The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXV, 1635–36

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Contents of Volume XXV

Illustrations

  • Map of portion of Philippine Islands and other eastern islands; photographic facsimile of original Portuguese MS. map of 1635, by Pedro Berthelot, in the British Museum 56, 57
  • View of Chinese junks; photographic facsimile of engraving in Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes Orient. Pais-Bas (Amsterdam, 1725) iii, p. 285; from copy in the library of Wisconsin Historical Society 116
  • Plan of the “island of Manila;” drawn by a Portuguese artist, ca. 1635; photographic facsimile of the original MS. map in British Museum 133
  • Autograph signature of Sebastian de Corcuera; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 299

Preface

The scope of the present volume (1635–36) is mainly commercial and financial matters on the one hand, and ecclesiastical affairs on the other. The paternalistic tendencies of the Spanish government are obvious in the former direction, with various restrictions on trade, and annoying imposts on all classes of people. The Portuguese of Macao are accused of ruining the Chinese trade with the islands, absorbing it to their own profit and the injury of the Spaniards. In ecclesiastical circles, the topic of prime interest is the controversy between Governor Corcuera and Archbishop Guerrero, ending in the latter’s exile to Mariveles Island; it is an important episode in the continual struggle between Church and State for supremacy, and as such rightly demands large space and attention in this series. In this and several other documents may be noticed the steadily increasing influence and power of the Jesuit order in the Philippines at that period.

From Recopilación de leyes de las Indias (lib. ix, tit. xxxxv) are compiled a series of laws relating to navigation and commerce, dated from 1611 to 1635—in continuation of those already given in Vol. XVII of this series. Married men going from Nueva España must take their wives also, or provide for them while absent. Convents shall not allow Chinese merchandise to be concealed in their houses. Royal officials who may sail in any fleet sent from Spain to the Philippines are forbidden to carry any merchandise thither on their private accounts. Flour for government use in the islands shall be provided there, and not be brought from Nueva España. The lading on the trading ships to that country must be allotted more equitably, and for the general welfare of the Philippine colonists. Disabled or incapable seamen must not be taken on these ships; provision is made for the protection and safety of the Indian deck-hands thereon; and only persons of rank are allowed to carry more than one slave each. Trade between Mexico and Peru is again forbidden; and private persons in the Philippines are not permitted to send ships, soldiers, or seamen to the mainland or other regions outside the islands. The valuation of merchandise taken to Nueva España from Filipinas shall be made at Mexico, according to certain regulations. The officers of the trading ships shall be paid for four months only, each voyage; and the ships must leave Acapulco by December, and reach the islands by March. Extortion from the sailors by the royal officials at Acapulco is strictly forbidden. The official appointed to inspect the Chinese ships at Manila must be chosen, not by the governor alone, but by him and the Audiencia jointly. The shipment of money from New Mexico to Filipinas in excess of the amount allowed is forbidden under heavy penalties. The governors of Filipinas must keep the shipyards well equipped and provided. The ships that sail thence to Nueva España must depart in June; and careful account must be taken, by special officials, of all goods in the cargoes, and of all that the vessels carry on the return trip.

A group of royal decrees and orders occurs during the years 1633–35, concerning various interests of the Philippines. The viceroy of Nueva España is ordered (September 30, 1633) to see that the seamen needed in the islands be well treated at Acapulco, and allowed to invest some money in the Mexican trade. The governor of the Philippines is warned (March 10, 1634) to see that the lading of vessels in that trade be equitably allotted to the citizens. The viceroy is directed, at the same time, to send more reënforcements of men to the islands. The moneys granted to the city for its fortifications have been diverted to the general fund; the governor is notified (September 9, 1634) to correct this, and, two months later, to prevent the Portuguese of Macao from trading in the islands. Again (February 16, 1635) he is directed to prevent people from leaving the Philippines, and religious from going to Japan; and at the same time is despatched a reply to the Audiencia regarding some matters of which they had informed the king. The governor is ordered (November 5, 1635) to see that the garrisons in Ternate are regularly changed.

Juan Grau y Monfalcón, procurator-general for the Philippines at the Spanish court, memorializes the king (1635) regarding the importance of those islands to Spain, which country should preserve her domain there, not only for the service of God and the spread of the Catholic faith, but for the increase of the royal revenues. The writer gives a summary of the Chinese population in the islands, and the extent of their trade; the number of Indians paying tribute, and their products. The Spaniards of Manila are greatly impoverished by their losses in conflagrations and shipwrecks, and need royal aid. If it be not given them, Manila will be lost to the Dutch, whose increasing power and wealth in the Orient is described. Especially do they request the abolition of the additional duty of two per cent on goods exported to Nueva España, which they are unable to pay. The history of this tax is outlined, and numerous reasons for its abolition are adduced. The inhabitants of Manila no longer make large profits in their trade with Nueva España; nor are the expenses of that trade such a burden as formerly on the royal treasury. The same results are really obtained from the tax levied on the Chinese goods that are carried to Manila, and this additional tax is too heavy a burden on the people. The royal duties alone amount to twenty-seven per cent on their investments of capital, and the costs and expenses to even a greater sum. Too much pressure of this sort will cause the people of Manila to abandon entirely a profitless trade; in that case the customs duties would cease, and the islands would fall into the hands of the Dutch. The misfortunes and losses of Manila by fires and shipwrecks must also be taken into account, as well as the loyalty with which they serve the crown—always ready to risk their lives and property for it, and often loaning money to the treasury in its needs. The royal fiscal makes reply to this document, advising the royal Council to give this matter very careful attention, and to consider not only the need of the inhabitants but the low condition of the royal finances; he recommends mild measures. The procurator thereupon urges, in brief, some of his former arguments (also citing precedents) for the discontinuance of the two per cent duty. An interesting compilation from the accounts of the royal treasury at Manila shows the total receipts in each of its different funds for the five years ending January 1, 1635, each year separately.

A letter of consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados who have suffered so much from the Moro pirates is sent out (February 1, 1635) by the provincial of the order, Juan de Bueras. Andrés del Sacramento, a Franciscan friar at Nueva Cáceres, complains to the king (June 2, 1635) of interference in the affairs of that order by certain brethren of the Observantine branch, who have by their schemes obtained control of the Filipinas province; and asks that the king assign the province to one or the other branch, allowing no one else to enter it. About the same time, a high Franciscan official at Madrid writes, probably to one of the king’s councilors, promising to investigate and punish certain lawless acts by Manila friars of his order.

The Jesuits of Manila having asked for a grant from the royal treasury to rebuild their residence there, the matter is discussed in the royal Council, and a decree issued (July 10, 1635) ordering the governor of the Philippines to investigate the need for such appropriation, and to report it, with other information, to the king. Pedro de Arce, who has been ruler ad interim of the archdiocese of Manila, notifies the king (October 17, 1635) of his return to his own bishopric of Cebú; and of his entrusting to the Jesuits the spiritual care of the natives of Mindanao, where the Spanish fortress of Zamboanga has been recently established. He asks the king to confirm this, and to send them more missionaries of their order.

In 1632 a memorial is presented before the municipal council of Manila by one of its regidors, representing the injuries and losses arising from the trade which has been commenced there by the Portuguese of Macao. It seems that they have absorbed the trade formerly carried on by the Chinese with Manila, and have so increased the prices of goods that the citizens cannot make a profit on the goods that they send to Nueva España. Navada presents seventeen considerations and arguments regarding this condition of affairs. He states that in earlier years the authorities of Manila forbade the Portuguese to come to Manila, for the same reasons that are now so urgent; that investments of capital are now seldom made by citizens of the Philippines, for lack of returns thereon; and that the royal revenues are defrauded by the enormous losses in the proceeds from the customs duties on the goods brought by the Portuguese, as compared with those realized on the goods of the Sangley traders. The Portuguese are making enormous profits, and this is ruining the citizens of the islands; moreover, they buy their goods from the Chinese at sufficient prices to satisfy the latter, and they misrepresent the condition and actions of the Spaniards, so that the Chinese are prevented from coming to Manila. The Portuguese will make no fair agreement as to prices, and some of them remain in Manila to sell their left-over goods; and these even ship goods to Nueva España in the royal ships, with the connivance of certain citizens—all of which defrauds the Spaniards, and violates the royal decrees. Moreover, the Portuguese bring from China only silks, for the sake of the great profits thereon; while cotton cloth and other articles needed by the poor (which formerly were supplied by the Sangleys) are now scarce and high-priced. The Portuguese should be forbidden to carry on the China trade; this would quickly restore its conduct by the Chinese themselves, and funds to the royal treasury from the increase in customs duties. Manila is the only market for this trade, and can easily hold it. The Portuguese have even carried their insolence so far as to attack the Chinese trading ships (for which the Audiencia has neglected to render justice to the Chinese); they also ill-treat Spaniards who go to trade at Macao, and deal dishonestly with those who let them sell goods on commission. If the Portuguese are forbidden to trade in Manila, the Chinese will again come to trade; the citizens will enjoy good profits on their investments, and incomes from their possessions in the Parián. This memorial by Navada is discussed by the city council, who unanimously decide to adopt his recommendations and to place the matter before the governor and the citizens. The Spanish government favor (1634–36) depriving the Portuguese of the Manila trade, and decrees are sent to the islands empowering the governor and other officials to do what seems best in the case. To these papers are added a letter to the king by Juan Grau y Monfalcón, urging that the decree of 1593 be reissued, forbidding any Spanish vassals to buy goods in China, these to be carried to Manila by the Chinese at their own risk. He submits, with his letter, tables showing the comparative amounts of duties collected at Manila on the goods brought by the Chinese and the Portuguese respectively; also a copy of the aforesaid decree of 1593.

A royal decree of February 1, 1636, prolongs the tenure of encomiendas for another generation, in certain of the Spanish colonies, in consideration of contributions by the holders to the royal treasury; and various directions are given for procedure therein. The procurator Monfalcón, in a letter to the king (June 13, 1636), commends the military services of the Filipinos, and asks for some tokens of royal appreciation of their loyalty.

An account of conflicts between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in 1635–36 is taken from the Conquistas of the Augustinian writer Fray Casimiro Diaz. With this main subject he interpolates other matters from the general annals of that time. Among these is a relation of the piratical raids of the Moros into Leyte and Panay in 1634; the invaders kill a Jesuit priest. In June of the following year arrives the new governor, Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera. At the same time, Archbishop Guerrero begins his rule over the churches of the islands; and controversies at once arise between him and the governor over the royal patronage and other church affairs. Among these is an attempt to divide the Dominican province into two, which is favored by Corcuera. This arouses bitter controversies, which involve both ecclesiastics and laymen and many conflicting interests. A case occurs in Manila in which a criminal’s right of sanctuary in a church is involved; this leads to various complications between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, involving also the religious orders—the Jesuits siding with the governor, the other orders with the archbishop. The successive events and acts in this controversy are quite fully related, the writer, as would naturally be expected, placing most of the blame upon the governor. A truce is made between the parties (January, 1636), but it soon falls apart and the quarrels begin anew; they go to such lengths that finally (in May of that year) the archbishop is sent into exile on Mariveles Island, in Manila Bay. The cathedral cabildo take charge ad interim of the archdiocese. Within a month, however, the archbishop is released, and permitted to return to the charge of his diocese, but on humiliating conditions. Diaz notes that ever after this episode Governor Corcuera was followed by losses, troubles, and afflictions; that many of his relatives and partisans came to untimely ends; that the archiepiscopal palace of that time was utterly destroyed in subsequent earthquakes; and that after the persecution of the archbishop the sardines in Manila Bay almost wholly disappeared. Even after the prelate’s restoration, other controversies arise, which embitter his few remaining years; and he narrowly escapes capture by the Moro pirates.

