The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XIV, 1606–1609

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Contents of Volume XIV

Illustrations

  • Aqvapolqve (view of harbor of Acapulco, Mexico); photographic facsimile of engraving in Levinus Hulsius’s Eigentliche uund wahrhaftige Beschreibung (Franckfurt am Mayne, M. DC. XX), p. 60; from copy in library of Harvard University 103
  • View of Japanese champan; photographic facsimile of engraving in T. de Bry’s Peregrinationes, 1st ed. (Amsterdame, 1602), tome xvi, no. iv—“Voyage faict entovr de l’univers par Sr. Olivier dv Nort”—p. 42; from copy in Boston Public Library 223

Preface

The documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. Many of them concern the Chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which much apprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, and the ordinances excluding the Sangleys from the islands are so relaxed that soon the Parián is as large as in 1603. The usual difficulties between the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; and to the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one, that of the discalced Augustinians, or Recollects. Acuña conducts an expedition to drive out the Dutch from the Moluccas, and soon afterward dies. Various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of the islands; and the new fiscal, Guiral, complains of various illegal and injurious proceedings on the part of officials. The expenses of government are nearly double the amount of the revenues. The province of Cagayán is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted by the prospect of gold-mines.

In July, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishop of Manila are sent to the king, Acuña writes that Benavides is arrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggests that hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. The provincial and other high officials of the Augustinian order state that the archbishop’s rash utterances had much to do with precipitating the Chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governor are unnecessary and notorious—moreover, he opposes their order in every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority and restrain Benavides. At the same time the Audiencia complain that he interferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect, and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled.

Interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of the colony with the Chinese. The archbishop appeals to the Audiencia, in memorials presented June 10 and 13, to accede to the demands of the Chinese emperor by making restitution to the Chinese merchants for property of theirs left in Manila at the time of the insurrection and sold by the Spaniards; and by sending back to their own country those Chinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. The letter sent to Acuña in March, 1605, by a Chinese official is now answered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of July). He blames the Portuguese of Macao for not having delivered the letters to Chinese officials which he wrote after the Sangley insurrection of 1603; and claims that the Chinese slain therein were themselves to blame for their deaths. To maintain this position, he cites the kindness with which the Chinese in the islands were treated by the Spaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, and killed or abused many Spaniards and Indians, and that the survivors were punished with great leniency. He sends a part of the money due to Chinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises to send the rest next year. A letter from one of the auditors at Manila informs the king that the number of Chinese allowed to remain there is now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred.

Letters from Acuña (July 1–15) to the king give his usual yearly report of affairs. Reënforcements of troops have arrived from Mexico, very opportunely for the expedition which Acuña is preparing for the recovery of Ternate. He details these preparations, and the condition of his troops and ships. He complains of the opposition which he has encountered from the archbishop and the auditor Maldonado. Various private persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying their own provisions. He plans to leave Panay in February, 1606; and has been informed that the Dutch are preparing a large fleet to drive the Spaniards from the Maluco Islands, and to establish themselves more firmly there than before. Acuña needs more money, to pay his troops in the Maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urges the desirability of cutting off the Dutch from their treasury of the Spice Islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilities against them. He recommends better adjustment of the soldiers’ pay. In another letter Acuña reports the failure of this year’s trading voyage to Mexico, one of the ships being compelled to return to port and the other being probably lost—which causes the utmost distress and poverty in the islands. Acuña relates the non-residence in the islands of Gabriel de Ribera, in consequence of which his encomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. The Moro pirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so Acuña is discussing this with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, except as he can inspire them with fear. The difficulties arising from the slaughter of the Chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a source of much anxiety to the Spaniards; but these are in a fair way to be settled. The fiscal, Salazar y Salcedo, has died; and the Audiencia has appointed temporarily to that post Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, whom Acuña highly commends. The governor complains that the archbishop has been meddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. He also asks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. In a third letter Acuña complains of the unjust and tyrannical conduct of the auditor Maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. This evil conduct has been especially noticeable in Maldonado’s efforts to secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress.

A group of documents relating to the Dominican mission which reached the islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long and toilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journey to the other side of the world. Diego Aduarte, one of the most noted of the Dominican missionaries in the Far East, is in charge of a reënforcement to go to the Philippines, and applies (at some time in 1604) to the officials of the treasury in Spain for the money necessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this is made. He furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, with the names of the convents that send them. In a document written by Aduarte (January 20, 1605) he relates at length “the difficulties of conducting religious to the Philippine Islands.” The hardships and perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he who is in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. At the court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity, locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. The sum of money allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries to Sevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter more red tape and delays. Besides, the amount granted for provisions on the voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for the friars’ support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. The royal council requires that the list of missionaries be submitted to it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time which they spend at Sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by the examination to which the council subjects them. Those who finally reach the port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees, which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in Nueva España, at Mexico, and at Acapulco; and at all these places, the missionaries encounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset them in Spain. Aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties, and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and more liberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partially granted by the authorities.

While the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas is at Tidore, one of the Dutch prisoners is interrogated (March 16, 1606), and his deposition gives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actions of the Dutch in the Spice Islands. He explains the treaty made by them with the ruler of Tidore, the goods brought by the Dutch for this trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in those islands. Another account of the Chinese insurrection of 1603 is here presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), written by a soldier in the Philippines, but edited by one Maldonado. He describes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of that revolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see Vol. XII). For instance, he relates that a great many religious took part in the defence of Manila; he gives details of each battle with the Chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machines which overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the Parian, the slaughter of the Chinese in the villages beyond, and the execution of the ring-leaders. At the end of the narrative of the insurrection some additional information is given. The governor sends an envoy to China with the news of this tragic affair. The writer relates bits of news which have come from China to Manila—of ravages occasioned therein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the Japanese.

In a letter dated July 6, 1606, the Audiencia informs Felipe III of the death of Governor Acuña. New regulations for the commerce of the islands have been received from Spain, of which complaints are made. The amount of the Mexican trade has been limited to two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to five hundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that this restricts their profits too much, and that they should be permitted to invest a larger sum. This liberty will tend to increase not only their prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. The proposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers is quite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. Instead of paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wages proposed by the government, it is better to continue the present system of allowing each to do a little trading for himself. The auditors recommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods, which are onerous on the merchants.

By the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to the king the condition of affairs in the islands. He complains that the Sangreys are allowed to remain in Manila, and that this is done by the Audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officials and himself. Many Chinese also come without registry, evading even the slight restrictions heretofore imposed. Their number is steadily increasing, and the Parian is now as large as it was when the revolt occurred. He advises further and more severe restrictions on the Chinese immigration. Guiral also notifies the king that the laws regarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated; and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declared vacant and be reassigned. The encomenderos resent his enforcement of the royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instruct their Indians wine for celebrating mass. He recommends that the matter of granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. The increase in extent and number of the cattle-farms near Manila causes much damage to the Indians and Guiral recommends that these farms be abandoned within a certain distance of all towns. The peaceful Pampango Indians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting Zambales; the only way to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone who will capture them. Certain questions regarding the status of children of slaves should now be settled. Guiral makes various recommendations as to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. The seminary of Santa Potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has since been rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. A public-spirited citizen of Manila has established a hospital for Spanish women, and royal aid is asked for this also. The hospital for Spaniards is not properly cared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren of the Order of St. John of God. The guardians of minors often prove unfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by the Audiencia. Disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogatives of the Audiencia in case of their succession ad interim to the government of the islands, Guiral asks for the royal decision of such questions. The fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct of many friars, especially among the Augustinians, toward the Indians; he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redress from the king. The coming of the discalced Augustinians (Recollects) has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especially on its arrogant provincial, Lorenzo de León—of whose unlawful acts Guiral complains, and demands an investigation. He has obliged the stray Indians about Manila to return to their native places; and he asks that those who are retained for the service of the religious orders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friars be compelled to pay these servants fairly. The Audiencia has allowed Gabriel de Ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegal absence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of this procedure. He advises the king to refuse the claims made by Figueroa’s heirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of Mindanao; and states that Tello and Morga are the ones responsible for part of these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royal treasury by the Audiencia. Guiral ends by requesting permission to leave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his office of fiscal can be made.

Proceedings in the Council of the Indias (August 5 and 15, 1606) deal with Acuña’s effort to recover the Maluco Islands, from, the Dutch, summarizing his letters of July 1–7, 1605, and recommending the measures to be taken by the Spanish government in regard to it. Later advices emphasize Acuña’s statements as to the gravity of the situation in the Spice Islands. The Council commend Acuña’s action, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him (from Mexico) with troops and money. The Council of State act thereon, seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop and the Audiencia of Manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war.

Of special interest to American readers is a royal decree (August 19, 1606) addressed to Governor Acuña, establishing “a way station for Philippine vessels on the Californian coast”. The king recounts the results of Vizcaino’s exploration on that coast in 1602, and the advantages of Monterey as such station. It is believed that gold abounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accrue from a settlement there. The king appoints Monterey as a way-station for the Philippine vessels, and Vizcaino as the commander of the expedition to establish it; and directs Acuña to send with him two men from the Philippines to learn all that is necessary about the new station, so that they may command the next galleons from Manila.

The Chinese immigration to the islands continues, the official statement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land at Manila in that year. On November 4 following, Felipe III sends warning to Acuña not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessary for the service of the community. The king also writes a letter of the same date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops to defend Samar from the Moros, in reducing the expenses of government, and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuilding the hospital and for certain other measures.

On January 18, 1607, the request of the Jesuits for confirmation of a grant in aid of their seminary for the Indians in Leyte is approved by the royal council. A report is made (July 6) by the chief of artillery, showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted on all the fortifications at Manila—in all eighty-three pieces, of various sizes and power. At the king’s command, the Audiencia furnish (July 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitable confraternity, La Misericordia, at Manila. It has one hundred and fifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital for women and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal labors for the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. They provide food and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of Santa Potenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transient persons. They also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons.

The question of restricting trade between the Spanish colonies is discussed by the Council of the Indias (December 18, 1607); they think it necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to take too vigorous measures. At various times (1606–07) the Council of the Indias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permitted to go to Japan via the Philippines. Certain objections to this are stated (May 30, 1606); that the Japanese suspect the Spaniards of desiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of Mexican silver to China should be stopped; that the Jesuits, who are already established in Japan, desire to exclude the other orders from that country; and that the Portuguese desire to keep out all Spaniards from both Japan and China. The Council answer all these objections, and recommend that religious be required to go to Japan via Manila, but to embark there in Japanese, not Castilian, vessels. Ten months later (March 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and, as before, the Council of Portugal object to the entrance of Castilian religious into Japan. The Council of the Indias oppose this view, citing the profitable commerce of the Philippine Islands with Japan, recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there, and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. They adhere to their former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to Japan, and recommend that the Philippines be allowed at least a moderate trade with that country. Both these reports are discussed in the Council of State (September 7 and December 20, 1607), where complaint is made against the methods of the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and the king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enter that field, and to prohibit trade from the Philippines to Japan, The king thereupon requests from Rome the revocation of the briefs obliging friars to go to Japan via India, and a new one placing this matter in Felipe’s hands.

An itemized statement of the “annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine government” (August 18, 1608) enumerates these. The receipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines from the courts. All these sources of income amount to over one hundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, the expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches and missions. To these are added “extraordinary expenses:” the cost of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers; and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount to over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than twice as much as the income.

Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (September 27 1608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. After summarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco’s predecessor, Montesclaros, the king approves the latter’s advice to choose, as such way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata (afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and orders Velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the enterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May 3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, and advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement should be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon this latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of the governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July 29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him not to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services, and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans to found a college in the islands.

Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grande de Cagayán, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these, with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega (July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made by Lavezaris, Vera, and Dasmariñas to bring this province under Spanish control. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of Luis Dasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the Rio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, and treats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Francisco de Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile, refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmariñas (the main object of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city of Nueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year, Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the natives friendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought from the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations, and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Three years later, Luis Dasmariñas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594), with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province of Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances of treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guard continually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each village visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. At Anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals; “such was their custom”. At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requires hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the little children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, “good enough to be worn in Madrid”. At Tuguey and some other villages the natives resist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the sound of firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, the Spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and send him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him back to his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Miranda searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijo is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being assaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs from Tuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; but the Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later, those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religious instruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described; and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the natives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some mention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry, it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason to believe that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this account are appended several others bearing on this subject. One of these relates the circumstances which induced Dasmariñas to explore Tuy; another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by his father the governor. These are followed by a curious document, apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interested in the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed to some high official in Spain—perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the interests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in the form of small shares in the galleon’s cargo, to the officers and men who serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only in certain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appoint the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from the royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain, they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, rather than via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas, at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifth of gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given, also over Vega’s signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand that answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released from all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne by the royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate—some man of affairs—as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal sanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province of Tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted to Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers.

On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal (a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila), praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and other Indians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominican missionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the mission of 1606 had remained in Nueva España, instead of completing the voyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reach the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries was too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against the embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance made for their traveling expenses—illustrating this from his own and others’ experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalced Augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send more of their friars to the Philippines.

The Editors
April, 1904.

Documents of 1605

Source: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: The first letter in the second document, and the first two in the third, are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight and Emma Helen Blair.

Complaints Against the Archbishop

Sire:

Ever since I began to have dealings with the archbishop Don Fray Miguel de Benavides, and have recognized his temper, I have perceived the difficulties that he would cause me; accordingly, I have always acted with great moderation and care. But the occasions which he gives for such caution are so many that great patience is necessary to bear them; for he persuades himself that everything, both spiritual and temporal, pertains to him, and that there is not a king, or patronage, or Audiencia that can change his will as to what he will do. It therefore results that he very often has quarrels with the Audiencia, with me, with the orders, and with all those of his church; and nothing occurs in connection with the patronage which he does not desire to adjudicate, so it is on that subject that he has had controversies with me. His scruples are insufferable, and they are continually increasing; accordingly, we dread the lengths to which they may carry him. Notwithstanding that he is a religious who is greatly respected, and one of learning and exemplary life, and has always had this reputation, I believe that he would be better in his cell than in the archbishopric or bishopric; and that it would be much better for his conscience and peace of mind, and that this commonwealth would gain much thereby. It is noticeable that his order, knowing him as they do, and regarding him as of good character and reputation, as I have said, have never employed him in any way in their government, as they do not find him qualified for it. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to order that he shall not meddle in those affairs which do not concern him, and that he shall be quiet and treat me and the auditors with respect; and that he avoid disputes and quarrels, since from them can result nothing but evil to the service of God and your Majesty, and scandal to the public. Your Majesty may believe that what I write here is stated with the utmost moderation, considering the outrages which he has committed. I therefore doubt not that many complaints of his proceedings will be sent. The Audiencia have grievances, and sometimes have been so provoked that they have been at the point of sharply correcting him; but some of them are afraid of him for private reasons, and dare not do so. In order not to stumble against such obstacles, I take it to be an efficacious remedy, for the future, that your Majesty should not appoint to the archbishopric or bishoprics of these islands friars who have been trained in these islands without first obtaining a report from the Audiencia of their qualifications and experience in government. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty, according to the needs of Christendom. Manila, the first of July, 1605.

Don Pedro de Acuña

[In the margin: “Have all the letters which treat of this, and those which concern the archbishop placed together, and have them taken to the Council.”]

[Endorsed: “Manila, to his Majesty; 1605, Don Pedro de Acuña, the first of July; writes about the archbishop.” “July 21, 1606, examined, and decreed within.”]

Sire:

In countries so remote as are these Philipinas Islands, and which lie so far from the royal presence of your Majesty, we are bound, not only by our obligation, but in conscience as well, by our feelings in regard to the sights that every day meet our eyes, and by the commands laid upon us by special instruction from your Majesty and your presidents and auditors, always to give information [of affairs here]. We do so, likewise, in order to secure the aid of the relief which faithful vassals ought to look and hope for in their hardships and calamities from their natural king and lord—whose light, like that of the sun, ought to be equally communicated to all; and whose fatherly protection it is just that we should recognize on all occasions which arise, since we cannot appear personally before the feet of your Majesty. Yet doing what we can in this, we present ourselves with due submission, giving information that is reliable, and derived from experience, of the injuries both to the public and to individuals which this commonwealth, and we the religious of the Order of our father St. Augustine, are suffering from the presence of Don Fray Miguel de Venavides, archbishop of this archiepiscopal see—who, we believe, should be occupying a cell in some convent of his order in exemplary and peaceful life, as he did before he rose to the position of bishop and to the dignity which today he holds. In that position,[1] either because he wishes to assume more authority in the [ecclesiastical] government than is his due, or on account of some grave scruples which, continually increasing, so harass and disquiet him that were not the valor and prudence of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands, so great, and the royal Audiencia which your Majesty has here composed of councillors so wise, Christian, and moderate, fear would often have arisen (and with good cause) of various scandals for which the said prelate has given occasion. For with his revelations and prophecies, of which your Majesty has been informed, he publicly stated that the Chinese were about to rebel, from which it resulted that poor soldiers, and other persons who belong to peoples that resort here, were eager for such an opportunity; and it is believed that the cowardly Chinese were thus led to mutiny and rebellion, putting this whole land in danger. All this arose from the fears of the archbishop, which were not communicated to the person who could, without exciting comment, have taken precautions and prevented the trouble—namely, the governor, with whom he has usually had collisions. These were principally in matters concerning the royal patronage, which loses footing out here; [such conduct is therefore] the less to be tolerated. Your Majesty will have heard long ago of some ill result, for the governor has tried to manage the archbishop with due gentleness, treating him with respect, giving him a wide range in affairs, and temporizing with him in order to avoid contention. During his sicknesses, which are frequent, the governor has entertained him as a guest in his own house, keeping him there a long time. This has been of so little use that he takes every opportunity to disturb, and sometimes without opportunity disturbs, the general peace—at which all of us, not only ecclesiastics but laymen, are so distressed that there is no way of expressing it to your Majesty. We believe that if it were possible for you in España to see how we suffer here, your Majesty would immediately remedy it; for we are led to think that you do not realize the trouble which this matter is causing, or else that it is one which is not to be discussed as it should be, on account of the archbishop’s many scruples. As a result, the condition of affairs is intolerable, which is a most unfortunate thing and one of great importance. Accordingly, as he is a prelate and we are religious, we are writing to your Majesty’s Grandeur; and we make these statements with great circumspection, that it may not seem as if passion were carrying us away.

Coming, then, to what concerns us, not even the least important incident has occurred in which he has not shown himself opposed to an order such as ours, causing us infinite annoyance—as if it were not we who discovered these regions for your Majesty, and founded with infinite toil this new church, and by whose industry your Majesty has innumerable vassals. Every day, too, we are expecting to open up a greater conversion [of the heathen]; and we continue what was begun by those first fathers who trained us here. We desire not only that the number of the faithful be multiplied, but that the royal crown of your Majesty be increased. To this end, there has been no expedition in which we did not send religious for the consolation and encouragement of the troops. And on the so sudden and dangerous occurrence of the rising of the Chinese, we doubt not that the governor has given your Majesty an account of our proceedings; for in public and aloud he thanked us in your Majesty’s name for our humble services, though our desire was great for the service of our king and lord. Not a fortification has been made upon land, nor a ship or galley built, where we have not rendered service; and in ministries to the Indians and Spaniards, we believe that no religious order has surpassed us. In spite of all this, the opposition which the said archbishop displays toward us in everything is well known. Thus we find ourselves without protection and in a very wretched state, whence we hope to extricate ourselves with the aid and powerful protection of your Majesty, who will consider himself pleased with these his household, and will command that we be treated in all matters as is right. If it were not for the president and royal Audiencia, who restrain these acts of violence, this poor commonwealth would be separated by five thousand leguas from its real deliverance and father, who is your Majesty—whom may our Lord prosper, and increase his realm, according to the desire of us his faithful vassals. Dated in this your city of Manila; [undated].

