This is especially true now, among these intrusive machinations. If your Majesty were pleased to entrust to me the regulating of these matters I should endeavor to do so. Still less should the claim of the said fathers of the Society be granted, nor can it, in conscience, be allowed, that they appropriate for themselves, on the plea of using them for these chairs [of instruction], certain revenues from the funds left here by some of the old soldiers as restitutions to the Indians. With these moneys great good has been done for the poor Indians—now redeeming captives from those who carry them away to sell them among the Moros and other infidels, where they lose the faith; again, aiding them in their sickness, and famines, and the like. Indeed, I am unable to comprehend the consciences of men who would attempt to take this money from the poor Indians, and put an end to so good works. May God grant His light to us all.

It has been reported here that your Majesty, or your royal person, is being consulted in regard to the religious going to Japon by way of India. For the relief of my conscience, knowing so much as I do of this, I must say that those who propose such a thing either know nothing of affairs here; or else they know a great deal, and are talking very artfully in the matter, and for the sake of this country intend that the religious should not enter Japon; at any rate, saying that the religious must go through India to preach in Japon is the same as saying that they shall not go to Japon. Sire, the clear and evident truth is that by way of India there is little or no thought of preaching or conversion. Let none deceive your Majesty, our king and lord; for they are gravely in the wrong who would deceive you and not tell you the truth sincerely. Manila, July 6, 1603.

Fray Miguel, bishop and archbishop elect of Manila.

LETTERS TO FELIPE III

Letter from the Audiencia of Manila

Sire:

With the letter which your Majesty graciously sent to this Audiencia informing it of the fortunate birth of the most serene infanta [26] our lady, we have received the great satisfaction which should be experienced by all the vassals of your Majesty. Since so great a part of the grace which our Lord has vouchsafed us has fallen to our share, measures will be taken with great care and diligence for the arrangement of celebrations and feast-days, in grateful recognition of so great a good, and of the obligation which your Majesty lays upon us. [In the margin: "There is no answer.">[

On the twenty-third of this month this Audiencia received as its auditors, in accordance with the commissions which they bear from your Majesty, the licentiates Andres de Alcaraz and Manuel de Madrid y Luna. Doctor Antonio de Morga, who was an auditor thereof, and to whom your Majesty has extended the favor of promoting him to the place of alcalde of the criminal court of the Audiencia of the city of Mexico, will leave with these ships to take up the duty which your Majesty commands and orders him. [In the margin: "Idem."]

Last year, the ships called "Jhesus Maria," and "El Espiritu Sancto," left the port of Cavite of this city. After having sailed for a long time and encountered many hardships, the ship named "Jhesus Maria" arrived at the said port, having lightened much of its cargo, at sea, and having been at the point of being lost. The ship "Rosario" (which was the flagship of their commander, Don Lope de Ulloa) arrived, without masts and dismantled, at a port of Japon called Tosse, where it entered at great risk. When it had come there, it appeared that the people of that land were inclined to be friendly with them, and to give them what was necessary to go on and continue their voyage. The said general finding this to be so, and being prudent, as he is an experienced mart, and one who has done his duty in all other voyages to everyone's satisfaction, held a council with the religious and the most trustworthy persons in the ship. It was agreed to send a present of several articles which were in the ship, and which were most suited to that country, to the emperor of Japon. This was put into execution, and the present was sent to the said emperor. The Japanese who had gathered in this port at the news of the coming of the ship, moved by their great greed, made an attempt to seize the ship. To accomplish this, and to keep the Spaniards from going away, they began to close the harbor with timbers and trees. They showed their evil designs by giving occasion to the ship's people to quarrel with them. When the said commander learned this, without awaiting the response, with all diligence he managed to get together the men who were on land, and sailed from the port, preferring rather to submit to the risks of the sea than to the grave one which confronted him in this treachery which accompanied their departure. But when the Japanese saw that he was going out of this port and that their design was known, they had recourse to arms, trying to do by force what they had not been able to do by cunning. But our men defended themselves so well, inflicting some loss on those of that kingdom, that they returned to these islands, which was a very fortunate outcome. Those who were left there, not being able to embark with their commander, have all returned on the ships which come here to trade, together with those who took the present to the emperor. The latter say that they were well received. [In the margin: "Idem.">[

On the eve of the feast-day of St. Philip and St. James, our Lord saw fit to visit this city with a conflagration of such magnitude that before nightfall half the city had burned, including one hundred and fifty-nine buildings, many of stone and others of wood. Among them were the Dominican convent and the hospital for the Spaniards of which your Majesty is patron; and almost nothing that was in them was saved. According to the investigations which we have been able to make, the loss will amount to a great sum. It has caused general consternation. Great care will be taken to procure safety from these fires, with which we have been much afflicted. [In the margin: "Let this be done.">[

