The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXIII, 1629–30

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Table of Contents

Contents of Volume XXIII

Illustrations

  • Monument in Manila to Legazpi and Urdaneta; from a photograph in possession of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos, Valladolid 125
  • Map of the Marianas Islands (with large inset of the island of Guam); photographic facsimile of Bellin’s map in Historische Beschryving der Reizen (Amsterdam, 1758), xvii, p. 6; from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society 135
  • View of boat of the Ladrone Islands; from engraving in Histoire générale des voyages (Paris, 1753) xi, facing p. 171; from copy in the library of Wisconsin Historical Society 139
  • Exterior of Augustinian church and convent, Manila; from plate in possession of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos, Valladolid 205

Preface

The present volume contains but few documents relating to current affairs in 1629–30, the greater part of its space being occupied with the Augustinian Medina’s history of his order in the Philippines to 1630; but the annual reports of the governor present an interesting view of the colony’s affairs at that time. As usual, the colonial treasury is but slenderly provided with the funds necessary for carrying on the government, and Tavora proposes expedients for obtaining these, and for utilizing hitherto neglected resources of the country. He has to contend with hostility on the part of the royal officials, and apathy in Mexico as to the welfare of the far western colony dependent on it. The southern Malays are hostile, but thus far have been held in check; and threatened hostilities with Japan have been averted. Medina’s history is of course largely religious; but it contains considerable mention of secular events and of social and economic conditions. The length of this work obliges us to synopsize such matter as is of secondary importance, and to conclude our translation of it in Vol. XXIV.

A royal decree (April 6, 1629) commands the provincials of the religious orders in the Spanish colonies to heed the rights of the royal patronage in making or changing appointments to mission posts. The leading Dominican officials in Manila write (May 12, 1629) to the king, informing him that the country is in a ruinous condition from the piracies of the Dutch, which have also broken up the trade of the islands. They ask certain favors from the king, and are sending an envoy to Madrid to discuss their affairs with him.

The annual reports of Governor Tavora (dated August 1, 1629) include many important matters. As usual, he is embarrassed by lack of funds; little has been received from Nueva España, and the revenues of the islands are greatly diminished by the decline in trade. He is endeavoring to secure what cloves he can from the Moluccas, and advises that this product be bartered in India, on the royal account, for supplies needed for the royal magazines in Manila, which can be done on highly profitable terms. Tavora minimizes the possible danger to these cargoes from the Dutch enemy at Singapore, and asks that he be allowed to send cloves thus to India, at such times as he can collect a sufficient quantity for this purpose; and that in this matter the treasury officials be not allowed to interfere. He also proposes that the rations of rice allotted by the government to its workmen be provided by letting Chinese farmers cultivate certain unused crown lands; he has even begun to plan for this undertaking. Tavora recounts certain difficulties that he has experienced in dealing with the treasury officials at Manila, and asks for the royal decision. In this connection, he remarks: “The offices in the Yndias are not worth anything unless one steals.” To this letter are appended the decisions made by the royal fiscal in Spain. He refers to the royal councils the proposal to trade cloves in India; approves the farming of crown lands, but is uncertain whether the Mexican treasury can provide the additional contribution thus made necessary; advises thorough inspection of the accounts of the probate treasury, and strict prohibition of the use of those funds by the governors; objects to accepting pay-warrants in place of cash; and states that the removal of minor officials in the treasury, and the fees paid to them, are matters which should be investigated. A later opinion by the fiscal is to the effect that those minor officials be removed and appointed, as hitherto, by the treasury officials, not by the governor.

Another letter from Tavora, of the same date, deals with various matters of administration, relations with other nations, etc. He again deplores the late arrival of the ships from Nueva España, and urges that they he sent thence earlier in the season. He has not waited for them in sending the vessels to Acapulco; and the latter carry but small cargoes, owing to the unusual lack of Chinese goods in Manila this year. The citizens desire to send a committee of their number to Mexico to conduct their trade, in order to thwart the supposed unfriendly schemes of the Mexican merchants; but the governor deprecates this proceeding, as dangerous to the best interests of the islands. It is favored by an old royal decree, which he is putting into execution; but he considers this so inexpedient that he asks the royal Council to decide the case. He deprecates the forced loans that the governors make from the inhabitants, and urges that this be prevented by having more aid sent from Nueva España. The governor is endeavoring to have ships built in India, Camboja, and Cochinchina, to relieve the islands from this burden; he has a prospect of success in these efforts. The king of Siam who withheld the property of Spaniards is dead; and his son, in fear of Spanish arms, seeks friendly relations with Manila. Tavora has endeavored to restore trade with Japan, and has sent an embassy thither to make amends for burning the Japanese junk off Siam. Regarding that affair, a sharp controversy has arisen between Manila and Macan, which is referred to the home government. Don Fernando de Silva has left the islands, not without certain difficulties concerning bonds for his residencia, involving the governor’s right of jurisdiction—which Tavora settles by the decision of common sense. The bridge across the Pasig is nearly completed, and the cost of it has been met from the general fund of the Chinese residents, as has also the support of the hospital for their use. On the arrival of the ships from Nueva España, the governor is disappointed at receiving so little from the viceroy, and implores the king for more reliable and permanent aid for the islands. He is sending artillery to Mexico. To this letter are appended a report of proceedings in the council convened to discuss relations with Japan, and various official acts regarding Fernando de Silva’s departure from the islands.

The Jesuit annalist for 1629–30 relates various affairs of war. An expedition is sent against Jolo; but, their commander being wounded in an attack, the Spaniards are seized with a panic, and retreat without accomplishing much. The Malays of Achen attack Malacca, and besiege it during four months; then help arrives opportunely, in an expedition headed by the viceroy of India. The enemy are finally defeated, with loss of all their ships and artillery, and practically all their men killed or captured. Soon afterward the viceroy is accidentally drowned, which puts an end to his plans of conquest. The missionaries in Cochinchina are persecuted by superstitious natives.

The more important events in the colony’s affairs for 1630 are related in Tavora’s letters (July 30 and August 4). The Japanese are still angry at the burning of their junk by the Spaniards, and talk of attacking the latter in both Formosa and Luzón; accordingly, Tavora has greatly strengthened the fortifications of Manila. He has sent the usual relief to Ternate, but finds hostile Dutch ships there, and more reported as not far away. He mentions the siege of Malaca, and other exploits of the Portuguese; also the unsuccessful expedition to Jolo. Affairs in Cagayan are improving, and more of the revolted Indians are being subdued. In the second letter Tavora recounts his difficulties with the auditors, who are sending secret despatches to Spain, commanding the royal officials to pay their salaries regardless of the governor’s orders, endeavoring to rule the Chinese, interfering in matters which do not concern them, and complaining against the governor’s acts and plans. Tavora recounts these matters in detail, defending himself against the accusations made by the auditors, and stating his services to the crown. At the end, he asks permission to resign his post as governor.

The Historia of Fray Juan de Medina, O.S.A., was written in 1630, but printed at Manila in 1893. He records the history of his order in the Philippines up to 1630, adding much interesting information regarding secular affairs and the condition of the islands and their people. He begins with a résumé of the discovery and early history of the archipelago—in the former of which, it will he remembered, the Augustinian Urdaneta was so prominent. Legazpi’s voyage, and his encounters with the natives, are related at length. Medina describes the island of Cebú (where the Spaniards first halted), and its economic and religious condition at the time of his writing. He adds some information regarding Panay, Negros, and other adjacent islands; then, resuming his narration, describes the founding by Legazpi of a city in Cebú, and the purification of the natives. This is at first a most difficult and vexatious matter, as the natives are faithless to their promises; but they are finally won over by a chief whose wife, captured by the Spaniards, is well treated and restored to him. In the midst of this account Medina injects another, relating how Urdaneta, sent home by Legazpi with despatches, discovers the return route from the Philippines to Nueva España; and recounting subsequent events in the lives of Urdaneta and his companion Aguirre. Friendship with the natives of Cebú having been established, the Augustinians there begin to labor in the conversion of the Indians, and a considerable number of baptisms are conferred. The infant colony is attacked (at the instigation of the devil) by the Portuguese, but they are obliged to depart without harming it. The missions thrive apace, and extend to neighboring islands; and Fray Diego de Herrera goes to Spain to obtain more laborers for this so promising field. Returning, he brings tokens of the royal favor to both the missionaries and Legazpi. That officer concludes to remove his seat of government to Luzón, especially to secure the valuable Chinese trade, of which Medina gives some account—not failing to reiterate the stereotyped complaint that all the silver is being carried to China.

Medina describes with enthusiasm the magnificent bay of Manila, where the Spaniards enter Luzon; and relates the dealings of the invaders with the Moros, who are, as usual, perfidious and unreliable. After a time, however, they are reduced to obedience, largely through the efforts of the religious who accompany Legazpi. The Augustinians have a large and handsome convent in Manila, which is described. The organization of their province of Filipinas is accomplished pro tempore in 1572, and Diego de Herrera is sent to Spain to secure their independence and procure more missionaries.

Medina recounts the convents and churches founded in succession by his order, with some account of the lakes Bombon and Bay, and of the communities about them. Speaking of the hospitals, he highly commends the Franciscans who have them in charge. He describes the region watered by the Pasig River, and the Augustinian convents therein; and continues his account, in like manner, for Panay and the other islands in which that order has its missions—throughout furnishing much valuable, although desultory, information regarding social and economic conditions.

Recurring to affairs at Manila, he recounts the beginning and growth of the Chinese trade there, and the unsuccessful attempts of the early Augustinians to open a mission in China. Legazpi’s death (1572) is a grief and loss to that order. The people of Mindoro, hearing of Limahon’s attack on Manila, rebel, and threaten to kill the missionaries there; but afterward they release the fathers. The Moros at Manila also revolt, but are finally pacified.

Various new Augustinians arrive at Manila in 1574 and 1575; but a great loss befalls them in the following year, in the death of Fray Diego de Herrera and ten missionaries whom he was bringing to the islands, their ship being wrecked when near Manila. The Augustinians, seeing their inability to cultivate so great a mission-field, invite other orders to come to their aid. Accordingly, the discalced Franciscans arrive in the islands in 1577, the Jesuits in 1580, the Dominicans in 1581. Medina enumerates the missions and colleges conducted by the latter orders, at the same time warmly commending their educational work and their pious zeal. The Dominicans are in charge of the Sangleys, of whose sharp dealings with the Spaniards Medina complains. Among the mission-fields ceded to the Dominicans by the Augustinians are the provinces of Pangasinán and Cagayan; in the latter, the natives frequently revolt against the Spaniards.

Medina extols the magnificence of the churches in Manila, and the liberality displayed by the faithful in adorning them. This is noted by foreigners who come to the city, notably the Japanese. The converts of that nation have witnessed nobly their zeal and holy devotion, for more than nine hundred have been martyred in Japan for the truth. In 1575, two Augustinians go to China with letters from the governor of the Philippines, hoping to begin a mission in that country. In this attempt they are not successful, but they return with much information regarding China, which until then had been mainly a terra incognita.

The city of Manila has made steady progress, and the religious orders are erecting stone buildings for their convents. At first, they had built their houses of wood, in the native style, which is described by our writer. Many houses, both within and without the city, are now built of stone; but the health of the city is not as good as when the people lived in wooden houses.

In 1578 Fray Agustín de Alburquerque is elected provincial, and at once begins to extend the missions of his order—especially in Pampanga, of which province some description is given. This province, once so populous, has lost many of its men by conscription for the Spanish forts, being sent away even to Maluco. It is often raided by the head-hunting tribes of the interior—something which cannot be checked, especially on account of the heedlessness and lack of foresight inherent in the character of the Indians. They are lazy, deficient in public spirit, and have no initiative; what they accomplish is only under the vigilance and urging of the missionary or the alcalde-mayor. The Panay convent is near the Spanish fort at Arevalo, and the fathers have the privilege of treatment by the surgeon there—“who, without being able to distinguish his right hand, bleeds and purges, so that in a brief time the sick man is laid in his grave.” The creoles of Nueva España die early, and “do not reach their majority.”

In 1581, Fray Andrés de Aguirre is elected provincial of Filipinas: his many virtues and achievements are extolled by our writer. Medina here takes occasion to advocate the policy of gathering the Indians into reductions and there teaching them the civilized ways of Europeans. He makes interesting observations on the character and temperament of the natives; and complains of the opposition encountered by the missionaries from the Spaniards, “by whose hands the devil wages warfare against the ministry; consequently the religious tire themselves out, and the devil reaps what harvest he wills.” But the Spaniards oppress the Indians; and, “if it were not for the protection of the religious, there would not now be an Indian, or any settlement.” Moreover, it is the religious who are taming those wild peoples, and reducing them to subjection to the Spanish crown. All these points are illustrated by anecdotes and citations from actual experience. Under Aguirre’s rule as provincial, some extensions of missions are made. Among these is Bantayan—since that time abandoned by the Augustinians, as Medina records, and almost depopulated by the raids of Moro pirates. An attempt is made to remove its inhabitants to settlements in Cebú Island; but they refuse to leave their homes. Medina recounts numerous instances of cruel and oppressive treatment of the Indians by the Spaniards, and of insolence and opposition on the part of the latter to the missionaries and their work. With this, he also urges that the religious be allowed to inflict punishments upon the natives, when the latter are disobedient or commit misdeeds. In this argument Medina makes a curious admission, especially as he writes after missionaries had labored sixty-five years in the islands—saying of the Indians: “For they detest, as a rule, church matters—to such an extent, that they would even pay two tributes to be free from the church. They love their old beliefs and revelries so strongly that they would lose their souls for them. Without any fear, how would they attend to their duties?” The missionaries also desire to break up the native habits of sloth and vagabondage, by compelling the Indians to live in villages; but many Spaniards oppose this policy. Medina recounts the difficulties between the friars and the ecclesiastical authorities, in Bishop Salazar’s time, regarding the religious jurisdiction of the former.

Further extension of missions is made during the provincialate of Fray Diego de Alvarez (elected in 1584). Each district in which a mission is introduced or enlarged is described by our writer, who adds many pertinent and interesting observations on the natives and their character, their relations with the Spaniards, the affairs of his order, the progress of the colony, the products of the country, etc.

The Editors

December, 1904.

Documents of 1629–1630

Sources: Of these documents, the first is obtained from Pastells’s edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica, iii, p. 686; the fourth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), i, pp. 617–625; and the remainder from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

Translations: All these documents are translated by James A. Robertson.