Fray Lorenzo de Leon, provincial of the Augustinians.
Fray Jhoan Baptista de Montoya
Fray Estevan Carrillo, definitor.
Fray Pedro de Aguirre, definitor.
Fray Roque de Varrio, new definitor.

[Endorsed: “No. 6. Manila; to his Majesty. No date; the religious of the Order of St. Augustine.”]

Sire:

Considering its importance to the service of your Majesty, it has seemed best to this Audiencia to give an account of the manner in which the archbishop of these islands proceeds; for he is harsh of temper and resents the acts of the Audiencia which declare that he has committed fuerza.[2] He has often said, for this reason, that they treat him very ill, and put him in such a position that he must retire to his cell and give up his office altogether; for they do not esteem him nor allow him to administer justice. The Audiencia having declared him guilty of fuerza in having imposed excommunication on those who without his permission entered the house of retirement of Santa Potenciana—which was established by your Majesty’s order and at the expense of your royal exchequer, that orphan girls and poor maidens might be sheltered there, and instructed and taught, and remain there until they should be married—he would not obey the act of the Audiencia, thus imposing on them the responsibility of employing the correction and severe measures which your Majesty commands by his royal laws; but if these were executed in a land so new as this it would cause a scandal, which would result in much harm that could not be remedied. To avoid this, it was agreed to send the record of their proceedings and to make a report to your Majesty, so that you might command what should be most expedient for your royal service.

[In the margin: “Let this clause, with the proceedings referred to, be taken to the official reporter; provision and decree have been made elsewhere.”]

He treats the Audiencia with less respect than he ought to, and desires to be preferred in matters of authority; for he will have it that those who preach, when the Audiencia and archbishop are present, should bow first to him and not to the Audiencia. When the holy water is given on Sundays, he has ordered it to be taken to the choir, or wherever he may be; and, after he has received it, he who is giving it shall go back and give it to the Audiencia. As this seemed to be derogatory to the authority which the Audiencia represents, a proposal was made to him that two vessels of holy water should be carried—one to the choir for him, and the other to be left for the Audiencia; but he would not agree to this. He has ordered that the pax which is given to the Audiencia and the archbishop should be given to him by the deacon, and to the Audiencia by the subdeacon; and he says that they should be thankful that he has consented to give them the pax, for there is no reason why it should be given to them.

In public he places his seat before those of the Audiencia; and, as they felt that consent to this ought not to be given, a message was sent to him by the court clerk on St. Potenciana’s day—since, as she is patron saint of this city, the Audiencia and cabildo go to celebrate mass in her church on that feast-day—to notify him that it was not proper to put his seat in front of the Audiencia. He answered that he must place it there, as his Holiness and your Majesty ordered and permitted it. When this determination of his was known, it was agreed that the Audiencia would not go [to mass] on that feast-day, in order to avoid another encounter of this sort; and to maintain a firm attitude in regard to what your Majesty commands to be done in his service.

He is quite at variance with the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the prebendaries in particular make many complaints of him; and it would be well worth your consideration that this should be checked. Both they and others demand this from your Majesty, and you will be pleased to grant such relief as is most expedient. May our Lord protect your Catholic person for many years. Manila, July 4, 1605.

[In the margin: “Have the decree for Santo Domingo and Nuebo Rreyno[3] brought, so that it may be examined and the proper decree issued.”]

Don Pedro de Acuña
The licentiate Tellez Almacan
The licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna

[Endorsed: “Manila; to his Majesty, 1605. 58. Governor and Audiencia.” “January 15, 1607, examined, and decreed within.”]

[1] The sense is here somewhat incomplete; there may be some omission in the text.

[2] Fuerza: injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge; see Vol. v, p. 292.

[3] Apparently a reference to the organization of “el Nuevo Reino [‘the new kingdom’] de Granada,” afterward known as Nueva (or New) Granada; a name applied in the nineteenth century to the country now known as United States of Colombia. This region was conquered by Gonzalo Jiminez Quesada in 1537, its capital (established August 6, 1538) being Santa Fé de Bogota.

Relations with the Chinese

Restitution of Chinese Property

Official statement of the memorials presented in the royal Audiencia of Manila on the part of the most reverend archbishop of the Filipinas, concerning the demands of the king of China.

Most potent lord: The archbishop of these Filipinas declares that, as such archbishop, he is under obligation to look after the condition of these islands and of the Christian religion in them; and, as a member of the Council of his Majesty, to protect the interests of his royal crown, and of this his dominion—all of which, according to the counsels of prudence, is at the present moment in great danger. This danger is one of the greatest that could be, for the powerful king of China has threatened us with an enormous fleet of ships, saying that there will be a thousand of them if we do not grant what he demands in regard to two things. One of these is clearly just; for it concerns a great quantity of property which was brought into this city by the Chinese merchants last year, six hundred and three, when the Sangleys rebelled against this city. Your governor commanded that the said property, as belonging to enemies (as those who brought it here were), should be kept, and taken into custody, and should be given back to them. A great part of this property was afterward sold among the Spaniards and more than thirty thousand pesos of the proceeds of the said goods came into the possession of Diego de Marquina, general depositary of this city, by whom it was all (or nearly all) turned over to your royal treasury. The rest of the Chinese property came into the possession of Captain Sebastian de Aguilar, and any other person who may have received into his keeping and custody other goods belonging to the said property. The other thing which the said king of China demands is, that certain Chinese (of whom there are not many) who remained alive after the war and were at that time taken prisoners, and are in the galleys, should be given their liberty that they may go back to their own country. This is a matter for your Highness to examine carefully, to ascertain whether this be a just demand, and whether it can be justly exacted. Even if it were clearly and evidently just that the said Chinese should remain as convicts in the said galleys, this demand requires much consideration, on account of the condition of the faith and of the realm, whether this commonwealth must be forced to break with so powerful an enemy and enemies as he would be. He brings forward his arguments with much reason and consideration; by one of his demands—which of itself is not very important, although more so when, arriving at the question of justice—he brings up another doubt as to whether it is just for the said Chinese to be condemned to the galleys. This is questionable, in the first place, because they are not vassals of his Majesty, and therefore were not traitors; and likewise whether they should, on account of the hostilities which the Chinese were generally committing, immediately be condemned, without recourse, to the galleys, without being heard individually or their exceptions being received—especially as no one doubts that the said uprising and rebellion was not voluntary on the part of all the Chinese, but was contrary to the will of many; and it may be that some, and even a considerable number, of those who are on the galleys were not captured in war, but while hidden in the country districts and on the mountains. To say that the said Chinese are necessary to work the galleys which your governor must take on a certain expedition, which it is said he must make, does not affect the proposition; for the said expedition is not made by the will of his Majesty, but in his very exact instructions he neither requires nor permits the said expedition to Huaca [sic; sc. Maluco] with the said Chinese. Moreover, they are so cunning and shrewd that perhaps they will again do what they did to Gomez Perez, and even worse; and they may be the cause not only of the disastrous ending of the said expedition, but even of our complete ruin. There can be no doubt from the relation sent, as to the attitude of the king of China; for the three greatest magistrates whom he has in the province and dominion of Oquen (to which belongs the province of Chiencho)—that is, the viceroy, the inspector-general and the eunuch—write this, each one of them, in two letters, one of which is for the said archbishop and the other for the said governor of these islands.

In view of these considerations, I entreat and beseech your Highness to command that the said property [of the merchants] be immediately sent to the said kingdom of China, either by suitable messengers, or by the Chinese captains who are at present about to go there. The most certain and the first which should be sent would be that which comes into the royal treasury of his Majesty from the proceeds of the said goods of the said Chinese, even if it be necessary to ask for this a loan from the citizens of this country, or to economize, or to go without other things. As for giving their liberty to the said Chinese who are in the galleys I beseech your Highness to order that this be decided and examined into in great detail, especially as concerns justice; it should also be examined to ascertain the rights of the state. For this purpose, both in this affair and in other things which are presented before his Majesty’s Council, some one who has great experience in Chinese affairs should be associated with them, and say what he thinks. The archbishop demands justice, and an attestation of this petition, and of what may be decreed in this matter, and of the entire proceedings; and that the decision may be made at once, so that these Chinese ships may convey the appropriate answer. As for our reputation, nothing will be lost by sending back the said Chinese, especially those who are not found to be very guilty; for no one loses reputation by doing justice, and the king of China and his ministers know very well that the decision of justice, and the separation of the innocent from the guilty, in so grave a case has demanded all the time which has elapsed up to the present. Finally his Majesty the king, our sovereign, [must be considered]; what he requires is that this colony, as the chief of all [his possessions here], where he has established so much good, should not be placed in danger by other matters which might be of uncertain success—especially for this consideration, which is of so little importance. Rather it is fitting to set free these Chinese, as far as possible, as experience has always proved to us, with so much cost of our blood, and so great danger of the ruin of this land.

Fray Miguel, archbishop of Manila.

At Manila, on the tenth of June, 1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of the Filipinas Islands, being in session, this petition was read, and examined by the said lords. They commanded this petition to be joined with the ones presented by the Chinese in this matter, and brought to the session on Monday.

Before me:

Pedro Nuñez de Herrera, notary royal.

Most potent lord: The archbishop of the Filipinas declares that he has presented a petition, discussing therein what is demanded on the part of the king of China in a letter from certain of his ministers, as is explained more at length in his said petition to which he refers you. He now says that, of the two things which are demanded, although the money is a matter of importance to the Chinese, yet what most grieves them is the men who, as they see, are here in the galleys, with such hardships and in a climate so hot and oppressive as this is—especially as they have parents, children, wives, and relatives in that country who are continually beseeching the Chinese magistrates and people. And he seeks the liberty of those who are here in our power, captive and condemned, and begs and entreats from your Highness what he has sought in the other petition. And more particularly he asks in this other if your Highness will order that especial attention be given to this; that even if it be true that the king of China will not make war upon us, as he threatens, yet I am warned by those Chinese who are our best friends that they know, from their own histories, that it is quite probable that the king of China will at least cut off the trade with these countries, under the heaviest penalties, which would be the total ruin of this commonwealth. The king of China did this to the Japanese, who formerly had trade and commerce with the Chinese between the two countries, the Chinese going to Japon and the Japanese going to China. The king of China, seeing that the Japanese did not maintain their trade with the care and honesty that they should, did not make war upon them, but took away their trade and commerce under a singularly vigorous penalty—which is, that if any Chinaman trades with the Japanese not only he but his father, mother, and relatives shall be put to death. This has remained the law up to the present, inviolably; and no Chinaman has transgressed it, unless it be some villainous and desperate man. This is one of the most important considerations to be judged in the present case. He begs and entreats your Highness to command that this be considered, and commands me to give an attestation of this petition and procedure.

Fray Miguel, archbishop of Manila.

In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth day of June of the year 1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands being in session, this petition was read; and, having considered it, they decreed that the depositaries should be commanded to render an account as soon as possible, of the property which they have held on deposit, so that it may be surrendered; and that, when the ships shall have arrived from Castilla, what is owing shall be paid into the royal treasury. As concerns the Chinese who are in the galleys, the matter is being examined, so that suitable measures may be taken in the matter, and that a decision shall be reached and a decree issued before the Chinese leave. The attestations which he asks will be given to the archbishop, in the manner that he desires.

Before me,

Pedro Hurtado Desquivel

In fulfilment of which I, Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, notary of court for the king our lord in his royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands, have given this copy of the said petition and command, which is certified to be a true copy, corrected and compared with the originals which remain in my possession. Witnesses to the examination, copying, correction, and comparison: Pedro Nuñez de Herrera, Geronimo de Peralta. Manila, the seventh of July, of the year one thousand six hundred and five. In witness thereof, I have set my seal in attestation of truth.

Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, court notary.

Letter from Acuña to the Viceroy of Ucheo

Don Pedro de Acuña, etc. By the hands of Captain Juan San I received the letter of the lord viceroy in which he informs me that news has been carried to China that the Sangleys who came to trade with this realm of Luzon have been put to death by the Spaniards. He states that after having investigated the cause of their death, and having asked the king to execute justice upon the author of so great a wrong, he learned that on account of the lies uttered by Tioguen we had suspected that the Sangleys were going to make war against us. On this account, as he was informed, we had put to death more than thirty thousand Chinese. The king had punished Tiogueng by commanding his head to be cut off and hung up in a cage, and had ordered Anglion, his companion, to be executed. He declared that the Chinese who had been slain in Luzon were not in fault. I reply to this that that which happened in this case is as stated in the accompanying letter—which I sent as soon as the event occurred, with a ship and a proper messenger, by way of Macan to the Portuguese who live there, who are vassals of our king. It was my intention that they should give it to the viceroy; and I sent similar letters to the eunuch and to the mandarins who were there. But the Portuguese were not well disposed to us, solely on account of their belief that the Chinese were in close friendship with us because of the trade and the large amount of commerce which we had with them; and that this is the cause why they are not able to buy merchandise at very low prices, as they would certainly do if the trade from here were to come to an end. Hence they brought it about that these letters were not delivered; and thus the truth of this matter could not be known in China, nor the fact that the Sangleys were greatly to blame for the losses which they incurred. If these things had been known the Chinese, well disposed as they are to the execution of justice according to law, and desirous that crimes should be punished, would certainly have regarded the fault of those people as greater than the punishment which was inflicted on them.

The penalty imposed on the Sangleys who piloted the two Dutch ships that were on the coast of Chincheo was very just. These Dutch are not friends of the Castilians, but bitter enemies; for, although they are vassals of the king of the Hespañas, my sovereign, they and their country have revolted, and they have become pirates like Liamon in China. They have no employment, except to plunder as much as they can. Hence they did not come to Luzon; and, if they should come, I would try to capture and punish them.

As for the statement that the letter is sent to let me know the greatness of the king of China and of his realms, and that they are so great that he governs all upon which the moon and the sun shed their light; and the other statement that he desires me to be acquainted with the great wisdom with which that kingdom is governed, vast as it is, and that no one should dare offend it, and referring to the war in Corea—to this I answer that the Spaniards have measured by palmos, and that very exactly, all the countries belonging to all the kings and lordships in the world. Since the Chinese have no commerce with foreign nations, it seems to them that there is no other country but their own, and that there is no higher greatness than theirs; but if he knew the power of some of the kings with whom my sovereign, the king of the Hespañas, carries on continual war, the whole of China would seem to him very small. The king of China would do well to notice that from here to the court of Hespaña the distance is five thousand leguas; and that on the voyage thither are two kingdoms, Nueva Hespaña and Peru, whose teiritory is so great that it is almost equal to that of China, without mentioning very large islands in those seas. At the same time I know that the kingdom of China is governed with much wisdom, and all the people here know, and I know, of the war in Corea.

The Sangleys who were killed here when they revolted were not thirty thousand, or even half as many.

As for the statement that after the death of the Sangleys was known in China, many mandarins joined in a concerted petition to the king that they might be allowed to avenge those deaths—accusing the Spaniards of being cruel and ungrateful, and charging us that after the Chinese had aided us to erect our walls and other buildings, and in our gardens (all to our profit), we ought not to have done this—to this I reply that the Spaniards are not cruel of heart, and never make war upon anyone without just reasons. We regard ourselves as a just people and as having a standing in the world; and we would be greatly grieved if it could be said of us with truth that we have done wrongs or injuries to anyone—especially to our friends, and to those who are sincerely friends to us. Thus in the case of the Sangleys who were here, we treated them as brothers and sons; and, without any precaution, we permitted them to enter our houses at all seasons and at all hours, as if they had been Spaniards. So true was this that, if God had not delivered us by revealing their treachery, they might for that very cause have been able to succeed in it.

I have noted the answer given by the king of China to letters written by the viceroy and others with regard to this matter. I think that he ought to be fair in all matters, and that he should not be influenced to make war on Luzón without first knowing whether we are in fault or not; for if he should do otherwise we could not say, as we have said, that China is prudently governed.

The viceroy also writes to me that, since the Spaniards are a sensible and prudent people, we must therefore be grieved for having slain so many people, and repent thereof. He also informs me that if we deal justly with the Chinese return the Sangleys who have survived the war, and pay the money due on the goods taken from the Sangleys, he will maintain amity with us and will send merchant vessels every year. If not, the king will not permit ships to come, but will command a thousand war-vessels to be built, manned with soldiers—both the relatives of those who are dead, and men from the other nations and kingdoms who pay tribute to China; and, without mercy on anyone, they will make war upon us, and afterward the kingdom of Luzón will be given to that people which pays tribute.

To this I answer that, although in truth we are grieved for the loss which the Chinese suffered, we have nothing to repent of therein; since what we did was to put to death those who would have done the same to us (although we had given them no reason for it), and who would have done so if we had not anticipated them. When we were living in great peace they rose in revolt against us, simply because they were wicked; left their Parián for a fort which they had built without my knowing anything of it, and sallied out thence against the farms to kill Spaniards and Indians. This they succeeded in doing by catching them unawares, and they inflicted very great cruelties even upon the Spanish women and upon their slaves, both male and female. Since this is true, as the very Chinese who have survived will declare, let the viceroy judge what could have been done, and what he would have done if such a thing had happened in China.

The crime is such that all of them justly deserve to die for it; but, moved with pity, I permitted some few to serve in the galleys of the king, which is a punishment inflicted by us upon criminals to avoid putting them to death. After they had been placed in the galleys, I get free some of them who, as it afterward appeared, had not been so much in fault; and others furnished some slaves, who received the same treatment. It is well known that kingdoms and provinces where crimes are not punished cannot maintain themselves; and if this crime were not punished, and the Chinese were to see that they received their liberty even when they had committed so great a crime, another day they would do the same thing. Hence I have not yet set at liberty those Sangleys who are condemned to the galleys, that they may go to China and even convey to the viceroy knowledge of what has happened. I am certain that when he knows the facts he will regard their punishment as very slight in view of their crimes; but, if he should deem otherwise, let him inform me of his will.

The property which was in existence during the past year, for whom owners or consignees appeared, was surrendered to them; there was a great quantity of it, and now they take [blank space in MS.]. This is the amount which I have been able to send from the royal treasury, where some of the property of the Sangleys was deposited for which an owner was not to be found; next year I will endeavor to send the rest. During the past year one ship arrived; and the other, which was on its way to Castilla, was lost with a very great quantity of Chinese stuffs and other goods. For this reason it has been impossible to discharge this obligation in full at the present time. Let the viceroy notice that this is and will be done because it is just, and not because he has written that unless the people and the goods are sent he will make war on Luzón; for I am sure that the king of China and his ministers, being prudent, politic, and discreet persons, will not wage war for causes so light. Still, if they desire to do so, the Castilians are well able to defend their lands from all who may attempt to take them away; and they even know how to attack their enemies and to seek them out in their own dwelling-places, when their opponents suppose that they have them conquered.

As regards the licenses for ships coming from China to trade with Luzón, it is not so dangerous to grant such permissions that the king [of China] or other persons there will consent to lose the great advantage which they possess in the large quantity of silver which is carried hence every year; for this remains in China, without a single real leaving there, while the goods which they give us in exchange are consumed and used up in a very short time. Hence we may say that in this trade the Chinese have as great an interest as the Castilians have, or even more.