Your Majesty commands by decree of February 16, 92, that this Audiencia should give information concerning the expediency of having more of the churches in these islands of stone than of wood, as the latter decays and does not last long. Having investigated and considered this matter, the conclusion is that, although in some parts it would be much better to build the churches of stone than of wood, as the materials are found near at hand, yet in other parts it would be more expedient to make them of wood and tiles, as these materials are abundant there and the stone is at a distance. Beside, the cost which the stone buildings entail would generally be much more than those of wood; and, as your Majesty's treasury here is so embarrassed, it could not bear the cost of building expensive edifices. It therefore seems best that the governor should continue providing for this in the manner most convenient. [In the margin: "No answer to be given.">[

We received another decree, of the said month and year, directing the order to be observed in the renunciations of clerical offices, which will be executed as your Majesty commands. [In the margin: "Let it be so done.">[

We have received another decree of your Majesty, of the fifteenth of the said month and year, to the effect that cases in which your viceroys and prelates have by common consent vacated benefices shall not be heard in the audiencias of the Yndias. In so far as regards this Audiencia it shall be so done. [In the margin: "The same.">[

Likewise there were received two other decrees, in which your Majesty demanded information as to whether it were well to sell the offices of depositaries of this city and of secretary of the cabildo thereof. The office of depositary is of so little importance that it is certain that no considerable price will be paid for it. That of secretary of the cabildo brings three hundred pesos salary—which, as they have no other funds worthy of consideration, the cabildo gives from its own income and property. Besides, deserving persons are kept in the office who have served in this country, where there is very little to reward them with. Your Majesty will order according to his pleasure. [In the margin: "Let the governor appoint to these offices only deserving persons who have served his Majesty and are very trustworthy, until his Majesty shall have ordered otherwise; and let him inform us concerning the person whom he shall appoint.">[

Your Majesty ordered by another decree of the sixteenth of the said month and year that this Audiencia inform him whether it would be expedient to deposit with the royal crown of your Majesty the sum of about twelve thousand pesos, to pay the salaries of his servants. As this despatch arrived so close upon the departure of the ships, there was no time to make definite answer to your Majesty's command. The number and value of the encomiendas in these islands are not exactly known. On the first opportunity they will be ascertained, and your Majesty advised thereof. [In the margin: "Let this be done, and let them send the information if they have not done so.">[

The decrees concerning personal services of the Indians, which are dated November 22, 602, were received in this Audiencia. In all its district there are no Indians held to personal service except when there is wood-cutting and the like to be done for the equipment of ships, or when some expedition is being made for the service of your Majesty, in which case a few Indians are taken. This cannot be dispensed with, because transportation in these islands is entirely by sea, and it is necessary to make levies for rowing the vessels. The same necessity obliges the encomenderos, the religious, and other persons who go from one part to another, to do the same thing. They are always paid justly for their work, and thus far it is not known that any grievance has been done them in any manner, nor have they been left unrecompensed. Great care will be taken that affairs shall be so conducted that they will live content, and the work be secured without harshness. May our Lord protect your Majesty many years, according to the needs of Christendom. Manila, July 2, 1603. [In the margin: "Let it be done as they say that they are doing.">[

Don Pedro de Acuña

The licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado

The licentiate Tellez Almacan

The licentiate Andres de Alcaraz

The licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna

[Endorsed: "Philipinas: to his Majesty; the Audiencia, July 2, 1603. Examined June 30, 604; provided within.">[

LETTER FROM THE FISCAL

Sire:

The licentiate Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo, fiscal for his Majesty in the royal Chancillería of the Philipinas Islands. The most important reason why the said royal Audiencia is necessary is to redress the wrongs which the governor and captain-general may commit. Although he who is now in the office acts in a prudent manner, he may be succeeded by another who will not do so, and, if this were the case, nothing could be so suitable as that he who was governor and captain-general should not be president; for if he is so, he will be present at the hearings and meetings, in which case neither the auditors in decreeing, nor the fiscal in petitioning, use the power which they hold. An easy remedy for this would be that the archbishop of Manila should be the president of the Audiencia, his salary being somewhat increased, and that of the governor and captain-general decreased. He would be glad to do this and would not neglect the affairs of his archbishopric, which are not so pressing as to make it impossible for him to take up the duties of the presidency. I might well cite some things which I have seen, which appear to me to demonstrate the inconveniences which might follow from all three offices being joined in one person, but I prefer to pass them over. It is especially so as we are five thousand leagues from your Majesty, and those of us who are imprudent proceed under the impression that what we do here will not be known there. It is evident that the presidency would be better filled by the archbishop than by the governor; for when the latter is president he has means, if he so desire, to keep the auditor from judging and even the fiscal from petitioning, if they be lacking in courage. Your Majesty will order this to be examined, and provide in regard to it as may be most expedient. May God protect your Majesty according to His power and the needs of Christendom. Manila, July 4, 1603.