Another account of the contentions of the governor with the archbishop and the orders is that given in a “letter written by a citizen of Manila to an absent friend” (June 15, 1636); it is obtained from one of the Jesuit documents preserved at Madrid. The events of that controversy are narrated from a different standpoint than Diaz’s—defending the governor and the Jesuits, and blaming the friars for having caused most of the trouble. The writer makes his account more valuable by presenting various documents and letters concerned in the affair; and describes many occurrences that do not appear in other accounts. This letter is also avowedly despatched to refute certain statements made by the Dominicans in their version of the controversy of 1635–36. It is evidently written by some friend of the Jesuits who was a lawyer—possibly by Fabian de Santillan, whom they appointed judge-conservator against the bishop. In it is a curiously lifelike and interesting picture of the dissensions that then involved all circles of Manila officialdom, both civil and religious; and of certain aspects of human nature which are highly interesting, even if not always edifying.

Governor Corcuera writes to Felipe IV (June 19, 1636), commending the Jesuits and their work in the islands, and asking that more of them be sent thither, in preference to those of other orders. The bishop of Nueva Cáceres also writes by the same mail, commending Corcuera and complaining of the hostility displayed by the orders against the governor, and of their ambition and arrogance. The bishop (himself an Augustinian) arraigns all the friar orders except his own, in scathing terms, saying of these religious: “They live without God, without king, and without law, ... as they please, and there is no further law than their own wills.” “They say openly in their missions that they are kings and popes.” Zamudio accuses them of being “notorious traders,” of domineering over both the Indians and the alcaldes-mayor, and of infringing upon the royal patronage; and claims that the conduct of the Franciscans in Camarines is such that he cannot remain there in his own diocese. He ascribes the late troubles with the archbishop mainly to the mischievous influence of the friars, and explains his restoration to his see as “the act of a Christian gentleman” on Corcuera’s part. The friars in Zamudio’s diocese have refused to let him make a visitation among them, although he obtained from the governor a guard of soldiers to protect him. He recommends that the friars be deprived of their missions, and replaced by secular priests.

The archbishop of Manila furnishes (1636) a list of the persons composing the ecclesiastical cabildo of the Manila cathedral; and another, of ecclesiastics outside that body from whom might well be supplied any positions in the cabildo which his Majesty might be pleased to declare vacant. In each case the archbishop mentions various particulars of the man’s age, family, qualifications for office, etc., and of his career thus far in the Church. According to the archbishop, some of those now in the cabildo are quite unworthy or incompetent for such positions.

The Editors

April, 1905.

Documents Of 1635

Sources: The first of these documents is taken from the Recopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. ix, tit. xxxxv; the second, from the “Cedulario Indico” in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the third, from a MS. in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid; the fourth, sixth, and seventh, from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the fifth, from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; and the last two, from Pastells’s edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica.

Translations: All these documents are translated by James A. Robertson.

Laws Regarding Navigation and Commerce

[The first installment of these laws is given in Vol. XVII, pp. 27–50. The laws in the present installment date from 1611 to 1635. The method of treatment is the same as in the laws of the above volume.]

Law XXX

The viceroy of Nueva España shall not allow any married man to pass thence to Filipinas unless he take his wife with him, or unless he have permission to leave the country for a limited time, after giving bonds that he will return within the time set; and provided he leave his wife what is necessary for her support. In no other way [shall he be allowed to go]. [Felipe III—Guadarrama, November 12. 1611.]

Law XXXIII

Many religious and laymen come to these kingdoms from the Filipinas Islands by way of Eastern India, abandoning their ministries and employments. We order the governor and captain-general to be very careful about applying the remedy, and that he give notice of this to the bishops and to the superiors of the orders in what pertains to them; and the said governor shall maintain especial watch over the laymen so that they may not go by that route. [Felipe III—Valladolid, November 4, 1612.]

Law LXXII

We charge the regular prelates that they watch very carefully and give strict commands in all the convents and houses of their orders, that under no consideration shall Chinese merchandise be concealed or hidden therein; and any violation of this rule shall be punished. [Felipe III—Valladolid, August 20, 1615.]

Law XLVI

Our fiscal of the royal Audiencia of Manila shall take part in the allotment of the toneladas that are allowed to be distributed; and it shall be done with his consent and in his presence. In the same way he shall be present at the transaction of business in our royal treasury. Nothing shall be attended to unless he be present, and he shall endeavor to avoid the losses and injuries that may arise in the aforesaid [his absence]. [Felipe III—Mérida, May 4, 1619.]

Law XXXVII

If any foreigners are engaged in the Filipinas Islands in the occupation of sailors, or if they come to Nueva España in the ships, in the line of that trade-route, they shall not be molested, nor shall they be obliged to make agreements. If any trouble result from this, we order the viceroy of Nueva España and the governor of Filipinas to advise us thereof in our Council of the Indias, so that suitable measures may be taken. [Felipe III—Santaren, October 13, 1619.]

Law VII

It may be necessary and advisable to send a fleet from these kingdoms to the Filipinas Islands by the cape of Buena Esperanza or the straits of Magallanes and San Vicente. Those who shall sail to serve us may happen to carry in the fleet investments of merchandise, wines, oils, and other things, and with that object undertake that voyage, and be the cause of delay or loss to the fleet by their making a pretext of difficulties, from which might result great inconveniences. In order that such may be prevented, we order that when any such fleet shall be sent, no person, of whatever rank or condition he be, shall lade or allow to be laded in it any of the aforesaid goods, under penalty of losing his life and of the confiscation of his property. If such a thing happens [i.e., that a fleet be despatched], this law shall be proclaimed in the port whence the said fleet sails, so that it may be obeyed and observed. [Felipe III—Madrid, December 12, 1619.]

Law VIII

In the fleets that shall sail from these kingdoms to Filipinas in order to succor them, or for matters of our service, married pilots may embark, even though they leave their wives in these kingdoms. And because when they shall have reached the said islands, they will wish to return to their families, and it is right that no obstructions be placed in their way, and in that of others, we order the governors to allow them to return and perform their voyage, and to give them the necessary despatches. [Felipe III—Madrid, December 12, 1619.]

Law XXVI

There is sufficient flour in the Filipinas for the supplies that are provided there on our account. Inasmuch as that taken from Nueva España is not so good, we order that provision of this product be not made from Nueva España, in consideration of the fact that it is advisable to benefit our royal treasury as far as possible. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 23, 1620.]

Law XLV

In the permission conceded to the inhabitants of Filipinas of the lading-space in the ships that sail to Nueva España, it is ordered that this be distributed according to their rank and wealth. Notwithstanding, the governors do not make the allotment in accordance with this order. Sometimes they give it, under pretext of gratuities, to officers on half-pay, thus obliging the inhabitants to buy space at excessive prices. Sometimes they allot many toneladas for charitable purposes, in order that these may be sold, and the price [obtained for them] be used therefor, to the prejudice of the general welfare; this results from causing them to be sold to those who will pay the best price for them, and merchants who have companies in Méjico buying them—to whom a great part of the merchandise generally belongs, to the prejudice of the citizens to whom is conceded the permission by which favor is shown them. We order and command the governors to observe the ordinance; and if they violate it, it will be placed as a clause in their residencia. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 23, 1620.]

Law XIX

The ships which shall be built for the trade between Filipinas and Nueva España shall have and shall without fail carry their hearths under the forecastle, and in no other part. In no case shall they be carried above deck. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law XLIX

The accommodations distributed to the officers in the ships of Filipinas shall be moderate, and shall conform to the capacity of the ships. The governor shall assign to each one the space which he may occupy and fill, and he shall not exceed it. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law LI

In the enrollments of seamen which are made in Filipinas, it occurs that a ship admits and carries sixty sailors, not thirty of whom are of use, and in time of need there is no one to work; and there is signal danger in so long and difficult a voyage. We order the governor and captain-general always to provide and order that the sailors and common seamen be effective. If our officials do not comply with this, it shall be placed as a clause in their residencias. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law LIII

The Indian deck-hands on the ships of Filipinas shall all be from that coast; and shall be clothed, in order to protect themselves from the cold of the voyage. Our fiscal of the Audiencia of Manila shall enroll, and take a memorandum of, the Indian deckhands who shall be embarked. On the return from the voyage, he shall take account from the ship’s officers of the payments and treatment that shall have been given the Indians. If any of them shall have died from the causes above mentioned, complaint shall be lodged against the guilty, until they are punished as a warning and example; and it shall be a charge in their residencia against the said officers, who must be obliged to give account of those Indians. If any Indian die from sickness or accident, a report must be made of it in the same vessel, as soon as it happens; and if they do not do that, and the Indian dies, they shall be considered as confessed criminals, guilty of the crime. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law LV

Inasmuch as many slaves are usually carried in the ships from Filipinas, who consume the provisions, we order and command that no passenger or sailor shall take more than one slave, except persons of rank, and that for good cause, and with careful restriction. And inasmuch as the duties are paid in Acapulco on those who are sold there, because of the inconvenience of paying them in Manila, we order that the president and auditors of our royal Audiencia of Filipinas provide that it be so observed and executed. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law LVII

We order that our royal Audiencia of Manila rate the amount of what the mates on the ships shall exact in the port of Acapulco for the guard of boxes, barrels, and other articles of merchandise. If this be exceeded, claims may be made against them in their residencias at the end of their voyages. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 29, 1620.]

Law LXXVII

Some ships sail from the ports of Callao and Guayaquil to Nicaragua and Guatemala, under pretext of going for pitch and other things, and then often go from there to the port of Acapulco to lade Chinese cloth, in return for a great sum of silver which they carry, practicing many efforts and frauds. We order that under no consideration may any ships or other vessels from the said ports or provinces of Perú go to that of Acapulco; and that the viceroys shall order and take what measures may be necessary so that this be obeyed and observed. They shall impose what penalties they choose; and they shall execute those penalties on the transgressors in a severe and exemplary manner. [Felipe IV—San Lorenzo, October 20, 1621.]

Law XXXVIII

We order and command the governors of Filipinas not to permit private persons of those islands to despatch ships to Macan, Malaca, Siam, Camboja, and other parts of that archipelago, or to take seamen or soldiers in them; for it is advisable to have ships and a fleet ready for the defense of Manila, which can be defended or garrisoned in no other way; and they shall attend to the correction of this as a thing so important, and shall give such orders as are most expedient. [Felipe IV—Madrid, December 31, 1622.]

Law LXIII

By reason of haste in the despatch [of the ships], the clerks of the register are usually left, through forgetfulness, with some registers which have been made of the merchandise; and, as the registers do not appear, the judges condemn the goods as confiscated. We order the viceroy and auditors of our royal Audiencia of Méjico that, when this happens, they shall enact justice[1] so that the parties’ right to collect it shall remain free. [Felipe IV—Madrid, October 9, 1623.]