Chinese Immigration Restricted

Sire:

By commission from the royal Audiencia, I have this year attended to the investigation of the Chinese ships, and the Sangleys who have come to this city. I myself went to examine them, in order to avert the injuries which might be inflicted on them. Eighteen ships having arrived, with merchandise and five thousand five hundred Chinese on board, besides five hundred more who remained in this city from last year, I ordered the cabildo and regimiento of the city, if Chinese were necessary for the public service, to enter petition therefor within four days, giving a memorandum of the number necessary and the duties that they were to perform. As they did not do as I had ordered, for a number of days, and as the ships wished to return to China, and I to despatch in them all the infidel Chinese who were here, I reported the case to the royal Audiencia here. Considering what great lack of service there is in this city, and how necessary workmen are for its restoration, as it has been ravaged by two fires—more than a hundred of the houses formerly standing having been destroyed during this year of six hundred and five, and more by the other fire that occurred in the year six hundred and three—they determined to have one thousand five hundred infidel Chinese stay here for the rebuilding of the burned part, and the service of the city. They commanded me by an act to give permission to the said number of infidel Chinese, choosing them from the crafts which should appear to me most necessary. This I did with exactness and fairness, being personally present, and not entrusting this task to any other person. In this way, the said number will not be in any way exceeded; it has appeared necessary and sufficient, and it will be important for the service of God and of your Majesty that this number be not exceeded in years to come. May God protect the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, July 5, 1605.

The licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna

[Endorsed: “To his Majesty; Manila, 1605: The licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna. July 5.” “That, by commission of the Audiencia, the inspection of the ships of the Chinese Sangleys has been attended to; and by order of the said Audiencia, considering the great necessity of labor and repairs, permission was given for a thousand and five hundred of them to remain in that city, as they are very necessary. And in compliance with this they will be allowed to stay for this purpose, without the said number being exceeded. March 22, 1607. This measure is in the letters of the governor.”]

Letters from Pedro de Acuña to Felipe III

Sire:

On the twenty-fifth of February of the current year, 1605, there arrived in the port of Cabite a ship from Nueva Hespaña, and in it Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus, with news of the decision which had been reached regarding the matter of Maluco; the order for this military service also came. There were, besides, in the said vessel about two hundred infantry, in two companies, of those who are to go on the expedition. Their arrival was very seasonable and caused much rejoicing in these islands, because it occurred at a time when we had received news by way of Macan that an army was being prepared in China to come here.[1]

The diligence shown by the viceroy of Nueva Hespaña in despatching these advices, and informing me of the condition of the embarcations there, was of great value in assisting me to prepare some necessary supplies; for nearly everything has to be obtained from different provinces, while some supplies must be imported from distant kingdoms, as China and Japon. Hence time is requisite for this purpose—and, indeed, even more than we have; but all will be made ready although with some difficulty.

The master-of-camp, Juan de Esquivel, arrived at the opening of the strait of Capul June 11, and came to Cabite June 17, after having disembarked the forces in the port of Ybalon—where he received my order to do this, and found ships in which to send them on to the island of Panay, where provisions for them are provided. The number of troops who have come with the master-of-camp are six hundred and fifty men, including thirty who came afterwards in a small vessel which had been left behind. These men had gone from Acapulco to Tehuantepeque for four pieces of artillery which were cast in Nueba Hespaña for this expedition.

The forces for which I asked from Nueva Hespaña for this undertaking were one thousand five hundred men, including sailors and soldiers. As for the five hundred who have served in old companies and are not altogether new recruits, I was told by the master-of-camp, that those from his regiment are for the most part good soldiers. What I can assert is, that the troops in the two companies who arrived first, and the troops of the master-of-camp who are here, have satisfied me very well. From this garrison and from the paid soldiers as large a force will be formed as can be spared, in order to leave matters here with a safe guard; since on account of the importance of this enterprise I must, if God gives me health, go on this expedition in person. I intend to take with me some Panpango Indians and some Indians from this region, among whom there are many good arquebusiers and musketeers. In company with Spaniards, they prove to be very good soldiers.

I asked for five hundred quintals of powder; and your Majesty informed me that the viceroy would send them. Although he did not send the whole amount, two hundred and thirty-five quintals of powder and a hundred quintals of saltpetre arrived. We shall be obliged to use what there is in the royal magazines here, that we may not lack so necessary a thing; yet the whole is but little.

The said viceroy wrote me that the troops came paid for a year, and that from the wages of the troops he had retained sixty-five pesos in the case of each soldier. The total amount is forty thousand pesos, which sum was sent under registry on the account and at the risk of the said forces. This is a piece of excellent foresight; for if the total amount of wages had been paid, as is customary, they would have gambled and spent the whole in two days, and would be in need the whole year, from which great evils would follow. For the expedition the viceroy sent sixty thousand pesos, without considering that the treasury here is in such a state that, even if the whole amount should be paid into it on account of these islands, there would not be enough to pay unavoidable debts and the loans which have been taken throughout a whole year from private persons, some of which were granted on my credit. I was expecting some good quantity of money on a separate account; and I also hoped for the ordinary soldiers who are sent every year to supply the places of those who are drowned and those who die of disease and in battle. We are continually waging war in one province or another, and sometimes at home. But I have been disappointed in all this, and must expend my efforts to get on as best I can, using some methods to prevent the service of your Majesty from failure.

As soon as I was informed that your Majesty would be pleased to command this expedition to be undertaken, I began on the very day when I arrived here to busy myself with the preparation of the materials and other things necessary to build the galleys and also to keep them in proper condition. I regard them as the most effective means of defense for this kingdom, on account of the causes which I have previously written to your Majesty. Accordingly, I have five equipped. The flagship has twenty-two benches, the second in command [patrona] and another have nineteen each, and two others seventeen each. One of these two which have seventeen will be launched within a fortnight, and has the necessary supply of rowers. These vessels are not made larger, being thus more suitable for these regions, because there are many shoals here; and when they are of this size they are sufficient for the contests which they have to carry on with the oared vessels employed by the enemy Another reason is the advantage of keeping down the number of rowers and reducing the expenses, as I have written your Majesty. These galleys have turned out very well, because I found here a good foreman; and although he died a few days ago, I have had the good fortune to find a second, a Genovese, a good workman. He is well known in Cartagena, where he built a galley. I have met with much opposition from the archbishop and from the licentiate Don Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. If I had had to follow the opinion of either of them so that they could restrain my hand, the first stick of wood would still have to be worked. God knows what I have had to undergo in this, and what I am still undergoing; and He knows the evil results which follow from such a state of things in a region so distant from your Majesty, when those persons undertake to correct matters of war, and to meddle with them, who do not understand them and have nothing to do with them.

I expect to take with me on the expedition four of these galleys, and a vessel which has arrived here just now from Acapulco, which was made here and has capacity to carry a large amount of troops and provisions; it is of seven hundred toneladas. This vessel I will have fitted and put in good order. I expect also to take another of moderate size, of two hundred and fifty toneladas, which I have had built in the province of Camarines. I shall have three Moro ships from Perú. These will be very light, the largest being of a hundred and fifty toneladas, and the other two of a hundred and thirty each, more or less. Thus in all there will be five, in addition to seven brigantines and five lorchas, vessels built after the fashion of China and Japon. These are very good with both oar and sail, and have greater capacity and accommodation for carrying provisions than any other kind of vessels with which oars are used.

I expect that this expedition will include the foregoing vessels and galleys on account of your Majesty; and that in addition there will go seven or eight other ships belonging to private encomenderos and other persons. These will be ships of moderate size, with a high freeboard, in which their owners will take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and other supplies; these will be of great assistance, since a number of volunteers will go. This provision made by private persons is of considerable usefulness, and on that account I have had it made. To induce them to go it is absolutely necessary to encourage them to it, and to urge upon them the service which they will render to your Majesty. This I have had to undertake, since in view of the losses and misfortunes which they have suffered, they are poor and discouraged. They finally volunteered to go with a good will, and their going will be an assistance of no little consequence; as a result of it, I am certain that we shall have provisions for more than a year.

I have commanded the whole of this body of vessels to assemble in the island of Panay, at the town and port of Oton, where the infantry is on shore. When they have assembled there they will proceed, and I will leave this city after the day of St. Francis, taking advantage of the north winds. I shall attend to whatever shall be necessary there, and get it all in order by the end of January or the beginning of February. That is the season best suited for the voyage to Maluco. It will then be most likely that we shall have the benefit of the monsoon which is likely to blow with gentle and favorable brisas. In this way I shall not be forced off my course by vessels with a high freeboard; this accident happens very often, because of the great number of currents among these islands. I have no doubt that we shall encounter some vessels from Olanda and Gelanda, and more this year than others, since this is the year of the clove monsoon more than the two previous years; for in the third year the clove-trees bear much more heavily. The fruit is like olives, and the trees resemble olive-trees in their leaves and in their size, as I am told.[2] I had further information from Enrique de Castro, a Fleming, a native of Amberes [i.e., Anvers?], a man of good reputation, able to speak several languages, and very sensible; he told me that he came as a soldier in one of the companies brought by the despatch-boat which reached here February 25. He said that he had left Olanda fifteen months before, from the city of Nostradama [i.e., Amsterdam]; and that there, and in another city in the same country of Olanda, they were preparing twelve or thirteen large vessels with the purpose of coming to the Yndias. He was told that they were to seize Ambueno and the Maluca Islands, and that they were carrying a large number of men, besides lime and cut stone in ballast, to make a fortress. I am much afraid that this is true, because of what I have previously written to your Majesty with reference to the advices which I have received from the king of Tidore. He states that the king of Terrenate had sent to invite the Dutch, offering to permit them to build a fort and a factory in his country, in order to make them willing to assist him against the said king of Tidore, against the Portuguese, and against us. Accordingly the forts there and in Ambueno are in danger. The one at Tidore is a matter for jest; and the commandants, as well as the commanders of galleons, think of nothing but merchandise and of making their fortunes. The same thing is true throughout the whole of Yndia. If this news should prove true, there would be much difficulty in this enterprise. May God turn all things well for His cause.

The forces of the regiment of the master-of-camp, Esquibel, have received their pay for a year in advance, as the viceroy informs me by his letter. At the present time more than half the year has passed, and by the time they leave Oton the whole year will have been completed. Inasmuch as in the order for this expedition which your Majesty commanded to be given, I noticed that the Marques de Montes Claros was directed, in case the forces should be retained in the service of your Majesty for a longer period than the said year, to send me money to pay them in case I advised him thereof, it seemed well to me to advise him of this matter immediately, and to tell him that during the coming year he should send me what is needed for a thousand men in addition to the sea force. It is plain that this will be necessary for by the time that the fleet leaves these islands the [soldiers’] year will be at an end. I therefore beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give him imperative commands to fulfil this requirement; since soldiers in a country of enemies, and so far from their own country, serve badly if they are in need. Thus many important opportunities might be lost, and even considerable disadvantages might be experienced without there being any possibility of remedying them. If the enterprise turns out prosperously—as by the grace of God I hope it will—I expect that it will provide the means for maintaining the conquest, for paying all the expenses which have been and shall be incurred, and for affording a large quantity of cash surplus in addition to the expenses, besides repairing the losses incident to this affair. In particular, I think that to drive the enemy from the Maluca Islands and from the inlands of Banda will be of great advantage for our affairs in Flandes, since the rebels of Olanda and Gelanda harvest the product of these islands and draw from them great wealth, by means of which they carry on war and become rich. I, therefore, again beseech you to be pleased to give commands that this expedition may be adequately provided with supplies. I also beg that what is necessary for the expenses of the fleet and for other requisite objects may likewise be sent. I further request that for the regular expenses of the government a liberal supply may be placed in the treasury of the islands on a separate account, since the treasury is so needy and so heavily burdened with obligations.

Weapons and gunpowder are always opportune, and generally the lack of these causes a great deal of trouble. I accordingly beg your Majesty to be pleased to command that as large an amount thereof as possible may be sent, and that the forces at Manila may also be supplied. I suggest that although what is now of most importance, and what must primarily be considered, is merely the regaining of the fort and island of Terrenate, still the care and attention which will be necessary to protect and sustain the conquest, at least for the first few years, will not be small. During that time it will be necessary for us to keep it under control with arms in our hands. We shall have contests every day with the natives of the country, and likewise with the Dutch, who will not at once be willing to abandon it without testing the defense which it can offer, for the reasons which they publish there and in the other Maluca Islands, and in the islands of Banda. With regard to this matter I have written to your Majesty. We must be on the watch everywhere, making Terrenate our center.

By the first section of the orders which your Majesty was pleased to command to have sent to me for this expedition, it appears that the captains who come on the expedition receive sixty ducados a month and the privates eight, whether they were recruited in Hespaña or in Nueva Hespaña. I was commanded that if this rate of payment for the soldiers might be moderated in view of what is paid the soldiers here who are of the same rank, I should reduce it, but with fairness. I have to state that the pay of a private in this garrison is six pesos a month. This is little, in view of the fact that the country is incomparably more expensive than when their rate of pay was fixed, as I have previously written your Majesty. The eight ducados which the soldiers of the expedition receive is high pay; and accordingly, in my judgment, it would be well to pay the infantry in both forces at the rate of eight pesos (of eight reals) a month, in addition to the thirty ducados of extra pay which are allowed every company in Hespaña and other regions. I should advise that the captains of both forces should be paid at the rate of fifty pesos, the ensigns at twenty pesos, and the sergeants at the rate of ten, as they are now paid here. The captains here receive only thirty-five pesos, while those of the expedition are paid sixty ducados, which amount to eighty-two pesos and six reals. Your Majesty will give such commands as you shall be pleased to issue. Until we receive the decision of your royal will in this matter, the accounts of the members of the expedition will not be closed. May our Lord keep the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, July 1, 1605.

Don Pedro de Acuña

[Endorsed: “The requests in this letter were honored, in virtue of advice given to his Majesty by the council, August 5, 1606.”]

Sire:

In two ships which left here for Nueba Hespaña last year, 1604, General, Don Diego de Mendoca, of my order,[3] wrote to your Majesty in duplicate, giving information of all the events which had happened here. It pleased God that the flagship should return to port, after having suffered from a tempest during which it was obliged to cut off the mainmast. It returned to this port today, four months after it had left it, although without any loss of the property which it carried, [Marginal note: “Let him be informed that this letter has been received and that the council has been advised of what he reports.”]

The ship “San Antonio,” the almiranta, which left port first, has not been heard from up to the present time. It is regarded as certain that it was lost, by having struck upon some desolate island or some shoals as it was driven by the tempest. A few days before the arrival of the flagship, there were seen on the coast of this island opposite Manila, and on the Babuyanes, which are some islands in the province of Cagayan, a quantity of bales of cloth from the lading of the almiranta. It is accordingly inferred that the ship was lost on its way to port here, during some very severe storms which took place during that season and in that region. Still, some hopes were entertained that it might have made its way to Nueva España, although with a very small amount of cloth; but these hopes were lost with the coming of the two ships on which arrived the master-of-camp, Juan Desquivel, and the officers of the expedition for Maluco. These vessels, having left Acapulco on the twenty-second of March, reached Cavite on the seventeenth of the present month, and reported that they had no news of the said almiranta. This has been a very great loss and one which has thrown this kingdom into almost incredible misery. The return of the flagship has added to its wretchedness, because the citizens have nothing from which to obtain money from Nueva España, since their goods have not arrived there. The documents which were sent in the flagship last year go in it again; and in this ship I send duplicates, which your Majesty may give commands to be shown to you.

The matter of the payment of the Indian tributes was settled by the Audiencia, by me, and by the archbishop and the religious orders, in conformity with the directions given me by your Majesty. The assessment which was made accompanies this letter; and therewith will cease many wrongs which have been inflicted upon the natives, and the encomenderos and collectors can satisfy their consciences, if they desire. [Marginal note: “Let this section be filed with the papers which gave occasion to it, and with the report which has been sent, and let the whole be delivered to the fiscal.”]

By a royal decree of your Majesty, dated October twenty-fifth of last year, 1603, I was advised that your Majesty had given commands for permission to be granted to the mariscal Graviel de Rivera that, in spite of the fact that he has Indians in encomienda on these islands, he may be permitted to live in the City of Mexico, where he is at present, for two years, on condition that during that period he shall maintain eight musketeers in this garrison at his own expense. I was enjoined to fulfil this command and to see to it that the musketeers should be serviceable men. On the part of the said mariscal, the fulfilment of this decree was demanded, the aforesaid permission being presented; and, although I answered the demand of the mariscal by stating to him the condition of affairs in the island, I have thought best to refer the matter to your Majesty. As soon as I arrived in these islands to undertake my office, I was handed the instructions given to the governor and captain-general who had previously filled them, Don Francisco Tello de Guzman. By section 47 of these directions, it was ordained and commanded that if, when the said Don Francisco Tello should have arrived at Nueva España, the said mariscal should not have returned to the said islands, his encomiendas should be confiscated and should be assigned to others, without permitting reply or excuse; and if any other procedure was followed it was directed that it should be held as null and void. I made inquiries to find out if the said Don Francisco Tello had complied herewith. I discovered that, although he found the said mariscal in Mexico, he had not complied with the commands given by the said section, but that he had brought him with him to this city, and in a short time had given him permission to return to Nueva Hespaña for three years, under color of having business to do for this city. I also found that the said mariscal had appealed to the Audiencia, affirming that the time was too short, and I learned that he received license to remain for an additional year, making four in all. In truth, however, the power of attorney held by the said mariscal had been revoked by the city before he left it in the year 1600. Upon this, I wrote to the said mariscal in Mexico that, since he was aware of the decree of his Majesty with regard to his absence, he should return to fulfil the duty of residence to which he was obliged in these islands, as soon as the time of his license had expired. If he should go beyond the period allowed, I informed him that his encomiendas would be vacated and would be assigned to others. Since he has not fulfilled the requirement of residence, and since the said term is at an end, therefore, in virtue of the said section of the instructions and in fulfilment of what is decreed by another and separate royal decree, I have commanded that the encomiendas should be vacated, and that one of them, the encomienda of Bonbon, should be granted to General Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, a man whose merits, services, and abilities are known to all. This encomienda is at the present time in his possession. The income from the other encomiendas I have commanded to be placed in the royal treasury, which is being done. As for the report of the said mariscal, made to me in Mexico, that he was there with the permission of the Audiencia and governor on business for the city, I wrote your Majesty, in a letter on the second of November of the year 1601, that it seemed to me proper for permission to reside in Nueva España to be given him, in view of his services and age, since he was serving with eight musketeers in defense of this country. After I arrived here and saw how this matter had been arranged, in view of the aforesaid facts, and of the great inconvenience which results from the non-residence of encomenderos in this country, I vacated the said encomiendas, as it seemed to me that your Majesty would not be served by giving a dispensation to the said mariscal in this matter; and I would not have made the report which I made in Mexico if I had previously seen the documents. [Marginal note: “Let this be filed with the papers which deal with this matter.”]

Although, as I have said, I assigned the said encomienda to the said Don Juan Ronquillo, appeal was taken on the part of the said mariscal and his son (who was successor to the encomienda) to this royal Audiencia. In this case, after command had been given that a copy of the documents should be furnished to the parties and to the fiscal of your Majesty, and after testimony had been taken as regards the claims of all parties, it was declared that I had authority to vacate the encomiendas of the said mariscal; and it was decreed that the parties should exercise their rights of justice, in conformity with the law of Maliñas.[4] It was further decreed that the said General Don Juan Rronquillo should give bonds that, if at any time it should be decreed that I did not have this authority to assign the said encomiendas, he should return the income which he should have collected therefrom. This decree was, on review, confirmed in all points, and the case is being prosecuted. I may say to your Majesty that General Don Juan Rronquillo is one of the most deserving men of the islands, and one of the highest rank and services here; and further that he is one of those who received the least rewards. He deserves that some favor should be shown to him, as I have previously written. I may add that on account of the aforesaid grant I have discharged him from the office of commander of the galleys, which had been granted to him with eight hundred pesos of yearly salary. If this sum is not paid to him, it is certainly necessary that some compensation should be made to him; and if in this matter that is not carried out which is ordained by the royal decrees—which were formerly so closely followed, especially in this country—much harm will result.