Decree Regarding Mission Appointments in the Indias

The King. Inasmuch as I have been informed that—notwithstanding that it has been ruled and decreed, in virtue of the prerogative of my royal patronage, that the provincials of the orders in my Western Indias, whenever they have to propose any religious for the instruction or for the administration of sacraments, or to remove him who should have been appointed, shall give notice thereof to my viceroy, president, Audiencia, or governor, who should have charge of the superior government of the province, and to the bishop; and that he who may have been already appointed be not removed until another has been appointed in his place—for some time past, the said provincials have been introducing the custom of dismissing and removing the religious teacher who is stationed at any mission, and appointing another in his place, solely on their own authority, without giving notice to the said viceroy, or the persons above mentioned, as they have done on various occasions. They also claim that if a religious is once approved by the bishop for a mission, he needs no further approbation for any other mission to which his provincial may transfer him. If the archbishops or bishops of the diocese where such a thing occurs try to hinder it, the provincials base various lawsuits upon that point, whence follow many injurious and troublesome results. In order to obviate these, the matter having been discussed and considered by the members of my Council of the Indias, with their assent and advice I have deemed it advisable to ordain and order—as by the present I do ordain and order—that now and henceforth, in regard to the said provincials removing and appointing the religious of the said missions, they shall observe and obey what is ordained on that head by the said my royal patronage, according to what is mentioned in this my decree. They shall not violate or disobey it in any way; and in addition to it, whenever they shall have to appoint any religious to the said missions in their charge—whether because of the promotion of him who serves it, or by his death, or for any other reason—they shall nominate from among their religious those who shall appear most suitable for such mission, upon which their consciences are charged. This nomination shall be presented before my viceroy, president, or governor (or to the person who shall exercise the superior government, in my name, of the province where such mission shall be located), so that from the three nominated he may select one. This choice shall be sent to the archbishop or bishop of that diocese, so that the said archbishop or bishop may make the provision, collation, and canonical institution of such mission, in accordance with the choice and by virtue of such presentation. In regard to the pretension made by the said provincials, namely, that if a religious be once approved for a mission, it must be understood that that approbation is to answer for all the other missions to which he may be appointed, I consider it advisable to declare—as I declare and order by the present—that the religious who shall have once been examined and approved by the bishop for a mission, remain examined and approved for all the other missions of the same language to which he shall be appointed afterward. But if the mission for which his provincial shall present him be of a different language, he must be examined and approved anew in it; and, until he shall be examined and approved, he cannot serve in the mission. I order my viceroys, presidents, and governors of each and every part of the said my Indias, on whom falls the execution of the said royal patronage; and I request and charge the very reverend and the reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishops and bishops of the Indias—each one of them in what concerns him—to observe and obey this my decree, and its contents, exactly and punctually, without permitting or allowing anything to be done contrary to or in violation of its contents, in any manner; and that they give notice to all the provincials of the said orders of this ordinance, so that they may observe it. Given in Madrid, April six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

Letter from Manila Dominicans to Felipe IV

Sire:

Responding to our obligation, as religious of St. Dominic our father, and as vassals of your Majesty, to advise you of the condition of the lands of your seigniory, where we now reside in this country of the Philipinas and the city of Manila (where we are at present assembled in our provincial chapter and defínitory), we say that this land is greatly afflicted because these seas are so infested with the Dutch. The trade with neighboring nations, which was formerly rich and supported this country, has lost its power. The result of the Dutch attacks is, that your vassals here have no sea forces, and but few for land; and those are widely scattered in various presidios of little importance, that serve no good purpose and cause very great expense to your royal treasury. At those presidios the soldiers die in great numbers from the unhealthful climate, insufficient and poor food, and their own inactivity and vicious lives. We believe that a small fleet for the sea could be maintained at a much smaller cost; that will sweep it of enemies, will keep the soldiers contented and in sufficient numbers (and if they are killed, it will be while performing their duty, and not for the above reasons); trade would return to its former condition, and all the injuries that daily befall this wretched country would cease.

Concerning the condition of our holy order, your officials will tell your Majesty, for they ought to inform you of everything that happens here. And although they are, as a rule, not very friendly to us, because our order is a friend to truth, we leave information of our affairs to be given through their statements. The report of our poverty will be given to your Majesty by our religious procurator of the province, who is at that court. We beseech your Majesty to hear, believe, and protect him, and despatch his affairs. The royal officials of Mexico, on account of the expense of these islands, which is made up from the treasury under their charge, send annually to our order, at the cost of your royal revenues, flour for the host, and two arrobas of wine for each priest, with orders that one and one-half arrobas are to be given here to each one, because of the waste on the voyage. Since we do not even see any dust from the flour, nor more than one arroba of the wine, in order to celebrate mass for a whole year, on account of which mass cannot be said, even on days of obligation, it is sufficient to propose it in this way, in order that we may expect the remedy as sure to follow from your Majesty, whose royal person may our Lord preserve for many years, as we all your vassals find necessary. From the city of Manila in the Filipinas Islands, May twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. Your Majesty’s servants and chaplains,

Fray Diego Duarte, definitor.
Fray Joan Luis de Gueti, definitor.
Fray Gaspar Cassablanca, definitor.
Fray Pedro Martin de Lucenilla, definitor.

[A copy of the last portion of the above letter regarding the flour and wine sent from Mexico follows, and is commented upon thus: “Decree of the Council. Referred to the fiscal, November 8, 1630.” “The fiscal says that what is requested by this portion of the letter appears very just and advisable; and it will be right and expedient to give strict orders to the governor of Philipinas to be very careful to relieve these necessities, and not to allow them to be again represented to the Council. Madrid, February 8, 1631.”]

Letters to Felipe IV from Governor Tavora

Treasury Matters

Sire:

The officials of the royal treasury will give your Majesty a detailed account of the condition of your treasury in these islands—which beyond all doubt is very pitiable, because of the smallness of the relief that has come these last few years from Nueva España, and the little profit that the islands themselves have produced, because of the great decrease in commerce. That obliges me to see what measures will be advisable to increase the revenues and decrease the expenses of this royal treasury. The other day, I proposed in a meeting of the treasury, of which I send a copy, what will be seen in that copy—for whose better understanding, and so that the advisability of the proposition may be seen in your royal Council, I thought it fitting to write this section.

First point of the letter

Your Majesty has ordered by many decrees that we try to obtain cloves, from our present possessions in the Malucas, and that they be cultivated for your royal treasury. In accordance with that command—although your Majesty’s purpose had not been realized hitherto, either because the governors my predecessors were unable (which is the most certain thing), or they did not always have the cloves in the quantities necessary, or because of the corrupt agents who have been occupied in that business—I have now forty-five bars [i.e., bahars] of cloves stored in the magazines; and I judge that an average of fifty bars per year (rather more than less) could be obtained without much difficulty. Considering the question of the cultivation and investment of that quantity, I think that by no other route can this be better accomplished, or with more gain to your royal treasury, than by way of Yndia. I base my assertion on the following argument. Fifty bars of cloves are worth four thousand pesos in Maluco. If they are traded for clothing such as the Moros wear, the cost will be one-half less. The carriage from Maluco to Manila is nothing, for they will be brought in the ships of the usual relief expedition to those forts. The fifty bars, delivered in this city, are worth already at least ten thousand pesos. Once laden for India, and carried at your Majesty’s account in your own ship, they will be worth thirty-five thousand pesos and more when delivered in Goa or Cochin, as is affirmed by men experienced in this kind of merchandise. Your Majesty needs many things in your royal magazines which are brought from the above-named cities, such as saltpetre, iron, anchors, slaves for the galleys, arms, biscuits, cayro, white cloth, and wearing apparel for convicts. Those articles are bought every year in Manila from merchants of Yndia, at excessive rates. The thirty-five thousand pesos resulting from the cloves having been invested, then, in those articles at Goa or Cochin, and having been brought to Manila on your Majesty’s account and investment, will be worth at the figures now paid for the said articles, ninety or one hundred thousand pesos. And even if all this did not rise to so high prices, I am sure that fifty thousand pesos (which is one-half less than one might consider them to be worth) will be the return in products to these magazines from the fifty bars, which will cost four thousand pesos in money at first cost, as I have said—and if they be bought for the peculiar cloth of Yndia, two thousand pesos. That would be a very considerable gain and relief to the royal treasury.[1] [In the margin: “Consult with his Majesty as to what the governor proposes; and say that it has been judged best, before advising what we think of it, to refer the matter to his Majesty, so that he may order the council of Portugal to state their opinion regarding the matter. Having examined it from all points of view, an opinion will be given.”][2]

The expenses of that voyage will not amount to much, considering the profit and gain. The expenses for this gain are as follows: One ship or patache of one hundred and fifty Castilian toneladas, which, if built in these islands, will cost, when ready to sail, ten or twelve thousand pesos; eight pieces of bronze artillery, using balls of twelve and eight libras, which will be worth five thousand pesos; twenty-five sailors and a like number of musketeers, with six artillery-men, taken from those who receive the usual pay of this camp and beach—all married men and under such obligations that they cannot remain in Yndia, and who when embarked will only receive an increase in their rations of biscuit, meat, and fish, and some native wine, all of which amounts to but little; one captain for the management of the vessel, and master, pilots, boatswains, keeper of the arms [guardian], and steward—who are the officers to whom pay is assigned. The above, with all the other purchase expenses which I have given above for this ship, will not amount for the first time to twenty thousand pesos, together with the four thousand for the value of the cloves, the total amounting to twenty-four thousand, more or less. By this method, the so great profits for this treasury will be made, as above stated—adding the sum received from the freight charges for goods belonging to private persons, which can be brought and carried by this ship, and the register and the duties on them, which will here amount to considerable, and will prove of great relief for the said expenses.

The danger of this voyage is that of meeting the Dutch at the passage through the strait of Sincapura, near Malaca, which every year the Dutch inhabitants of Jacatra belonging to the Company[3] close up, and with a ship or two of little strength, or a couple of pataches, await the Portuguese galliots that sail from Macan to Yndia, and from Yndia to this city. The enemy knows very well that the Portuguese do not carry force enough to fight, and that on seeing the Dutch they run ashore and place their persons in safety with their gold, which is the form in which they chiefly invest their wealth. The ship which would sail from here would enter by a different channel than do the Portuguese, as the strait has three entrances. Our ship will be a swifter one, and will sail better against the wind; and a Dutch ship will not be able to catch it in two rosaries, and their pataches will not dare to grapple it because of the defense which they will encounter. Thus by fighting, without losing their route, the ship, will reach Malaca, and will make its voyage. On its return, it will stop first at Malaca, where it will hear news of the enemy. In case they find that the enemy are in the pass, they can wait in those forts until the former have retired to their own fort at Jacatra.

Thus far, I have mentioned all the advantages, expenses, and dangers. What still remains is to petition your Majesty to be pleased to have this matter considered; and if it appear advisable, to order that this voyage be made every year or every two years, as the governor shall deem best, and according to the quantity of cloves on hand and the opportunity offered by the weather. I petition that there shall be, in this regard, no opposition from the treasury council, in which, I have understood, your Majesty has ordered that the governor concur in the opinion of the majority. That may prove, in this country, to be a source of considerable trouble; for it might some day happen that an expedition would be determined to be necessary, in a council of war, and that the majority of the votes of the treasury council in which the expenses are voted may not concur, either through want of capacity in the officials, or through an excess of passion and private interest—and, in a land so remote, experience teaches that there are many such. In the report of the meeting that I enclose herewith, in regard to the above matter of the cloves, I guessed what were the majority of the opinions beforehand. Doctor Don Albaro de Mesa y Lugo, neutral or indecisive as he is on all questions of any importance or difficulty, and especially on those regarding revenue, for fear lest the auditors be obliged to pay. Licentiate Geronimo de Legaspi, senior auditor at the time of the council, not satisfied because I have employed his elder son in a company, tried to have a place given to the second son also, in another one. Because what he asked was not done, although I desired to please him, he was displeased. The accountant, Marten Ruiz de Salazar, has for a long time been offended, because he was not allowed to take fees from the clerks of the accountancy, and to exercise absolute authority over accepting and dismissing them, as in the present case. Hence my proposition was disliked by them both. Thus may your Majesty see carried out in this case the same motive that I stated for all the others—namely, that they do not vote without self-interest or passion. He to whom your Majesty can and ought to trust most is the person to whom all the government shall have been charged; and he should be given authority so that he may, after having heard the opinions of the treasury council, concur with the party which may seem to him more judicious, even though it be not the one with the more votes. [In the margin: “Have the fiscal see this again.” “The fiscal declares that the form is laid down by the decrees and ordinances which treat of it, and he thinks it undesirable to make any innovation. For even though there happen to be some officials, of those who take part in those meetings, who are such as here described, it might also happen that there would be rash governors who might act inconsiderately, and only through self-will or caprice, and cause great and excessive expenses of the royal revenues. Consequently, it is preferable that action be taken by many votes, since in justifiable and even in doubtful cases the preference of him who governs or presides is always followed. Madrid, July 11, 1631.” “Let the ordinance be kept.”]

In case that your Majesty consider it fitting to have this voyage made in the aforesaid manner, it will be necessary for the decrees to come in duplicate for the viceroy of Yndia, so that he may grant free passage for this ship, and that he may give without any opposition the wares that will have to be bought on your Majesty’s account; and so that no duties be imposed in Goa, Malaca, or any other part of Yndia, on what may be registered in your Majesty’s name. Order must also be sent to Cochin, so that if any ship should have to be built there (as the ships cost less there, and last longer than those of these islands) all assistance and favor may be extended.

Point 2 of the letter

The second point discussed in the council is also essential; and if it be carried out, it will be the greatest relief to the islands, and will result in great saving for your Majesty. In the rations of rice (which is the bread of this country) which are furnished in Cavite and other parts, more than fifty thousand fanegas are consumed annually. This is imposed on the Indian natives by assessment or allotment,[4] and is paid at the rate of a peso per fanega. For the last three years the Chinese, both infidels and Christians, have devoted their efforts to sowing rice. Consequently, the country has been well supplied, as the Chinese are better farmers than the Indians. Many citizens and the convents of the religious orders have given them the loan of lands and twenty-five pesos per head, so that they might settle and equip themselves with the necessary implements for farming the land. The first year the Chinaman pays this sum, and the following years gives for every hundred brazas of land fifteen or twenty pesos rent, which is a like number of fanegas of rice. It has seemed to me expedient that in certain uncultivated lands that rightly remain in the name of your Majesty in the best region and lands of the islands (which is near here, in La Laguna de [Bay], five leguas up the river from Manila), two pieces of land should be appropriated [for this purpose]. I am assured that these will be sufficient so that two thousand Sangleys can be established on them; and that your Majesty will make the profit which the inhabitants and the religious make, since you can do so with greater advantage and protection to the farmers than private persons can give. I am also assured that a very productive agricultural estate can be made, by managing to obtain from it the cost in one or two years. For the rest of the time the rent is left free [from debt or other obligation]. For two thousand Sangleys that will amount to forty thousand fanegas of rice; and, as it increases with time, it will amount to fifty thousand. That is as much as these magazines need. [In the margin: “Let us be informed whether any of the expenses of those islands have been reduced.” “Bring the memorandum of the reduction that was made in the year 618.”]

The gain that will accrue to your Majesty from that will be to relieve your Majesty from the expense of fifty thousand pesos, and the Indian natives from the assessment and allotment of fifty thousand fanegas, which, as aforesaid, is the greatest relief for the islands, and for this royal treasury. The risk that will be run of the money that will be advanced to the Chinese so that they may settle and equip their farms (in which, although it is given with confidence, there is, of course, always some risk that some will run away and others will die), will all, however, be of little importance, in view of the profits that are seen to result in the estates which the religious and inhabitants are equipping.

It would be advisable for your Majesty to decree this to be carried out without any opposition; and that you order the viceroy of Nueva España, in order to facilitate it, to send five thousand pesos separately, and in addition [to the usual situado] in order that I may continue with capital what has been begun without it and (with what I have lent to the treasury from my own funds) make the experiment and take possession of the lands, ordering wheat to be sowed in a portion of them. I am told that it has been shown by experience that wheat bears well. This undertaking can not be accomplished in one or two years. Your Majesty holds these islands for many years through the Divine favor, and your successors as long as the world shall last. Consequently, the future must be considered, in order that these lands may not remain behind; but if this be done in all parts, in what pertains to your Majesty’s revenues, the treasury will not remain in so backward a condition as at present.