Law XXII

The governors and captains-general of the Filipinas Islands and Maluco, and our other judges and justices, shall observe and shall cause to be observed all the privileges, immunities, and exemptions of the artillerymen on that route and commerce, and of those who live at the ports, forts, and fortifications, which for that reason belong to them, in respect to the trade of the Indias from these kingdoms to those islands, in accordance with título 22 of this book.[2] [Felipe IV—Madrid, December 6, 1624.]

Law LXXIX

We permit the viceroys, auditors, governors, royal officials, and government agents who shall have been appointed, and who have to go by way of the South Sea from Nueva España to Petú, and from there to Nueva España, to take their property registered, if they swear that it is their own and not another’s under penalty of incurring confiscation [of the same]. [Felipe IV—Madrid (?), October 5, 1626.]

Law LXII

We declare and order that the valuation of merchandise taken to Nueva España from Filipinas shall be made in Méjico by an accountant of the bureau of accounts, an officer of our royal treasury of the said city, and one of the members of the consulate of the said city. The viceroy shall appoint them every year, one fortnight before the said valuations are to be made, and he shall have special care in the making such appointment. In case that there shall be any discord between the three said persons, the viceroy shall appoint another accountant and royal official other than the first, so that these may meet with them. That measure which has two votes shall be adopted, even though they be but two who are in complete harmony. And if they should not be in harmony, and should be two to two of different opinions, they shall have recourse to the viceroy; and the decision of that side with which he shall agree shall be put into execution, without reply or contradiction.[3] [Felipe IV—Madrid, June 4, 1627.]

Law LXVII

We order all the judges and justices before whom Chinese cloth shall be denounced as being contraband, not to condemn it as confiscated; but to send it to these kingdoms in a separate account directed to the president and official judges of the House of Trade of Sevilla, so that it may be sent from there to the treasurer of our Council of the Indias. Thus shall it be done on all the occasions that arise.[4] [Felipe III—Madrid, April 18, 1617; Felipe IV—Madrid, March 3, 1629.]

Law L

The commander and officers whom the governor of Filipinas appoints for the ships sailing to Nueva España, shall not be aided with pay for more than four months, both in Méjico and Filipinas. At the termination of the trip, their accounts shall be balanced, and the remainder for the time while they shall have served, and no more, shall be paid them. [Felipe IV—Madrid, December 14, 1630.]

Law XIII

Our fiscal of the Audiencia of Filipinas shall, according to the settled custom, be present at the inspection of ships which is made in the port of Manila, on those ships which come from Nueva España and other parts; and he shall denounce those which carry more than what is permitted. The judges who shall try the cause shall apply the merchandise denounced to our royal exchequer, and shall punish the guilty rigorously. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 4, 1619; Felipe IV—Madrid, March 25, 1633.]

Law LXXIII

In the court trials regarding the seizures of smuggled goods from China which shall be seized in Perú, what shall pertain to the denouncers—namely, their third part—shall be paid to them immediately in money, provided it does not pass or exceed that ordered by laws of título 17, libro 8, which treat of seizures of smuggled goods, irregularities, and confiscations; and provided that the money be not taken from our royal treasury under any consideration, but from expenses of justice or fines forfeited to the treasury, or from the proceeds from merchandise or other articles which generally come with those that are contraband and outside the register, which are not from China, or of those prohibited to be sold or traded in Perú. We charge the viceroys to advise us on all occasions, with specification, of these denunciations, and of the part given to the denouncer, and in what quantity and kind, making us a clear and distinct relation. [Felipe IV—Madrid, March 31, 1633.]

Law XXXI

It was ordered that the ships that go from Nueva España to Filipinas must sail from the port of Acapulco by the end of March, without extending even a day into April. And inasmuch as we are informed that that is inconvenient, we order that the ships be prepared with all that is necessary by December, so that at the end of that month, they may leave the said port of Acapulco, so that they may be able to arrive at the said islands, at the latest, some time in March. It is our will that this be executed inviolably, and it will be made a charge of omission in the residencia of the viceroys of Nueva España; and, if they do not so do, we shall consider ourselves disserved. [Felipe IV—Madrid, August 26, 1633.]

Law XXV

We order the viceroys of Nueva España to give the necessary orders, and to take suitable precautions, that the provision which is made annually for the departure of the ships which sail from the port of Acapulco to Filipinas be made there very seasonably, so that the ships may not be detained, or those who are to embark suffer because of the short time allowed for departure or the inadequate provision of food. [Felipe IV—Madrid, September 30, 1633.]

Law LXI

Inasmuch as it has come to our notice that the agents and officials of our royal treasury at the port of Acapulco maltreat the sailors and others who come from the Filipinas Islands, and cause them much trouble and vexation, by obliging them to give up what they carry, obtained through so long and arduous a voyage: we order the viceroys of Nueva España to have the matter examined, and the guilty punished. They shall establish what remedy seems to them most effective, so that like offenses may be avoided. [Felipe IV—Madrid, September 30, 1633.]

Law III

It is usual for the governor and captain-general of Filipinas to appoint a person for the inspection of the Chinese ships when they come with their merchandise to the city of Manila. That person is usually one of his household, and from it follow certain injuries, and no one dares to demand satisfaction. We order the said governor and the royal Audiencia of Manila to meet to discuss this matter, and to choose a suitable person for this office. They shall endeavor to select one fitted for this task, and acceptable to the natives and foreigners. They shall take in this regard the measures which are expedient, and shall always advise us through our Council of the Indias of the person whom they shall elect, and of all else necessary for the good of that community. [Felipe III—San Lorenzo, August 25, 1620; Felipe IV—Madrid, November 10, 1634.]

Law XIV

We order that money from Nueva España shall not be sent to Filipinas in excess of what is permitted; and all that is found en route from Acapulco without a written permit, beyond the apportionment made of the five hundred thousand pesos permitted, shall be confiscated and applied to our treasury and exchequer. The driver who shall carry such money shall incur the confiscation of his beasts of burden and slaves, and a fine of two thousand Castilian ducados, applied in the same way [as the above], and the stewards in charge of the illegal funds shall be punished with ten years’ service in Terrenate. [Felipe IV—Madrid, January 30, 1635.]

Law XLIII

The governors of Filipinas appoint commander, admiral, and officers for the ships which sail to Nueva España; and in case of the death or absence of these, they make appointments of other persons, in accordance with the usual procedure. And inasmuch as it is advisable to do this, we order our viceroys of Nueva España to observe and cause to be observed what is ordained in this regard, and the custom which has always been observed, without making any innovation. [Felipe IV—Madrid, February 5, 1635.]

Law XXXVI

We charge and order the governors of Filipinas to be very careful to see that the shipyards do not lack lumber for the repair of ships, rigging, war-stores, and food; and that they provide throughout a sufficient supply of these articles and of all else necessary, with careful precaution. [Felipe IV—Madrid, February 21, 1635.]

[Although the final dates of the two following laws are later than 1635, they are here included in order to keep the laws of this título together.]

Law XXXII

The ships which are to be despatched and to sail from the Filipinas Islands for Nueva España shall depart in the month of June; for there is great danger of their having to put back or of being wrecked if they sail later. We order the governor and captain-general of those islands to have it observed and executed accordingly. But this must be after holding a council of persons experienced in that navigation—so that, having heard and weighed their opinions, the most advisable measures may be enacted. [Felipe IV—Madrid, December 31, 1622; January 27, 1631; February 14, 1660.]

Law XLI

The overseer and accountant of these voyages shall have everything in charge, and they shall set down and keep in their books an account of what is laden in merchandise, and what is carried on the return trip of the ships. They shall be chosen from persons who are well approved, who have given satisfaction, and are trustworthy, and they shall be given the proper and sufficient salary, which shall not exceed two thousand ducados apiece for the voyage; for they shall not lade any quantity of merchandise, under penalty of the fines imposed by law 48 of this título.[5] We order that they sail going and coming, one in the flagship and the other in the almiranta, alternating in all the voyages. The governor shall give them the instructions which they are to observe during the voyage. Their residencia must be taken as soon as the voyage is finished, as is done with the other officers of that fleet, before they can sail on another voyage. [Felipe III—Madrid, May 23, 1620; Cárlos II (in this Recopilación).]

[1] A note to this law in the Recopilación says that the prohibition of reciprocal commerce between Perú and Nueva España for natural products, and with various limitations, was raised by a decree of January 20, 1774.

[2] Título xxii is entitled: “Of the captain-general of artillery, the artillerymen-in-chief, and others of the war and trading fleets; the artillery, arms, and ammunition.” It consists of forty-eight laws.

[3] The above law refers to lib. viii, tit. xvi, ley xvii, which reads as follows: “We order that the valuation of Chinese merchandise be made in Nueva España, in the same way as the merchandise which is sent from these kingdoms, observing in it the ordinances that have been established. After it has been made, it shall be remitted to the bureau of accounts of Méjico, so that it may make the account, and give certifications of what must be collected, and from what persons.” The law is dated Madrid, December 6, 1624.

[4] See VOL. xvii. p. 34, law lxxi.

[5] See VOL. XVII, pp. 39, 40.

Royal Decrees, 1633–35

The King. To the Marqués de Cerralvo, my relative, member of my Council of War, my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of those provinces of Nueva España, and president of my royal treasury therein; or the person or persons to whose charge the government of them may be entrusted: the king my sovereign and father (whom may holy paradise keep!) ordered to be issued, and did issue, a decree (which is found at folio 163 verso, of this same volume, number 144).[1] And now Don Juan Grau Monfalcon, procurator-general of the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands, has related to me that, as is well known, there is great need of sailors and seamen in the navigation of the said Filipinas Islands, and that, for the islands to obtain these men it is advisable that good treatment and [an opportunity for] passage be given to them in the seaports; and that they be granted some means of gain, so that they might, by reason of that self-interest, be encouraged and induced to serve in the voyages—shielding them from the annoyances inflicted upon them by the officials at the said ports. He has petitioned me that I be pleased so to order, and that their chests be not opened; that permission be granted them so that each seaman may carry up to seven thousand pesos of investments in that voyage, in which is to be included the quantity which they have hitherto been permitted to carry; and that the castellan and my other employees at the port of Acapulco shall cause them neither vexations nor injuries. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to issue the present, by which I order you to observe and fulfil, and to cause to be observed and fulfilled, the decree herein incorporated, in toto and exactly as is therein contained, and that you do not violate it or pass beyond its tenor and form.[2] In its fulfilment, you shall give what orders may be necessary, so that care may be taken of those men at the port of Acapulco and so that all proper facilities and despatch may be accorded them. Madrid, September 30, 1633.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Francisco Ruiz de Contreras

The King. To my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein. Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that I ordered, by a decree of May 23, 1620, that the cargo of the ships be distributed to the inhabitants with all fairness; but that, contrary to the orders therein contained the governors have introduced the custom of giving a part of the cargoes to the sailors and seamen, and to the soldiers, hospitals, works of charity, clerics, and their own servants, as also to the auditors, fiscals, and officials of my royal treasury, whereby the favor that had been shown the inhabitants has been diminished. He also states that Don Juan Niño de Tavora tried to make the said allotment, although it belonged to the city; and that the people most needy, and those to whom there are greater obligations, did not enjoy the benefit of this favor. He petitioned me to be pleased to order that those decrees which have been given be observed, since that city has served me, and always serves me with the love and zeal which has been experienced—and lately, notwithstanding the losses that they suffered in the flagship which sank in that port, they gave me an offering of four thousand ducados; and that, whenever that allotment be made, it be with the consent of my governor and the approval of the city. By that means the complaints and dissatisfaction among them will be avoided. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have deemed it best to order and command you, as I do order and command you, to observe and fulfil, and cause to be observed and fulfilled, the things that are ordered by virtue of decrees, and the orders that have been given, since you see how just it is to give entire satisfaction to the parties [concerned]; and that your measures be such that those allotments be made with all equity and justice, preventing the quarrels and complaints that might arise on that account if the contrary were permitted. Madrid, March 10, 1634.