The affairs of Christianity in Japon are in excellent condition, as your Majesty will see from the letters of two religious which are enclosed; but the dissensions between the bishop and the religious orders with regard to those who go by way of these islands to engage in that ministry cause me great anxiety. They have reached a very high point, as your Majesty will learn from the statements which all of them are certain to write to you. In so new a country, governed by heathen kings, to have wrangling and lack of harmony among the religious who instruct them cannot fail to cause scandals and difficulties. Your Majesty will command the proper remedy to be applied. Inasmuch as I see the necessity of ministers of the gospel in that kingdom, and the great results which they have obtained, I have not hindered the passage of religious from these islands to that country, especially as I have seen no decree of your Majesty and no brief of his Holiness to the contrary. [Marginal note: “Let this be filed with the other papers dealing with this matter, and let Don Pedro de Acuña be informed that his report has been considered, and that attention is being given to it.”]

The chiefs of Mindanao have treated for peace; and, although I had determined to attack them this year and to put an end to them, with the aid of the ordinary reënforcements in men and money, which I was expecting from Nueva Hespaña, still I have thought it best on account of the expedition to Maluco to listen favorably to them; and I shall try to pacify and reduce them by gentle means, since they themselves have offered such means and have sent a representative to treat for peace. I have accordingly agreed to what they desire; yet, since they are Indians, who when they take a whim cannot be restrained from trying to gratify it, I have little confidence that they will keep their promises, since there is no holding them to account except so far as fear will oblige them to it. Still, it seems that this year they have not made any piratical expeditions to these islands, although I am informed that they have attacked some of the other islands in various provinces with a great fleet of caracoas. Being in some doubt, I have kept the provinces of Pintados in a state of defense with two galleys, which I have sent there, with other vessels; for, as I say, there is little confidence to be placed in the treaties of these tribes. [Marginal note: “The council has been informed of this matter.”]

When the Sangleys left here last year they brought but little cloth, as I wrote at the time to your Majesty. This they sold, at the same time offering to come again this year with some vessels, and very early. For this cause the country remained entirely without any sort of merchandise, although the citizens had considerable money, as they had no opportunity to invest the returns which had come [from Mexico]. Since the Chinese are very avaricious, it was regarded as certain that some vessels would come without fail, and the swift ones would arrive here much earlier than they ordinarily do in other years: but this did not happen, for it was the end of May before we had any news from China. For this reason and on account of the news which we received from Macan (as I wrote previously) that the Sangleys were coming to these islands to avenge those who died at the time of the revolt, the city was in great anxiety and fear. Yet it pleased God that eighteen vessels should come with a large amount of cloth, which relieved us of our fear; and it now seems that this arrangement had been agreed upon. However, demands had been made upon me on the part of the Chinese for the Sangleys who survived the uprising, whom I had placed in the galleys. The viceroy of Ucheo and an inspector and eunuch, who are two other mandarins who keep constant watch over him, sent me a letter, which will go with this; to this letter I refer, as also to a copy of the answer which I have made, with the approval of the Audiencia. The style is not very polished, because those who translate it are not very skilful in both languages; and, in order that they may understand it, it is better that the letter should be written in these terms, as experience has showed. We are striving to maintain our friendship with that king, since he is very powerful; and we sustain our position here only by the reputation that we have. [Marginal note: “This statement of his has been noted.”]

The licentiate Geronimo de Salaçar y Salcedo, fiscal of this royal Audiencia, died two or three months ago. No great loss will result hereby to the affairs to the royal treasury, since he paid little attention to them in his office. For the interim before your Majesty shall appoint a person to fulfil the duties of this position, the Audiencia has appointed the bachelor Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, a man of learning, integrity, and responsibility—such a man as might be desired for this office. My acquaintance with all these qualifications in him has constrained me to call your Majesty’s attention to them, so that you might be pleased to favor him; for surely, in my opinion, it would not be possible to find another man more suitable for this office. He has property of his own, and claims and suits give him no anxiety. Accordingly, I have made special efforts to induce him to accept the position; for it is necessary to seek persons like him for such offices. Since he has had so much experience with the business of this office, I have no doubt that he will give a good account of himself. [Marginal note: “Referred to the Council.”]

The commanders of the galleys which your Majesty has in Hespaña, Italia, Yndias, and other regions appoint for the said galleys a chief chaplain and chaplains. After these are approved and have obtained a license from the ordinary to carry on their ministries, the archbishops and their vicars and the bishops do not trouble themselves about the chaplains. This is a settled and recognized custom, so that no one pays any attention to it except the archbishop of this city, because there is nothing with which he does not meddle. He has handed in a document, maintaining that this is not a concern of your Majesty’s but belongs to him, and that he has the right to nominate and approve the chaplains to these positions if he desires, or to decline to approve them. Accordingly, after I had nominated an approved religious, a preacher of the Order of St. Augustine, as chaplain of these galleys, the bishop directed him, under pain of excommunication, not to fulfil this ministry, declaring that I had no authority to make the nomination. Certain other religious who had been chaplains of galleys in Spain, and General Don Diego de Mendoça, and others who had sailed in galleys there, and who were acquainted with the system followed in them, all gave testimony; but this was not sufficient to restrain him from carrying out his purpose. I beg that your Majesty will be pleased to give command that since this matter does not concern him he shall not meddle with it, nor with the other things which are outside his jurisdiction. [Marginal note: “Referred to the Council of War.”]

In other letters I have reported to your Majesty the great importance, for the security and defense of this country, of maintaining a supply of galleys, and I have also reported the number which I have supplied with arms. Since they cannot be kept up without an allowance of money sufficient for them, I beg your Majesty to be pleased to command that there shall be set aside twenty thousand ducados from the treasury of Mexico, or else from the ten per cent duty levied at Acapulco upon the merchandise exported hence. The purpose of this fund shall be to maintain four or five galleys, which are necessary here. This is the same amount that is spent in Cartagena for a single galley, and your Majesty may trust me, as one who has looked carefully into the matter, that this is necessary; and that expenditures without this only waste funds and consume lives in gaining nothing. [Marginal note: “Referred to the Council of War.”]

I shall examine some despatches which have been received here this year, which as yet I have not been able to do because of the necessity of concluding this despatch, and I shall answer them at the first opportunity. May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need.

From the port of Cavite, July 8, 1605.

Don Pedro de Acuña

[Endorsed: “August 2, 1606. Examination and decree within”]

Sire:

Many are the labors of this charge, both bodily and spiritual, and almost without surcease must be the cares of him who holds, on his own account and for your Majesty, the protection, defense, and preservation of a kingdom and provinces so far from your royal person, and amid so many nations, so great in numbers and so powerful, who have so extraordinary tendencies, laws, and customs. From these we promise ourselves, in time, with the help of God, excellent results for His greater glory and the increase of His church. No one of these things has given me so much anxiety as the conduct of the licentiate Don Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. This man, with his temper, his haughtiness, and lack of understanding, has given and is giving so many occasions for annoyance to the people, to me, and to his companions—and particularly to the soldiers, and the military and royal officials—that I have had more ado to moderate, adjust, and set right his affairs than all others in my charge. His arrogance is terrible. The citizens, even the most powerful of them, fear him, for they realize that in his position as senior auditor he has the boldness to attempt any design to their harm that comes into his mind, or suits his desires, and that he carries out his plans. Consequently, all cry out to God for redress for his unjust acts. For there is no redress here, and it comes but tardily from your Majesty, owing to the time necessary for it to reach this country. I do all that I can, but he gives me so many provocations that it is a wonder some great quarrel has not occurred. To obviate the difficulty in regard to the troops, I have ordered that the companies of the guard shall not enter in angular order, but in troops, as has been done now for more than five months; for it appears that he was carefully awaiting an opportunity to rout them, horse and foot, with all his blacks. I refer to the two informations, sent herewith, which concern this, and the rest. Although I did not choose to make investigations, for the sake of greater secrecy, and to avoid the annoyances that the witnesses of lower rank might suffer if the said Don Antonio knew that they swore against him therein, measures will be taken to find out what there is in the affair.

The said Don Antonio has persistently striven to bring about his marriage with Doña Margarita de Figueroa, daughter of Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, and has employed many instruments to accomplish this. Several suits have been brought before the royal Audiencia on the part of the said Doña Margarita and her sister, both of whom were minors, against the royal treasury, some of these involving large sums of money, as did that which concerned the conquest of Mindanao. These girls had many suitors, and there were differences of opinion as to where they could reside with the most security and privacy, so that there should be no negotiations concerning their marriages; for they were very rich, and had near relatives to claim guardianship over them—as their grandmother, the wife of the accountant of the royal exchequer; and Captain Francisco de Mercado, whom the father of the minors left as their guardian, and in whose hands was the said property. The said Don Antonio, with this object, began to favor the causes of the above-named persons, and communicated his intention to Andres Duarte de Figueroa, their uncle, the brother of their father—whom he considered a safe person, as he was his intimate friend, and a claimant for the guardianship of the girls. He proceeded so artfully that the guardianship of the minors was denied to all the others by the Audiencia, who commanded that they be given over to the said Andres Duarte, who was an unmarried man. Owing to the pretensions which the said Don Antonio entertained in regard to this marriage, he decided the said cases in favor of the said minors, which greatly pleased their uncle, and caused much complaint on the part of those who were present. He used to go at night to visit the said minors, causing a great deal of talk by his intentions. Although his purpose was well understood by the public, it became more apparent when Don Juan de Tello was negotiating a marriage with the said Doña Margarita, who is now his wife. On this account the said Don Juan, fearing that Don Antonio will be as much opposed to him in the said suits now, as he was formerly favorable to the said minors, has accused him, and is furnishing information against him. My proceedings in this case, and in one of those which I mention in a paragraph before this, are sent by this mail, by which your Majesty will see the results of the investigation. It is held as certain that the said Don Antonio has brought great pressure to bear on the said Andres Duarte that he may not betray him in the matter of the said marriage, but shall say that he was asking it for his brother, and not for himself; and that the said Andres, on account of his friendship, and, knowing Don Antonio’s temper, fearing that the latter will do him some harm, would not declare against him. I believe that he is going to España, where perhaps he will make this matter known, as he will be free from the jurisdiction of the auditor; but here what he swears under oath only hinders the matter. The troubles arising from the pretensions of the said Don Antonio are not confined to this matter; for, furthermore, when the uprising of the Sangleys occurred, and the auditors were obliged to lay aside their robes and put on short cloaks, as they did, the said Don Antonio went about with a gilded sword. Then, when occasion for this was past, the other auditors put on their robes; but the said Don Antonio seemed to think that he represented a different person from an auditor, and was not obliged to do as the other auditors did. He kept on his short cloak and sword, and appeared thus in the halls of justice, possibly because he thought it suited his affair of the marriage, as it was at this time that he pressed it most. And as I thought that it was not right that he should try to distinguish himself in so unfitting a manner, and that it ought not to be permitted, and as remarks about it had been made in public, I told him of it, and asked him to put on the robe. The answer he gave was what your Majesty may learn in the document which accompanies this, to which I refer you—adding only that your Majesty may judge by this matter how other things must go, and his manner of behavior, in which he goes so far as to say, and let it be understood, that he alone can do these things, and must command everything. Your Majesty will decree the remedy which is expedient and so necessary. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty with the happiness needful for Christendom. Manila, July 15, 1605.

Don Pedro de Acuña

[1] In the original there is a brief summary at the head of each paragraph, for the convenience of the council in considering the document.

[2] The botanical name of the clove is Caryophyllus aromaticus. See Crawfurd’s excellent account, both descriptive and historical, of this valued product, in his Dict. of Indian Islands, pp. 101–105. Cf. the account by Duarte Barbosa, in East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Soc. publications No. 35, London, 1866), pp. 201, 219, 227; he says, among other things: “And the trees from which they do not gather it for three years after that become wild, so that their cloves are worth nothing.” Crawfurd says: “It is only in its native localities, the five small islets [Moluccas] on the western coast of the large island of Gilolo, that it is easily grown, and attains the highest perfection. There, it bears in its seventh or eighth year, and lives to the age of 130 or 150.” He also states that the Dutch, in their attempt to secure the monopoly of the clove trade, exterminated the clove trees from the Moluccas, and endeavored to limit their growth to the five Amboyna islands, in which they had introduced the clove.

[3] Referring to the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, to which Acuña belonged.

[4] The Spanish form of the name of Mechlin, an important city of Belgium, between Antwerp and Brussels. The reference in the text is probably to some law enacted by the emperor Charles V while holding his court at Mechlin, during his long stay in the Netherlands.

Documents of 1606

Sources: All these documents are obtained from foreign archives: the third (a printed pamphlet) from the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid; the sixth, from the Archivo general at Simancas; the seventh, from the British Museum; the last, from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; all the rest, from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations. The first, second, fourth, fifth, and eighth of these documents are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the third and seventh, by James A. Robertson; the sixth and ninth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University.

The Dominican Mission of 1606

I, Fray Diego Duarte,[1] of the Order of St. Dominic, affirm that his Majesty by his royal decree, which I present herewith, commanded that in addition to the thirty religious and four servants whom in accordance with his said royal decree I received permission to convey to the Feliphinas Islands, I should conduct ten other religious, making forty in all; and that for the despatch of all of them your Lordship should give me what was necessary at the expense of his royal treasury. This allowance is to be in conformity with the report mentioned in the said decree (which your Lordship has sent to the royal Council of the Yndias), which states the cost of the passage to the Yndias of each religious. Since the time is now far advanced, it is necessary for me to receive the payment for the said religious in order that they may make their voyage in the fleet which is about to be despatched to the province of Nueva Spaña, and that his Majesty’s commands may be fulfilled. This cannot take effect unless your Lordship provide me with the money necessary to buy clothing and ship supplies, and what else is needed.

Therefore I beg and pray your Lordship to give commands that, in addition to the seven hundred and seventy thousand seven hundred and fifty-two maravedis which the treasurer Don Melchor Maldonado has been commanded to deliver to me, in conformity with the said royal decree issued from the royal council of the treasury, for the despatch of the said religious, there may be delivered and paid to me the amount which, in conformity with the said report sent by your Lordship to the said royal council, shall be necessary and sufficient for the despatch and maintenance of the said ten religious whom, as I have said, his Majesty by his said royal decree commands me to conduct to the said islands in addition to the said thirty religious—for whom only your Lordship has given commands that allowance shall be made to me. Thus your Lordship will do service to our Lord, and will fulfil his Majesty’s directions. For this, etc.

Fray Diego Duarte

The aforesaid members of the Council, having considered this petition, give as their decision that a warrant has been delivered for the amount for which he possesses the necessary papers; and that as for the rest for which the said Fray Diego Duarte offers his prayer, he shall receive the papers needed; and they, accordingly direct that a warrant shall issue in conformity with the ordinance of the treasury.

Before me. Adriano de Siguença, notary.

Your Lordship: Fray Diego Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic declares that in accordance with the commands received from your Highness directing him to seek religious of his order in order to conduct them to his province in the Philippinas Islands, he has exerted himself to do so, and will take the number of forty. He offers his petition to your Highness that you will be pleased to command that he shall accordingly be given what is necessary in order that they may go aboard and also what they need to convey them to Sevilla, since [his Majesty] by Don Francisco de Tejada, of his council, gave his royal word to provide him with it. [Without date or signature.]

[Endorsed: “Let him receive the two hundred ducados which were decreed to be given. January 11, 1605.” “Let father Fray Diego Duarte receive what is needed for himself and thirty religious; and, if he conducts more, for as many as forty, in accordance with the new estimate and report; and let him receive in addition two hundred ducados beside the two hundred which were given him for the living and conveyance of the said religious on their way to Sevilla. Decreed in full council; Valladolid, January 19, 1605.”]

List of the Religious who go to the Province of the Holy Rosary in the Philippinas with father Fray Diego Aduarte during the present year, 1605 From San Esteban at Salamanca

Father Fray Diego del Aguila, son of the same convent and at the present time preacher in it, a native of Escalona; aged forty-eight years, thirty-two years in the order.

Father Fray Marcos de los Huertos, son of the same convent, a native of Astudillo; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Pedro de Armeiun, son of the same convent, a native of Calahorra; aged twenty-eight years, nine years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Joan de Vera, a son of the same convent, a native of Berlanga; aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Martin de la Anunciación, a son of the same convent, a native of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged twenty-nine years, seven years in the order; in the third year of theology.

Father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, a son of the same convent, a native of Fuente de Cantos; aged twenty-eight years, seven years in the order; in the third year of theology.

Father Fray Matheo de la Villa, a son of the same convent, a native of Asturias; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Diego Gomez, a son of the same convent, a native of the district of Avila; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; in the second year of theology.

Father Fray Lorenzo de Ponis, a son of the same convent, a native of the district of Burgos; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order; his studies completed, since before he assumed the habit he was far advanced in them.

Brother Fray Gaspar de Casa-Blanca, deacon, a son of the convent of Nuestra Señora at Peña de Francia, a native of the town of Fresneda; aged twenty-three years, six years in the order; in the first year of theology.

Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, sub-deacon, a native of Salamanca and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the first year of theology.

Brother Fray Roque Benito, a son of the convent of San Pedro Martir at Calataiud; aged twenty-one years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology; a native of Ateca in Aragón.

Brother Fray Antonio Vazquez, lay brother of the same convent, a native of Vittoria; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order.

Brother Fray Joan Zilarte, lay brother of the same convent, a native of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged thirty-two years, eight years in the order.

From San Yldefonso at Toro

Father Fray Lorenzo Campo, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocaña, a native of Corral de Almaguer; aged twenty-six years, seven in the order; in the second year of theology.

Brother Fray Diego Lopez, deacon, native and son of Plasencia; aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the second year of theology.

From Santo Thomás el Real at Avila

Father Fray Francisco del Barrio, native and son of Victoria; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; in the third year of theology.

Father Fray Gabriel Perez, native and son of Ocaña; aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.

From Sancta Cruz at Segovia

Father Fray Ambrosio de Huerta, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocaña; aged twenty years, three years in the order; his studies completed.

Brother Fray Manuel de Ledesma, a son of the same convent, a native of Segobia; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology.

Brother Fray Gabriel de Zuniga, sub-deacon, a son of the convent of Yepes, a native of Ocaña; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.

Brother Fray Francisco Rodriguez, a son of the same convent, a native of Guadalaxara; aged thirty years, ten years in the order. He is a lay brother.

From Sancta Cruz at Carboneras

Father Fray Jacinto Lopez de San Gerónimo, a son of the same convent, a native of Torrejoncillo de Huete; aged twenty-eight years, eleven years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Joan de Cuebas, a son of the same convent and lecturer on the arts therein, a native of Cardenete; aged twenty-five years, nine years in the order.

From San Pedro Martyr at Toledo

Father Fray Joseph de San Jacinto, a son of the convent of Ocaña, a native of Salvanes; aged twenty-five years, eight years in the order; in the second year of theology.