Third point of the letter

Your Majesty’s royal treasury owes to that of the goods of deceased persons more than forty thousand pesos, as appears from the memorandum and certification which I enclose herewith. For since the relief which is sent from Nueva España is so meager, and the expenses here are so great, the governors my predecessors were obliged to take, by way of loan, all that sum on different occasions. For the same reason I have not been able during my term, to repay it, nor do I hope to be able to do so, unless your Majesty order that sum to be sent from or paid in Nueva España on a separate account, in consideration of the fact that it is property of parties who are suffering, and, most of all, the goods of deceased persons. I give this information to your Majesty, as to the master and sovereign of it, and for the relief of my conscience.

Fourth point of the letter

The office of the notary of government and war which became vacant by the death of Captain Pedro Alvarez, was put at auction and adjudged to the heaviest bidder, who was Pedro de Heredia, governor of Terrenate. He bought it and placed it under charge of one of his sons. It was knocked down for the value of fifty-four thousand pesos—ten thousand to be paid on the spot, in reals, another ten thousand from his pay, and the thirty-four thousand remaining in the pay-warrants of various persons. It seems to have been a sale of importance for the services of your Majesty. And in order to avoid the suits which the secretaries of government have had with the governors my predecessors, as to whether that office should include the secretaryship of the permits to the Sangleys and the inspection of the Chinese ships (which are special commissions of the governor), and in order to avoid suits with my successors, I ordered that in the sale of that office it be made a condition that no more than the office of government secretary be sold; and that this was understood to be only what the governor should sign in writing; for in the commissions that the latter should give for those permits the secretary of the government was not to act as secretary. [In the margin: “As the fiscal says.”]

The above is what occurs to me in regard to the increase and efficient administration of your royal treasury. I shall now declare my opinion regarding two differences of justice or jurisdiction that have arisen with the royal officials.

Fifth point of this letter

They formerly proposed the clerks whom they employed in their offices, so that the governor should appoint them at the pay that was assigned. In consequence of that power that they possessed, the accountant tried to take it upon himself to dismiss a clerk without any agreement with his associates, or the consent of the government. In fact, he abolished the position. I was informed that it was not for incompetency, or for any failure of which the clerk had been guilty in his office, but only for the accountant’s own private reasons. He was ordered to return the man to his place, and to have him serve as before. The accountant alleged with too unmeasured language that he and his associates had the authority to dismiss the clerks, since they were the ones who proposed them. I was advised that it would be better government, in order to avoid the consequences, for the royal officials not to propose the clerks whom they had to employ in their offices, except in the memorial of the person who enters it, petitioning that they give information of his competency. Accordingly, I so provided; and therefore, so long as the clerks give satisfaction, it must not be understood that the royal officials can dismiss them without having information of demerits understood by the government—which is the agency to dismiss such men, as it was the one to hire them. [In the margin: “Ascertain what the royal officials write; and, if they have not written, let them report.” “Search was made, and all the papers on the matter collected, together with those sections and letters which the royal officials have written.”]

[Sixth point of this letter]

The accountant has also claimed the right to collect certain fees which this royal Audiencia assigned some years ago, by a sentence of examination and review, as a tariff to the clerks of the accountancy, the factor’s office, and the treasury. The accountant lately renewed the suit, and declared in this Audiencia the one which I have resolved to send to your royal Council with the evidence. The matter is one of moment, for the clerks who serve carry the weight of the work of the accountancy; and as they cannot be maintained with the fees of the tariff, they charge additional fees, which parties give them in order to facilitate their business. Nor is it possible for the governors to avoid that; for it is a matter of importance to the parties themselves to conceal it, for the sake of their business. If the accountant tries to take those fees from them, the clerks will have a much greater reason to accept bribes; else they will not expedite the business, or reduce the great volume of accounts and business that are pending in this accountancy. Even the commencement of this suit has caused great trouble, and the clerks have been much disturbed by it. Will your Majesty be pleased to order the suit to be concluded, and the decision that is most expedient to be made. [In the margin: “Look up the papers regarding this matter; let it be as the fiscal says.” “These sections were collected with the papers which treat of this matter.”]

What is to be said is that the accountant and treasurer are very poor; and that the offices in the Yndias are not worth anything unless one steals, and they do not do that. The expenses of their households and families have been excessive in this city for some little time past, and consequently, those ministers cannot live decently on their pay. If there is any means to increase it, will your Majesty order that inquiry be made in what way this can be done without the royal officials taking away the perquisites from their clerks. May God preserve the Catholic royal person of your Majesty, as is necessary to Christendom. Cavite, August first, 1629. Sire, your Majesty’s humble vassal,

Don Juan Niño de Tavora

[Addressed: “To his Majesty. Cavite, 1629.”] [Endorsed: “Governor Don Juan Niño de Tavora. Treasury. Seen and decreed in the margin, July 11. Take it to the fiscal. In the Council, November 23, 630.”]

[The findings of the fiscal]

1. The fiscal says that he has read this letter. In regard to the first point, concerning the ship which is to take the cloves, he thinks that if affairs move with the security and ease which the governor ascribes to them, the profit is a matter of considerable moment, and that the governor should be ordered to undertake it. But, inasmuch as many things enter into that question which pertain to the Council of War, he requests that the matter be examined and discussed by them before any resolution be taken. He also thinks that it will be necessary that a copy of what concerns the Council of Portugal be given that body, on account of the relations which the execution of this measure have and may have with Goa, Malaca, and other points of Eastern Yndia which fall within the demarcation of the said Council.

2. In regard to the second point, concerning the cultivation of the land, he thinks that it ought to be accepted; for the amount of money risked is little, and will be spent to establish a known gain. He only stops to consider that, in order to carry out this measure and the preceding one, the governor requests further increase in the situado which is generally given from Mexico to those islands; and he does not know whether the royal treasury of that city is at present able to furnish that increase, because of the loss which his Majesty’s incomes have sustained from the inundation[5] and other troubles which have come upon them, and the heavy burdens of the said treasury.

3. In regard to the third point, concerning what is owed to the fund of the goods of deceased persons—a sum which exceeds forty thousand pesos, because the governors have used it on various urgent occasions that have arisen and have not repaid it—the fiscal recognizes how just it is that an effort be made to repay and satisfy those funds, but he finds this unadvisable at present for the royal treasury; for it is first necessary to liquidate the accounts and investigate how all that sum was spent, and whether it could have been avoided, and why the governors have not always made it up from the situado which has been sent to them all these years. That must depend on the investigation which shall be made in the inspection which has been ordered to be made of the governors, auditors, treasuries, and royal officials of those islands. This point must be set down in writing, as it is so essential, so that the inspector who shall be appointed may have it well in hand. After knowing the result and report of the inspection, orders will be given as to what shall be just in regard to the payment and integrity of the said fund of the goods of deceased persons. A royal decree must be despatched, so that this indebtedness be made no greater in the future, and so that the governors take upon themselves no authority to make payments out of the said fund; and such proceeding shall be strictly prohibited to them, as it was by another decree which was despatched to Piru in regard to this same matter, and the custom of the viceroys in making payments from the fund of the goods of deceased persons.

4. In regard to the fourth point, concerning the sale of the office of [secretary of] government and war, which the governor says he has sold for fifty-four thousand pesos, the fiscal will place before the Council what will be advisable for the investigation of this matter, when the purchaser shall come to ask for the confirmation of this sale. For the present, what he has to note is that only ten thousand pesos of the said sum appear to have been in cash; for the forty-four thousand pesos remaining were received in salary-warrants which were said to be owing from the treasury to the said purchaser and to other persons. That mode of payment has many inconveniences, as has been alleged on other occasions; and order must be given that it be avoided as much as possible.

5. In regard to the fifth point, no definite measures can be taken until the accountant and royal officials have been heard, and the custom ascertained which has been in vogue in appointing and removing the minor officials of the royal treasury; for in the majority of cases, it is usually in charge of the royal officials, to say who shall help them, and they remove or appoint as they deem best. If there has been or is anything that contradicts this, it is where such minor officials are paid and are given title by his Majesty.

6. In regard to the sixth and last point, it will be advisable to look up and collect the acts cited in it; and in the meanwhile the fiscal thinks that order should be given to pay the fees to the minor officials, as was declared by the royal Audiencia. Madrid, November 30, 1630.

[A copy of certain sections of the present letter follows (those of the fifth point) with the decree of the Council and the statement of the fiscal, all of which is given above. Several of the summaries of decrees of the Council are dated July 11, 1631. The following statement, relating to the fifth and sixth points, completes the document.]

The fiscal, having seen the acts which accompany this section of this letter, in virtue of a decree of the Council, declares that it should be ordered to observe the custom that has been followed in Manila in regard to the appointment of the clerks who serve under the royal officials; and that there be no such innovation as is attempted by the governor—by which, besides the petition that shall be given to the governor by the person who solicits such and such an office, the royal officials give information as to his ability and competency; and the governor, having considered his competency, will make the appointment. For this means to deprive the royal officials of what they now enjoy and possess, which is even less than their rights in other parts. Neither does the pretension of the accountant, Martin Ruiz de Salazar, appear suitable—namely, that he absolutely appoint his clerks and have authority to remove them; for that is contrary to the custom and procedure which has always obtained there. It is sufficient for him to propose them to the governor. It will be well for the latter to retain that privilege, especially since that royal official’s associates, the treasurer and factor, do not make any demand regarding this point, although they have the same right. It will be advisable to write to the accountant that in regard to the point that he makes concerning the removing of his clerk at will, he shall go to the governor who appointed him, or to the Audiencia, where justice will be done in the presence of the parties. In regard to the laws and acts regarding this that have been referred to the Council, he thinks that either one of two means can be adopted: either to order the Audiencia of Manila to take the proper measures, after having examined the parties, since they are there, and do not come [here] under summons; or, in case the Council wishes to decide the matter, that the parties be summoned, so that they may declare what is advisable for them. For the tariff given by the Audiencia in the year 599 speaks clearly in favor of the clerks; and since it is so old and has always been observed, and since this favorable act was obtained from the Audiencia, the said royal officials cannot take any resolution within hearing of them. Thus does the fiscal petition. Madrid, June 9, 1633.

Government Matters

1. Slowness of the ships which come from Nueva España

Sire:

In a separate letter sent with this same despatch, I write to your Majesty of the matters pertaining to war, revenue, the ecclesiastical estate, and the religious orders, that have arisen in the course of the year. In the present letter, I shall briefly mention some general points of the government, for which I take pen in hand today, July 19, before the arrival at this port of Cavite of the ships from Nueva España, or news that they have entered the islands. Consequently we (I and all this city) are as anxious as can be imagined, as it is now so late and the vendavals have already set in with some vehemence. May God, in His mercy, have pity on us; and will your Majesty be pleased to urge the viceroy of Nueva España, by ordering him to have the aid for these islands leave Acapulco at least by the middle of March. By that the voyage will be made certain; but if it is delayed until the last of the same month or the first of April, as has been done these last years, these islands are in evident danger of remaining without aid, and that would mean their total ruin. [In the margin: “Have him notified accordingly, and advise the governor what orders have been sent to him.”]

2. Despatch of the ships leaving here this year

I am despatching these ships before the arrival of the others, to the very great inconvenience of the entire country. But the trouble would be greater if the ships sailed out of season, and after the subsidence of the vendavals, which is their proper monsoon. May God bear them with safety. They are the two best ships which have sailed from this place. The flagship was finished recently, and the almiranta is the same as new, because of the thorough overhauling that was given it on this beach. [In the margin: “Seen.”]

3. Their small cargo, and the lack of trade in this year

Their cargo is small, because ships from China and Macan have not entered Manila this year, and those which were laden in the island of Hermosa have not returned. The reason why the Chinese did not come is the multitude of pirates of their own nation who have overrun their coasts; while it is understood that the reason why the ships have not returned from the island of Hermosa on time is because the vendavals must have set in earlier than usual. Accordingly, for both reasons the ships take less merchandise than they could, and what they take is at advanced prices. Everything has been incredibly dear in Manila this year; and we could not live here if we did not have the hope of better conditions and an abundance of all things. [In the margin: “Seen.”]

4. Resolution taken by this city to send eight citizens to the City of Mexico, so that they may handle their merchandise in accordance with a royal decree which they have presented for that purpose.

The scarcity in the present year and the small supply of the past years have given this city occasion to resolve upon an innovation which we greatly fear will be its total ruin. The city petitioned me for the execution of a decree of your Majesty given in the year 1593, which has not as yet been given force in what pertains to the citizens; and that is the matter in which they are causing an innovation. Your Majesty permits them in that decree to go to sell their goods in Mexico, or to send them by persons who go in the ships; but not to send or consign them to citizens of Mexico, unless it he in the second place and in case of the death of those who take them. As the profits have been so small these last few years, the citizens of Manila throw the blame on the efforts of those in Mexico, which they say are unfriendly. Consequently, they have resolved to send eight men from this city with goods of those who have consented to commit these to them; for which, although they pretended that this would not remain at the will of the owners, I, however, relying upon the decree, have refused to concede them more than it mentions. The eight men have orders and instructions to form one single body, and to sell through one person, and to manage their business by the counsel and opinion of all, the majority of votes ruling. They are to make all the necessary efforts in Nueva España for blocking the citizens of Mexico who are not agents for those in Filipinas, even if it should be necessary for some of them to go to that court to attain their purpose. [In the margin: “Take it to the fiscal.” “It was taken to him. Answered on a separate paper.”]

5. Advantages and difficulties in the execution of this decree, and the ruinous outcome which may be feared from it.

As the execution of this decree, although so old, is a good method to attain what his Majesty intends and what the monarchy needs, that but little money of merchants be sent to these islands, I am giving without any opposition to the citizens of this city what is ordered by the decree, as will be seen by the acts that have been passed in this regard which I am sending to that royal Council, in order that it may understand the matter better, and that it may take the measures which seem most advisable. The truth is, that I fear lest a violent clash result from this innovation, between this city and that of Mexico; for the citizens of the latter place, when they find themselves deprived of the gains which they had by acting as agents for those of Filipinas, will render poor service as such to the latter; and further, knowing that the citizens here are combining against them, that will oblige them also to combine [against these citizens], in order not to make the returns this year with any silver. That would be the total ruin of this colony, because of the small investments and business affairs of these last years. [In the margin: “Take it to the fiscal with the acts.” “They were taken to him. Response on a separate paper.”]

6. That all that has been done in this matter has been with the approval and assent of the Audiencia, and against my own.

I never took my pen to sign an act in this matter (upon which all the Audiencia was unanimous), for they seemed to me the most serious acts that could arise pro and con in this community. All that I have executed has been against my own opinion. What I would gladly have done would be to have four or six alert men to take charge of the goods of private persons, and have each one administer it as best he could, without at present trying to oppose the citizens of Mexico and to deprive them at one stroke of the agencies, and that would be accomplished gradually. Besides, times becoming better by buying here cheap, the profits would be greater; and it would be a good expedient not to send too great a consignment of goods to Nueva España. That would be, and this city would have, some relief without so much offense to the City of Mexico, which is of no less importance to the monarchy than this city. [In the margin: “Take it to the fiscal.” “It was referred to him. Response in a separate paper.”]