I the King

By order of his Majesty:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña Y Alarcon

The King. To Marqués de Cerralvo, my relative, member of my Council of War, governor and captain-general of the provinces of Nueva España, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the city of Manila, has informed me that there is great need of sailors and soldiers in those islands, and that they need at least 2,200 soldiers for the defense of those islands—600 being assigned to the city; in the fort and redoubt, 100; in the fort of Cavite, another 100; in the galleys, a like number; in Cibu and Caragua, 200; in the island of Hermosa and Cagayan, 400; and in Terrenate, 600. There can be no security without them, and although some reënforcements are sent from Nueva España, as these are so few those needs are not remedied. It is also necessary that the ships that sail from Acapulco to the said islands leave at the latest by the twenty-fifth of March, because of the troubles that result if the contrary be done. He petitioned me to order you to make the reënforcements to the fullest extent possible, and to send annually at least four hundred soldiers, eight hundred and fifty sailors and the artillerymen that you can send, since the conservation of the islands depends on them. The matter having been examined in my Council of War of the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to give the present, by which I charge and order you to fulfil in both matters the commands of my decrees in this regard. Madrid, March 10, 1634.

I the King

By order of his Majesty:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein, or the person or persons in whose charge their government may be: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that that said city has been granted, for its fortification, the proceeds of the income from the monopoly on playing-cards and other articles, and that the money that has been received from those sources was always paid into the fortification fund; but that, in violation of that, Don Juan Niño de Tabora, my former governor of those islands, ordered that the said sums be placed in my royal treasury, as was done. On that account, the money that is so necessary for the different works, the repairs, and fortifications that arise daily, is lacking. He says that the city having petitioned the governor to have the sums that belonged to the said fund returned, he refused to comply; but on the contrary ordered that the city furnish, from its communal property, all that was thus placed in my royal treasury. He petitioned me to be pleased to have my royal decree issued ordering that no room be given for such innovation, that the city and its council might spend and distribute their communal funds freely, as they have always done, since that pertains to the city; and that the kinds of income that have been customary in the past be placed therein and in no other fund. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to give the present, by which I order you to cause to be observed and fulfilled exactly the orders that were given and commanded in this regard before the said Don Juan Niño de Tavora made this innovation. Madrid, September 9, 1634.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas Islands: Don Juan Gran y Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has reported to me that the Portuguese nation who are living in Eastern Yndia have attempted trade and commerce with those islands, to the detriment of the Sangleys who go to sell their merchandise at that city; and that that intercourse was already established, contrary to the orders and decrees that have been given, to the very great damage and prejudice of my royal treasury and the good government of the islands. He petitioned me to be pleased to have a speedy and efficacious remedy applied to so grave a matter and one of so great importance. All the papers that were presented in regard to this matter, together with what my fiscal declared and alleged therein, having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, I have considered it fitting to send you a copy of them so that you may examine them; and, should the relation made therein appear to you to be correct, you shall immediately apply the remedy for this injury. By another decree,[3] I order my fiscal of my Audiencia there to take up that case, and to plead all that he shall deem advisable for the advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and the observance of the orders and decrees that have been issued, since that pertains to him by reason of his office. You shall continue to advise me of all steps that you shall take, and of what you shall do in the future, in this matter. Madrid, November 10, 1634.

I the King
By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, whom I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: a letter which was written to me under date of the former year 633, by Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, my governor ad interim of the said islands, on a matter of government, has been received by my royal Council of the Yndias, and answer is given in this present letter. He says that the relationship with Japon has been destroyed because the Dutch have angered that king by their accustomed trickery, under pretext of the religious who have preached—by reason of which, fearful of new conquests, all his oldtime friendship has been converted in those parts into hatred, and he makes use of severe methods with the Catholics—and that many of the said religious who have gone to that kingdom have acted with some imprudence, causing more trouble than gain. For the remedy of that, he considers it advisable to charge the provincials not to grant such licenses. Notwithstanding that that has been commanded on other occasions, as you will understand by the decrees that have been issued, it has seemed best to me to advise you of it, so that you may pay heed to this matter, and so that you may take such measures as are most advisable for my service and the conservation of those islands.

He also advises us that there is a lack of people in those islands, and that their inhabitants are decreasing in number by reason of the unhealthful climate; and that it would be important to provide a remedy for that, because of the need for it. I charge you to avoid, as far as possible, the giving of passports for granting passage from the islands. The viceroy of Nueva España is ordered to have a care in this, and to send more people than is his regular custom. Madrid, February 16, 1635.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

The King. To the auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas Islands: the letter which you wrote me under date of August 8 of the former year 1633 has been received and examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, and answer is made to you in this present letter.

The reformation that you have made in the licenses that were given by the government for rice-wine stills, in which so great a quantity of rice was consumed, is well advised for the present, as it is beneficial to the common welfare; and if you shall encounter any difficulties in regard to this in the future, you shall advise me of them.

You say that when that Audiencia was governing because of the death of Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza, they began to introduce the inspection of the prisons of the Parián and of Tondo, on the Saturday of each week, as they are very near that city. Afterward in the time of the other governors, that custom was dropped, as they thought that it deprived them of some of their gubernatorial powers. As it is advisable that more attention be given to the alcaldes-mayor, and that certain annoyances to the prisoners be avoided, the said visits were continued, as they were so advisable to the service of God our Lord and to my own. I charge you to continue them for the present, if there is no disadvantage to prevent it.

The efforts that you have made in regard to the building of a galleon that is being constructed, in the province of Camarines, have met my approval.

As for the encomenderos who may have recourse to that Audiencia beyond the limits of its commission, whose encomiendas were declared vacant by the visitor, as they had failed to secure their confirmations within the specified time, justice will be done to the parties when they come to ask for what is necessary for them.

In regard to the allotment of the lading-space in the ships, that you made to the inhabitants of that city, in accordance with the agreement that was made for that purpose, it is approved. Madrid, February 16, 1635.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: I have been informed that the reënforcements for Terrenate are the matters that give most anxiety to those who serve me in that government, and that these are made at great risk and at great expense to my treasury; that that of the former year 1632 had gone there in very creditable manner, because it was carried by a fortified ship, which could act defensively and offensively against the Dutch; that on account of the information received that the enemy was preparing to await with greater forces the ship that was to sail in the year 633, the reënforcements were prepared in two war galleons; that, in the future, the attempt would be made to send all the reënforcements with two entire infantry companies, so that two other companies could return thence—by which method [the garrison of] that presidio will be changed every three years, and all the companies of the army will share the work equally; and that it was advisable for my service that I order you to do this with exactness, since trouble arises by sending parts of companies, as only the favored ones leave that presidio, and by exchanging entire companies all will enjoy the privilege of all the aforesaid. Accordingly, I have thought best to order and command you, as I do order and command you, to see to it that remnants of companies are not sent to Terrenate; but that entire companies go, in the form and manner herein contained, so that entire companies of those who are exchanged may return. You shall advise me of whatever you shall enact in this matter. Madrid, November 5, 1635.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

[1] The parenthetical clause is evidently the work of one of the clerks who copied the decrees in the “Cedulario Indico.” The decree mentioned, whose general tenor can easily be seen from the present decree, is not given, probably owing to an oversight of the transcriber, too late to rectify.

[2] The decree whose location is above given.

[3] Also contained in the “Cedulario Indico,” immediately following the decree here presented, to which it is very similar in tenor.

Memorial to the King by Juan Grao y Monfalcon in the Year 1635

The procurator-general of the city of Manila and the Philipinas Islands, to his Majesty. He considers the reasons why it is advisable to pay careful attention to the preservation of those islands; and entreats his Majesty to have the collection of the two per cent duty recently imposed on merchandise shipped for the commerce of Nueva España discontinued.

Sire:

Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-general for the distinguished and loyal city of Manila, the metropolis and capital of the Filipinas Islands, declares that the preservation and protection of these islands are of the utmost consideration and importance, and deserve the most careful attention, on account of the great advantages and profits which they afford—to say nothing of the principal consideration, namely, the service of God, and the propagation of religion and the Catholic faith. In the aforesaid city and in the other islands that faith is established, and will steadily become stronger, increasing and spreading not only among those but other and neighboring islands. This is especially true in Great China and Japon, which from continual intercourse and friendly relations with the said Filipinas Islands may—if the Christian faith is preserved and permanently maintained in the latter, and as deeply rooted and as pure and constant as at present—look, in the said matter of religion, for felicitous and great results. The same [may be said] for what concerns the service of your Majesty, and the profitable and advantageous increase of the royal estate, since even the profits which your Majesty at present enjoys and possesses in the said city and the other islands are many, and of great importance. For in one village alone, which they call Parián, an arquebus-shot from the said city [of Manila], more than twenty thousand Chinese Indians called Sangleys, and in the other islands over ten thousand more, have all come from Great China and Japon for their own private affairs and interests. It is they who build up and maintain the greater part of the traffic and commerce of the islands. From that result the trade with Nueva España, and the ships which sail thither annually, laden with many different kinds of merchandise (carried [to Manila] and bartered by the said Sangleys)—such as much gold (wrought, and in sheets); diamonds, rubies, and other gems, besides a great quantity of pearls; many silk textiles of all colors—taffetas, damasks, satins, silk grograms, and velvets—and raw silk; a quantity of white and black cotton cloth; amber, civet, musk, and storax. Thence arises annually great gain to the royal treasury, on account of the many considerable duties which are paid and collected—both when the ships leave the said city of Manila, and their islands and ports, and in that of Acapulco; and later, when they enter Nueva España and the City of Mexico. There, when the ships leave for the said Filipinas, the duties are doubled, as well as in the said port of Acapulco, by those duties anew incurred and paid, the [trade of the] said Sangleys being a great part in this receipt [adquisicion]. Of no less consideration is the tribute which the Sangleys pay to the royal treasury for their license, and right of entrance and residence in the said village of the Parián, and in the other islands where they reside. Since the said Sangleys number thirty [thousand], they pay in most years an annual sum of two hundred and seventy thousand reals of eight (which means nine reals of eight for each license), which are placed in the royal treasury. In the islands of Pintados and other islands which belong to the said Filipinas, there are one hundred and fourteen thousand two hundred and seventeen Indians, all paying tribute to the royal treasury. Their conservation is very necessary, as they are no longer wild and are excellent workmen, and for that reason are people of utility and profit for any occasion that may arise—especially as there are also many gold mines in the said islands, whence is obtained a quantity of gold. There are also other fruits of the land in great abundance, especially wax, cotton, large cattle, swine, fowls, rice, and civet, besides other innumerable products and means of gain. All of this tells and publishes the great importance of the said city and its islands, and of their preservation; and the many incomparable wrongs which would follow if the said city, the capital of the others, were to become depopulated, ruined, or destroyed. It is very near to that, because of the great and continual misfortunes and disasters which the inhabitants of it have suffered and are suffering, caused by fires that have destroyed almost the entire city and the property of the said inhabitants, and the shipwreck and loss of many different vessels, which have been miserably wrecked during the usual voyage from the said city to Nueva España, with the destruction of the goods and wealth of the said inhabitants which are carried in the ships. The effects from so many and so large losses last and will last always; for those losses have ruined and impoverished the inhabitants to a degree very different from what one can imagine and explain. Consequently, if the generosity, magnificence, and powerful hand of your Majesty do not protect it, one can and must fear the very certain ruin and destruction of the said city and of the other islands, which are under its government and protection. From that [ruin] will follow great and intolerable disadvantages and losses to the disservice of the royal crown, the loss of that land and community, and (what is most reprehensible) that of religion and the Catholic faith. Although this is so deeply rooted in the said city and in the other islands, it would be lost, if the Dutch gained possession of Manila, as they have done of many neighboring islands and forts: namely, the island of Motiel; that of Maquien, where the Dutch have two forts, named Talagora and Mosaquia; the island of Ambueno, where the above-mentioned people are fortified with considerable artillery and a Dutch population; that of Xacadra, where the said Dutchmen have their capital and where a captain-general and an Audiencia composed of four auditors reside, and a settlement and population of one thousand Dutch inhabitants; the islands of Xaba Major and Minor, and that of Mindanao. In some of those islands they have established their factories, where they collect what they pillage, and [carry on] their trade with the Chinese and other nations. They gather in the said islands (whose products consist of cloves, pepper, and nutmeg) an exceedingly great quantity [of this produce], for which three ships are annually despatched to Olanda, laden with more than three thousand five hundred and fifty valas [i.e., bares = bahars] of cloves (each vale [sic] containing four hundred and sixty libras), with a great quantity of pepper, and of the said nutmeg and its mace; also silks, cinnamon, and other products. Hence they are extremely well fortified in the said islands, as well as in others, as they have an understanding with the surrounding kings. For the king of Daquen gives them eighty thousand ducados annually in order to have them protect his country, and so that his vassals may go and navigate safely in those straits on their trade and traffic with the islands surrounding his kingdom. All of that obliges the said city of Manila and its other islands to be more watchful and to maintain larger forces and supplies. For were there neglect in this, the power and invasion of the said Dutch, who have so frequented and learned the said straits (of which they have so thoroughly taken possession and with so many forces, as above narrated), could be feared.

Although the said city and its inhabitants have been and are always very careful and vigilant (as is very well known); defending, at the cost of their lives and goods, the land from the incessant bombardments, surprises, and attacks of the said Dutch, with the forced obligation of very generally keeping their arms in readiness all the time; enduring a servile life full of annoyance and danger, although they could leave it, and it would be better and more worth living if it were less grievous, and free from so many dangers and difficulties: nevertheless they endure them, in consideration of the service of your Majesty, and in continuation of the many services which they have rendered in the defense and preservation of that country; and hoping that the greatness and liberality of your Majesty will protect and relieve them, so that they may accomplish their purpose better. Particularly do they ask that you order to be repealed the collection of the two per cent, the imposition of which was ordered by a decree of the former year six hundred and four on the merchandise exported from the said islands to the said Nueva España, in addition to the three per cent paid on them by the merchants of the said city—which heard and received notice of the said royal decree in the year of six hundred and seven, while Don Rodrigo de Vibero was governor. At that time the decree was not made effective or fulfilled, as the difficulty and great disadvantages that accompany it were recognized. Consequently, it remained in that condition until the year six hundred and eleven, when the collection of the said duty was again charged to Governor Don Juan de Sirva [i.e., Silva]. He, trying to carry out its provisions, recognized the same difficulties, for the many reasons advanced by the city, which were so just and relevant that they obliged him to call a treasury council. Having there discussed and conferred upon those reasons, and it having been seen that they were so urgent and necessary that they strictly prevented and ought to prevent the execution of the said royal decree of 604, he suspended it for the time being, giving your Majesty notice [thereof]. The decree remained in this condition until the year six hundred and twenty-five, in which the royal officials again discussed the matter of the collection of the said two per cent, during the government of Don Fernando de Silva. He, recognizing the same obstacles, and that those obstacles were much greater then because of the worse condition and the notable change and damage to which the affairs of the said city had come—the property, traffic, and means of gain of its inhabitants—with a great reduction and difference from that which they had in the said year of six hundred and seven, concurred with what had been provided by his predecessor, the said Don Juan de Silva, and ordered that no innovation be made in it. The same was done by the governor who succeeded him, Don Juan Niño de Tabora. Thus, the said governors, as each confronted the matter, always came to see very plainly the said difficulties, which at present are not only of the above-mentioned character, but are impossible to overcome because of the condition of affairs, the poverty of the inhabitants, and the great decrease and diminution of the trade and commerce of former times. That is given more prominence by the efforts of the visitor, Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas, who made strenuous efforts to have the collection of the two per cent carried out. Nevertheless, he saw with his own eyes the said disadvantages that resulted from the said collection. One of them was the resolution of the inhabitants not to export their goods and merchandise; nor could they do so, because of the great losses, both past and present, which they have encountered. This is the greatest damage that can happen to the royal treasury; for if the export and commerce ceases, not only will the said two per cent be lacking, but also the old three per cent which has always been paid, as well as the other three per cent which was lately imposed upon the merchandise which the Chinese Indians bring to the said city and the Filipinas Islands. Accordingly, if the commerce of the islands with Nueva España fails, it is certain and infallible that that of the said Chinese, which forms the whole export to Nueva España, will also fail.

Therefore, the said visitor, notwithstanding the great desire which he showed of putting the said collection into execution, did not dare to do it; but considered it better to suspend it, and report to your Majesty. Although he tried to have it collected as a voluntary service for the future, the citizens, seeing their great lack of wealth, could not conform to that measure, although for that time only they gave a subsidy of four thousand pesos, on condition that it should not serve as a precedent for the future, and that there should be no further talk of the said collection [of the said two per cent] until, after your Majesty had examined it, a suitable decision should be adopted. They petition your Majesty to be pleased to consider the very necessary and urgent causes and reasons why the said collection of the said two per cent should not be carried on, but that its execution be abrogated, which are as follows:

First, that the motive and cause declared in the said decree of six hundred and four for the said imposition, was the declaration that there was suffering because of the great profits of those who were trading and trafficking in the Filipinas commerce. It was said that the profits were one hundred per cent, and at times two hundred. Although the said Sangleys, antecedent to the said year of six hundred and four, brought the merchandise from China to the said city, and sold it at prices so low that when taken and sold in Nueva España it allowed a very great profit: still that ceased many years ago, from the said year of six hundred and four, when the Dutch enemy and pirates began to continue in and infest those islands with many different plunderings of the merchandise that the Chinese ships brought to the said city of Manila. On that account the said trade has gone on diminishing from day to day, very fast and steadily, to the pass to which the said Dutch have brought it by their pursuit and pillaging of the said Chinese ships. From that has resulted the ruin of the said commerce, and for the same reason the profits of it [have declined] to so great a degree that scarcely can one now buy one pico of silk for the price that he formerly paid for two and one-half picos. This has been the reason why, since the merchandise of the Chinese was lacking to the inhabitants for their investments, they have had to buy the goods from the Portuguese of Macan, at prices so high and excessive that they make no considerable profit in Nueva España. Consequently, the profits that the inhabitants of Manila formerly had have come to be made by the said Portuguese of Macan. Thus the reason and motive for the said royal decree has entirely and surely disappeared; and this same fact ought to do away with its ruling.

The second reason also is founded on the expense and cost that had to be incurred for the security and defense of the trading ships from the said islands to Nueva España, with the fifty soldiers, military captain, and other officers; that the said ships had to be of a certain tonnage; and that for this reason of the said expenses and costs, the said decree ordered the imposition of the said two per cent in order that it should be unnecessary to have recourse to the royal treasury. It ordered the proceeds therefrom to be deposited in a separate fund and account, for the said expenses which had to be incurred with the said ships and their crews. That reason likewise has had no effect, for the said expenses have not been made, nor are they made; nor do the said military captain, soldiers, or other officers sail in the said ships. Neither are the said ships—those that there are—of the said burden and tonnage, but smaller. Therefore the said expenses and costs cease, upon which the said decree is grounded; accordingly, that which is ruled and ordered by it ceases, for the reason stated, and, indeed, should cease.

Third, because by the former year of six hundred and eleven, the said governor, Don Juan de Silva, seeing the unsatisfactory method and arrangements existing for the collection of the said two per cent, tried to supply it—and did so—by the method that he thought least harmful, and of greater profit to the royal treasury—namely, to impose in its stead another duty of three per cent on the merchandise brought by the Chinese to sell in the said city of Manila. But, although the said imposition is ostensibly on the said Chinese, it comes, in fact, to be imposed on the inhabitants of Manila themselves; for the latter, being the purchasers, necessarily have to pay more, the Chinese sellers taking into consideration the new charge and imposition which has been levied on them. Consequently, the said two per cent has come to have actual effect and with greater profit by the said three per cent substituted in its place, which fact the said governor, Don Juan de Silva, had in mind. If the decree were again to be carried out, it would mean a double imposition for the above-mentioned damages and obstacles, and there would be no possibility of executing it.

Fourth, because the royal duties which the inhabitants pay on the said investments that they make, are very great; for on every thousand pesos of principal that they invest the duties in the said city and in Nueva España amount to two hundred and seventy pesos and more, while the cost and expense incidental to the said investments amount to two hundred and eighty pesos more. Consequently, the said royal duties alone for each one thousand pesos invested inevitably amount, as is well known, to five hundred and fifty pesos. Therefore, within four years, setting aside the said costs and expenses, the said inhabitants come to pay more than the said one thousand pesos of capital for the said royal duties. The same thing happens in the same proportion when larger sums are invested.

The fifth springs directly from the preceding reason; for since the said duties and said costs and expenses are so great, and the profits so slight and uncertain, as above stated, the said inhabitants cannot continue the said trade and commerce of Filipinas with Nueva España; for to do that would be a poor management and administration of their possessions, carrying them over seas at so many risks, and in danger of catastrophes such as generally happen, which are daily becoming greater; while there is no profit, or so little that, with the said two per cent, the profits will be of little or no consideration, for which they will not expose their goods and capital to so great a risk.

Sixth, because, if the said collection and enforcement of the said two per cent were to be insisted upon, it would be a foregone conclusion that the inhabitants would abandon the said trade and commerce, and would not make the said investments, for the reasons stated above. That has proved to be so on the occasions on which the said collection has been discussed with some warmth—and especially when the said visitor, Licentiate Don Francisco de Rojas, tried to effect it, when the said inhabitants were firm and were resolved not to appraise, register, or lade anything in the ships, which were all ready to sail to Nueva España. Thereupon the said visitor thought it advisable and necessary to repeal the said enforcement. Although the inhabitants, on that occasion, because of the great pressure exerted and the advantageous reasons put forward by the visitor, offered to aid with a gift of four thousand pesos, it was with the said condition that it was to be for only that one time, and with the said condition that nothing was to be said of the said collection.