Brother Fray Pedro Gomez, deacon, a son of the convent San Ginés at Talavera, a native of the same place; aged twenty-three years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.

From San Pablo at Valladolid

Father Fray Jacinto Orfanel, a son of the convent of Santa Catalina at Barcelona, a native of the district of Valencia; aged twenty-eight years, eight years in the order; his studies completed.

From the college of San Gregorio at Valladolid

Father Fray Pedro Balberde, a native of the district of Córdova, a son of the convent of San Pablo at Cordoba; aged twenty-five years, seven years in the order; his studies completed.

From the college of Santo Thomás at Alcala

Father Fray Melchor Mançano, a native of Villaseusa de Aro, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocaña; aged twenty-six years, nine years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Joan de Leiba, a native of La Rioja, a son of the convent of Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged thirty years, ten years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Andres de Velasco, a native of La Rioja, a son of the convent of San Pablo at Burgos; aged twenty-eight years, ten years in the order, his studies completed.

Brother Fray Joan Ordima, deacon, son of the convent of San Pedro Martyr at Toledo, a native of the same place; aged twenty-four years, eight years in the order; his studies completed.

Brother Fray Juan Rodriguez Morcillo, deacon, son of the convent of La Madre de Dios at Alcalá, a native of Madridejos; aged twenty-three years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology.

From Santa Maria at Nieva

Father Fray Domingo del Arco, a native of the district of Guadalaxara, a son of the convent of La Madre de Dios at Alcalá; aged twenty-six years, six years in the order. He is not far advanced in his studies, but is very well fitted for this expedition.

From Santiago in Galicia

Father Fray Garcia Oroz, a native of the district of Pamplona, a son of the convent of Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged fifty years, thirty years in the order. This father has been in Nueva España. I ask for a dispensation that he may have permission to accompany me, for he will be of great use in this expedition and to that province.

From the convent of La Magdalenaat Alfararin, in the kingdom of Aragón

Father Fray Domingo Vicente, a son of the convent of Preachers in Zaragoza; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; a native of the district of Calatayud; his studies completed.

From the convent of San Pedro Martyr at Calatayud

Brother Fray Jacinto Francin, deacon, a native of Caspe and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-three years, five years in the order: in the first year of theology.

From the convent of Corpus Christi at Luchente

Father Fray Dionisio de Rueda, a son of the same convent; aged thirty-two years, sixteen years in the order; his studies completed. He is a native of Valencia.

In addition, I expect from the kingdoms of Cataluña and Valencia as many as twelve other religious who, as I certainly know, are very suitable persons for this mission, but I do not know their names. I shall not be able to learn these names until the religious reach here, which will be very late. I beg your Highness to be pleased to send me a license, so that I may have authority to take all of them; for, in the confidence that I should receive that permission, I have searched them out and disturbed them in their convents. I swear, on the faith of a religious and a priest, that those whom I have assigned so far are the aforesaid.

Fray Diego Aduarte

With regard to nearly all of those whose names appear in the list I am certain that they are religious of approved life and holy zeal, and that they will be able to do good service to our Lord in the conversion of the kingdoms and countries of the Indians. Many of them I saw on the road to Sebilla going on foot, to the edification of others, and in the order of sanctity. In the case of two or three I have found no one who knew them; but I trust in God and in the excellent zeal and choice of father Fray Diego Duarte that they will be like the rest. This is what I know; and in testimony of its truthfulness I have signed it with my name. In the convent of San Pablo at Valladolid June 4, 1605.

Fray Garcia Guerra, Master[2] and Procurator.

[Endorsed: “Let the documents necessary for the expenses of these religious be issued. Valladolid, on the sixth of June, one thousand six hundred and five.]”

To Diego de Vergara Gaviria, receiver of oaths in this Council: From the sums in your charge received for court fines give and pay to Fray Diego de Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic, two hundred ducados, amounting to seventy-five thousand maravedis, which it has been commanded to give him in addition to two hundred ducados which by warrant of this Council, dated August 31 last, in the year 604, we commanded you to pay him. This is on account of the expenses which he is obliged to incur in the conveyance and support of the religious. Take his receipt, with which and with this warrant the accountants of his Majesty who aid this Council shall receive and credit you on account the sum which you shall thus pay him. At Valladolid, on the thirty-first of August in the year one thousand six hundred and four.[3]

Signed by the Council.

A true report of the difficulties of conducting religious to the Philipinas, because of the severe restrictions imposed by the decrees of his Majesty in regard to the matter.

Although taking religious to any part of the Indias is a very arduous undertaking, it is incomparably more so to convey them to the Philippinas, since the journey is much longer, and there are more places on the way at which it is necessary to have dealings with royal officials. Accordingly, this voyage offers difficulties twice as great as the others. Not only is it necessary to cross two great seas—those of the North [Atlantic] and, of the South [Pacific]—besides the difficult journey across the country of Nueva España from one ocean to the other, but in addition his Majesty obliges us who make this journey to pass through so many hands and through so many registries as are certainly intolerable. If affairs be always conducted thus, it will be truly impossible to make the voyage according to the very severe regulations laid down by his Majesty, and with the very slight assistance given by his officials to the religious. I do not expatiate upon the great difficulties in obtaining religious, on their own side, as they are the sons of many mothers; and as soon as they begin the journey they hear a thousand things in regard to the evils of the country where they are going. Even if nothing more is said of it than that there is neither bread nor wine therein, that is enough to daunt a giant. Then those who by their strength of character overcome these difficulties at the edge of the water are frightened at the sea, and at the dismal prophecies that are usually current, that the fleet will be lost on account of sailing very late (as it almost always does) from España. Thus many of the religious have not courage to embark; while those who overcome this difficulty and do go aboard, being new to the sea and seeing themselves in so narrow a space as is that of one ship, and being very seasick—indeed, there are many who during the whole voyage cannot raise their heads—are delighted to find themselves on shore alive. Then having set foot on the land of Nueva España, from which they understand that they are obliged to pass anew through all that they have already suffered, and over a much larger ocean, they are put to the test by the climate; some die, and others find themselves attacked by a thousand sicknesses. They get there no better report about the country to which they are going than they had in España—indeed a much worse one, as it is received from eye-witnesses, both laymen and friars; and they dare not go on farther. All these difficulties have to be conquered by the commissary who conducts them, by means of his prudence, of which he needs a goodly supply. He is obliged to conduct them with love, for the religious are not of a character to be treated with rigor and violence, especially in a matter contrary to flesh and blood, when they exile themselves to those distant countries, so hot and so sterile, leaving their own land, which perhaps they can never forget. Hence, if they were to be treated with violence the result which your Majesty desires would not follow, that is, the service of God and of your Majesty’s self in the conversion of souls. Not only would they, if thus treated, destroy more than they would build up, but they would serve only to disquiet those who were there occupied in the building up of that great church. These difficulties themselves are not so small; but it is reasonable to add the other and greater ones, such as are those of sending the religious away, and those which are stated in the following paragraphs.

What occurs at Valladolid in despatching this business. The first of the difficulties is in the first steps taken to bring the journey before the Council at the court. These steps are many; and anyone who goes thither without money—and those who come from the Philippinas to treat for this matter generally have no money—will find it necessary to take a great many more steps, since the officials regard that time as lost which they spend upon despatching the business of a man who offers them no advantages. Accordingly, it is not possible to obtain documents from them except by dint of importunate prayers, and these necessarily require much going about; this in the streets of Valladolid in winter is a very arduous task, especially for religious, who cannot leave their convent whenever they please. Still, to avoid this going from place to place is impossible if the business is to be carried on. After obtaining an order from the Council of the Indias, which one cannot generally get at the first request, it is necessary to obtain a second order from the Council of the Exchequer with regard to the allowance for the journey, and both of these must be recorded by the accountants of both councils. Although this may be necessary to give further security to the decrees of his Majesty and to relieve them from any suspicion of forgery, still, as those which are given to religious persons, and for so pious a purpose as this, are free from such suspicion, they may well be privileged in some respects and need not be obliged to pass through so many registries. On account of the great number of matters which are attended to in Valladolid, documents cannot pass through all the registries without taking much time. Accordingly, much trouble is necessarily caused in the hospices [i.e., guest-houses] of the convents where they lodge, and the commissioner who takes charge of this business is also obliged to suffer even more inconvenience—finding that for business so much to the advantage of our lord the king, and requiring so great labor and responsibility on his own part, and in which there is not a trace of profit to himself, it should be necessary to make such exertions at the very beginning. I confess, for my part, that I would have given up at this first station on the route if I had not supposed that all the hindrances to this voyage that I could encounter in the direction of his Majesty would have ended at this point; but later it will be seen how completely deceived I was in this notion. However, it is as well that all those who concern themselves with this business should be so deceived at the beginning, for if they were not they would give up this work, pious as it is.

The smallness of the allowance for conducting the religious to Sevilla. Further, the amount which your Majesty commands to be granted in Valladolid for conveying the religious from their convents to Sevilla, is insufficient by far for the expense thus incurred. I conducted the religious who accompanied me to Sevilla in the greatest poverty, for many of them went on foot, and he who was best equipped rode an ass. Yet I arrived in Sevilla burdened by a debt of more than two hundred ducados, merely from the expenditure which I was obliged to make on their account.

In Sevilla. In Sevilla, which is the second stopping-place, another troop of difficulties are encountered. In general, it is customary at the House of Trade to make some additions to the decrees of his Majesty; in order that these be accepted a great number of requirements must be fulfilled, the lack of any one of which is sufficient to invalidate the documents. Usually some one of these is lacking, from which it is easy to understand the embarrassment in which he must be who has charge of this matter, when he finds himself and his companions already in Sevilla without sufficient means for their support. This happened to me, and I am certain that I was not the first, and that he who follows me will not be the last, thus situated. I found myself in such embarrassment as the result of this that I was almost on the point of abandoning the enterprise at that time.

The small allowance for provisions on the voyage. Moreover, the amount granted in Sevilla for the entire support of the religious is far from sufficient for this purpose. If the amount commanded to be granted to them is divided into vestments, bedding, carriage of books, and freight-charges from Sevilla to Sanlucar, the amount allowed for the ship supplies for each person comes to only twenty-two ducados, which is all that they actually had. It is easy to see that it is impossible to obtain with this, or even approach, all that is necessary. It is certainly true that for bread and wine alone, I spent almost all of what the king granted me for supplies on the voyage; and that I had to encroach upon what was granted me for vestments and what clothes the friars themselves used for apparel. In addition, I was unable to pay all that we owed in Sevilla to the convent for the days during which we had remained there; accordingly, when I left it I was out of favor with the prior and the other brethren of the convent and yet I reduced to a very limited amount the supplies for the voyage. This is the statement of facts in verbo sacerdotis; for it may be evident in what straits we were, to anyone who has received as allowance for this purpose no more than that which the king gives, as ordinarily those who come from the Philippinas have only that amount.

The requirement that the Council shall approve the religious who are to go is severe and useless. After all this, the requirement of making the voyage under the very severe rule that the Council shall approve the friars who are to go to the Indias brings the whole undertaking within obvious risk of failure. If the list of names of the religious who are going must be certain and accurate, it cannot be sent to the Council before they are all assembled in Sevilla; for up to that point it is very uncertain who are to go. Even then it still remains uncertain, for many come back from Sevilla. The ordinary state of affairs is that all are gathered there a few days only before the departure of the fleet, for, if they go much sooner, there is no means for their support; for his Majesty gives commands to provide a real and a half daily for every religious, while the contribution demanded from the convent is three reals a day for each one. Now, if the list of names of the religious cannot be sent to Valladolid earlier, even if it should be approved there at the very moment—and usually business there is despatched quite otherwise—it is necessary that the approval shall come back from Valladolid immediately, or else the fleet will have departed, or be on the point of going. In the meantime the religious are in suspense, without knowing whether they are to make the voyage or no; for in the House of Trade at Sevilla they either refuse to give them the grant necessary for their support until the approval of the Council arrives, or, if they grant it in advance, they require a bond which the poor commissary does not know where to find—and which even if he could find it would be unwise for him to give, since he has no means by which to satisfy it in case the Council decree some other thing than what he expects. If, on the other hand, the House of Trade allows the grant after the appropriation arrives, the time is so short that it is impossible to provide the supplies for the voyage, except very poorly and in great haste, and at a very high price, since one must purchase without time for examination. Besides this, the religious are greatly hurt to find themselves subjected to an examination at the hands of the Council with regard to their life, their habits, and their family, just as if to permit them to go to the Indias were as much as to appoint them to bishoprics; this has greatly cooled their ardor. If the commissary who conducts them is not a man of great prudence, so that he can gild and smooth over this annoyance, it is certain that not one of them will go farther. Much more is it true that, if the rule should become known in the provinces of Castilla and Aragon, whence the religious for these missions usually go, no one would enter them; for if a man is required to leave his own country and his relatives and friends, and exile himself to the end of the world, at the risk of being excluded from the missions by the Council of the Indias, that would be the same as to put on him an eternal sanbenito[4] in his order. Indeed, who would voluntarily subject himself to an interrogation of this sort? May it please God that, even if the bridge be made of silver, they shall be willing to go, all the more for so long and hard a voyage as that to the Philippinas, which in itself involves so many difficulties that only the arm of God can overcome them. It would be well to entrust to the commissary who conveys them this examination into their life and habits, for, if he is a conscientious man, he knows well that he lays a burden upon his conscience if he conducts ministers who will not unburden the conscience of the king; and, if he is not conscientious, these ordinances are ineffective, for, as they are so rigorous, he will evade them with very little trouble and at no expense to himself, for the whole matter must rest upon the honesty with which he is willing to act.

Registry fees in Sanlucar. In Sanlucar is the third stopping-place. Here, however well a man may have managed his business in getting out of Sevilla, there are never lacking hindrances; for whenever religious are registered there for passage they always meet with some obstacle, if it be nothing more than being asked for fees. These fees are demanded by the clerk of the registry and by the inspector of the ships, who is usually an official of the House of Trade at Sevilla. This demand for a fee for every religious who goes through is a very base thing. As for me, I was asked for three reals apiece by the clerk. As I thought that the act was an injustice, I went to the accountant and reported the case to him; it seemed even worse to him, and he told me that he would correct it. He did so by telling me on the following day that I should give the clerk what he asked for, and a real and a half more for every one; and that, if I did not do so he would not permit me to go aboard. This is the truth, in verbo sacerdotis. It seems to me that since the king does not require us to pay fees for our books and clothes, still less ought we to be asked to pay fees for our persons. I sent a complaint to the duke of Medina, who was greatly offended, and condemned the act, so finally they gave me my despatch for almost nothing.

Fees on the Northern Sea. At sea there is another registry at the time of the inspection of the ships, which generally takes place in mid-ocean at some time when the wind is fair, at the pleasure of the commander of the fleet. In truth, it seems as if it were invented solely for the gain which the officials obtain from it. They exact twelve reals from every passenger; and since the poor are usually by that time drained so dry that most of them go on board without a single real—having spent everything on expenses in port, the king’s fees, and the ingenious exactions of the custom-house officers and excise-men—they suffer more from this than from everything else that they have previously spent. In my case they did me the honor to excuse me from the fees for the religious, but refused to do so for the servants whom we brought with us. Finally, however, we brought them to the point of agreeing to this because it was plain that we all had come by the order of his Majesty. This affair was the cause of no small embarrassment and resentment for all.

From San Joan de Lua to Mexico. In the port of San Joan de Lua[5] in Nueva España is the fourth station on the route. It is not the most comfortable one, although it ought to be so, since all arrive there much exhausted and worn out by the voyage. There one begins anew to deal with royal officials, to whom money must be given. Thus after we have passed the ocean the torments begin, which have no mercy upon those whom the ocean has many times spared. At that port it is very necessary to have something left over from one’s sea-stores, for the expenses are very great in this country. The vicar must not be niggardly in distributing them, if he has to transact any business; or he must arm himself with patience, which is very necessary. His Majesty commands that the religious be provided there with what they need from his royal treasury for the journey which they must make to México. They allow them only ten days for the journey, and provide food only for that period. The road is eighty leguas in length and is very rough, so that it takes a well-mounted horseman with a light load all of ten days to make it. How much more must it take for people going in company, and with a string of pack animals (as the religious ordinarily travel), who do not expect to go more than five or six leguas a day. Moreover, they are traveling in countries of varying climates; one of these being hot and the next cold, they often fall ill on the road, and some cannot travel farther. It is no small achievement for those in health to reach México in twenty days. That which is allowed them for ten days’ journey is not enough, as is very certain, in this country; how, then, will it suffice for twenty?

In México. In the City of México, which is the court of Nueva España, is the fifth stopping-place, where all of the difficulties which have been experienced at the court of our lord the king and in the city of Sevilla are renewed; because here one has to deal with royal officials in order to obtain money, and with the officials of his lordship the viceroy regarding the formalities necessary for the second embarcation. And both classes of officials make themselves so much the owners of the poor religious who has need of them that, when they again commence their demands here, he would, even if he had the patience of a Job, need all of it because of the many occasions which are here offered for his losing it. Although I arrived at México burdened with the expenses of the journey, and had no food and no place from which to get it, the royal officials are not obliged to pay a single maravedi until all the party have passed through their registers. This will be done when they please. They inquire from the religious where their homes are, and who are their parents—a very unpleasant thing. One requires great assistance from Heaven in order not to resent it bitterly. They put so little confidence in his word and oath that what they do not see with their own eyes it is not worth while to swear to them. It happened, on the day when they registered me, that I did not have with me three religious, who were lying sick in the city of Los Angeles, which is on the route hither. Although I told the royal officials of this and swore it in verbo sacerdotis, that did not avail to make them give me the subsistence which I was obliged to send to those sick men. After this, since the stay in Mexico is long, lasting for almost a half a year, they asked money whenever they paid the tri-yearly allowance, and for every warrant they charged ten pesos, which comes to eighty[6] pesos. The payment is made in silver, to exchange which for current money causes a great deal of loss. Thus all of these pilferings consume the little which is given to the religious. I pass over the fact that it is impossible to collect money due without taking many steps and hearing many rude answers and sometimes insulting language. At one time when I was making such claims, one of the Mexican accountants uttered to me, before respectable witnesses, an insult which cut me to the heart, because I felt it as a man; and if he had uttered those words to one of his slaves, it might have wounded him.