7. How injurious it is to take loans from the inhabitants of this city

The havoc wrought by the loans which the inhabitants are forced to make to the royal treasury, which is now owing them about two hundred thousand pesos, is not little. The inhabitants have been unable to invest that money, and hence the deficiency in what they could have used in trade has embarrassed them with a like shortage in the profits that they would have made with this sum. Your Majesty ought to have this matter remedied by ordering the viceroys of Nueva España to aid this treasury with the sum asked for here; for surely such procedure means the total destruction of these few vassals whom your Majesty has here in this little commonwealth. If that relief be lacking, the enemy will have but little to do in making themselves masters of the South Sea. [In the margin: “That this matter is being discussed very carefully and that it will be thoroughly examined in order to give a suitable answer.”]

8. The fresh supply of saltpetre which was brought from Yndia by the efforts of Don Felipe Mascareñas, captain of Cochin.

Four galliots have come from Yndia with flour and a certain quantity of saltpetre, of which we were in great need. The captain of Cochin, Don Felipe de Mascareñas, is the one who has solicited it; and he aids me very punctually with what I ask from him. I am trying to have some ships built there for the Nueva España line. I request your Majesty to thank him, and to encourage him to pay careful attention to the quick building of the new ships; for this would effect much, and relieve the islands of one of the greatest burdens that they endure, namely, the shipyards and shipbuilding. [In the margin: “Let his Majesty be consulted, so that the same be done in such manner as he prefers.” “Consultation was held October 17.”]

9. Embassy sent to the king of Camboja; the building of ships; and the trade that has been established with him.

For the same purpose I despatched an embassy this year to the kingdom of Camboja, in order to ascertain whether it has suitable timber. I have heard that those who went there have been well received by the king, and that he is answering me by another embassy composed of his vassals. They say that he has never done so with anyone else, and that the building of a ship was already being begun. I am momentarily expecting a patache which was bought there, in which the ambassadors are coming. I trust that very many matters for relief for these islands and saving for your Majesty will be arranged with them besides the shipbuilding, as well as the advantage which the Catholic faith may obtain in this commerce. For some Dominican fathers whom I sent as chaplains for the Spaniards write me that they were very cordially received by the king, and that the latter had given them permission to build a church, and to baptize those who wished to be converted. [In the margin: “Have him advise us of the result, and approve what he is doing.”]

10. Embassy and trade with the king of Cochinchina

I also sent a message to the king of Cochinchina, with letters and presents, in order to establish a factory in his kingdom, both for the building of ships and for the exporting of iron and other metals—which can be imported from there at much less cost than what is now incurred here in the islands. I have already received a reply from the king, which contains many expressions of desire that what I am trying to do will be effected; and I am in hopes of accomplishing it this year. [In the margin: “Approve it and tell him to continue these efforts.”]

11. Message to the king of Sian, and the condition in which the punishment meted out to him last year has placed him.

As for the king of Sian, I advised your Majesty last year of the punishment inflicted upon him for his injustice toward the inhabitants of this city in keeping their goods. After having inflicted the punishment, I thought it advisable to send him a message through an experienced person of his kingdom, declaring what was intended by the expedition of the galleons to his river; and warning him to give full satisfaction, unless he wished the punishment to proceed further. The messenger found the king dead, and all the counselors removed who were in power at the time when the matter occurred, and the new king so fearful of the arms of your Majesty that he was afraid to despatch any vessel from his coasts. He has sent the messenger back to me with letters and presents, in which he begs for our friendship, and satisfies in words the injustice which his father committed. However, he does not make any active reparation, so that I am at present in a condition of continuing the chastisement or of accepting the reparation and friendship which he asks, as shall seem to me best for the welfare of these islands. This is a matter of importance, which I am communicating in order that what is most expedient may be carried out. [In the margin: “That it is well to continue demanding from him what his father owed.”]

[12.] Despatch sent to Japan in regard to the burning of the junk, of which advice was sent last year; and the controversy regarding this which the city of Macan has maintained with me.

Like efforts have been made to restore the trade with Japon, which was formerly of great importance to these islands. I sent a despatch to the governor of Nangasaqui, sending him forty-two Japanese whom General Don Juan de Alcaraso brought to me from a junk of that nation—which, as I advised you last year, he burned at the bar of the river of Sian. I offered them friendship and trade, giving them to understand that the burning was done without my orders; and that, if they would have trade and commerce with these islands as before, I would give satisfaction for the damage in the said burning. This despatch did not reach Nangasaqui in the time that I supposed, nor as yet have we heard from it. The news of the said burning having reached that same city [i.e., Nangasaqui] at a time when the Portuguese were there with the galliots that make that voyage, trading, with their merchandise, the Japanese attempted to attack them, and to force them to pay the value of the merchandise and the junk which were burned; and it is feared that thereupon they would lay an embargo on the three galliots. However, as yet we do not know with certainty or assurance, except that a suit was pending in the court of the king of Japon, the Portuguese claiming that they could not in justice be forced to repay the damage which the Castilians had done. Thereupon the city of Macan earnestly begged me to make satisfaction, and send the value of the cargo burned and lost in the said junk, in order to silence the Japanese. Being desirous of gratifying the people of Macan, and settling the matter, I called an assembly of theologians and jurists, in which I broached the subject. All agreed that so long as the Japanese persevered in locking the door to commerce with these islands, contrary to justice and reason, there should be no talk of giving satisfaction for the damage inflicted, until advice could be given to your Majesty—even though it should follow from this, by a casualty not intended, that the Portuguese with whom the said Japanese trade should have to pay for the loss. This will be seen more in detail in the authentic copy of the said council’s proceedings, which I enclose herewith, so that if perchance the city of Macan should petition your Majesty through the Council of Portugal to have these damages paid, no decision may be made in the matter until you shall have seen the motives which we have here for failing to settle it. In such case, I petition your Majesty also to be pleased to examine, with this section of this letter, that of another which I wrote in the past year of 628 in regard to the same matter. It will be considered that if the damage inflicted has to be paid for, it will fall upon those who did it. That would be the soldiers of this camp and the leader under whom they were, namely, the said commander, Don Joan de Alcarasso, who distinguished themselves greatly in your Majesty’s service in the said expedition of the galleons. [In the margin: “File, and have the fiscal examine it all.” “It was all filed and referred to the fiscal. It is answered on a separate paper.”]

13. Departure of Don Fernando de Silva, and difficulties that arose in it

Don Fernando de Silva (who is the person whom I found governing in these islands when I arrived here), exercising the permission given him by your Majesty by which he may enjoy for eight years the encomiendas held here by his wife for two lives, undertook to make his voyage this year. As I thought that a government permit in writing (as is usual with others who have not been governors) was unnecessary so that he might embark, I communicated the matter to the Audiencia in session, which was of my opinion. But the auditors added that the governor ought to issue an act by which he should notify your Majesty’s fiscal and the official royal judges that the said Don Fernando was leaving these islands, and that he thus informed them in case that they had anything to plead against him. I thought it an unnecessary proceeding, as the departure of the said Don Fernando de Silva was sufficiently public; yet, in order to comply with the opinion of the Audiencia, I issued the said act. The fiscal entered a demand that the said Don Fernando be commanded to give bonds, for himself and his agents and servants, to furnish residencia for the time while he had governed these islands, and to pay the judgment and sentence therein. A copy of this document was given to the party. He replied that the governor was not a competent judge of this article of residencia, but only the royal Council of the Yndias. I thought the same, and so did the government assessor. I ruled that the fiscal should demand what was expedient for him from the judge before whom he could and should appear by right. He appealed from this to the royal Audiencia, which declared that the governor was a competent judge, and that he ought to pass judgment upon this article. This matter has been examined and reviewed, without there having been found any decree of your Majesty which orders such a thing, or any precedent of a similar case made here or in Nueva España—not only as far as the governor, captain-general, and president of the Audiencia is concerned, but even for the officials of the Audiencia. They, having been promoted to other parts, have gone without giving their residencia or bonds, so long as that royal Council does not provide therefor. Consequently, notwithstanding what the Audiencia declared, I thought it wise not to set such a precedent, or cause such difficulty to the superior ministers of your Majesty (who would have them under your eyes, in whatever part they might be), so that you may order them to pay what they should be sentenced to pay in their residencia, when your royal Council shall decide that it be taken. I was obliged to make this decision by the consideration that it might happen that there might not be left to a governor persons who are under obligation to him in the country, because he has given to no one other things than what he has deserved, by which no one considers himself favored and obliged. And it may be that no one can be found to go bond for him; and it will not be right that he should have to remain in the Filipinas on account of not having bonds, if there is no commission to take his residencia. And this would weigh even more heavily upon the auditors, who have less power to give favors; and, when they were promoted by your Majesty, they would be unable to go to take charge of their places for lack of bonds. Thus they would remain in this land, exposed to innumerable affronts from those to whom they had administered justice, which is a thing that your Majesty ought not to permit to happen to your ministers. Although all these reasons were sufficient to decide me not to allow this innovation without a special order from your Majesty, there is, in the present case of Don Fernando de Silba, another very special consideration, since he is leaving an encomienda in this country with an income of four thousand pesos per year. That is the best bond that one can ask. Consequently, seeing that no detriment was being incurred in not taking the bonds, I decided the matter by declaring that I was not judge in this sense. I am sending the copies of the acts to that royal Council, so that your Majesty may be pleased, after their examination, to enact what may be considered most fitting, and with all distinctness, so that there may be no abuses here, and so that the governors who depart after the entrance of the other governors may not be harassed. With Don Fernando I have maintained very harmonious relations during the three years while I kept him here. On the occasion of this despatch, I have furnished him all the accommodations possible, assigning him forty toneladas of cargo to carry his goods, household, and servants. He is a person who is worthy of what favor your Majesty may show him, and will render excellent service in any employment that he may hold. [In the margin: “Refer it to the fiscal.” “It was referred. Answered on a separate paper.”]

[14.] Erection of the bridge; and how the hospital has been given the revenue produced by the ferry boat.

The bridge which I began in this city (as I have advised you during the last few years) is now in such a condition that we can cross by it. It will be finished in a couple of months without having cost the citizens or your Majesty a single maravedi. The Sangleys have built it from their common fund, with which they have been freed from the amount that the ferry-boat cost them. The latter belonged to the hospital of the same Sangleys, which is in charge of the Dominican fathers; and it netted them at least two thousand pesos annually. They maintained themselves with that sum; and accordingly, so that that hospital, so necessary for that nation, might not be left without support, it has seemed best, with the consent of the Audiencia, to assign to the hospital the same sum of two thousand pesos per year from the common fund of the same Sangleys, with their consent. Thus will it be done, and the Sangleys do not pay any ferry rate, but support the hospital, in which they are treated, from their common fund. Your Majesty is patron of it as ever, the fathers happy, and the poor well provided for. [In the margin: “File this with what is enacted in the petition of the Dominican fathers.” “This section was filed with a memorial given by Fray Mateo de Villa.” “It is decreed in the memorial and what is to be answered, here on a separate paper.”]

15. Sickness in Manila this year, and death of the archbishop

I hope to construct other works this year, if our Lord gives me life, with which this city will be no less beautified. There has been but little health in this city and its environs this year, with many sudden deaths, both of Spaniards and Indian natives and slaves. Among others has passed away the archbishop Don Fray Miguel Garcia Serrano, who died on Corpus Christi, as is written at greater length in the letter touching the ecclesiastical estate. [In the margin: “Seen.”]

16. Arrival of the aid and ships from Nueva España

Just as I reached this point in my letter, and when about to seal it, I received news that the two ships which sailed for Nueva España last year for the reënforcement have returned with it; and that they have made port in different parts of these islands, because the weather did not allow them to reach this port of Cavite. They left Nueva España late, and the vendavals set in early. Hence the voyage has been one of hardships, and it was a great mercy of God that they were able to make the islands, although not little is the discomfort and not few the additional expenses that have been incurred because of their inability to make this port. What I grieve over most is to see the inadequacy of the aid, which does not reach two hundred and fifty thousand pesos, while I informed the viceroy that we needed four hundred thousand, as I wrote last year. Consequently, I again petition your Majesty in the same terms as in that letter, to be pleased to endow these islands with the said sum, so that it may not be at the will of the viceroys of Nueva España to discontinue sending it. This is the chief point, and on it is based all the government of these islands, so that we may be able to give a good account of them to your Majesty. [In the margin: “Have what was enacted for this examined.” “The enactments were examined, and filed with this section for the Council. Answered on a separate paper.”]

17. Aid of artillery sent to the viceroy

The viceroy of Nueva España asks me for bronze artillery with which to fortify the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, sending me twenty-four thousand pesos for the expense of it. Although the ships have arrived so late that I have had no time to cast it in the quantity and of the quality that he asks, I am sending him the equivalent [of the money] in eighteen excellent pieces from what we have already manufactured, with which I think that that fort will be well defended, and the viceroy will have the pieces with which to go to succor the fort if it should be necessary. He tells me that he wishes some of the artillery which he has asked of me for that purpose. [In the margin: “It is well, and let him execute what the viceroy shall advise him of in this respect.”]

May God preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty with the increase of kingdoms and states that is necessary to Christendom. Cavite, August first, 1629. Sire, your Majesty’s humble vassal,

Don Juan Niño de Tavora

[Appended to this letter are the following documents:]

Second Council in Regard to the Injuries Committed on the Japanese Boat Which Was Captured in Sian

In the city of Manila, on the sixteenth day of the month of January, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava, comendador of Puerto Llano, member of the Council of War of the king our sovereign, his governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein, called a meeting of theologians and juries in order to discuss matters of his Majesty’s service, and those touching cases of conscience and justice. And in the royal buildings and the palace of the governor’s dwelling, in the presence of Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of the said royal Audiencia; the reverend fathers, Fray Domingo Gonzalez of the Order of St. Dominic, commissary of the Holy Office and rector of the college of Sancto Tomas; Fray Juan de Montemayor, of the Order of St. Augustine, Fathers Diego de Bobadilla and Francisco Colin of the Society of Jesus of this city, father Fray Gaspar de Santa Monica, lecturer on theology in the convent of St. Nicolas of the Order of the discalced Augustinians; and Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonzalez de Varreda, his Lordship’s assessor; and all being assembled: the lord governor ordered me, the present government secretary, to read a paper, which his Lordship gave me for that purpose. I read it, and it was of the following tenor.

“In May of one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, there took place at the bar of the river of Sian the capture and burning of the junk from Xapon, caused by our galleons. In July of the same year, it was decided, at a meeting of four theologians and two jurists which was called to discuss the matter, that this act had been unjust, for lack of authority by him who did it; and that, accordingly, the one who caused the damage was under obligations to make it good to the Japanese.

“That satisfaction has not been discussed as yet, except that the king gave liberty to the Japanese who were captured; and they were made ready to be sent to their country with messages for the governor of Nangasaqui. These were to the effect that keen regret was felt over the illegal act recently committed by our galleons; and that as to the value of the junk and its cargo, order would be given to make complete reparation, if the Japanese would open commerce with this city, as was done in former years, and as they now have with the Portuguese. Of the contrary, in case that the Japanese refuse to open commerce, nothing was said; nor did it state who was the principal cause, but gave the order for the damage. No investigation or effort has been made in regard to reparation, but a reply is being awaited to the message which was sent to Japon, so that the government might know what ought to be done and ordered.