Seventh, the great damage and injury that would assuredly follow to the royal treasury if the said commerce were abandoned; for since the said three per cent that is first collected as a customs duty, and the other three per cent imposed anew in the said year of six hundred and eleven, amount and are worth a very great sum and number of pesos annually to the royal treasury, that sum will not increase with the imposition of the said two per cent, but, on the contrary, both the one and the other duty will be lost; or at least they will be reduced to a very great loss, damage, and diminution of the royal treasury, and the reason therefor is very clear and evident. For in every year, and in that of the imposition of the two per cent of which we are treating, the duty amounted to about four thousand; and to that amount now, without the imposition of the said two per cent, all the inhabitants of the said city, both rich and poor, trade and traffic. By that means are caused the said customs duties not only at departure from the said city of Manila, but at entrance into the said City of Mexico, and on their returns afterward, from the investments, and on the kinds of merchandise that are sent back by the same ports and places to be traded at the said city of Manila. For since the number of those who traffic is large, the said duties which are caused and paid are also large. But if the said two per cent be put in force, although it may be stated that some of the said inhabitants will continue to trade, they would be very few; and the trade would be reduced to those who are richest and those with most capital, who are not many. But among all the others who are not rich, money and capital would fail, and they would refuse to [trade] and could not risk their little capital without gain or profit, as they will have no profit with the said two per cent. And it would not be right or expedient, for the sake of the said new imposition (since the reasons and motives for it are lacking, as above stated), to place the income and value of the said customs duties in danger and peril, as it is so great and considerable, or to risk that of the other three per cent of the said year 611—the one dependent on and inseparable from the other; for, beyond all doubt, both would fail if the said commerce failed or diminished. The said danger can be regarded as certain, both for the abandonment of the said commerce and of the colony of those islands; and that would allow the Dutch, who are so powerful in the surrounding islands, as above stated, to gain an entrance in them, for the lack of troops caused by the said imposition. That is a matter which your Majesty should have examined with great attention, because of the many precedents that have been seen in like cases in these kingdoms [i.e., of España] with the great injury and loss to the royal treasury which could not be restored later—as happened in the increase [of the tax] on playing cards, one real more than the usual tax being imposed. That income, being valued at that said time at from forty-four to forty-five million maravedis annually in the three districts of Castilla, Toledo, and Andalucia, dropped to twenty-two millions because of the new imposition, thereby losing a like sum annually. And, although the damage was afterward seen, and the attempt was made to correct it by repealing the said new imposition, and reducing the tax to the old amount, the amendment did not follow; for because of the frauds and cheats caused by the said income in its first condition, it never returned to that condition, and remained with the annual loss and decrease of fourteen million maravedis from what it had at the time of the said new imposition. The same thing happened in the thirty per cent which was imposed on the trade of foreign merchants while the court was in Valladolid. The result of that was that the foreign merchants abandoned the commerce, and looked for new methods, applying themselves to gaining a foothold in the Eastern Indias. The said imposition was thus the reason for the many important lands and ports of which the foreigners have gained possession and which they hold, which we have lost for the said reason. Both these instances are very certain, well-known, public, and notorious.

The eighth reason, a very urgent and cogent one, is that since the year six hundred and seven, when the said commerce was in a much better condition, and the said Dutch had not begun to make their raids, or all the great damages that they have inflicted on the said islands and those near by, and on the said Sangleys and Chinese—nevertheless, the said governors, Don Rodrigo de Vivero, Don Juan de Silva, and Don Juan Niño de Tabora (who succeeded him), seeing the difficulties involved in the said imposition, did not consider it advisable, nor did they dare, to put it into force. Much less could it be done today, after the lapse of almost thirty years, at a time when the inhabitants are suffering from so great distress and necessity, caused by the many losses, as above stated, of many ships—some of which have sunk, while others have of necessity sought port on the coasts of Japon and other districts where so great riches were lost without its being possible to secure them, or for anything to be saved; and by the fires which they have suffered, on one occasion the greater part of the city, as well as the possessions of the inhabitants being burned. A few years ago our flagship “Nuestra Señora de la Vida” [i.e., “Our Lady of Life”] was wrecked on the island of Verde[1] while en route to Nueva España, with the possessions and capital of the aforesaid citizens. In the former year of thirty-one, the ship “Sancta Maria Magdalena” went to the bottom in the port of Cabite with all the goods and cloth aboard it. Although the cargo was taken out, it was after it had been in the water more than one and one-half months. Consequently the damage to the owners was great and notable; and on that account all the capital was ruined, the trade limited, and the goods destroyed—so much so that if the said two per cent be put in force, it will have the above defects, and the said trade will be ruined.

The ninth reason is of great importance, and consists in the many great services that have been performed for your Majesty by the said city of Manila, and those which its inhabitants are performing every day; for when occasion demands—as it does often, when there is a lack of regular infantry, because it has gone away or been employed in something else—the inhabitants enter the guard, as that city is surrounded by so many heathen; and they have always hastened with all the loyalty and love possible to serve on any expedition that has offered against the Dutch and other nations, with their persons and possessions, and are the first to take arms.

Another thing is of great consideration, namely, that in the great necessities that arise in the royal treasury, which has not the wherewithal to take care of them, the said inhabitants have aided it; and they aid it very often with very considerable sums, depositing therein from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos, without receiving any interest. That money is retained in the said royal treasury, and the owners are not repaid for more than two years. The loss of interest on so great a sum for so long a period constitutes a great service, for merchants and men of business. They only think of the great desire that they have always had, and have, for the service of your Majesty; and that is so great that many poor inhabitants, not having any capital to allow them to make loans to the royal treasury as the other inhabitants do, beg for a loan in order to be enabled to attend to your Majesty’s royal service. In the assessments continually levied upon them by the governor, consisting of jars [of oil or wine], rice, and other things necessary for the relief of Terrenate and the island of Hermosa, the said inhabitants contribute very eagerly and willingly; and on the voyages made by the galleys, if slaves are needed (as often happens), they give their own. With the same willingness did they make the gift of the said four thousand pesos in the year 632.

Since all above stated is so, and since the inhabitants are perpetually and continually serving your Majesty with their persons, lives, and possessions, and by the intolerable burden of always bearing arms; and since all that is related in this memorial is evident from the investigations made at the citation of the fiscal, and by what the governors and the orders write: therefore it is just for your Majesty to honor and reward the inhabitants, since their services are so worthy of reward and remuneration; and since the said imposition of the said two per cent would be only an affliction and punishment, to have its enforcement discontinued, so that there may be no further question of it—which, as can be understood by the reasons above stated, has been and is the royal intention and purpose of your Majesty. For during the so many years that its execution has been suspended, your Majesty having been informed by the letters of the governors and royal officials of the difficulty of its observance, it has been abandoned and repealed in order to avoid so many and so great dangers as above stated, and injuries to the said inhabitants and residents of those islands—an intent quite in accord with the first decree of the said year six hundred and four, in which, although it was ordered to impose the said two per cent, it commanded that this was to be done with the greatest mildness possible. Consequently, as this mildness was not and could not be exercised, the imposition occasioning only great troubles and difficulties, the decree itself intimates, as if by express statements, that the said collection was impracticable.

Thus the request of the said city and its inhabitants, and of the said islands, is that your Majesty be pleased to have it so declared and ordered, not only for the future, but also for the past; since the said royal decree has not been put in force, nor has it been advisable at any time, for either the future or the past. The impossibility [of enforcing the decree] is even greater [at this time], because of the many years that have passed, and the many persons against whom it might be attempted, who have died; so that to undertake it would mean nothing else than a beginning of lawsuits, and the disquiet and revolution of all the inhabitants of the said city, or of most of them—for those who have trafficked here from the said year of six hundred and seven are many, and most of them have died, without leaving any property from which to collect the arrears of duty—in case that that effort is made. By that [concession] the inhabitants will receive an especial favor, as is hoped from the greatness of your Majesty. Madrid, September 6, 1635.

Reply of the fiscal

The fiscal declares that he has examined the documents sent with this memorial, and the other papers and letters from the Audiencia, the visitor, and the superiors of the orders; that the decision [of this question] demands close attention, and all that the council is wont to exercise for its sure action, for the great necessity of its inhabitants which the city represents, confronts us. We must consider not only the impracticability of enforcing the impost, but no less his Majesty’s lack of means (caused by the wars and necessary occasions for expense that have limited the royal incomes), which constrains him so that he can do no more—a course which, as so Christian and pious a king, he would avoid, if it were possible. Having considered everything, what the visitor writes has much force with the fiscal, and persuades him that it is expedient and necessary to consult with his Majesty regarding this letter—so that, having examined its contents, and that, besides, which the council shall advise, he may be pleased to order what may be most to the welfare of his vassals, in whose conservation consists his best service; and approving the mild method pointed out by the visitor (of which he availed himself, in order that the trade might not cease, with the obvious danger of greater loss), he concurs in everything, and thus petitions. Madrid, September six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.

Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the distinguished and loyal city of Manila, metropolis and capital of the Filipinas Islands, in answer to what was said and alleged by his Majesty’s fiscal to the memorial and arguments which he has presented, in order that the effort for the collection of the two per cent may cease and be abandoned, declares that your Majesty, in heeding the arguments that he has presented in another memorial, does not give up nor is he excluded from what is alleged on the other side. On the contrary he expressly recognizes (a fact that cannot be denied) the justification and urgent reasons that are necessary and unavoidable, which strenuously oblige to what the said city has entreated. In the name of the city, he accepts what is said and alleged in its favor by the said fiscal. But inasmuch as the fiscal mentions his approbation of the method which the visitor approves—and of which he availed himself, so that the said trade might not cease, which, he says with good reason, would be of greater loss—and says that with the said method everything would turn out well, he excludes the condition that it will not provide for everything, but only for the effort to enforce the said duty of two per cent. The difficulty would remain present, and the reasons and arguments of the said city be as if they were not; and it and its commerce would be left without any remedy, or means to preserve itself. Nor is there nor can there be considered any difference of opinion in the necessity that is mentioned of the royal treasury; for, although this necessity is great, the contention of the said city concerns not necessity, but the limits of impossibility. Consequently, [the interests of] the city ought to prevail and be preferred. This conclusion was reached by experience, on the occasion of the former year 632, when the said visitor tried to put the said duty in force, in which he found himself confounded; for he beheld the cessation of commerce, and the resolve made by the said inhabitants that they would not export or risk their wealth, without receiving any profit—by which it resulted that the despatch of the ships which were being sent to Nueva España was delayed, the cause of which was the said visitor, because of the said collection that he was trying to enforce. The governors of those islands—of whom there have been many, very prudent and clear-headed, and eminent in their zeal for the service of your Majesty—never came to such a determination, in all these years. And the strength and resistance of the obstacles that they found, and which they were considering in person, compelled them to consult with your Majesty, as they always have done—regarding that as much more proper than to execute and that by virtue of that the said inhabitants were not bound to anything—attempted to make again, through some of the regidors, the same suspension that he had already made of the execution of the said duty, until your Majesty determined with what they should serve, with some gift, even though it should be only a small sum. That which was finally assigned was from one to two thousand pesos, the visitor again with this new occasion placing the despatch of the said ships in peril, causing by the least delay more loss than the said profit. Therefore the royal Audiencia, in order to proceed with more certainty, called a council of the bishop who was governor of that archbishopric, the archbishop, and the superiors of the orders. All of them agreed and concurred that the despatch ought to be made in the manner in which it had always been done, without allowing any innovation. Consequently all, and on all occasions, have always recognized the impossibility, and the new damages and obstacles that would result from the said enforcement.