In Acapulco. At the port of Acapulco is the last stopping-place. I do not even know what happens there, for at the time of writing this report we have not arrived there; but I have sufficient evidence that it must be the most burdensome of all. It is about three months since I have had three religious there, being obliged to send them in advance that they might prepare there what is needed for the voyage. One of them with my power of attorney requested the royal officials there to grant them a house, as is usual and customary, that they might collect there the ship-stores which are on the way from Mexico, and might lodge the friars there when about to make the journey. They presented for this purpose your Majesty’s decree which I possess, and the officials replied that they would not grant them the house without a command from the viceroy. I sent this to them, and they made I know not what additions, and so have sent it back to me. During the two months and more that have been occupied with these demands and answers, the poor friars have slept on the ground, without having anyone to take them into his house—except that, being taken ill, they were received in the hospital. It is with all these hardships and difficulties that this voyage, so much to the service of God and of his Majesty, is taken, besides those experienced in the voyage itself, which are enough to make the beard of the bravest tremble. His Majesty requires, in spite of all this, that all of the religious who go from España to Philippinas must proceed thither, without permission being granted for any to remain in Nueva Spaña; but there is no means less suitable to gain that end than obliging them to pass through so many difficulties. They come out of them so much grieved and humiliated that their courage and good will in serving his Majesty has come to an end. To transport them by force most certainly is no profit to his royal service, much less to the service of God. It does no good to the cause of religion, as I said in the beginning. Besides this, if your Majesty is pleased that we religious shall pass through so many registries without having our word or oath believed in them, because of the fraud that might exist in the amounts allowed to us from his royal treasury—if we are not to be trusted in this matter, much less shall be so in regard to the relief of his conscience, for which he sends us to those regions. Hence it seems that sending us might be dispensed with; the more since his Majesty entrusts this matter to his royal officials to whose direction and command he subjects us religious. They, perhaps supposing that by showing themselves rigorous in a matter of such piety they are likely to be regarded as zealous for the protection of the royal treasury in all other matters, draw the string until it breaks. But it is evident that there are royal officials in the Indias who maintain princely houses, perhaps without having inherited means for this from their parents. With regard to them it is plainly known that they serve the king solely for their own advantage; yet his Majesty trusts more to them than to disinterested religious who ask for nothing but their food and lodging on the road. If this costs much, it is because the journey is so tedious. Although at this point it might be said that the accounts of the royal officials have to be audited in due time, and that therefore they are more to be trusted, I, who have seen much of the world and know what happens in it, know also what is the fact in this matter. It is, that he who goes out of office richest at the time of the residencia goes out the best justified; hence, for fear of that, he never fails to make his profit. I do not mean to say that there should be no order or system in regard to the grant allowed by his Majesty to the religious for these missions; but I mean that his Majesty should command his officials to believe them at least on their oath, and that when they are obliged to give their oath they should not be annoyed as they have been hitherto.

The only objection to this is the irregularities of the fathers commissaries who have taken religious to the Indias. These, it is said, have obliged his Majesty to impose such restrictions in this matter, and as a safeguard against irregularities which may occur in future—because there have been commissaries who have taken fewer religious than the king provided for, thus defrauding his royal treasury by spending on a few that which was allowed for many. To this I reply, first, that there is no fraud upon the royal treasury, inasmuch as the allowance made by it for four is insufficient for the support of three, as appears from the previous statements of what happened to me in Sevilla. Hence there is not in this the evil design which seems to exist. The second point is that, as a result of these oppressive orders, the condition of things is sure to be much worse, since many mare friars are certain to remain in Sevilla and Nueva Spaña, even after they have received money from the royal treasury for their ship-stores. After this has once been paid none of it can ever be restored to the treasury, even if a great excess were left; since whatever would be restored to the treasury, of all this which has been obtained from it with so many documents and precautions, would not go to it but to its officials. This would be the more true inasmuch as they, however justified they might be, would be unwilling to accept the things in kind, for fear of being obliged to give an account of them afterwards. This might subject them to great danger of loss. Above all, if the commissary were to reveal this matter to the officials, they would put an embargo on the whole affair, and he would undergo the risk of being unable to undertake the voyage. This happened to me once, for, being very fond of following truth and honesty, I told the royal officials of this City of Mexico that two religious of my company had received my permission to remain here, as that was expedient for the service of God and of his Majesty, and declared that I did not require living expenses and ship-stores for them. The officials, in place of trusting me at seeing that I proceeded without fraud or falsehood, cut off the provisions for all of my company, refusing for more than twenty days to give me what his Majesty commanded to be allowed for the support of the religious. Thus I was almost on the point of being unable to make the journey; for I used up on their living in México all of the ship-stores which I had provided for the sea. Accordingly, in their desire to prevent two from remaining here, they incurred the risk that all of us might be compelled to remain. I stated this to the royal officials and the viceroy in a petition, and gained nothing by it. This is the kind of inconveniences which follow from practicing honesty with regard to the decrees of his Majesty.

As for the aforesaid, I, Fray Diego Aduarte, vicar of the religious of Saint Dominic who are going to the Philippinas, swear in verbo sacerdotis that it is true, and I sign it with my name. At Mexico, January 20, 1605.

Fray Diego Aduarte

[Endorsed: “February 12, 1607, referred to Señor Don Francisco de Tejada to examine the papers and report thereon to the council.”

“February 16, 1607, examined; the decrees, within.”]

[Endorsed: “Let the House of Trade state why dues are collected from every religious who goes on his Majesty’s account to the Indias, and let it give an account of the amount charged for registration; and in the meantime, and until further orders, let it take no fees, and issue a decree that the officers shall not levy these dues.

“Let the approval of the religious conducted by father Fray Graviel de San Antonio to the Filipinas be entrusted to Señor Don Francisco de Vaste; and on the credit of this alone let the House of Trade, for this one time, furnish him with provision for the friars’ support during the voyage.

“Write to the viceroy of Nueva España to direct the royal officials and all other officers to despatch with promptitude and treat with kindness the religious who go to the Filipinas by command of his Majesty and at his Majesty’s expense; and let them take no fees for the despatch of their persons and their books, or for the warrants for collection of the expenses which they incur on the journey.

“In regard to everything else contained in this petition and report from father Fray Diego Aduarte, let that be decreed which is fitting to the service of God and his Majesty.”]

(Most Powerful Sire: I, Fray Gabriel de San Antonio[7], vicar of the religious who by order of your Highness are to go this year to the Philippinas, declare that father Fray Diego Aduarte, who conducted the religious who last went to the said islands, found, in spite of the liberal grant made by your Majesty to him, some difficulties which greatly hindered his voyage, as appears from his report herewith enclosed. Of all these difficulties the gravest are three. The first is, that the officials of the House of Trade at Sevilla are unwilling to pay to the commissioner or vicar who conducts the religious the money which your Highness commands to be given for their voyage, unless he first gives good and sufficient bonds that he will return the money in case the religious do not embark; the second is, that the convent of San Pablo at Sevilla and that of Santo Domingo at Sanlucar, where the religious are entertained, demand from them three reals a day, although your Highness grants only a real and a half; the third is, that the registry clerks are unwilling to record the grants to the religious unless they receive three reals for each person. As a result, since that which your Highness grants for the voyage is but little, they put so much difficulty in the way that the religious are unable to go on, and the commissary or vicar who conducts them is prevented, to that extent, from fulfilling his obligations and the service of your Highness.

He prays your Highness, in view of the service which he has done for your Highness in the Philippinas, in Eastern Indias, and in sending out the religious whom he, father Fray Diego Aduarte, conducted, and in that which he is now about to undertake in his own person, and considering how small is the allowance granted to the religious for their voyage, that your Majesty will be pleased to make an allowance for additional expense for himself and for the religious whom he conducts with him; and he prays your Majesty that, in order to relieve the difficulties referred to, you will decree that which is most suitable to your royal service and to the prompt despatch of the religious.

Fray Gabriel de San Antonio)

[1] Diego Aduarte was born at Zaragoza, about 1570, and at the age of sixteen entered a Dominican convent at Alcalá de Henares. In 1594 he joined the mission to the Philippines, arriving at Manila June 12, 1595. In the following January Aduarte accompanied the expedition sent by Luis Dasmariñas to Cambodia (see Vol. IX, pp. 161–180, 265, 277); the result of this was disastrous, and after many dangers and hardships, and a long illness, he returned to Manila on June 24, 1597. Two years later he went to China, to rescue Dasmariñas (stranded there after another unsuccessful expedition to Cambodia), and remained until February, 1600. Soon afterward he went to Spain on business of his order, arriving there in September, 1603. There he obtained a reënforcement of missionaries for the Philippines, arriving at the islands in August, 1606. He was again despatched to Spain (July, 1607), where he remained until 1628; he then returned to the Philippines with another missionary band. He was seen afterward elected prior of the convent at Manila, and later became bishop of Nueva Segovia; but exercised the latter office only a year and a half, dying in the summer of 1636. Aduarte’s Historia de la provincia del Sancto Rosario (Manila, 1640) is his chief work; we shall present it in later volumes of this series. See biography of Aduarte in Reseña biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santísimo Rosario de Filipinas (Manila, 1891), pp. 148–172.

[2] Master (Latin magister, Spanish maestro): a title of honor given to religious of venerable age or distinguished services; see Du Cange, s.vv. dominus ordinis, magister ordinis.

[3] So in the MS., but apparently an error of cuatro for cinco (“five”), as the evidence of this and the other documents of this group indicates that this warrant was given in 1605, not 1604.

[4] The garment placed by the tribunal of the Inquisition upon persons who, after trial, became penitent and were reconciled to the church.

[5] San Juan de Ulua (or Lua, also Ulloa), in Mexico, was thus named (1518) for St. John and in honor of Juan Grijalva, one of Cortés’s officers, who in that year discovered Yucatan. In the summer of the following year, Cortés founded, not far from this place, the city of Vera Cruz.

[6] In our copy of this document (the official transcript) the text reads que son 80 pesos; but as in half a year but two of these tri-yearly payments would be made, it seems more probable that this was intended for 20 pesos.

[7] Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio came to the Philippines in 1595, and was assigned to the mission among the Chinese in Binondo; but he could not learn their language, and, becoming discouraged thereat, returned to Spain. Finally, being troubled by his conscience for having abandoned his post, he obtained permission from his superiors to conduct a band of new missionaries to the islands. Embarking with them, he was overcome by sickness and the hardships of the voyage, and died before reaching Mexico (1608). He was appointed (apparently after his departure on this journey) bishop of Nueva Caceres.

The Dutch Factory at Tidore

Testimony of a Dutchman named Juan who was taken in the factory at Tidore

In the port of Tidore, on the sixteenth day of the month of March, in the year one thousand six hundred and six, the captain and sargento-mayor Christoval Asqueta Minchaca of the regiment of the master-of-camp Joan de Esquibel, the royal commander of this fleet, declares that the said master-of-camp, Joan de Esquibel, sent to him in his ship a foreigner, whom he found with others in the factory[1] at Tidore, that he might undergo examination.

The following interrogatory was put to this man: “What are the names of this declarant and his companions? In what vessels did they come? How many are there in Maluco and in these Eastern Yndias? In what regions have they been, each of them, and how long in each region, and in what vessels did they come? To whom do these vessels belong? who equipped them? on whose account did they make their voyage? and for whom is this factory conducted? Are this factory and that of Terrenate all one, belonging to the same owners? With what permission did they come to these regions?”

He said that he was named Joan and was a native of Amberes, a Christian, and had been baptized in the said city. Of his companions, the factor, named Jacome Joan, is a Dutchman, a native of the city of Absterdaem; the second is named Pitri, a native of Yncussa in the islands of Olanda; a third is named Costre, by his last name, and this declarant does not know his first name. He is a native of Campem, of the states of Olanda. This declarant came to these regions in the ship of the [Dutch] vice-commander, which voyaged in company with the other four; and they seized Ambueno and this fort of Tidore. It is eight months since they left him on this island, and two months before they had anchored in the said port, the said five ships had halted for supplies in Java, where they remained fifteen days. Jacome Joan, who is at present factor of this island of Tidore, has spent five years in Terrenate. The declarant does not know from what place he came. The merchants of Jelanda of the city of Millburg—named Joan Comne, another Burriel, and another Muniq, natives of Amberes—are known to this declarant, and have other associates in Olanda in the city of Ambstradama, in Cuyssem and in Horrem.[2] All of these together have a common purse, and it is all one amount; it is they who have equipped these vessels for this expedition. The names of the citizens of these cities of Olanda and Gelanda are known to one of the associates of this declarant, the one named Costre. The factories of Tidore and of Terrenate are all one, owned by the same persons. In Ambueno, in Java, in Banda, in Sunda, in Pajani, in Achi, on the coast of Vengala,[3] and in some regions the names of which are not known to this declarant the said merchants have factories, under such an arrangement that the whole affair is all one thing, owned by the same proprietors. Of these fleets none set sail except by permission of the prince of Oranje, to whom is given the part which pertains to him as lord. And this is his answer.

He was asked, “What ship is the one which was met by this fleet? whence comes it? what arms and artillery, powder and provisions does it carry? whence are they obtained and provided? and where have they their factory?” He answered that the ship about which the inquiry is made is one of the five which came with this witness when they seized the said forts of Ambueno and Tidore. The captain was a certain Gertiolfos, a native of Olanda. He set sail from Yncussen with money and provisions for only two years. He has been cruising about these islands for ten months, and in the opinion of this declarant the said ship carries at present forty seamen, more or less; while the exact number of the forces in the said ship will be stated by Costre and Pitri, since they came as seamen in her. This declarant does not know that they carry more arms than are needed to arm all the men on board her. Their weapons are muskets, arquebuses, and half-pikes. When this declarant went aboard the ship, it seemed to him she had twenty-nine or thirty pieces of artillery. As for her provisions they get them in places where they have factories. He does not know how much gunpowder they carry, except that they came out from Olanda and Jelanda provided with it.

He was asked what treaties they had with the king of Tidore and the king of Terrenate, and what oaths the king of Tidore had made to them; he replied that the treaty which they had made is of the following nature: The king of Tidore at the time when they took this fort told the commander of the fleet, who was called Cornieles Bastian, that they should leave here forces and that he would build a fort where these might be kept, so that if Portuguese or Castilians came they might be able to defend the country; while he would assure them that the country should be for the Dutch. The commander answered that he had not a sufficient force to be able to leave any to defend the country; and the said king asked him to leave three or four Dutchmen, that they might carry on their trade and barter. When the commander asked with what security he could leave them, and what the other would do, the said king then caused the books of his Mahometan religion to be brought; and, laying his hands upon them, made an oath after his custom that he would protect, favor, and defend the Dutch as if they were his own sons. In the same manner he swore that he would sell cloves to no people except to the Dutch, unless extreme need of food should force him to sell them to some other people, in which case he would not sell them except to Java. In this manner was carried out that which is contained in this interrogatory. Being asked if the kings of Tidore and Terrenate were at peace, and how and under what conditions, for how long a time, and who intervened in forming the peace—he answered that it is a matter of public knowledge in this region that they have not made peace or amity, but that both kings are at war.

When asked what goods they have in the factory on this island of Tidore, what amount of cloves is due to them, who they are who owe the Dutch, and how many the king owes—he answered that the goods which they have in the factory are bales of cloth—such as fine muslins and linens, gauzes [word illegible] and iron. This declarant knows that the king of Tidore owes the factory a great amount of cloves, and that some of the people of Tidore likewise owe some. He refers to the accounts of the factor. Being asked who or which of them keeps the book of accounts and reckoning of the factory, that he might exhibit it, he answered that the factor, named Jacone Joan, had it, and he referred to him.

Being asked with what intention they remained in these islands, when they expected to leave them, and whether they intended to maintain a permanent trade there—he responded that this declarant and his companions remained in order that commerce with the people of Tidore and Terrenate might be opened, and that they were waiting for ships from Olanda in which a commanding officer and troops would come to remain as colonists and inhabitants, like the Portuguese, and to carry on commerce with the islands from Olanda and Jelanda. And this is his answer.

Being asked what offer they had made to the kings of Terrenate and Tidore as to aiding and assisting them against the Spaniards: he answered that the king of Tidore had agreed with the commander that if the Spaniards came with such a fleet that he would be unable to resist them he would be obliged to yield the country; and by consequence, if the Dutch had a force sufficient to take it from the Spaniards or Portuguese, he was not sufficiently powerful to defend the country against them. He knew that the commander had written to Java that six vessels which he had been informed were to go to Java should come here; after this had been done, the said commander went back to Patan, but the ships had not come. This declarant does not know that more vessels have arrived or set out than the five of which he has spoken.

Being asked if they expect any ships, how many there are, when they are to come, how many came out in a fleet from Olanda, and at what time they set sail—this declarant replied that he was certain, now that the commerce here had been begun and this fort established, that vessels would come. He does not know the number, but the said factor will have an account thereof. When this man who is making his confession set sail, there set out from Olanda and Jelanda twelve ships. They were divided after the following manner: Two of them separated from the others at the Cape of Buena Esperanza [i.e., Good Hope], at the island of Sant Lorenço, and two others at Masanvique [i.e., Mozambique]; three remained in Ambueno, to go to Banda to be laden with pepper; and the five others came to these islands. It may be two years since they left Olanda and Jelanda. This declarant does not know what course they followed, more than as a common sailor who went on board to get his livelihood.

Being asked of what he knows of affairs in Terrenate, and of the state in which they are, and of the fort and defenses there—he answered that the artillery was not inside the fort, but in a house intended for the sole purpose of protecting the artillery against the water. The height of the wall is four estados, as he thinks. This declarant thinks that the city where the fort is contains as many as two thousand men of war, armed with arquebuses, muskets, campilans, cuirasses, and helmets. This is his answer and it is the truth, under the penalty imposed upon him who testifies falsely; and he has signed this with his name. [Signature is lacking]

[1] The word “factory,” as here used, refers to the place where the factors, or agents, of a commercial company reside and transact the business entrusted to them.

[2] These names are merely phonetic renderings of the names of certain Dutch cities. Absterdaem and Ambstradama are for Amsterdam; Yncussa (and probably Cuyssem), for Enkhuysen (or Enchuysen); Campem, for Campen; Amberes, for Antwerp; Millburg, for Middleburg; Horrem, for Hoorn. Olanda and Gelanda are for Holland and Zeeland.

[3] That is: Achin (or Acheen), in Sumatra; Pajang, a province in Java; and Bengal, in India.

The Sangley Insurrection of 1603

True relation of the Sangley insurrection in the Filipinas, and the miraculous punishment of their rebellion; and other events of the islands: written to these kingdoms by a soldier who is in those islands, and abridged by Miguel Rodriguez Maldonado.[1]

[Marginal note at beginning of MS.: “Chinese Sangleys who remained in this island to enjoy the liberty of the gospel, many of whom afterward failed in their duty.”]