“The reason for this suspension or omission on the part of the government has been because we considered that the king our sovereign has a legitimate cause to make war on the Japanese on account of the faith which they so cruelly persecute; and because all who leave Japon in order to ship goods have to deny the faith before embarking, at least to outward appearance, and unite with the heathen in order to persecute the faith. Thus it is believed that these islands have an especial reason to consider themselves aggrieved by Japon. 1st. Because the Japanese have prohibited commerce without other reason than the faith, and that with so great severity that a ship which sailed secretly from the districts of Arima and Omura for these islands having put back, and the Japanese ascertaining whither it was bound, that resulted in the loss of many lives, and in most cruel injuries to the Christian people there. 2d. Because the Japanese refused to receive the ambassadors who were sent from here in order to bring about peace and harmony between these kingdoms. 3d. Because of the old-time robberies which were made in the time of Taicosama, and by his order, of the goods of the galleon ‘San Phelipe,’ which put in at their coasts because of bad weather—the Japanese martyring on that occasion the religious of St. Francis who protested against the injustice; and Taico declaring war against these islands in the endeavor to make them tributary, and for some years sending a number of ships to infest, as they did, these coasts; and although peace was made afterward in the time of Daifu, and commerce was reopened, still they never gave satisfaction for the wrong committed, nor did we obtain damages for it. Consequently, as soon as the peace was broken, on account of Daifu, and because they deprived us of commerce with them, it appears that they again revived the past insults and that they are vigorously demanding their right of procuring redress. 4th. Because from the time when our ships put in at Japon, and the Japanese had news of the richness of these islands, they have always tried to conquer them, by endeavoring to get a foothold on the island of Hermosa, in order to make it a way-station for the conquest of Luzon. That has caused the governors of Philipinas to make great expenditures and vast preparations during the past few years; and but recently it is learned that discussions of this kind are rife in Japon, and that their reason for not doing it [i.e., conquering the islands] is not the lack of malice but of power.

“For all the above reasons, it was nevertheless doubted whether the capture and burning of the said junk were unjust, if, now that it has been done, the king our sovereign could avail himself of these wrongs as a beginning and part of the compensation; and if those who govern these islands in the name of his Majesty could remain firm, and order the person who committed the injury not to give any satisfaction so long as they make no reparation in Japon—or at least so long as they do not desist from the aforesaid injuries, by opening commerce, or in some other manner that may be advantageous to these islands. In virtue of that doubt the discussion of the question of satisfaction for the injuries has been neglected until now by the government. The government has contented itself with the aforesaid measures of granting liberty and accommodations to the Japanese, and a message which was sent to the Japanese—to which the reasons and consequences of state that existed for it obliged us.

“One of these reasons was that one now urged by the correspondence with Macan, upon whose commerce Japon might perhaps fall in order to obtain reparation for the injury which this government might inflict upon them, as we see has been attempted. The city and commandant of Macan request these islands to make reparation immediately for the goods, so that the difficulty may not recoil upon them, to the damage of their goods and of the commerce between Yndia and Japon, which they declare to be of great importance for the preservation of Christianity in those islands.”

And having finished reading the said paper in the said meeting, his Lordship requested those present to give him their opinions in regard to its contents, so that the most advisable measures might be taken for the service of his Majesty and for the relief of his conscience.

All the said assembly having heard and understood the contents of the said paper, above incorporated, and conferred regarding it and what in conscience they ought and could do, voted unanimously and as one man that the king our sovereign and these islands have sufficient cause in law to avail themselves of these wrongs which were committed by our galleons without their orders, and to take them as a beginning and part of the reparation; and that, so long as the Japanese did not give satisfaction for the aforesaid wrongs, the lord governor ought not to order any reparation to be given; for the right to take reparation, when the party owes it and does not give it, is plain. In the present case, it is certain that his Majesty could with justice order the said loss, and even greater, to be inflicted upon the Japanese, in retaliation for the injuries committed on the faith and these islands. And since he did not order it, but it is done, he has an undisputed faculty and right to avail himself of the wrongs committed. Thus it appears that there is no doubt that his Majesty’s officials are not bound in conscience to make reparation to those of Japon until his Majesty is advised of the case, so that we may see whether he wishes to avail himself of, or to have these islands avail themselves of, his right. In regard to the mention of the injury that may follow to the inhabitants of Macan if reparation be not made immediately, as yet we do not know that the latter have shipped anything; and even if they had, Macan, in order not to break with Japon, would have to pay the value of this junk, since that is an incident not reckoned on by Manila, but one which this city rather tried to obviate by all the means which were readily feasible, such as giving liberty to the prisoners, sending an embassy and messages of apology to the Japanese, and pledging immediate reparation for the injury done to their property, if they would open trade and make peace with these islands. So long as they do not do this his Lordship appears to be fulfilling the demands of conscience by informing his Majesty of what is happening, so that as sovereign of both states [i.e., Manila and Macan], he may order what is to his royal service. This is their opinion, and the said father Diego de Bobadilla said that the opinion does not state anything as to who ought to make reparation for the said injuries, nor do they consider that; because it does not pertain to them to give any opinion or judgment on that point, but only to state who would have authority for doing it.

His Lordship, having seen the above opinions, declared that he was in accord with them, and that he is doing what is mentioned in them in the manner which seems to his Lordship best. He affixed his signature, as did the rest of the said assembly.

Don Juan Niño de Tavora
Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez
Fray Domingo de Gonçales
Francisco Colin
Diego de Bobadilla
Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda

Before me:
Andres Martin del Arroyo

Collated with the original records which rest in this government office. By order of the said lord governor and captain-general, I drew up this copy, at Manila, June twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, [witnesses being] Francisco de Silva and Don Juan Martin. In testimony of the truth, I seal and sign it officially.

Andres Martin del Arroyo, royal secretary.

We, the undersigned notaries, attest that Andres Martin del Arroyo, by whom these copies appear to be signed and sealed, is a notary of the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of chief government and military notary of these islands. The copies and other matters that pass and have passed before him are given and have been given entire faith and credit, both in and out of court. Given in Manila, July three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

Pedro Muñoz de Herrera, royal notary.
Luis de Barrasa, royal notary.
Luis de Torres, royal notary.

Acts Regarding Departure of Fernando de Silva from the Islands

Act by the governor

In the city of Manila, on the sixteenth of July, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava, comendador of Puerto Llano, member of the Council of War of the king our sovereign, his governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein, declared that, inasmuch as Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, former governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal Audiencia therein, because of the death of Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença, is to go to Nueva España this present year, and to take his wife, Doña Maria de Salazar, and his household and family: therefore he ordered—and he did so order—that if the fiscal of these islands and the royal officials have anything to plead against the said Don Fernando de Silva, whereby he should not make his voyage without any hindrance, they do it within the following day. Thus did he enact and order, and he signed it.

Don Juan Niño de Tavora

Before me:

Andres Martin del Arroyo

Notification to and reply of the fiscal

In Manila, on the seventeenth of July, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I, the notary, read and announced the act of the lord governor, contained in another part of this, to Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of the royal Audiencia of these islands. Having heard it, he said that what he has to demand is that the said Don Fernando give bonds to furnish residencia, both for himself and for his agents and servants, for the time while he governed these islands; and to pay the amount to which he should be adjudged and sentenced, and that he leave a person with accepted powers to give the said residencia. Thus does he request his Lordship to order, as that is justice. He signed it, and will request it by petition.

Marcos Capata de Galvez

Before me:

Andres Martin del Arroyo

Notification to the treasurer

In Manila, July seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I, the notary, announced the act of the lord governor, herein elsewhere contained, to the treasurer, Juan Ruiz Descalona, official judge of the royal exchequer in these islands. Having heard it, he declared that he does not know whether Don Fernando de Silva is indebted to the royal treasury. If he is not, then he does not know of any reason why, in what concerns this matter, there should be any obstacle to prevent his journey. He signed the same.

Juan Ruiz Descalona
Andres Martin del Arroyo

Notification to the accountant

In Manila, July seventeen, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I, the secretary, gave notice of the act of the governor and captain-general, on the preceding leaf, to the accountant, Martin Ruiz de Salazar, official judge of the royal exchequer in these islands. He declared that when Don Fernando de Silva was governor he ordered and commanded some things contrary to the ordinances in regard to payments which were made from the royal treasury, as he thought them expedient for his Majesty’s service. There is nothing evident today in the royal accountancy why he should be detained, for this concerns the residencia which he should give, with the bonds which the fiscal demands shall, according to law, be furnished in residencias, to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced. It is well provided, except, etc. He signed the same.

Martin Ruiz de Salazar
Andres Martin del Arroyo

Demand of his Majesty’s fiscal

I, Licentiate Marcos Capata de Galvez, his Majesty’s fiscal in this royal Audiencia, declare that the government secretary, Andres Martin del Arroyo, notified me of an act of his Lordship, in which he orders me to plead what there may be to plead against Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, and that the same act be made known to the royal officials, in consideration of the fact that he is to make his voyage to Nueva España this year. Since the said Don Fernando should give his residencia for the time while he was governor of these islands, it will be advisable for your Lordship that, if his departure be effected, he shall give good and creditable bonds to furnish the said residencia for himself and for his agents and servants, and to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced, leaving a person with accepted powers who may give it for him. This being complied with by the royal exchequer, I have nothing else to require. I request and beseech your Lordship to have the said Don Fernando give bonds to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia which he shall furnish and that he leave a person with, accepted powers to give it when his Majesty orders it, for all this that I request is justice, etc.

Licentiate Marcos Capata de Galvez

Act

Cavite, July eighteen, six hundred and twenty-nine. Copy for Don Fernando de Silva. Thus he [i.e., the governor] enacts, together with his counselor. At the bottom of this decree are two rubrics, one of the lord governor and captain-general, and the other of Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda, his counselor.

Andres Martin [del Arroyo]

Petition of Don Fernando de Silva

I, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, former governor and captain-general in these islands and president of his royal Audiencia for the king our sovereign, in answer to a writ presented by his Majesty’s fiscal, in which he declares that he has been notified of an act of your Lordship ordering him to plead against me whatever he might have to plead, in consideration of the fact that I am about to go to Nueva España; and who demanded that I be ordered to leave bonds for the sum to which I might be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia that is to be taken from me, and a person with accepted powers to furnish my residencia for me when his Majesty orders it: declare that notwithstanding that the said act could not be pronounced by your Lordship, nor the said demand made by the fiscal—which is an innovation that until today has not been made with any of the governors, or with any other official of his Majesty among the number of those who must give residencia of their offices when and before whom the royal pleasure dictates—(for that belongs exclusively to the royal person and to the supreme Council of the Indias, and to no other judge or royal minister) yet, without prejudice to my right, and without attributing to your Lordship greater jurisdiction than what belongs to your office, because on my part there is no cause to refuse what the said fiscal demands, and in order to avoid the trouble which might ensue for me if my voyage were hindered or delayed by opposing the said demand at a time when the ships are so soon to set sail, I am ready to give the said bonds, that I will furnish residencia for all matters in which by law I ought to give it, and that I will pay the sum to which I may be adjudged and sentenced in the residencia; and, besides, to leave a person with accepted powers who shall give my residencia for me when his Majesty orders it. I request and beseech your Lordship to receive from me the said bonds by the present notary, for which, etc., and in all justice.

Don Fernando de Silva
Don Juan Fernandez de Ledo

Act of the governor

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, having seen this petition of Don Fernando and what was demanded by the fiscal regarding the bonds to give residencia for himself and for his servants and agents, for the time while he was governor and captain-general of these islands and president of the royal Audiencia therein: declared that the fiscal should plead what he had to plead in this regard before whom and with what law he ought and could plead it. Thus did he order, and he signed the same, with the advice of his counselor, who signed.

Don Juan Niño de Tavora
Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçalez de Barreda

Before me:

Andres Martin del Arroyo

Notification to his Majesty’s fiscal, and his appeal

In the city of Manila, July twenty-three, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I, the present secretary, read and announced the act (which is written on the leaf preceding this) enacted by Don Juan Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general of these islands, to Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez, fiscal of this royal Audiencia, in his own person. His Grace said that talking with the due respect, he appeals to the president and auditors of the said royal Audiencia, and requests the government secretary that, in accordance with the ordinance, he go to the Audiencia to make a report of this cause. This was what he gave as his reply, and he affixed his signature thereto, witnesses being Licentiate Pedro Lopez and Juan de Cañeda, residents of Manila.

Licentiate Marcos Çapata de Galvez

Before me:

Diego de Torres, royal notary.

Summons given to Don Fernando

In Manila, on the said day, month, and year, I, the undersigned notary, gave notice and summoned in due form, for the appeal interposed by the fiscal, and at his request, Don Fernando de Silva, in his own person. He said that he hears it, and regards himself as summoned. Witnesses were Captain Don Manuel de Torres and Alférez Bartolome Gomez, and I attest, the same.

Before me:

Diego de Torres, royal notary.

Act of the royal Audiencia

In the city of Manila, July twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of these Filipinas Islands, having examined these acts in regard to the demand of his Majesty’s fiscal of this said royal Audiencia—by virtue of which Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago, and former governor and captain-general of these islands and president of this royal Audiencia, should give bonds to furnish residencia for the time while he exercised the said duties, for himself and his agents, and to pay the sum to which he may be adjudged and sentenced in that residencia, leaving a person with accepted powers to give the said residencia—and the appeal interposed on the part of the said fiscal from the act enacted by the governor and captain-general of these islands on the twenty-third of the present month and year, in which he ordered that the said fiscal plead in this regard what he had to plead before whom and with the law that he ought: declared that they returned this cause—and they did return it—to the said governor, so that as a competent judge, he might enact what should be just in the matter. By this act they so enacted, ordered, and decreed. Before me:

Pedro Muñoz de Herrera

Appeal of Don Fernando from the said act

Most potent Sire:

I, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, your former governor and captain-general in these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, appeal from the act of the Audiencia of the twenty-fourth of this month of July, only in regard to their ordering returned to your governor and captain-general the cause which your fiscal of this royal Audiencia is prosecuting, by which they order me to give bonds that I will furnish residencia of the said offices and pay the sum to which I shall be adjudged and sentenced in it, as I am about to go to Nueva España. It was declared in the said act that the said your governor and captain-general was a competent judge to try the said cause. That said act, only as far as the said declaration is concerned (and speaking with due respect), must be revoked as a general rule, and because I am, by having exercised the said offices of president, governor, and captain-general, immediately subordinate to your royal person and to your supreme Council of the Indias; and no other judge or tribunal can take it upon themselves to try anything pertaining to the residencia of the said offices or to security for residencia. Thus, until the present time, the said bonds have not been required in this city for this royal Audiencia or for your governors, my predecessors in the government, or for your auditors when they leave these islands to go to Nueva España or to other parts (who ought also to give residencia for their offices at the will of your royal Council); they have gone without giving the said bonds. Moreover, as is proved by this royal decree, of which I present an authorized copy, attested by three royal notaries, your royal person was pleased to give me permission authorizing me to make the said voyage, without condition or obligation of giving the said bonds. The obligation that your Majesty did not impose in the said permit cannot be imposed by any of the judges or ministers inferior to the said your royal Council of the Indias. And accordingly, although the question of the said bonds might have been discussed with other persons, that cannot be understood as applying to me; but I must be allowed to make my voyage freely, without any obstacle being offered, as his Majesty[6] orders, notwithstanding the contents of my writing of the twenty-third of this month. For that writing was without prejudice to my right, and did hot attribute any jurisdiction to the said your governor. I presented the said writing before receiving the said permission from his Majesty. Consequently, I petition and beseech your Highness to be pleased to have the said act revoked, in so far as it concerns the said declaration, by ordering that it be understood without having the cause returned to the said your governor and captain-general; for what I petition is justice, and for it, etc.