In consideration of the above, he petitions and entreats your Majesty that you be, nevertheless, pleased to provide and order the discontinuance of the collection of the said two per cent, according to his petition. Thereby he will receive an especial favor, as that city and kingdom hopes from his Majesty’s greatness and royal hand.

[1] An island off the south coast of Batangas, Luzón, midway in the channel between that island and Mindoro.

Manila Treasury Accounts, 1630–35

Relation of the receipts of the treasury of Manila from January seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty, until January six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, a period of five years

Common gold
[Pesos][tomins][granos]
The balance found in the said treasury on the said day, January seven, 1630, amounted to[1]11,561 8 6
The total from the fines of the exchequer[2] from the said day until March six, 1631, amounted to2,073 6 1
That from the [unspent?] balances of war funds [alcances de guerra] for the said time amounted to20,317 5 0
That of the army fund for the said time amounted to15,797 1 5
That from the licenses of Indians [sic; sc. Chinese] for the said time87,606 4 0
That from loans made to the treasury for the said time amounted to71,057 7 0
That from mesada taxes[3] for the said time amounted to917 1 11
That from import and export duties for the said time amounted to33,448 7 0
That from offices sold for the said time amounted to29,458 3 0
That from expenses of justice for the said time amounted to75 0 0
That from royal situados for the said time amounted to4,124 2 4
That from condemnations for the building of houses during the said time amounted to374 5 4
That from fiestas for the said time amounted to281 3 0
That from the tenths of gold for the said time amounted to48 3 0
That from transportation of passengers [on the royal ships?] for the said time amounted to300 0 0
That from the proceeds for war from the cattle tithes for the said time amounted to120 3 0
That from the silver and reals received from Nueva España during the said time amounted to278,115 6 0
That from court expenses for the said time amounted to100 0 0
During the said time the receipts of the said treasury amounted to555,775 3 0
Account from April 20, 1631, to January six, 1632
The total from condemnations (in court) for fines of the exchequer for the said time amounted to1,611 6 0
That from import and export duties amounted to35,650 1 2
That from loans made to the treasury amounted to16,600 7 5
That from royal situados from the encomiendas of private persons amounted to3,708 6 8
That from the balances of accounts amounted to18,430 3 0
That from extraordinary sources amounted to6,115 1 0
That from mesada taxes amounted to112 4 9
That from resultas amounted to456 3 5
That from tenths of gold amounted to23 7 8
That from expenses of justice amounted to8 6 0
That from [the fund for?] expenses of courts[4] amounted to287 4 0
That from licenses to heathen Chinese amounted to116,697 4 0
That from offices sold amounted to646 4 0
That from silver and reals sent from Nueva España amounted to203,915 0 0
That from passenger transportation amounted to50 0 0
That from deposits amounted to2,000 0 0
That from [unspent balance of fund for?] ship-building and forts amounted to8 0 0
That from the vacant encomiendas amounted to36 4 0
That from restitutions amounted to38 0 0
That which was placed in the treasury at the order of the visitor amounted to6,117 0 0
That collected from what is owing [to the treasury] amounted to62,473 3 10
The receipts of the treasury for the said time amounted to475,889 1 2
Account from January seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty-two, to January six, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three
The total amount of the balance struck on January 7, 1632, amounted to two thousand one hundred and eighty-seven pesos, fourtomins, and four pieces of gold and three rings[5]2,187 4 0
That from balances of accounts amounted to26,458 4 0
That from fines of the exchequer amounted to2,984 3 2
That from the fifths of gold amounted to99 5 6
That from royal situados amounted to2,150 4 0
That from the expenses of justice amounted to75 1 0
That from loans made to the treasury amounted to64,453 4 0
That from import and export duties amounted to36,603 2 0
That from the mesada taxes amounted to835 0 8
That from resultas amounted to2,114 5 6
That from vacancies in encomiendas amounted to66 7 8
That from deposits amounted to1,858 0 0
That from offices sold amounted to3,800 0 0
That from extraordinary sources amounted to30,046 3 3
That sent from Nueva España amounted to232,569 4 0
The receipts for account of the visit amounted to7,013 6 1
That from passenger transportation amounted to250 0 0
The receipts from the proceeds of condemnations to be remitted to the Council amounted to3,060 4 0
That from the Chinese licenses amounted to105,898 0 10
That from cattle tithes amounted to300 0 0
That from the fifths of silver amounted to285 2 4
That from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts of the Parián60 4 0
That from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts of the Audiencia amounted to seventy-five pesos75 0 0
That collected from what is owing [to the treasury] amounted to97,663 2 3
The receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to622,484 5 1
Account from January 7, 1633, to January 6, 1634
The total amount of the balance struck on the said day, January seven, 1633, amounted to four thousand seven hundred and ninety-twopesos, three tomins, and four pieces of gold and three rings[6]4,792 3 0
That from balances of accounts amounted to14,299 1 2
That from the mesada taxes amounted to258 2 11
That from extraordinary sources amounted to2,226 5 7
That from import and export duties amounted to46,897 6 1
The receipts from the visit amounted to13,770 6 0
That from Chinese licenses amounted to51,396 2 0
That from loans amounted to109,260 0 0
That from fines of the exchequer amounted to1,918 0 0
That from expenses of justice amounted to120 0 0
That from royal situados amounted to1,385 5 6
That from offices sold amounted to14,850 0 0
That from the fifth of gold amounted to300 2 7
That from vacant encomiendas [vacantes] amounted to41 1 6
That from passenger transportation amounted to950 0 0
That from tributes amounted to9 3 0
That from the half-annats amounted to4,961 5 2
That from the silver sent from Nueva España amounted to277,326 1 1
That from resultas amounted to1,056 5 5
That from [fund for?] courts and expenses of the royal Audiencia amounted to135 0 0
That from deposits amounted to600 0 0
That from cattle tithes amounted to386 6 9
The receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to546,873 0 5
Account from January 7, 1634, to January 6, 1635
The total of the balance struck on the said day, January seven, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, amounted to seventy-threethousand two hundred and thirty-one pesos, seven tomins, and ten granos, and [4 pieces] of gold, and 3 rings[7]73,231 7 10
The total of the half-annats amounted to16,393 0 1
That from balances of accounts amounted to31,311 2 11
That from royal situados amounted to1,688 5 6
That from fines of the exchequer amounted to1,945 2 5
That from resultas amounted to11,557 6 3
That from cattle tithes211 0 0
That from import and export duties amounted to28,170 4 11
That from heathen Chinese licenses162,941 7 5
That from extraordinary sources amounted to33,097 3 9
That from the fifth of gold amounted to325 7 4
That from deposits amounted to[8]6,375 1 0
That from offices sold amounted to11,400 0 0
That from [fund for?] the expenses of the courts amounted to50 0 0
That from expenses of justice amounted to36 1 6
That from condemnations collected to remit to this Council amounted to444 0 0
That from passenger transportation amounted to650 0 0
That from proceeds of the visita amounted to3,417 4 0
That from restitutions amounted to1,003 0 0
That from the money sent from Nueva España amounted to308,396 2 0
That from loans amounted to11,000 0 0
That from the proceeds for the fortification of Manila amounted to6,000 0 0
That from the tenths of gold amounted to296 6 0
The total receipts of the said treasury for the said time amounted to715,849 6 11

Given in [word illegible in MS.] August eighteen, 1638.

Don Geronimo de [word illegible in MS.]
Francisco Antonio Manzelo

[1] The manuscript has a side- or sub-heading at the right that reads “Pieces of gold,” and in the margin at this point is the figure 10.

[2] Spanish, el cargo de penas de Camara. Cargo, as thus used, refers to the amount charged on the books of the accountant, and especially to the general balance struck; in a general sense, cargo and data, in the old Spanish system of accounting, corresponded to “debit” and “credit” in modern bookkeeping. The difference between these (alcance), in an individual account, would be nearly the same as our term “balance of account.” The old Spanish methods of accounting were somewhat different from the modern, and based on more complicated procedure; and it is difficult to find modern equivalents for various words and phrases used therein—especially for some which designate the duties of accountants, and for others which are no longer in actual use. The whole accounting and auditing system was very elaborate and characteristically suspicious. There were, in every case, two men working together; and, if one of them was absent, some different work must be assigned to the other for that day, by the bureau of accounts. There were three classes of employees in this work, in the Spanish colonies: the contadores de cuentas (who apparently were of higher rank than the others), contadores de resultas, and ordenadores de pago. The second of these terms is no longer used in accounting, and no satisfactory explanation of its commercial use is given in lexicons. The ordenadores de pagos (an office abolished at intervals) might correspond to our disbursing officers, save that they did not, I think, actually handle the money; hence, their functions rather correspond to a part of the duties of our auditors. It may be that the term cuentas is used in the accounting system to define accounts in general, items of any and all sorts owed to the state; and resultas, as referring to the accounts kept of money paid out, on one or another account, by the public treasury—its balances (alcances) being, therefore, the sums remaining over and above the amounts spent. This would give us a system of accountants for the items owing to the state—in other words, for its incomes; and another system of accountants for the expenditures of the government. In such case, resultas might also designate the balances reverting to the credit of the state—that is, the unspent balances of various funds; this meaning would harmonize with the related functions of the contadores de resultas and the ordenadores de pagos, who supplied each other’s places. These are suggestions rather than definitive statements, for which latter is needed expert knowledge of the old Spanish accounting system. The Recopilación de leyes de Indias contains much information on these points; see especially lib. viii, tit. i, ii, xxix; lib. ix, tit. viii.—James A. LeRoy.

[3] Mesada: a month’s pay or salary. The derecho de mesada was a tax of that amount levied (like the half-annat on civil offices) on ecclesiastical benefices and preferments which had been granted by the popes to the crown of Spain as part of its royal patronage of religion. Laws regarding this tax may be found in Recopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvii; the first of these is dated 1629. See also Teatro de la legislación universal de España y Indias (Madrid, 1791–97). The mesada was to be collected on the basis of the receipts from each preferment during the five years preceding the new incumbent’s entry upon his office.—James A. LeRoy.

[4] Estrados: literally, “platforms;” the platform on which stood the royal throne, or the seat of the judge, afterward came to mean the court itself. Perhaps the Manila treasury received from Mexico a sum for the proper maintenance of the dignity of the tribunals, for the hangings, furnishing, platforms, etc. This might also refer to the platforms and carpets and hangings provided in the cathedral for certain royal officials.—James A. LeRoy.

[5] In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.”

[6] In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.”