On September 26 of the former year 603, it was reported in this city of Manila that a negress had declared that on St. Francis’s day there would be a great fire and much bloodshed. Investigations were made in regard to her statement, and the time passed until Friday, October 3, of the said year, the eve of St. Francis. In the afternoon, Don Luys de las Marinas sent to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña to ask for thirty soldiers, as he perceived that the Sangleys living in Tondo and Minondo, where he usually lived, were in rebellion. He had learned that a band numbering three hundred had assembled, mostly gardeners; and, although he wished to reconnoiter them, he did not dare to, because of the few men that he had. The messenger reached Don Pedro de Acuña, and a little later came a Christian Sangley, one Baristilla, then governor of the Sangleys, both Christian and pagan. He craftily informed Don Pedro de Acuña of the news, and was heartily thanked, as the matter was not understood. The Spaniards immediately called a council of war, where it was resolved to send the help asked by Don Luys de las Marinas. That same day the reënforcement left, and all the companies were assembled with the utmost silence, in the guard-room, and were given their orders. Some of the inhabitants were ordered to be on their guard, and to sound the alarm if they perceived any extraordinary excitement. Accordingly, it happened that the alarm was sounded very suddenly, between one and two o’clock that night; they had been obliged to give it because of a fire that they saw near the city. There was a great commotion, as there were so few inhabitants in the country. Every man hastened to his banner, and all went to the guard-room, where they were ordered to take their stations. Having manned the walls, and keeping on the alert, it was discovered that the fire was in certain summer-houses, where Captain Estevan de Marquina was living with his children and wife. A troop of four thousand Sangleys went to this house, and killed him and his wife, four children, and twenty slaves, with great cruelty, although he defended himself as a good soldier and Spaniard. He had confessed that afternoon, for it was the jubilee of St. Francis. Only one little girl, his daughter, escaped from his house, whom a slave carried out in his arms, although she was badly wounded and burned. Having inflicted this damage, the Sangleys invested another house near by, where the archdean, Francisco Gomez de Arellano, was living, as well as the father-commissary of the Holy Office, and Father Fernando de los Reyes. The Sangleys were very determined to kill those men, but they, hearing the noise, fired two loaded arquebuses. When the enemy perceived that they were firing arquebuses, imagining that they had many of them, they passed by, and at one-half legua reached a village called Quiapo. There they set a large fire, and then immediately extinguished it. Half an hour later they built a larger fire, which lasted a longer time. This was a signal for the Sangleys in the Parian to assault the city, and take it. Although the Sangleys of the Parian saw the fire, they did not then dare to attack the city; for they were divided into factions, as the wealthy merchants did not wish to risk their property. But as those who had little to lose were in the great majority, they forced them to attack, and calling to the mob, they assailed the city.[2] It is said that they saw over the gate opposite the Parian (which they were about to attack) a crucified Christ dripping blood, and at His feet the seraphic father, St. Francis, with face uplifted toward Him. On this account they became so faint-hearted that they were forced to retire, without being observed from the city, as it was night. Those in Quiapo set fire to it and burned it. They killed some natives, whose moans and cries were heard on the city walls. At this juncture day dawned, and it was seen that the enemy were marching to their camp, in order to fortify themselves in a chapel called San Francisco del Monte, two leguas from the city. There they established themselves, and fortified a stronghold built of stakes filled in well with earth, to a man’s height, and furnished with two ditches of fresh water. It seemed suitable for twenty thousand men, and had very skilfully laid-out streets. This means that more than two hundred Sangleys were building it for more than a month, but with so great quietness that it was never known; for it was a district little frequented by Spaniards, as it was swampy. The men began to gather there again, so that at noon on Saturday, the fourth of October, the enemy had more than ten thousand men in camp. On that day the Christian Sangleys of Tondo and Minondo rose. When Don Luys de las Marinas saw this, and the help that he was awaiting having arrived, he attacked them with great spirit and killed many of them. But as he perceived that his men were about to be attacked by a great number of people, he requested the governor to send him a second reënforcement quickly. The governor hesitating as to whom to send, Captain Don Tomas Bravo de Acuña, his nephew, begged to be assigned to this task, and to take his company, numbering seventy good soldiers—musketeers and arquebusiers, a picked body of men. Besides this almost all the soldiers of the country offered to go with him, as it was an expedition of so great justice and honor. The governor was urgent in ordering that no others than Don Tomas and his company should go. But he could not help it, and accordingly the following persons went on the expedition.

[Here follows a list of the principal officers who accompanied the governor’s nephew. They contained such names as Captain Juan de la Isla, Captain Villafaña, Captain Cebrian de Madrid, and Pedro de Benavides, besides a number of citizens who are unnamed.]

They came in sight of the enemy on this day, Saturday, and having joined Don Luys de las Marinas in Tondo and General Juan de Alcega, they attacked the enemy. The latter were in three squadrons, of forty companies of one hundred and eighty men apiece; and most of them were ambushed with their colonel. Our men were not dismayed one whit by this; on the contrary, they were animated by their justice in the matter and by Spanish spirit. They made so furious an attack that they forced the enemy to retire very quickly. Eager for victory, our men went pressing on after them, so that, when they saw the trickery of the enemy’s retreat and wished to do the same, they were unable to—on the one hand, because they had entered a swamp, and were up to their knees in the bog; and on the other, because the enemy had surrounded them, and they were unable to use their arquebuses and other weapons. Thus they were all killed with clubs and cutlasses, and only four escaped, who had retreated when they saw the multitude of the enemy. This event was indeed one of lamentation and grief, and news of it immediately spread all over the country, whereat great grief was felt. However, the truth was not known with certainty for a week, in accordance with the governor’s command, in order not to cause so great pain suddenly. The enemy sought shelter in their camp, whither they took the heads of our men strung on some bejucos. The three principal ones—namely, those of good Don Luis de las Marinas, General Juan de Alcega, and Captain Don Tomas—were placed above the gates of their camp, and they made great merriment, while waiting the night. Then they took the heads of the others, and carried them to the Parian, opposite the city. There many revolted with them, but more than one thousand eight hundred Sangleys remained in the Parian—mostly merchants and mechanics—who cautiously wished to be on their guard, in order that, if those of their nation should gain the land, they might join these; but if the Spaniards should obtain the victory, they would say that they were guiltless in the insurrection. On Sunday, and until noon of the following Monday, the governor, accompanied by all the Audiencia, visited the Parian, where he gave what orders seemed advisable. The Sangley merchants told them that they were friendly to the Castilians, and that his Lordship should decide what he would command to be done with them. The governor answered to this that they should place their property within the city, and that a location would be assigned them where they would be safe under their guards. The Sangleys did not wish to accede to this, but placed a great amount of property in the city. The governor, seeing that they did not wish to enter, ordered each one to be given a certificate granting him life; and had them told that he who did not have one of these would be regarded as one who had come from the enemy’s camp. After this resolution the governor and Audiencia left the Parian on Monday at noon. On the morning of that day, some Spaniards and four hundred Japanese had left the city, at the governor’s orders, to attack the enemy. They did so and killed more than fifteen hundred men, and burned all their food. This obliged them to break camp and to return toward the city, marching in three squadrons, numbering fifteen hundred men. Every moment they were joined by bands of two hundred and three hundred. They assembled in a town called Dilao, situated about three musket-shots from the city, at twelve o’clock in the morning. They united all their forces, and carried on operations from a very strong large stone house, which was the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Candelaría. Two days before, her image had been carried into the city in most solemn procession. On that day it rained heavily, and as those in the houses were fearful lest the enemy would set fire to their dwellings, they had removed the nipa[3] with which they were covered. In the houses built of stone and tile there was not standing-room, as all or most of the people gathered there, both women and children, and those incapable of bearing arms. All was confusion and lamentation, because of this, and since more than sixteen hundred Sangleys were in sight of the city. Most of the people distributed themselves along that part of the wall; and in the cavaliers and ravelins were mounted pieces of artillery. Until now no resolution had been taken whether to put to the sword those Sangleys who remained in the Parián, or to set the Parián afire, or to let the people benefit from the sack of it, which was worth more than eighty thousand pesos. However there was no opportunity for this, as the enemy’s camp was so near, that now those Sangleys in the chapel were communicating with and going to those in the Parián, and those in the Parian to the chapel. Consequently it was resolved to burn it. This was done with great haste, for Divine justice was apparently showing that such sins as were committed there were deserving of such a penalty. When the Sangleys who had remained in the Parián perceived that it was burning, they packed up as much of their possessions as possible and went to the other side of the river, where stood the residences of the wealthy merchants. That afternoon a council of war was held in the enemy’s camp. They determined to send late that night Sangleys in pairs to the walls, to ascertain whether we had any artillery, and whether all the people manning the walls were Spaniards; for they thought that this was not possible, unless we had brought the images of the saints which were in the church. They did not think wrong, either way, for they were a thousand holy religious, who had laid aside their holy habits for such an occasion, and they were encouraging all with holy words and valorous deeds, and now with musket, now with arquebus, pike, or spear, and sword and buckler, were standing as sentries and helping on the walls day and night. The enemy began to make grimaces and gestures within musket-range, making obeisances, and doing other things worthy of their shamelessness. In reply, they remained there as if born there, so that of the many Sangleys who came, it was found that only one escaped, and that all were killed with the balls fired at them from the walls; for both day and night, no one took his eyes from the enemy, who went retreating to the river in the midst of his camp, for the other side of it was defended by a wall, and that precaution was not a bad one, if it had availed anything. Thursday morning, on the seventh or the said month, the governor and council of war determined to attack the enemy. Between eight and nine o’clock, one hundred and fifty Spanish arquebusiers and five hundred Japanese left the city, under command of Sargento-mayor Gallinato, who was accompanied by other captains. Attacking with greater spirit than concert, the Japanese entered in the vanguard, and the Spaniards in the rear, and assaulted the Sangleys. They gained the gate of the river, and the chapel, where the camp was situated. They killed five hundred men, besides wounding many others. They gained possession of the enemy’s flags. Then the Sangleys, perceiving that the Spaniards were becoming greedy, attacked them on both sides with more than fourteen hundred men—and so vigorously, that the Spaniards were compelled to retire, in spite of their disinclination, when they saw the Japanese retreating as rapidly as possible. Consequently they were forced to turn and retreat to the city, and to lose what had been gained. The enemy with loud cries went to attack in their course the gates of the city and the lowest and weakest part of its wall. All the army hastened to that side, to the assistance of those on the walls. They kept their matches ready, and, with each pikeman between two arquebusiers, Sargento-mayor Gallinato retreated to the city. As soon as he was in safety, the artillery began to play, and gave the enemy a shower that softened their fury, and compelled them to halt upon recognizing their danger. Sargento-mayor Gallinato, encouraging his men, attacked anew, issuing with his men by the lower gate, and the city was very joyful on that account. As soon as they had cleared the country, they halted, in order that the same thing might not again happen as before. Had they not been near the city walls, and had not Sargento-mayor Gallinato with only ten soldiers defended the bridge with great spirit, they would all have been killed. After this Gallinato sent to the governor asking for orders, for the men were fatigued and the sun extremely hot, while he was badly used by two wounds with stakes that he had received. Such are the weapons used by the Sangleys; and they first wound with the point like a spear and then draw it through from behind, with so much force that they cut a man all to pieces. The governor ordered them to retire, and they did so accordingly. Having informed the governor of what had happened, a spark fell into a flask full of powder and burned three people. From that another spark fell into a jar full of powder and burned five more soldiers. And had not the sargento-mayor been so agile, it would have injured him. Meanwhile those in the Parian were not rejoicing when they saw that, the day before, half of the Parian had been burned. As men determined to conquer or die they came that night in two machines that they had made with so great skill that one side was low and the other high so that they overtopped the walls of the city; thus they could with very little trouble throw thirty men into the city each time when they attacked. Behind these machines came a great throng of Sangleys, of whom the fury of the artillery killed a great number. At the same time the artillery broke up the machines. At this juncture reënforcements of one thousand men entered the city—Pampanga Indians, comprising arquebusiers and pikemen. They sallied out with some Spaniards and attacked the enemy. They killed more than a thousand of them and set fire to the rest of the Parian. In the fire three hundred of the most important and richest merchants were burned. These, in order not to die at the hands of our men, hanged themselves and burned themselves alive with their belongings. The Japanese, seeing that the Pampanga Indians were destroying and sacking the Parian with great fury, gradually joined them. Together they killed all the Chinese whom they met, and went away, this man with a chest, this one with a pair of breeches, [and others with] bags filled with silks and rich articles. But no Spaniard had any leave to take part in the sack. However, some who took part in it, at all hazards, profited very much from the enemy. The sack lasted all the afternoon and part of the night. The enemy, upon seeing the Parian burned in every part, and their goods lost, were discouraged. Having held a council that night, they very silently went to a village called San Pablo. They were pursued by Don Luys de Velasco with five hundred Spaniards and one thousand Indians, by order of Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, before they reached San Pablo. The Sangleys killed of our men six Spaniards and four Japanese, but it cost them fifteen hundred of their men. So great was their number, and the confusion among all of them, that our men did not hesitate to kill as many of them as they met on the road and elsewhere. The governor immediately sent word to his Majesty’s villages and ordered them not to spare any, but to put to the sword whomsoever they found. Of all the Chinese, except thirty who were taken to the city—and who died Christians, to all appearances, for they asked for the water of holy baptism—no others are known to have taken the road to salvation, out of more than twenty thousand who were infidels. The governor having seen that they were killing all the Sangleys in the islands, ordered, for just reasons, that none of those coming to the city should be killed. As soon as this news was given out, about four hundred came. Had they been ten thousand, they would have been received, for they were needed in the city. They all accused Bautistilla, a Christian, who, as above stated, was their governor, saying that he was the cause of the insurrection, and that he had been made king of all the country. They also accused Miguel Onte and Alonso Sagoyo—both Christian Sangleys, and the chiefest men. Having taken their depositions, and through the sufficient proof that was furnished, since all blamed Bautistilla, the latter was condemned to be hanged and quartered, and his head set in the Parian. He was declared a traitor, and his property confiscated for his Majesty. His houses were razed and their sites sown with salt. This sentence proceeded from the royal Audiencia, and was executed on the eleventh of the month of October. At the foot of the scaffold he said that that death was not due him for his conduct, and that he had always been a loyal vassal of his Majesty; and that God knew what was in his breast, and the thoughts of his heart. He died with the marks of a good Christian. Then on the fifteenth day of the said month, the two Christian Sangleys were executed. They were condemned by the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. One of them, in order to save himself, declared that the mandarins had come with the cunning purpose of spying out the land, and that the insurrection had been by their orders. He said that they were coming soon to attack the city, and that the Spaniards should not neglect to act very carefully. Accordingly the governor set about taking all necessary measures. He and the sargento-mayor worked in a way wonderful to behold. May God strengthen their hands! Four days later, when the enemy had fortified themselves quite strongly in San Pablo, Captain Don Luys de Velasco went out at the head of sixty Spaniards. Having reached the calaco, he attacked so spiritedly that the Sangleys retreated. He entered the camp of the enemy in his eagerness, whereupon, uttering loud cries, they returned in a large mob to attack him, so that it cost him his life and those of four soldiers. The others, on seeing their captain killed, retreated and went down the mountain. This news reached the city, whereupon Sargento-mayor Ascoeta went Out with 220 Spanish arquebusiers, 400 Japanese, 2,000 Pampanga Indians (of whom 1,500 were arquebusiers and musketeers, and the others were armed with spears, swords and arrows), 200 Monos,[4] and 300 blacks, who came as friends to take part in this war. After having gone only seven leguas, they met the enemy, and having rested four days, they formed their camp. After having found where the enemy could retreat, and holding them at every point, they attacked the Sangleys, of whom they killed more than four hundred. Their master-of-camp retreated to a little elevation near by, after defending himself with great courage. Our men rested until morning of the next day, when they went to give them the “Santiago,” and killed fourteen hundred. Three hundred fled, and hid in the thickets and woods there-about. Our men fortified themselves with the food that the enemy had there. On the morning of the following day they went in pursuit of the three hundred who had hidden and attacked them, and not one of them was left alive. This victory was obtained without the death of more than twelve Christian Indians. Our camp rested for three days, and on the fourth began to march to another village, on the seashore, called Batangas. There they found a troop of twenty-five hundred hostile Sangleys with ships and boats, with the intention of going to their own country. After five days’ march our leader sighted the enemy, whereupon he ordered a halt and drew up his men. On the morning of the next day he gave battle with great fury, and killed one thousand one hundred and two Sangleys. The rest, badly crippled, sought refuge in the mountains in the interior. The Spaniards did not go in pursuit of them, for they were very tired after their six hours of fighting, while some were wounded. Consequently Sargento mayor Ascoeta sent an Indian chief, one Don Ventura de Mendoça, with two hundred Pampanga Indians, to pursue them. In a few days all the Sangleys were killed. After this good result and victory the sargento-mayor retired with his camp, without losing a man outside of twelve Indians and one Japanese, while seventeen Spaniards were wounded. The most dangerously wounded was the captain of the guard, Martin de Herrera, who was wounded with two spear-thrusts through the thighs. He has proved himself a very honorable and gallant soldier on all occasions. The sargento-mayor immediately sent a messenger to the governor, to tell him of the victory. This was on the twelfth of November, at eleven o’clock on St. Martin’s day. After the arrival of this news another piece of news, of no less importance to this country, was received, namely that the king of Mindanao wishes peace with us. As security he sent his son and his nephew as hostages, and with them all the Christians captive in his land. He offered to help the governor as a true friend. It is a notable thing that even the animals have tried to show the mortal hate that ought to be extended toward this canaille. Many thanks have been and are given to our Lord for all. Hence the most holy sacrament has been exposed for forty days. Every monastery has observed its octave with great solemnity and processions, accompanied ever by their good mother [i.e., the Virgin] and the propitious St. Francis, by whose help we have obtained the victory on all occasions offered us. The plans of the Sangleys were as follows. On the day of St. Francis, both workmen and merchants were to enter as usual into the city, some of the merchants with shoes and others with clothes. The barber was to attend to his duties. Then with four Sangleys in each house, they were to put all the Spaniards to the sword, reserving the Spanish women. These they had already distributed, the young girls for their enjoyment and the old women to serve in the house. For this purpose each of them was to carry a catan, or sort of cutlass, under their long robes. Besides this they had ordered a body of five hundred to assemble, who were to assault the monastery of St. Francis, and leave no one alive there. Doubtless they would have killed all according to this plan, if God our Lord had not been pleased, in His divine mercy, to disclose it, the day before. Although there had been some rumors of the insurrection nine days before, the Spaniards would never believe it; for the life of the Spaniard is all confidence, and he thinks no one can dare to do such things. The cause of the enemy dividing into so many troops was the factions among them, so that out of the more than 22,00[0] Sangleys in all these islands, not 800 have survived.[5] On the twenty-fourth of October they began to dig the trench about the city wall, at which three hundred men, all Sangleys, worked. The one thousand Moros were engaged in other works, not only on the fort and in the new retreat, but on the wall and the supplies for it. The ditch is seventy feet wide and two estados deep. As soon as the war began, three hundred Sangley Christians who lived in Tondo and Minondo embarked in some small boats with their wives and children, and went down the river to the governor, to whom they said that they had no wish to revolt. These were sent away safely, and returned to their houses. The Spaniards are living with great caution toward them, for they are treacherous and cunning in what they do. They exercise their trades in this city. Each of them is considered as well employed, in exchange for which they must not commit offenses as in the past, which were great and numerous. On the fourteenth of November, Sargento-mayor Ascoeta entered this city, marching in good order with his camp, both Spaniards, and the Pampanga Indians and Japanese. They brought in the banners won from the enemy. They were very well received by the governor and Audiencia, and by all the city. Don Pedro showered a thousand compliments on all the Pampanga captains for their good services. They were much pleased at this, and offered their persons, lives, and possessions to the service of his Majesty. The Japanese and Pampangas had a share in all the wealth of the booty, and it was large, for it consisted mainly of gold, silver, reals, and pearls.

I do not mention the stratagems of war, the instructions, and the orders throughout the course of it, in order not to prove wearisome, and, moreover, to leave them for one who can write them in a better style. Only, as an eye-witness, I affirm what I have here told, and that all in general have behaved themselves very well as honorable soldiers (especially the leaders), both of the ecclesiastics and of the laymen; and that in this, as in other matters, our Lord has shown us a thousand favors.

Among the enemy’s flags were two that contained characters in the Sangley language, which, translated into our Castilian vernacular, read as follows:

“The leader and general of the kingdom of España ...[6] so that all the Chinese take part together in this affair and obey us by destroying root and branch these hostile robbers, whom we have against our will, both Castilians and Japanese. We the Sangleys swear that after the conquest of this city we shall share the lands, even to the very herbs, with equal shares, as brothers.” That which gave the traitor Bautistilla more courage in undertaking so great a treason was a stratagem and subtilty which he employed to know those on his side. This was to order each Sangley to bring a needle and deliver it into his hand. This they did, and he put the needles in a little box. He thus ascertained that twenty-two thousand one hundred and fifty Sangley Indians could gather in Manila on the last of November, the day of St. Andrew, patron of this country. He had determined and ordered that the insurrection be made on that day both in this city and in the other districts of these islands. But upon seeing the governor raising the wall and taking other precautions, because of the many rumors about the mandarins (who had departed to their own country, and which the governor did not believe), the traitor determined to make the attempt on the day of St. Francis, since our Lord permitted it thus for our welfare. Blessed be He forever! Amen!