Don Fernando de Silva
Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo

Act of the royal Audiencia, and reply of the fiscal

In Manila, on the twenty-seventh of July, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, while the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands were in session, this petition was presented, which having been examined they asked for a copy. The fiscal presented an act which declared that appeal ought not to be allowed from an act referring back a cause. Consequently, since this cause has been returned to the lord governor, his Lordship must decide the chief matter, namely, whether or not to allow the said bonds to be given. The documents presented are not for this plea, but for the principal cause before the lord governor. Therefore, the fiscal, as far as he is concerned, concludes by this plea.

Licenciate Marcos Çapata de Galvez

Before me:
Andres Martin del Arroyo

Summons to Don Fernando, and his reply

In the city of Manila, on July twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, I, the secretary, informed Don Fernando de Silva of the act herein elsewhere contained. He declared that the appeal which he has interposed is in regard to declaring the auditors of the royal Audiencia competent judges of that which the fiscal has demanded from the governor. He declared that, in regard to this question, there must be an authoritative statement from the proper source; and that the appeal must be allowed. On seeing the acts, he regards himself as summoned. He signed the same.

Don Fernando de Silva

Before me:
Andres Martin del Arroyo, royal secretary.

Decree for Don Fernando

The King. On behalf of you, Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, relation has been made me that you have served in the states of Flandes, and that you have served in other important affairs for more than ten years; that, having gone to Nueva España by the appointment of the marquis of Çerralbo, you served ad interim in the duties of my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein, because of the death of Don Alonso Fajardo de Tença; that you did it excellently, maintaining that community in peace, which was supplied with what was necessary; and that my royal treasury was but little burdened. When Don Juan Niño de Tavora arrived to serve me in those offices, he found the finest fleet of galleons which those islands have had, with which they could defend themselves from the enemies who infest them; provision of the metals necessary for casting artillery, and fifty molds for casting the pieces every two days; and the infantry in good discipline, clothing in abundance, and the ships for Nueva España ready to lade. Possession had been taken in my name of the island of Hermosa, which is eighteen leguas from the mainland of China, in the year six hundred and twenty-six, by which it will always be safe for the wealth of that kingdom to pass by there, without the enemy being able to hinder them (their fortress being very well fortified by nature). You were married in those islands to Doña Maria de Salazar, granddaughter of one of the earliest and most prominent conquistadors and settlers of the islands, and your father-in-law was the first Spaniard born in the said islands;[7] and, in commemoration of the services which the aforesaid performed, the encomienda of Butuan and Oton was given to them, which they enjoyed. I conceded the favor of prolonging to the said Doña Maria de Salazar, your wife, the same encomienda for one generation more, by a decree of February twenty-four, six hundred and twenty-two; and to it shall succeed the person to whom it shall belong and pertain according to the law of succession. You went to the said islands solely for the purpose of serving me in the said duties, and incurred many expenses on the voyage, and enjoyed only slightly more than one year’s salary. You have a desire to continue in my service, petitioning me that, in order that you may be able to do so, and in remuneration of the forbears of your wife, I employ you without the prohibition imposed on absentees, ordering that they may not enjoy the income from their encomiendas of Indians, preventing you therefrom; and [that you be allowed] to appoint a representative [of the encomienda] to the satisfaction of my governor of the said islands as is the usual custom. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it proper to give the present. By it I give permission to you, the said Don Fernando de Silva, to be absent for the space of eight years from the said encomienda, together with all your household and goods, in Nueva España or in any other part where I may employ you, provided that you leave the representative and all the rest to which you, as an encomendero, are obliged, to the satisfaction of my governor of the said islands, to whom and to my royal Audiencia of the said islands, I order no obstruction to your voyage to be placed. During the said eight years, which are to run and be reckoned from the day on which you leave the said islands in order to make your voyage, they shall not take away from or deprive you of the said Indians; and shall allow you to enjoy freely the income from them and the other things which you shall possess in the said islands, notwithstanding any royal orders or decrees given to the contrary. Such orders and decrees, I do for this time, and so far as they touch this case, dispense with. Given in Madrid, October two, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.

I The King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

I copy this transcript from the original, which was in possession of the treasurer, Alonso de Santoyo, knight of the Order of Santiago, at whose request it was drawn. It is a faithful and true copy. Mexico, March twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. Witnesses were Hipolito de Santoyo and Geronimo de Marquina, inhabitants of Mexico. I seal it in testimony of the truth.

Marcos Leandro, his Majesty’s notary.

We, the undersigned notaries, certify and attest that Marcos Leandro, by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of his Majesty; and as such, entire faith and credit has been and is given to the writs and other acts which have passed and pass before him, both in and out of court. In order that it may be apparent, we give the present in Mexico, March twelve, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

Pedro Gallo, his Majesty’s notary.
Francisco Gallo, his Majesty’s notary.
Alonso Cavallero, his Majesty’s notary.

Act ordering the fulfilment of the royal decree

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-nine, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, knight of the Order of Calatrava, comendador of Puerto Llano, member of his Majesty’s Council of War, his governor and captain-general of these Filipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein, having seen this copy of the royal decree which his Majesty gave at the petition of Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the habit of Santiago—who presented himself before his Lordship in his own behalf, and petitioned that it be observed and obeyed—and attentive to the fact that the said copy was authorized by a notary of his Majesty, and attested by three other notaries: ordered—and he did so order—the contents of the said copy of the said royal decree to be observed and obeyed; and that the said Don Fernando avail himself of it, leaving an agent appointed to attend to the said obligations of the said encomienda. The judges and royal officials shall note the decree in the books under their charge, and shall observe and obey it, as is contained therein, in behalf of the royal treasury. Thus did he enact; and he signed the same, together with his counselor.

Don Juan Niño de Tavora
Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda
Andres Martin del Arroyo

Collated with the copy of the royal and original act from which it was copied. It is an accurate and exact copy, and agrees with the original, which was returned on the part of the said Don Fernando de Silva, in order to take account of it in the royal accountancy. This copy was made in Manila at his request, July twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being Francisco de Silva and Don Juan Martin, residents of Manila.

Andres Martin del Arroyo, royal notary

Act of the royal Audiencia

In the city of Manila, July twenty-seven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Cnancillería of these Filipinas Islands having examined these acts in regard to the demand of his Majesty’s fiscal in this royal Audiencia that Don Fernando de Silva, knight of the Order of Santiago, former governor and captain-general and president of this royal Audiencia of these said islands, give bonds to furnish residencia, for himself and his agents and servants, for the period while he exercised the said offices, and to pay the sum to which he should be adjudged and sentenced, leaving behind a person with accepted powers; and the appeal interposed by the said Don Fernando de Silva from the act enacted by this royal Audiencia, on the twenty-fourth of this present month, in which this cause was returned to the lord governor and captain-general, so that, as a competent judge, he might enact what might be justice in it, etc.: declared that, notwithstanding the said appeal, they must confirm—and they did confirm—the said act of this royal Audiencia, with the declaration that the said return be, and be understood, in order that the said lord governor and captain-general may declare whether or not he [the said Don Fernando] must give bonds to the said fiscal of his Majesty. Thus they did enact, order, and decree.

Before me:

Pedro Muñoz de Herrera

Act of the governor

In the port of Cavite, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine, Don Juan Niño de Tavora, governor and captain-general of these Filipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein; having examined these acts and the demand of the fiscal of his Majesty concerning Don Fernando de Silva giving bonds to furnish residencia for the period while he governed these islands, and for his agents and servants, and to pay the sum to which he should be adjudged and sentenced; the other things which he has petitioned; the return of these acts to his Lordship by the royal Audiencia in an act which they passed at [the reception of] the appeal by the said Don Fernando de Silva; another act passed by the said royal Audiencia, that, as a competent judge, the governor should enact what should be justice in this matter; and the copy of the royal decree presented before the said royal Audiencia; said that he declared—and he did declare—that his Lordship was not a competent judge in this cause to declare or order whether the said Don Fernando should or should not give the bonds which the said fiscal has demanded for the said residencia, or for any other thing pertaining to it; and that the fiscal should plead in this regard what he should have to plead before whom and with what right he can and ought. Thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same, by the advice of his counselor.

Don Juan Niño de Tavora
Licentiate Don Rodrigo Gonçales de Barreda

Before me:

Andres Martin del Arroyo

Collated with the original acts, which rest at present in these archives of the office of government under my charge. This copy is accurate and exact, according to the originals. At the command of the said lord governor and captain-general, I ordered to be drawn and drew this copy, in the port of Cavite, July twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine; witnesses being Don Juan Martin and Francisco de Silva. In testimony of truth, I signed and sealed it.

Andres Martin del Arroyo, royal notary.

We, the undersigned notaries, testify that Andres Martin del Arroyo, by whom this copy appears to be signed and sealed, is a notary of the king our sovereign, and exercises the office of notary-in-chief of government and war of these islands. To his copies, acts, and dispatches, entire faith and credit is and has been given in and out of court. Given in Cavite, July thirty, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine.

Luis de Torres, royal notary.
Pedro de Valdes, royal notary.
Augustin de Valenzuela, notary-public.

[1] See Vol. xxii, p. 128.

[2] See, post, the statements of the fiscal at Madrid regarding the various points of this letter. His examination was made and his opinions noted before the decrees of the Council were given.

[3] Referring to the Dutch East India Company, formed by the consolidation (1602) of the various trading companies in the Orient, by the States-General of Holland. This was for many years one of the richest and most successful of the world’s great commercial associations; but in the eighteenth century its condition became one of decline. When Holland and Belgium were conquered by France, in 1795, the Dutch East India Company was practically abolished. Thereafter, until 1808, the Dutch Indias were administered by a committee of the States-General, and in the latter year their government was formally vested in the Dutch nation, which has from that time retained it.

[4] Spanish vandala: a Filipino word, signifying a forcible assessment on the natives for government supplies—i.e., a repartimiento; see explanation in Retana’s Zúñiga, ii, p. 532*. For later and different use of the word, see Zúñiga’s text (ut supra), i, p. 325.

[5] Alluding to the floods which, as often in former years, had recently inundated a part of the valley in which lies the City of Mexico. In 1627 heavy rains caused the bursting of the dams that confined the Quauhtitlan River, and parts of the city were overflowed. The same experience was repeated in 1629, but to such an extent that the entire city was under water, in most places more than five feet deep. It was more than four years before the city was freed from this calamity, and not until 1634 was this accomplished for the valley, by a series of earthquake shocks. See Bancroft’s account of these floods, and the drainage works undertaken to prevent them, in his Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 7–11, 85–91.

[6] The petition here addresses the governor instead of the king.

[7] See Vol. VIII, pp. 127, 133, where the encomiendas of Butuan and Oton are mentioned as held by Doña Lucía de Loarca. This would indicate that Silva’s wife was a granddaughter of Miguel de Loarca, and that her father was a son of the latter.

Relation of 1629–30

Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands and other surrounding regions, from the month of July, 1629, until that of 1630.

I shall commence the affairs of these islands with the expedition to Jolo. It is an island of this archipelago, rebellious for years past; and its natives, who are Mahometans, have made a thousand incursions against us in these islands, pillaging whenever opportunity arises, burning villages and churches, and capturing numerous people.

In order to remedy all these evils, Governor Don Juan Niño de Tabora determined to equip a powerful fleet in order to destroy that enemy and conquer a stronghold which nature has made in their island—so lofty and so difficult of approach, that there is no better stone castle; for the approach to it is by one path, and it has some artillery which defends it. The people are courageous and warlike. For our fleet were collected one galley, three brigantines, twelve freight champaos (which are like small pataches), and about fifty caracoas. The last named are the usual craft of these islands, and generally have thirty or forty oars on a side. All these vessels together carried about four hundred Spaniards and two thousand five hundred Indians, and they had considerable apparatus and war supplies. It was quite sufficient for another conquest of greater importance than the one on which they were going.

All that fleet departed, then, from the port of Dapitan on March 17. Dapitan is the port nearest to the enemy, and the island of Jolo was reached in [blank space in the Ventura del Arco MS.] days. At dawn our men were landed, and began the ascent to the stronghold. The master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso, who was commander-in-chief of the fleet, preceded the men. The Joloans defended their stronghold with valor. They killed some of our men and wounded eight, among them the master-of-camp himself. He was overthrown, as if dead, and went rolling down the hill. However, he was not dead, but only wounded, nothing more. Our men retired on the run, and to speak plainly, such terror entered into them that they did not dare to attack again. They skirted the island in their craft, entered the villages, burned, wrecked, destroyed them, and killed a few people. They brought back some captives with them whom the Joloans had taken from us. A violent storm overtook them, which compelled them to weigh anchor, and they retired stealthily. Thus so powerful a fleet as that was lost. It was such a fleet that never has one like it been made for the Yndias in these islands. The Joloan enemy were left triumphant, and so insolent that we fear that they will make an end of the islands of the Pintados—which are the nearest ones to them, and which they infest and pillage with great facility.

“A greater force than ever attacked Malaca from Achen—two hundred and twenty craft; and among them thirty-three were of stupendous size and resembled galleys with topsails, while others were medium-sized and smaller; and they carried a force of nineteen thousand men of the best picked soldiers, who were all ordered not to return alive without taking Malaca. They disembarked at a river one-half legua from here. Then they began to march with great trenches, ramparts, and other devices until they neared the walls. After taking the mount of San Francisco, they fortified themselves on it, and for the space of four months they continued to batter the walls of the city. Our artillery harassed them from the ramparts also although the trenches and terrepleins did not allow us to do them much harm. They destroyed all the side of Yben, Bocachina, and San Lorenzo, and did not leave a house, palm-tree, or church. Then they attempted to pass to the Malaca side in order to destroy its suburbs, and to attack the walls on all sides. In order to make use of all their men, they beached all their ships in the mire of the river. That was their total destruction, for the reënforcements arrived on October 21, from Yndia, with Nuño Alvarez Botello—who succeeded in the government to the bishop who was governing and died; he had thirty-three oared vessels and one thousand Portuguese soldiers, the flower of the nobility and soldiery of Yndia. Thereupon the enemy retired to the river where their fleet was stationed. The governor, without disembarking, took his station in the entrance, where he cannonaded them for forty-six days with all of his artillery. He had some very heavy artillery which he had brought from Yndia, which he fired from some barges that he had built. He harassed them so greatly with these guns that, although the enemy attacked him in order to get out, they were unable; and finally surrendered, or fled to the mountains and forests, one night. A great number of them remained in our hands, and the others in the hands of the king of Pan and those of Malay friends who aided us. They abandoned a quantity of spoils, all their ships, artillery, etc., so that of the nineteen thousand men there did not remain any who could rightfully carry back the news. The Portuguese collected three hundred pieces of artillery, counting large and small, with which the fortress was well supplied, and artillery was sent to other parts. The versos, falcons, and arquebuses which they captured were without number. It was a glorious victory which our Lord gave to this city of Malaca. The neighboring kings who were subject to Achen immediately resolved to render homage, by sending their ambassadors.” Thus far Father Azevedo.[1]

After having gained the victory against the people of Achen, Nuño Alvarez Botello determined to remain to winter in the region of the south. He sent some ships to Java; and with them a large galleon belonging to the enemy, and the commander and captains who were captured. He kept twenty-three of his galliots, with seven hundred picked men, in order to go in pursuit of the Dutch.

He commenced at Humbe, thirty leguas from Malaca, where, the Dutch have a factory for pepper. There were two Dutch ships at the bar [of the river] which went out to meet him. The Portuguese attacked the Dutch ship, which was a very handsome one, and had come from Holanda the year before. They gave it a volley which fell into a quantity of cartridges and powder, whereupon the ship blew up, although some of the Dutch who fell into the water were picked up. Then the Portuguese assailed the other ship, captured it, and sent it to Malaca. They saw that there was another large ship in thus mouth of the river, and attacked that one. The Dutch who were aboard deserted it. The Portuguese captured the artillery, ammunition, and other things in the ship, and set it afire.

Learning that there was another ship [up the] river, and that it was lading pepper, the Portuguese determined to go to capture it. They entered the river, attacked the ship, and, without their knowing how, it blew up. As the ship sank, a powerful suction was formed, and drew after it the Dutch [i.e., one of the captured ones] skiff in which the commander, Nuño Alvarez Botello, was giving his orders. The brave gentleman was drowned there, without any one being able to help him; and with him were also drowned his good intentions, and all that that fleet expected to do.

In consequence of the persecution of the king of Conchinchina against the missionaries[2]—because the commerce of Macao had been lacking for some time, and on account of the great drought that lasted for the space of fourteen months—Governor Don Juan Niño de Tabora ordered an embassy to be sent to the Said king, and for that purpose sent Father Antonio Cardin with some presents. The father reached Turon, and thence went to Sinao, the court of the king. The king took the presents from him, but notwithstanding that received him with very ill grace; and, without conceding him what he asked, made him retire to Macao.

[To the above relation for the years 1629–1630 (which seems to be merely a synopsis or abstract, and not a copy of the original document) is appended the following from another and later relation:]

In the years from July, 1630, until that time in 1632, says a relation, there was great peace, and the Filipinas Islands prospered; for aid from Holanda failed the Dutch, and their forces were too few to trouble the Spanish possessions of the archipelago and the Malucas. However the quiet was disturbed in the province of Caraga, where the Indians revolted, and assassinated the Spaniards and the Recollect religious who were instructing them. The leaders of the revolt were punished, and the Indians gradually subdued.

[1] The above matter in quotation marks, as appears from a footnote in the Ventura del Arco MS., is taken from a letter written by Father Manuel Azevedo, rector of Manila, May 3,1630. Evidently “Manila” is an error for “Malaca,” and the letter was probably written to Manila, and the above section embodied in the relation written from that place.

[2] See account of the establishment of this mission, in Vol. XVIII, p. 213.

Letters from Tavora to Felipe IV

News of the Japon fleet, and of the fortifications which were built on that occasion, without any expense to your Majesty.

Sire:

I gave your Majesty an account in July of last year, 629, by way of Nueva España, of the condition in which were war affairs in these islands; and again in November, by way of Yndia, I added such new events as had occurred up to that time. What there is to write now is that we were advised in March of this year, 630, from Macan by the ship “Trinidad,” which sailed thence, that the Japanese were still angry over the burning of their junk by our men in the port of the kingdom of Sian in the year 628, as I have written in other letters; and that they were constructing large fleets to avenge themselves on our port and fort in the island of Hermosa, and on the city and coasts of Manila. It was asserted that the Japanese had forty thousand men in various ships of the Dutch and Portuguese which they had embargoed, and in a great number of their own vessels. I thought it uncertain news, because of my knowledge of the nature of the Japanese; yet I resolved to make use of it to further the fortification of this city and its environs. I suggested to the Chinese that they perform some service for his Majesty for the relief of that necessity, from their communal fund. They gave four thousand pesos, with which, and by means of other efforts, I built two cavaliers and a bit of covered way with its ledge of stone, they being built of incorruptible wood, while other enclosures and preparations were erected in Cavite. With them and with the fortifications which, as I wrote, were constructed last year on another similar occasion, this city remains well fortified. And I trust, with God’s help, that when I leave here there will be much better fortifications, so that the city of Manila and the port of Cavite may be safer with few soldiers than they were before with many. On account of the same news, the fortification of the island of Hermosa was also urged forward. The commandant, Don Juan de Alcaraso, who has it in charge, writes me that he was in such condition that he did not fear the Japanese, even though they should come with as great a force as was reported. The Dutch will be able to cause greater anxiety if they should return this year to the port of Tanchuy, as they did last. I am preparing aid, not so much as our people there ask and need, but in accord with the little aid which has come to me from Nueva España.

It has been learned from a ship of Chinese which arrived here afterward, and which sailed by stealth from the kingdom of Japon, that the imprisoned Portuguese, the Dutch, and their stranded ships were still detained there, and that there was no movement of the fleet. [In the margin: “Give him thanks for what he has done, and [tell him] that provision has been made in regard to the junk.”]

Aid for Terrenate

I sent the usual aid for the forts of Terrenate in the middle of November this year, as that season is the true monsoon. It was sent in two ships which had just arrived from Nueva España, together with a patache. All three vessels were equipped, and carried a sufficient force, so that they would not have to enter Terrenate by stealth, or fleeing from the enemy. I was very happy over the despatch, both for this reason and because I saved the cost and preparation of the pataches in which this aid is generally taken. God our Lord was pleased that, while the vessels were at a distance of two leguas from a port of these islands where they had to lade rice and other products, they should be struck by a very violent squall, which forced them to drag all their anchors, and the storm carried them immediately until they grounded. The flagship ran aground in the sand; but, the masts having been cut down, it and the patache were put out of danger. The almiranta grounded on reefs, where it was instantly shivered into pieces. Its mast fell in such a favorable manner that it could be used as a bridge by the men, who were all saved by that means. After the storm was over, there was opportunity to remove the artillery, the silver, and a goodly portion of the food which the ship was carrying. Consequently the loss was only of the boat, which was quite old. The two remaining ones were refitted, and proceeded on their way. Inasmuch as they could not take all the provisions necessary, I despatched another patache from this city, but it was also wrecked on these coasts. The men and provisions were saved, and the wreck was not due to the fault of those who had charge of the patache, as was proved by the trial held regarding it. I immediately despatched another patache—for in the matter of aid I leave no stone unturned—which performed the voyage. All three vessels have returned from Terrenate, where they entered at a very convenient season; because a number of our men having left our forts, by order of Governor Pedro de Heredia, to effect a junction with the men of Tidore in the town of the Ternatans, which lies under the guns of the enemy, the latter withdrew to their forts the ship which was awaiting the relief from us. That relief entered Terrenate the same day on which the enemy withdrew. After the silver and food were unladed, it was planned to sally out with the flagship of the relief fleet, to fight with the enemy’s ship; and this would have been put into execution if two other ships had not come to their aid that same night, which made a force very superior to ours. It was reported that there were thirty Dutch ships in the island of Ambueno, and that half of them were coming to Terrenate to make a Moro, whom they wished to introduce into the government, king of the natives; and that the others were coming to the coasts of China, the island of Hermosa, and perhaps Manila.

That enemy has had very little power in this sea for the last two or three years. I am now informed by letters that eighteen ships have come to them from Europa, and that the Javanese have raised the siege of Jacatra, by which the Dutch will remain more free to annoy us. [In the margin: “[Tell him] that what he says has been noted; and that he proceed in everything with the prudence that is expected from him.”]

That the convoying of the Chinese fleet by two galleons of this state is being discussed, as that has been asked by the viceroy of Yndia.

The count of Linnares, who has just arrived to govern Yndia, requests me to send three galleons to convoy the galliots which are bound from Macan to Yndia, and which are called “the Chinese fleet,” granting for the expenses certain accommodations in the duties on merchandise and the freight charges of the same trading fleet. I have discussed the matter with the auditors, and in the Council of War. Although it is impossible to do air that the viceroy asks, I am arranging to have at least two galleons go, as the majority of votes were in favor of it; and because it fits well with the determination of last year to send a galleon to Goa for anchors and other supplies which it is necessary to bring from that place. The principal reason is to oblige that viceroy thereby to join his galleons with those of this state, in order to make for once some considerable showing of force against the enemy. [In the margin: “Let it be understood that it is regarded as certain that the decisions which he shall make will be formed with the prudence and consideration that are expected from him.”]

Deeds of Nuño Alvarez Botello in Malaca

Nuño Alvarez Botello had very good fortune against the enemy in capturing two ships and burning two other large and heavily equipped ones close to the factory of Jambi, which is near Jacatra. Much greater luck did he have in raising the siege of Malaca, with the capture and slaughter of nineteen thousand Moros from Achen who held the city closely beset. However both events were tempered by the death of the said captain, as your Majesty is advised through the Council of Portugal by letters from Malaca, which are enclosed with this one. [In the margin: “Let account of all this be given to his Majesty, although a very detailed account of the affair will be given by the Council of Portugal.”]

Expedition made to the islands of Jolo and Mindanao

Another sort of enemies whom these islands have are the Moros of certain kingdoms near them. Those who have been most insolent and unbridled since my arrival in this government are the inhabitants of the kingdom of Jolo. For their punishment (in addition to the punishment inflicted two years ago) a fleet was prepared this year of three hundred and fifty Spaniards and two thousand five hundred Indians, under command of Don Lorenço Olasso, master-of-camp of this army. After a long and troublesome voyage, he arrived late at the island and chief stronghold where the king lives. They found the village dismantled, and the king and his chiefs and the majority of his men retired to a very steep hill which they have fortified for that purpose. He attacked them at daybreak, confident that their lack of caution would facilitate his entrance, and that the short time remaining in which to perform that exploit would suffice. Within a very short time he gained as far as the crest of the hill, where the stout enclosure and works of the enemy were. And if, as he himself fought, there had been others to assist him, he would have entered the place and captured the king and all his household and chiefs. On the part of our Spaniards and Indians the necessary spirit was not exerted. The enemy held the stronghold sufficiently well in their defense, and with the advantage of location; and did considerable damage to our men with their artillery, spears, and other missile weapons. On that account it was deemed better to withdraw the men from the hill and to abandon the undertaking for the time, and to employ the army in burning the villages and leveling the fields round about. In doing that there were many frays with the enemy, and many of the people were killed, so that it is thought that they are severely punished. The weather did not allow the enterprise to be carried to a more satisfactory conclusion.

The fleet went from that place to the island of Mindanao, which is one of the largest islands of this archipelago, while its king is one of the most powerful enemies that these natives have had. Just now he is friendly, and the peace was confirmed with the coming of the master-of-camp, so that I trust that it will last for some years. I have increased the pay of the officers and private soldiers who distinguished themselves on that occasion, while I am trying to reduce that of those who did not, so that it may serve as a warning. [In the margin: “When we learn the resolution which he has taken, let report of this be made to his Majesty.”]

Reduction of the Cagayan Indians

Cagayan affairs are in better condition than formerly. Some Indians have already been reduced to the obedience of your Majesty, and the others are being pressed to render it. I hope for a good result. May our Lord give the outcome which He knows to be most desirable. May He preserve the Catholic and royal person of your Majesty, with increase of kingdoms and states, as we your vassals desire and as Christendom needs. Manila, July 30, 1630. Sire, your Majesty’s humble vassal,

Don Juan Niño de Tavora

[In the margin: “It is well. Have a copy of this letter sent to his Majesty, so that he may be informed of everything.”]

Government touching judicial and military matters

Sire:

After having concluded my despatch, and while awaiting that of the royal Audiencia in order to sign it (they having before communicated with me in session concerning the matters of which they were to write), I learned that the auditors had sealed the letter, and that they were sending it by a different way, as they did not wish me to see or sign it. That is a singular innovation; but, in order to avoid greater disturbances, I undertook, while they were assembled, to tell them what evil they were doing in trying to make such an innovation, which was so unsuitable; for I would not hinder them from writing freely whatever they might judge fitting to the royal service of your Majesty, nor would I be angry if their opinion were different from mine. Neither were they to write anything which should be untrue, and which I could not see; thus would they avoid interrupting by such innovation the peace and concord with which we had lived during these four years. I entreated them to comply with the obligations of their office, namely, to live in harmony with their president, and to write their opinion with the truth that is required, showing that malice does not move them but only the desire of right action. [I told them that] they should do as in previous years, namely, allow me to sign the letter. I warned them of the disservice which is being done to your Majesty in the president and auditors not being in accord; and I protested to them that it was they who were declaring war, since they were persisting in trying to make me suspect that they were writing things against me which they did not dare to say to me. That is the manifestation which they might make in case of any treachery or knavery on my part. They had little to answer to these arguments, but for all that they were not willing to regulate their conduct as they should, but to persevere in their theme. That would have obliged me to make the demonstration which the case demanded, had I not considered rather the service of your Majesty than the action which the vehemence of their passions deserves.

Attack on the orders of the government, by the auditors commanding the royal officials to pay them their thirds [of salary], notwithstanding any order of government.

2. Jointly with this they made another attack on the government, namely, to notify the royal officials by an act that they should immediately pay them their thirds [of salary] notwithstanding any order that they might have to the contrary, as such was not from your Majesty. That they said because of the order of the government that nothing be paid without its decree. That order was given by all my predecessors, and the auditors themselves ratified it when they were governing, as will be seen by the enclosed records. I resented this action, because of their boldness in trying to oppose the orders of the government, and because of the slight foundation which they had for it: for never was more owing to them than the third for April, as the treasury is without a real at this time; and we do not have in the entire city any place to get the money, and with great difficulty are we able to get a meager aid for the soldiers and sailors. That third is paid the auditors in June or July, which is the time when the silver comes from Nueva España. And now because it arrived about ten days ago, and their third has not been paid them, because I am here in Cavite, attending to the despatch of the ships, they were so impatient that, not having taken the trouble to remind me of their need so that I might order them paid immediately, they enacted the act above mentioned—copy of which, together with the reply of the royal officials, I herewith enclose. Last year they themselves asked me not to pay them the April third until that for August was due, as they wished to receive them together. That shows how little inconvenience follows their not having received it this year in the month of July. Surely, all these actions are the offspring of their natures, [and show the] duplicity and deceit with which they are arming themselves in order to break the peace, perhaps because they have seen that the inspector who was expected did not come this or last year, at whose coming I was hoping to have rest. But since he has not come, it will be necessary for me to do myself what I wished to have done by the hand of another—namely, to give the auditors to understand the respect which they ought to have for their governor and president. This said, I shall now go on to answer the points of the letter which I have heard from them themselves, and which they say are the ones which they wrote to your Majesty. In passing, I shall answer to that Council the chief complaints, which, I suppose, are the ones that may oppose my method of governing. It is no little consolation that all of them have to do with points or controversies of justice, and not defects which transgress my obligations; for it is those that could give me some pain.

That it is not advisable that the royal Audiencia carry the burden of visiting the prison of Tondo and that of the Parián of the Chinese.