On the tenth of December, Captain Marcos de la Cueva left this city as ambassador to the kingdom of China, accompanied by one hundred and forty Spaniards and two friars, in order to inform the eunuch who is the viceroy at Canton of the above events. Many thought that he ought not to go, for if the matter were learned there, and war-vessels were to come, then the island would be supplied with men to be able to receive them in the same manner; and if they came for peace they would be received in peace. In the latter case they were to be informed of the truth of the matter, to which the Christian law binds us, and told that we did not intend to take their possessions, or refuse to pay them what was owing them. Nevertheless, he went, ordered to do the contrary by the Council. May God direct everything for His holy service.

On the seventeenth of February of 604, the said ambassador, Marcos de la Cueva, put back to port on account of a storm that struck him, which caused his vessel to spring a leak. He was again sent out in another and very good vessel with one hundred and fifty picked soldiers, under the leadership of Captain Cueva, a very honorable and brave soldier. He left on Thursday, the twenty-fifth of the said month, in the ship “Santiaguillo,” which was quite well equipped for whatever should happen—a very necessary thing. He arrived at the trading-post where there are Portuguese who trade with the Chinese, and delivered his letters to them, in order that they might be given to the eunuch. For the period while he stayed there, no reply was received to the letters, but he was put off with words; whereupon, growing impatient, he returned to Manila, leaving affairs in that condition. With the vessels that came from China this year of 605 to this city, the eunuch sent three letters—one to the governor, another to the Audiencia, and the third to the archbishop. All were similar. The eunuch stated that he had received the letters taken by the ambassador. The people who had been killed were very properly killed, as they were an abandoned people. By the information that he had received from some Sangleys he learned that many Sangleys had been condemned to the galleys. He asked for them in his letters since they were still living, asking that they be sent with the property that had been taken from them. If not, then he would go there with a war-fleet of one hundred armed ships and conquer their land, and give the same to others who better merited it.[7] The governor, with the advice of the others, answered this letter to the effect that he refused to send the Sangleys; and that before the one hundred armed ships reached here, he would go to meet them with five hundred, for he would rejoice to put an end to such canaille, and had enough men to do it. This letter was given to a Sangley, one Juan de San, a prominent man among them, and very wealthy, who had lived many years among us, that he might give it to the eunuch. This man and others who came in this year of 605 brought news that in [the province of] Canton, three hundred leguas in the interior, a river overflowed so that it drowned two hundred thousand Sangley Indians, and much property was lost. It was also said that earthquakes had occurred, two hundred leguas in the interior, and as far as Canton, which lasted for two months. They were so terrific that they shook the very strong palaces, while other houses and mosques were overthrown. This misfortune and plague has been by the permission of heaven. At another part, the Japanese of Great Corria have revolted, and are warring with these Chinese, so that four hundred thousand of them have banded against the latter, by which the Chinese are receiving great injury.[8] Thus, by these and other things, the Chinese are being consumed and finished, although much time is needed for it. May God be mindful of us, as He is able, and ever give us His protection.

[A list of the chief Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were killed during the Chinese insurrection follows. It contains such well-known names as Luyz Perez de las Marinas, Juan de Alcega, Juan de la Peña, Captain Villafaña, Juan de Ybarra, Marcos Diaz, Luys de Vetasco, Estevan de Marquina, Tomas Bravo de Acuña, besides many others, both officers and men, among them a number of friars.[9]]

[1] At the end of this pamphlet is the imprint, showing that permission to print it was given to Clemente Hidalgo on May 9, 1606; and that it was printed by him in the same year, at Sevilla. It was sold at the establishments of Melchor Goncalez and Rafael Charte.

[2] In the margin: “The Parian, establishment and residence of the Sangleys, on the other side of the Manila River.”

[3] The leaves of a species of palm (Nipa fruticans), used as thatch to cover houses.

[4] Probably a misprint for Moros.

[5] Cf. La Concepción’s account of this insurrection, in Hist. de Philippinas, iv, pp. 52–64.

[6] At this point, in the printed original, follow the words tribuleco llamadotin—evidently some typographical error.

[7] This letter will be found in Vol. XIII, pp. 287–291; Morga also gives it in his Sucesos (which will be presented in our Vols. XV and XVI).

[8] Korea had been conquered by the Japanese in 1592, but soon afterward was partially regained by the Chinese (Vol. VIII, pp. 260–262; IX, pp. 36, 44, 46). The death of the Japanese ruler Hideyoshi (1598), and the consequent recall of the Japanese troops, left affairs between the three countries unsettled; finally Iyeyasu, ruler of Japan, made peace with Korea and China, in 1605.

[9] Another account of this insurrection is given by Gregorio Lopez, S.J., in a letter dated April, 1604; it is substantially the same as those already presented in this series, but Lopez relates in much fuller detail the final pursuit of the Sangleys. He also states that the Chinese Juan Bautista de Bera (Vera), whose heathen name was Hincan, had lived in Manila since the time of Limahon; and that in the conflict there were twenty stalwart Sangleys to each Spaniard. He enumerates the Spanish citizens slain by the Sangleys, mentioning the place where each died. A copy of this letter is contained in the Ventura del Acro MSS. (Ayer library)—for account of which collection see Vol. VI, pp. 231, 232—in vol. i, pp. 121–272; it is accompanied by the statement that the original MS. is in the Real Academia de lit Historia, Madrid—its pressmark, “Jesuitas, Filipinas; legajo no. 7.”

Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III

Sire:

By the death of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands, who died on Saturday, June 24, this Audiencia succeeds to their government. In it has been considered a new order which your Majesty commands to be followed in sending out the merchant ships that are to go from these islands to Nueva España. Since those which are to go this year are already laded, and must set sail within three or four days, it has not been possible to put your Majesty’s commands into execution for the present year. Although this city has prayed for this new order and for the decrees which have been granted in pursuance of it, yet on account of the many fires which have occurred in this city in recent years, the wars, the forced return of some ships, and the loss of others, by which a great amount of property has been lost, the inhabitants of these islands are burdened with heavy afflictions and necessities, which render them unable to pay the new duties imposed by the royal command. Although these necessities are well known, the new order of your Majesty will be followed next year, in spite of the fact that some details involve much difficulty, and that some sections might well be moderated and limited in the form in which each one is stated. This matter is of importance to your Majesty’s royal service, and to the welfare of the inhabitants of these islands.

In the first section your Majesty commands that only the inhabitants of these islands and no others may ship the merchandise which is to be transported to Nueva España, and that the amount invested therein shall not exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals, as was previously determined by other orders and decrees; while the returns from this shall not exceed, in principal and profit, five hundred thousand pesos. As for this section, it deserves serious consideration that after the expenses of sending out a cargo—including the fees to be paid here and in Nueva España, which amount to thirty per cent in all, with the addition which the new decree imposes—it is impossible to recover from five hundred thousand pesos the principal and the [present] profits on the investment of the said two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which are granted by this permission. To reach this amount, it is considered necessary that at least three hundred and fifty thousand pesos be spent on the cargo. In addition to the charges referred to, many expenses fall upon the inhabitants of this city for the maintenance and provision of their houses, and thus are consumed and expended a part of the profits made on the investments which they make here. If your Majesty were pleased to permit that the amount of these investments might be at least three hundred thousand pesos, wherewith all expenses might be paid, then the permission to bring back five hundred thousand might well stand. Until it is known what decision will be reached on this point, your Majesty’s commands shall be fulfilled. Care will be taken that the investment shall not reach three hundred thousand, or pass far beyond two hundred and fifty thousand. It should also be considered that when his Majesty, the sovereign of the realm, who is now in heaven, granted this permission, it was at a time when these islands were beginning to be settled. Then there were no inhabitants who could invest so great a sum, while now there are many. They do not send as much as they might lade in the vessel; and if this condition of affairs continues to increase, there is no other means of support than this trade, nor does the country produce those means. If it shall diminish, the people who come to live in these islands will likewise become fewer in number. If it should increase somewhat beyond the new grant, so many more people will come to the colony here. This population, however great it is, is all very necessary, in view of the way in which this country consumes the whole of it, no matter how many come.

The second section provides that four freight ships should be built, each one of two hundred toneladas; and that two of them shall make the voyage every year, very early, while the other two lie in port, ready for the following year. In this matter your Majesty’s will shall be fulfilled, and the first ships that shall be built will be of this tonnage.

The third section provides that there shall be only one commander for the said two ships, with a lieutenant who shall be second in command. The intention of this section is to avoid the great expense which has previously been incurred in this voyage. The section also provides that each vessel may carry a military captain in addition to the master, with as many as fifty effective and useful soldiers on each ship, who shall receive pay. They may also have the necessary seamen, a certificated pilot, and an adjutant. If this section is to be fulfilled in this form, then, instead of avoiding many expenses, it will be the means of increasing again many others which are much greater. Such will be the result if fifty soldiers sail in each vessel, since because of the requirement that the capacity of the vessels shall be so small, they cannot carry so great a number of people. The voyage is so long that five to seven months are spent in it, and the seasons are very severe. Many people die at sea; and it is necessary to carry so many sailors and ship-boys that a great amount of provisions must be taken for them and the other men. For this reason the late governor of these islands kept down the number of permissions to go hence to Nueva España to a very small number. He granted them so seldom that he did not allow the tenth part of those who asked for them to go. Yet in spite of all this, the commanders of the vessels were obliged, on account of the great amount of space occupied by the necessary ship stores, to send on shore, before leaving these islands, some of the few passengers who had received official permission. In the despatch of the ships this very year, our experience is of the same sort. There had returned from the expedition to Maluco many captains, ensigns, and soldiers detained on shipboard, whom it is necessary to send back again to España. It was found very difficult to put more than thirty soldiers on a ship of the capacity of four hundred toneladas, although its cargo amounted to no more than three hundred and fifty. As for this number of fifty soldiers voyaging [in one ship], the regulation cannot be carried into effect. If it were to be done, it could only be at the risk that most of the men on board the ship should perish, while all would travel in great discomfort. Further, at the time when the ships are sent out, it would be hard to find in the city two hundred soldiers having the qualifications necessary for them to be useful in any battle. It would be a serious evil for this garrison to be left with so small a number of people. It is considered as beyond doubt that those who go away from here will not return again to this city; this will also cause others to abandon the idea of coming here. Hence it seems that on this point it is not desirable to make any innovation upon that which has hitherto been done, as that would be of little advantage, and cause much expense. When the ships return to these islands they are of much use in defense if they come well supplied with arms and ammunition, with a hundred soldiers in each as reënforcements for the troops in these islands. As for the regulation that the officials who are to go on these ships are to be appointed here, and that they shall be chosen from among the most influential and most honored citizens of these islands and those best qualified for such posts, and that they shall give bonds and that residencia shall be exacted from them, your Majesty’s decrees shall be fulfilled.

As for the fourth section, it provides that the commanders and seconds in command, and the officers of the said ships, shall have in the voyage no trade or commerce, either small or large. As regards the commanders and seconds in command, your Majesty’s decrees shall be executed; as for the other officers, we refer to the following section.

The fifth section deals with the salary paid to the commander, being four thousand ducados, while the second in command receives three thousand for each voyage, including the going and the coming. It seems that this might be reduced, and that it would be sufficient to allow the commander three thousand pesos and the second in command two thousand. As for allowing salaries and regular pay to the captains, soldiers, seamen, and gunners who sail in the said ships with the regulation that they shall have no trade or commerce, it seems, with reference to the pay of the captains and soldiers, that for the reasons referred to in the third section these expenses might be avoided. It would be sufficient to give wages to the gunners and seamen, without prohibiting them to trade; for the amount of their trade is very small, and with the permission to take two bales of cargo granted to each of the seamen and gunners the whole of their small capital would be expended. Under these circumstances, if the ship were to be in any peril from storm they would obey commands with greater zeal and willingness because of their share in the treasure of the ship. Without such bait as this, which induces many seamen to come to these islands, without doing any harm to the residents, it would be difficult to find anyone willing to come here. If this permission were taken away, the wages alone would not be sufficient to support the men.

The sixth section provides that only so many officers shall be appointed as may be needed, that no one shall go as a gunner who is not one in fact, and that only one gunner shall go for every piece of artillery carried on the said vessels. In this matter your Majesty’s commands shall be obeyed.

The seventh section provides that an inspector and an accountant shall go on the said ships to take the accounts and inventory of all the cargo. It directs that they shall keep books, in which they shall enter the merchandise shipped from these islands and that which comes back on the return voyage. It would seem that this expense also might be avoided, since this account and inventory are taken by the royal officials of these islands, and also by the royal officials of the port of Acapulco. By their account it is possible to know the cargo which goes there, and what returns. From here is sent to the viceroy of Nueva España a statement in which is contained the amount of the merchandise sent in the cargo, and the names of the consignors, in order that in conformity therewith license may be given, to the citizens who have shipped the goods, for sending back the money which their merchandise shall have yielded. In this way the account and inventory required by your Majesty are obtained, since only the inhabitants of these islands send consignments, and the proceeds thereof are returned to them and no others.

The eighth section provides that the vessels shall be no more heavily laden than they ought to be, and that room be left in them for everything that is necessary for the men that sail in them. This section also provides that sufficient provisions shall be carried for this long voyage, so that the men may not perish for lack of food. This section also decrees that the vessels shall not be overladen and thus embarrassed and endangered; but that they shall be laden so as to be buoyant, and able to meet dangers from storms and enemies. It is also provided that in lading the vessels a proper division of the space should be made. In all these matters your Majesty’s will shall be carried out.

The ninth section decrees that the freight charges to be paid on cargoes in the aforesaid vessels, for the voyages both going and coming, shall be determined and regulated in proportion to the expenses of the voyage, no more being charged than is necessary to meet them without any supply being required for this purpose from your Majesty’s treasury. The section provides that for these expenses the duties shall be increased—by two per cent on the goods carried in the ships, and another two per cent on the money sent to these islands as proceeds from the shipment. It provides that this fund shall be put in a chest apart, and kept in this city, to meet the expenses of the said ships and the men in them. This sum is to be kept together with the freight charges collected. The contents of this section require careful consideration. When the ships return to these islands, they come laden with the forces intended for this military district and garrison, and artillery, arms, and ammunition; and with the religious, and the colonists who come to settle in these islands, in addition to other things required for the service of your Majesty. Although they do indeed bring the money for the citizens of this city, they at the same time bring much required for the reënforcement of the military establishments here. If these freights are to be apportioned as your Majesty commands, there will be a large amount which might fall upon your royal treasury. Hence it seems that, if your Majesty should be pleased, it would be well for the present not to change the custom which has hitherto been followed; and that only to assist the expenditures which your Majesty incurs in sending out these vessels should the citizens of these islands be charged two per cent on the merchandise which they ship, and two per cent more for the money sent them in return. For, although it is said on the other side that the profits are large, they commonly are not; while the freight, fees, and duties are very great. From these profits there is paid to your Majesty in this city five per cent, including the new increase, and in Nueva España sixteen per cent; while the expenses of the ships which had to put back to port, and the goods lost in those which have been wrecked since the year one thousand six hundred, come to more than a million. It will take many years for the profits to make up for such a loss. May God keep the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty. Manila, July 6, 1606.

The licentiate Telles de Almaçan
The licentiate Andres de Alcarez
The licentiate Juan Manuel de la Vega

Letter from the Fiscal to Felipe III

Sire:

Last year, sixteen hundred and five, during which I began to serve your Majesty as fiscal of this Audiencia, and as protector of the natives[1] of these islands by appointment of the Audiencia, I sent a statement of everything of importance which within the short time of my service I was able to discover. Since that time I have considered with care and attention the things of greatest consequence to your royal service, and have found that I ought to give your Majesty an account and statement of the condition in which I found affairs, and that in which they are at present.

I reported to your Majesty the uprising of the Sangleys in the year sixteen hundred and three, leaving military matters to the official reports which I knew were sent. I reported to your Majesty that it was well to consider with care what was necessary to be done for the good government and protection of this kingdom. Afterward I saw that, just as if the said uprising had not occurred, permission for Sangleys to remain in this city continued to be given. They were allowed to have habitations, dwellings, and shops—a permission which has caused much comment and discussion. The reason is that the Audiencia took upon itself the administration of this matter, assigning it year by year in turn to each auditor. With the course of time the permission has been extended, not by the will of the auditor alone, but by the decree and direction of the Audiencia itself. The Audiencia granted of its own free will and pleasure, without the assent of the city and its cabildo, permission to the Sangleys to remain. The city and cabildo remonstrated, but the Audiencia granted licenses to as many as it pleased. In the year sixteen hundred and four, there were 457; and in the year sixteen hundred and five they had increased to 1,648, as is shown by the official statement which I enclose. From this it will be seen that during this said year of sixteen hundred and five there came from China 3,977, and that 3,687 returned; so that 290 remained here, making with those of the previous year a total of 747. There actually remained 1,648; hence it is evident that, besides those who were registered, 901 came here. This has been done by granting licenses to many to live and make their abode outside of the city, among the mountains and in other places, where they easily receive those who disembark before the vessel has come here, or after the ships have set out on their return voyage.

In view of this disadvantage I petitioned the Audiencia that no Sangley may have permission to be absent at any time, especially when the ships are arriving or setting out. Although this demand was so just, they did not take action as I requested; and affairs remain as they were before. Inasmuch as the despatch of the vessels is not yet completed, I do not now make a statement of the evil results which I expect to follow, until I am able to state them with accuracy. All this results from a failure to observe the ordinance of the Audiencia with regard to the number which each ship may carry; for, although the number allowed was limited to two hundred in the largest vessel, one ship of no great size has brought about five hundred, so that this year six thousand five hundred and thirty-three Sangleys have arrived, of which I send a sworn statement. These, added to the almost two thousand of the previous year who remained, make up a great number. This is within two years and a half after so dangerous an uprising, and it promises more danger to follow. Therefore, in order to set this matter right, I reported that since this city and commonwealth could not allow and did not desire the Sangleys to remain, and had remonstrated against it (although it would be for their service) I therefore demanded, since this was necessary for the safety of the kingdom, that not one Sangley should [be allowed to] remain in these islands. I also asked that the number of ships to come from China each year and the number of men to be carried in them might be definitely stated, this number being made as small as possible, and severe penalties being assigned to anyone who should violate the rules. Although the community requested that what I asked for might be conceded, and the city confirmed what it had previously said (of which an account has already been given to your Majesty), the Audiencia has commanded that this year one thousand five hundred Sangleys shall remain. I fear that many more will stay, since they are scattered in the provinces, in the rural districts, and among the surrounding mountains, from which they could be brought out only with difficulty. The reason for so many Sangleys being brought in the ships every year is, that the penalties are so light and the execution of them is so relaxed. As it is to the advantage of the owners of the ships to get large returns from their vessels, they are not troubled at being obliged to pay the small fine levied on them by the city. In spite of the fact that the city declares that it does not wish Sangleys to remain, they have built many shops on the site of their old residence, named Parián, as will appear from the official statement which I send; and in every one of these live three of four persons, and in some are many. I opposed the building of these shops and caused it to cease, because if they were not under restriction the Parián would become very large. It is now as large as before the uprising. This evil result follows from the fact that your Majesty granted the city the income received from these shops; and many ducados are received for them, as is manifest in the said official statements. To remedy this wrong, it is desirable that your Majesty command the number of shops to be definitely limited, and direct that in one shop one man only may live, who shall have some known occupation and be a Christian. It would be well also to limit the number of ships which may come and the number of persons that they may carry, commanding that when the number is full no more shall be received into the port, and that no vessel shall be admitted which carries more than the appointed number. It would be well to provide also that if the city exceed these limits, in the number and kind of the shops, the grant allowed for the same be revoked.