3. The first point is in respect to the royal Audiencia petitioning that it be ordered that they visit the prisons of the village of Tondo and of the Parián of the Sangleys. This does not appear just; for although those prisons are near Manila, and inside the district of the five leguas to which the [jurisdiction of the] Audiencia extends (which is the argument on which they take their stand), still those places have their alcaldes-mayor, and are separate jurisdictions, and it belongs to those officials to make their visitation of prisons as the Audiencia do in theirs. It is true that the alcaldes-in-ordinary and those of the court (who are the auditors themselves) arrest in Tondo and in the Parián by virtue of the five leguas; but they do not put the prisoners in the prisons of those courts, but in that of the court, or the prison of this city. The example which they have cited to me—namely, that the prisons of the suburbs of Mexico are visited on Saturdays by the auditors—is not well taken in this case; for those prisons are in charge of the corregidor, and separate, because the city is large and needs those different prisons. But the prison of Tacubaja, which is one-half legua or slightly more from the city, is not visited by the Audiencia, because it has its own alcalde-mayor. And it is certain that because Sangleys are confined in these prisons of Tondo and the Parián, the royal Audiencia is claiming the right to visit them, for all their anxiety is to acquire very full authority over that people. I have written your Majesty enough on this point. It would be advisable for your service to have this royal Audiencia prohibited from trying any cause concerning the Sangleys.

Causes for accepting the resignation of the reporter of the Audiencia from his office.

4. The second point is in regard to their saying that I accepted the resignation of Licentiate Umaña, reporter of this royal Audiencia, from his office. It is a fact that the reasons which he gave me for it obliged me to do so—not so much on account of his lack of health and eyesight, although he has that, as for the ill-treatment inflicted upon him by the auditors, without its being possible for me to give him any relief in it, as I am not always at the meetings. The auditors are insufferable; and, although this man had served in this capacity for many years, they finally had him so harassed that they daily sought numberless excuses by which to avoid coming to the Audiencia. And inasmuch as it is difficult to struggle all one’s life in one thing which concerns the ordinary despatch of business, I thought it less inconvenient to accept this resignation. In the meanwhile, until your Majesty shall provide a remedy, they have been allowed to select whomever there is in the city. But no one satisfies them; because, as there is no one who can endure them, there is no lawyer of high standing who will accept the office.

That the auditors, are giving malicious information when they say that the governor prevents a report of the government suits from being made to the royal Audiencia.

5. The third point is that the auditors complain that I do not allow any report of the government suits to be made to the Audiencia. As a sample, they cite an appeal made by the friars of St. Augustine from the edict, issued at the petition of the city, ordering all the Sangley shopkeepers to be collected in the Parián. Although that was a necessary measure, and the royal Audiencia had no right to meddle in a matter so manifestly belonging to the government as the residence of the Sangleys in this or in that part yet I am not doing nor did I do what they say in this matter, about preventing the report to be made—as will be seen by the acts which I enclose herewith, and which are cited in the letter on government affairs, which mentions this point. By those acts will be seen the very opposite of what they tell me that they have written.

That those appointed to judicial offices be lawyers

6. The fourth point is that they say that there are few advocates in this royal Audiencia, as I always keep them occupied in judicial posts, which ought to be kept for men of merit. The truth is that there are not more than five lawyers in all the islands; and that in the four years while I have governed here I have not occupied in judicial offices more than two—namely, Doctor Juan Fernandez de Ledo, in the Parián (which is an office that does not prevent him from exercising the profession of the law, since he does that in this same city, and already his term of office is over), and Doctor Luis Arias de Mora (whom I have only occupied in the office at La Laguna de Bay, which is three leguas away, and in which I maintain him because of a petition to that effect from the provincial and religious of St. Francis, who are the ministers in charge of those missions). They have assured me that they have not had an alcalde-mayor for many years who has given more satisfaction in that province. Since La Laguna, whence are brought the timbers for the shipbuilding at Cavite, depends greatly on the religious, and without the latter the Indians would do nothing, and it is important to me to have there a person of great exactness, so that the cutting and sending of wood may not cease, and consequently, the building and repair of the ships; and since there are so few methodical men in this country, when there is one, I try to retain him in office all the time. In regard to appointing lawyers to judicial offices, I have made no innovation, for my predecessors have done the same; and such men can be not less suitable for those offices than soldiers. Here, Sire, there is very little for the lawyers to do, and they starve to death. Since they are citizens and have married in the country, they must be supported, at least so that the governors may have someone with whom to consult in regard to the doubts which arise with the auditors. That is the reason for the ill-will that the latter show toward them.

Whence arises the opposition of the auditors to the concession of the winepresses which have been granted to the seminary for orphan boys.

7. The fifth point is that they talk of the concession of the Sangley winepresses which have been conceded to the seminary for orphan boys. For justification of that, I refer to a section of the letter which I am writing on this matter in the letter regarding government affairs, and to the papers which are cited in that letter, which are clear enough. I know that the opposition shown to this is managed by Licentiate Marcos Çapata, who, as he has but lately been invested with authority, has been actively engaged in attacking these winepresses, as he thought that he was performing a great service to the community; and as it has been made clear that the disadvantages of the matter are not of the importance that he imagined, he is somewhat piqued. I beseech your Majesty to consider this point and not to allow any ill-will to disturb so excellent a work as is the completion of the seminary for these boys, without any cost to the royal revenues and without any damage to the community.

Report on the permission to gamble which is given to the Chinese during their festival.

8. The sixth point is that they speak of the permit which is given to the Sangleys to gamble during the fortnight of their festival.[1] They allege that it is a pernicious thing for the community. I, Sire, have been even more strict in this than were my predecessors, who introduced it at petition of the Sangleys themselves, in order to keep them quiet and in order to avoid greater troubles, as that nation is by nature excessively addicted to gambling. It seems conformable to reason that if they are not permitted to play during the year, it be conceded to them for their festival, which is the time of their holidays. Your Majesty has ordered that the infidels be allowed to live according to their own customs in everything which is not contrary to natural law, or opposed to the good example of the Christians in whose land they live. It seems very conformable to law and to good government to keep these men contented and quiet, and this is being done. This country cannot get along without infidel Sangleys, for they are the ones who bring us food from China. Consequently, it is necessary to allow them to live in their own manner in all things which are not prejudicial to the faith and to the light of reason. Gaming is a matter of indifference, and although it is true that, if it be indulged in to excess, the troubles follow which are experienced in these Sangleys, yet those troubles are not to be laid to the one who gives them the permission to indulge reasonably in a diversion. It is known as a well-ascertained fact that the Sangleys will gamble, whether with or without license; and that there are not wanting citizens, and even sons and relatives of auditors, who will shield them for it. Hence I have considered it as less troublesome to give them a moderate permission (such as that which is granted to them for their festival), and to try to prevent the danger of incurring other and greater troubles by making the Sangleys restless and discontented, and gaming secretly all the year in the houses or gateways of private persons. It is true that some friars have preached against this; but I ordered one of them, who is considered as the most learned, to give me in writing his reasons for opposing this. Having also consulted with my confessor and with other theologians, who Were of opinion that this was not a matter for burdening the conscience (and I do not know why the auditors should think that the religious who gave this opinion allowed themselves to be carried away by their desire to natter me, charging their own consciences in order to save mine), I am rather persuaded that he who preached the contrary was induced to do so by his own or another’s prejudice in opposition to the government. The opinions of both sides are in my possession, with full relation of everything that there is bearing on this subject. If your Majesty wish, they can be sent you very easily; and I would have done so immediately, if they had not reminded me of this complaint at so critical a time.

The foundation for the complaint of the auditors that the governor does not allow them to visit the provinces.

9. The seventh point. I am advised also that the auditors write that I do not allow them to go to visit the provinces. I am not aware that this subject has been discussed in my time. Neither do I know whether the execution of it would be convenient in districts where the Indians are so poor and so burdened with repartimientos and shipyards, the conveyance of food and products, and other things which are unavoidable in the service of your Majesty. If in addition to all that, they were to be burdened with the expense of the visit of an auditor, they would become still more crushed. However, I shall not shut the door in this matter; and if 1 shall find it necessary for the service of your Majesty to send some auditor to the provinces, it shall be done. However, I am quite sure that it will not be very easy for them to go to the most needy provinces, which are the poorest and most remote.

That there is a special book in which to inscribe the opinion of the Audiencia when appointments are discussed with them.

10. The eighth point. In regard to the appointments to, the judicial offices and encomiendas, they say that I discuss them with the royal Audiencia in accordance with the decree in which your Majesty orders that, but that their opinions are not written down. Although I am not aware that the decree orders such a thing—since it only says that if the auditors are of a contrary opinion, what the governor resolves shall be done, and they shall advise your Majesty of their opinion—yet a book has been kept ready, in which to inscribe those opinions. I do not know that any occasion has arisen where it was necessary, for of all the propositions which I have made only one has been contradicted by all the Audiencia, and which I tried to execute, although they were of the contrary opinion, In the end, I did not execute it, yielding to their judgment, and thus there was nothing to write.

The little reason that the auditors have for complaining to the city of the appointment of admiral, which was given to Captain Diego Lopez Lobo.

11. The ninth and last point that they tell me is written in this letter is, to petition your Majesty to order that, since the posts of commander and admiral are of the most importance of all that are provided in these islands, appointments to them be subject to consultation with the Audiencia. For this, I am told that they take occasion from the appointment that I have made this year of admiral in the person of Captain Diego Lopez Lobo—alleging that he is not a citizen but a foreigner, and that he is interested in the capture of the Siamese junk, which they say is reported to be valued at more than three hundred thousand pesos. Commencing with this last, what they say is outside of all truth, as will appear by the accounts made by the accountant and adjuster of accounts, Juan Bautista de Çubiaga, whose certification I enclose herewith. What Captain Diego Lopez Lobo did was to capture that junk and bring it to Manila, in which he is so far from having incurred displeasure, that on the contrary, by that action alone, he merited the place of admiral which is given him; for, besides having attained what was ordered him, he conducted himself so honestly in the capture of the vessel that neither for himself nor for others did he allow anything of importance to be taken—putting aboard it a trustworthy commander with ten soldiers, who brought the junk as it was to Manila, without wasting any of the merchandise. Thus did he obey the order given him that there should be no sack, but that he should bring it as he had found it, with all fidelity; since it was not taken as an absolute prize, but by way of reprisal, as I have written in another letter. In regard to the said Diego Lopez Lobo not being a Castilian citizen but a Portuguese (which has been the rock of offense to auditors and citizens, and the motive which has induced the city to complain to your Majesty), I am not aware that it is a crime or a demerit to be a Portuguese. Diego Lopez is a son of the second Lopez Lobo, a nobleman, of the rank that can be easily ascertained in that Council. He went to East Yndia in the service of your Majesty, where he lived for ten years. Thence he came to these islands, where I found him serving worthily with a company of infantry, which had been given him by Don Fernando de Silva during the year while he governed, here. During all that year and the four of my government, he has had his house, and dwelling in Manila, which seems to be sufficient for him to call himself a citizen. Opportunity lately offered to send him to that court to discuss the union of the posts and arms of the South Sea, about which I am writing in a separate letter. As he is a man who had been under both crowns of Portugal and Castilla, and because of his rank and good qualities I thought there was no other to whom I could better trust a matter of so great moment. Imagining that, as it was a service, for your Majesty, the city would consider it favorably, I gave him charge of that matter. But since there is no other aim than self-interest, there are few who yield their own advantage for the common welfare and the service of your Majesty. Eight or nine citizens—all encomenderos, the least of whom has four hundred and fifty-six tributes—without their having killed many Moros, matter of appointment to the posts of commander and admiral—as if I had not seen them, or looked to see whether the person of Diego Lopez had place among them. The post of commander was granted to a citizen, the most honored of the most honored in this city. The post of admiral for the return voyage (which is an advantageous post) was given to another citizen, also married in this city, and one of its worthy men. Only the outward trip has been granted to Diego Lopez, so that he may come before the eyes of your Majesty more fittingly, since the advantage is not more than one-half the pay and accommodation of his own post. Eight or nine citizens who enjoy good incomes (one of them has two or three thousand pesos), without being better knights or soldiers than Diego Lopez, complain. It was all contrived by one or two uneasy spirits, simply to make merits, from vengeance at not having succeeded in obtaining the office of stewardship of the city, and who claimed to negotiate for a certain person who was not suitable. Here whatever differs from and opposes the governor is done with a sinister intention, and not through zeal for the public welfare. The gist of the petition is enclosed herewith, in case that the city shall forget to send it. I petition your Majesty to grant me the favor to have it examined; and that in consideration of the criticism which they attempt to make in it on the loyalty and fidelity of the Portuguese nation, and of the authority which they are attempting to take in what they say, that they did not willingly oppose the appointment of the captain of infantry, your Majesty will order that the admonition and punishment which their boldness deserves be given to them. I have not as yet done that, in order to avoid greater disturbances at a time when we are trying to effect a union of Portuguese and Castilian posts and arms in this South Sea. That union is the only means by which to drive the enemy from that sea. At a time when many Castilian soldiers have come to Yndia, and when there are more than two hundred Portuguese soldiers, alférezes, and captains in the forts of Maluco and Manila, these men [whom I have mentioned] are ill satisfied, and are sowing schisms among them all. Will your Majesty have this examined, and furnish the relief that it requires. And if there be discussion of the matter of pleasing the auditors in what they petition—namely, that the appointments to these posts be conferred upon them—it will be better for your Majesty to order that the posts be given to their sons and brothers, who are the persons for whom they desire them, although those men do not have the merits that are requisite for such places. If they had the merits, it would not be necessary for such men to try to get them.

Origin of the above complaints and others like them

12. It is a foregone conclusion, Sire, in the Yndias more than in other regions, that he who shall govern uprightly will have many rivals; for those who generally come hither come with the desire to hoard up riches. That is the cause which draws them from their native place; but, as wealth is not obtained sometimes as quickly as they would wish, they become resentful. As it is quite natural for mean people to attribute more to themselves than they deserve, nothing satisfies them; and they spend all their time envying what is given to others, and crying down their services and merits, and complaining of the government, by murmuring openly against him who has it in charge, and accusing him with innumerable testimonials. Some of the inferior officials among those whom your Majesty has in the Yndias do not avoid doing this. Such men desire that their posts be extended in authority and profit—in authority not for the honor, for one does not concern himself about that in the Yndias; but for the profit, which forms their desire and fixed purpose. For if, perchance, there is a servant, relative, or follower to whom is not given all that such an official wishes, and whenever he wishes, and as quickly as he wishes, the friendship is immediately broken, and the royal service pays for it, for such a minister no longer is inclined to it, and only tries to cause it trouble, and to work against whatever the governor proposes.

Efforts which have been made to quiet complaints

13. Knowing this by the experience of four years of government, I have taken all possible measures to regulate as well as possible these malcontents; but since the limits of my duty to God and to your Majesty cannot be overstepped, however much I have desired and tried to please them, I have learned that I am very backward, and that they are accusing me by innumerable testimonials. I petition your Majesty to rest assured that I am serving you with great devotion and with the desire of succeeding in what I owe to my birth. The royal revenues are spent with great circumspection, as will be seen by the accounts sent this year to that royal Council. Military affairs are undertaken after full counsel. My presence in the government is continuous. The community is quiet. The soldiers are in the best state of discipline that can be had. The ships are despatched at the monsoons. The provinces are reënforced at the proper time. The cloth traded is procured with the help of the neighboring kings, and of all your agents; and your Majesty keeps them occupied both in Yndia and in this archipelago. The Indians are less oppressed than ever, and, as I have written in other years, a great number of burdens have been taken from them. No Spaniard is found who has been ill-treated by words. What there has been to allot has been among many, and all are supported therewith, although discontented. The city has been fortified and beautified. Finally, I assert that I shall not secure from the Philipinas by the end of eight years, if God give me that long life, and your Majesty preserve me in the islands, the dowry which Doña Madalena brought, although I live (as is a fact) so moderately. Granting this, I do not know what more remains or ought to be done.