[7] In the margin at this point occurs: “4 [pieces of gold]; 3 rings.”

[8] In the margin at this point occurs: “88 taes, 1 real of gold.”

Letter of Consolation to the Jesuits of Pintados

To my beloved fathers and brothers of the islands and residences of the Pintados.

Pax Christi, etc.:

Great has been the grief that has been caused to us who have been in these missions of the Tagals, by severe hardships that your Reverences have suffered and are suffering in those islands of Pintados, because of the madness and ferocity of so cruel enemies. For who would not be afflicted at hearing of the hatred and hostility of the barbarians against Christ our Lord, which they have displayed against His sacred images, which they have outraged and broken to pieces, and His temples, which they have burned and destroyed? Who would not be struck with pity on seeing the beloved flock of the sheep of Christ our Lord, and his faithful ones with their pastors and ministers, robbed, dispersed, and pursued even into the fastnesses of the mountains, imprisoned, captured, and killed?—and the shepherds, with especial ignominy and cruelty, as we see in [the case of] our most beloved father, Juan del Carpio, who is happy, fortunate, and chosen, since he has purchased the eternal crown by the shedding of his blood.[1] Who would not have compassion at hearing of the fatigues, surprises, necessities, and dangers, of those of your Reverences who are still alive—a life that resembles a continual death rather than life? But this tender compassion must cause pain in us because of the evils, and encouragement and joy because of the blessings, which follow from them—truly one and the other feeling; for who can refrain from weeping at the sight of an offended God, at His holy name blasphemed, His worship violated, His faithful ones captive, and His priests killed? But who will not be consoled with that holiness of the great doctor of the Church, St. Augustine, whom God our Lord permitted [to be visited by] evils in order that he might derive greater blessings therefrom—such as are these greater blessings from so many present evils? Such are the [word illegible] acts born from the fervid hearts of my most beloved fathers, so that they have offered themselves to their Creator and Lord in so virulent dangers, not as they might wish, but as a most perfect holocaust, without any fear, placing everything in His hands—health, honor, blood, and life, for the greater glory of his Majesty, and the welfare of souls. Peradventure these are not blessings that enrich those who possess them, but they give courage, fervor, and glory to our province and Society of Jesus, which has such sons and so valorous soldiers, the imitators of their Society of Jesus, their blood shed to deliver their spiritual children and that which pertains to the Divine and Christian worship—which blessings will he not bring to our islands and fields of Christendom, and to our Society of Jesus in those islands? For as says the most illustrious Tertullian in his Apologetica adversus gentis, chapter 49: Semen est sanguis Christianorum.[2] And a Christianity wet with such blood will doubtless give a most abundant harvest. And what encouragement will it give to the sons of the Society in Europa! And what desires will they have to come where they may have opportunity to shed their blood also for the honor of their Creator! Blood shed by the hands of barbarian Mahometans instigated by their casique[3]—especially against the priests, the preachers of our holy faith, as we learned from one who escaped from them; and with so remarkable tokens of special hate against religion, that they tore to pieces the very body of the father, so that the head was the largest part of it. However much they may claim that in order that there should be no planting [of Christianity?] they did not spare his life, their actions show that they took life away from him in hatred of Christ our Lord, and of His holy religion, which the father was preaching and extending. And even if the Mahometans did not have that intention and hate against Christ and His holy faith, which this shows that they have, not only is the death inflicted and suffered in this manner a true martyrdom, but also in more general terms Christ our Lord said through St. Mark in the 8th chapter: Qui perdiderit animam suam propter me, et evangelium, salvam faciet.[4] On those words is founded every form of true martyrdom, which embraces that of the innocents, and those who gave their lives to serve those sick with the plague, and for any virtue whatever; and thus say the saints. St. Augustine pondering these words in his sermon 100 (De diversis) section 2,[5] makes a strenuous effort for martyrdom, in the occasion of dying, in these words: “Qui perdiderit,” inquit, “propter me.” Tota caussa ibi est. “Qui perdiderit,” non quomodocumque, non qualibet caussa, sed “propter me.” Ylli enim yn prophecia yam dixerant martires, “Propter te mortificamur tota die.” Propterea martiremnon facit pena, sed caussa. And if this is Christ our Lord, and one loses his life either in order not to offend Him—for example, by denying His faith, or losing his chastity, or by lying, etc.—or in order to serve Him—for example, by preaching His holy gospel, or by practicing the doctrine of succoring one’s neighbors with the spiritual or corporal works of charity—even if the tyrant does not deprive him of life as a mark of hatred against the faith, assuredly he gains the crown, salvam faciet eam. Accordingly, he who dies in the mountains when fleeing from persecution, or by means of wild beasts or robbers, or who is drowned in the sea, says St. Cyprian in his Epistle number 56, Ad Tibaitanos, is and must be called a martyr, for his death is [suffered] for Christ. Thence can one well see what we feel in the present case, and in the occasions that we have in hand. I will quote his words here, for they are a consolation for all those who are liable to lose their lives, in the sea or in the mountains, because of the preaching of the holy gospel and the persecution of the enemies of the gospel. Si fugientem in solitudine ac montibus latro oppresserit, fera invaserit, fames aut sitis aut frigus afflixerit, vel per maria præcipiti navigatione properantem tempestas ac procella submerserit spectat militem suum Christus ubicunque pugnantem, et persecutionis causa pro nominis sui honore morienti præmium reddit quod daturum se in resurectione promisit. Nec minor est martyrii gloria non publica et [non] inter multos perisse cum pereundi causa sit propter Christum perire. Sufficit ad testimoniam martyrii fui [sc. fuisse] testis ille qui probat martyres et coronat.[6] This is sufficient for a letter, although other testimonials of the saints could be adduced, which show that the institution of martyrdom made by Christ our Lord was not the narrow thing of which certain scholastics speak. Father Teofilo Raynaudo[7] of our Society, in the book that he published, De martyrio per pestem, in the year 1630, proves in a very learned and wise manner that those who die through the exercise of the works of charity with the sufferers of the pest are really and truly, and can be called, martyrs. And clearly it is not less to give one’s life than to exercise spiritual works of charity, for one’s neighbors. Hence we ought to endure in this particular, for Christ our Lord, in bonitate et liberalitate,[8] and since for other lesser works—as leaving father and mother, or positions, etc., for Him—Christ our Lord chose to give as a reward so much in this life, and afterward eternal life, as He said through St. Mark, in the 10th chapter: Centies tantum in tempore hoc et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam.[9] The most heroic and lofty work was necessarily the giving of one’s life for the same cause; and that loss will not give, to him who serves, another reward here, but the reward of eternal life is reserved for the world to come, and with a special diadem. Then may we be consoled, my fathers, in our missions and voyages, if we lose our lives therein in the service of Christ for the preaching of His holy gospel; since according to His royal promise He always maintains it assured, and brighter is the crown. I do not say this in order that we should publish our martyrs, or that we should so talk with those outside (for it is better for us to limit ourselves in that direction), but for our consolation and assurance, I am persuaded that after this pilgrimage we shall recognize that glory in some or many of the fathers of this province who have preceded us—as in the case of the fortunate father Juan Dominico Bilançio, who died a captive of the Mahometan [king of] Jolo, the harsh treatment and sufferings of his captivity being the cause of his death; and Father Juan de las Missas, [who perished] at the hands of the hostile Camucones; besides other fathers. I regard it as superfluous to expatiate further on this, or to attempt to spur on those who are running so gloriously. Therefore I conclude with the words, which the glorious bishop and martyr, St. Cyprian, wrote in a similar case in his epistle number 81, to Sergius Rogatianus and his companions: Saluto vos fratres charissimi [ac beatissimi] optans ipsse quoque conspectu vestro frui, si me ad vos pervenire loci condicio permiteret. Quid enim mihi optacius et lecius pocet [i.e., posset] accidere, quam nunc vovis inhærere? ... Sed quoniam qui [sc. huic] lætiçie interesse facultas non datur has pro me ad aures et [ad] oculos vestros vicarias literas mito, quibus glatulor pariter, et eshortor, ut yn comfessione selestis glorie fortes et estabiles perseberetis et ingressi viam Dominice dignacionis ad acipiendam coronam espirituali virtute pergatis.[10] Manila, February 1, 1635.

Juan de Bueras

[1] This raid spread fear and alarm throughout the Visayas; and the religious, especially the Jesuits, urged the governor (then Cerezo de Salamanca) to provide some defense against the pirates. Accordingly he ordered (although in the face of much opposition) the establishment of a fort and garrison at Zamboanga, Mindanao; and to aid in the expenses of this enterprise, a contribution of a ganta of rice from each tribute in the Visayas. (Combés says that this measure originated with the Jesuit Bueras.) This contribution was afterward extended to all the provinces, and was known as “the Zamboanga donation.” The fort at Zamboanga (begun June 23, 1635) was planned by the Jesuit Melchor de Vera, and built under his direction. See accounts given by Combés (Hist. Mindanao, col. 213–224), Murillo Velarde (Hist. Philipinas, fols. 76b–78a), and Montero y Vidal (Hist. Filipinas, pp. 190–192).

[2] “The seed is the blood of Christians.”

[3] A corruption of kasis (Vol. XVI, p. 134), or kázi, an appellation of Mahometan preachers.

[4] Part of the thirty-fifth verse. The quotation should end with eam. The English is: “And whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the gospel, shall save it.”

[5] Translated: “He that shall lose (his life), He says, for my sake. There is the whole cause. He that shall lose, not in any way whatsoever, not for any reason that you like; but: For my sake. In prophecy those other martyrs already said: For thy sake we are killed all the day long (Ps. xliii, 22). Not therefore is it the punishment, that makes a martyr, but the cause.” This is found in St. Augustine’s sermon In natali martyrium (“On the festival of martyrs”), cap. ii, sec. 2; it is Sermon 331, ed. Migne, Paris, 1841 and 1845—in older codices, “Sermon 100 de Diversis.”—T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[6] Translated: “If a robber should assault, or a wild beast attack, or hunger or thirst or cold afflict, one fleeing in the desert and mountains, or a storm or hurricane drown one making haste through the seas in precipitate navigation, Christ beholds in him His soldier, wherever he may be fighting; and He gives the reward to him who dies persecuted for the name of His honor, which He promised that He would give at the resurrection. Nor less is the glory of martyrdom, in having perished not in public, nor in the midst of a multitude, when the cause for which he dies is to lose his life for the sake of Christ. For the witnessing of martyrdom, it is enough that He was witness who approves and crowns the martyrs.”

[7] Théophile Raynaud was born November 15, 1587, at Sospello, in the county of Nice, and entered the Society of Jesus November 21, 1602. He taught grammar and the humanities at Avignon, philosophy for six years and theology for ten at Lyons, where he was also prefect of studies for two years. He lived for some years at Grenoble, Chambéry, and Rome, and passed the last thirteen years of his life at Lyons, where he died October 31, 1633. He was a most voluminous writer, but his style was poor. Some of his works have been printed, while others exist only in manuscript. He had planned to print them all together, but death hindered the project. The book referred to in the text is De Martyrio per pestem Ad martyrium improprium, et proprium vulgare comparato, Disqvisitio Theologica, Theophili Raynavdi Societatis Iesu Theologi .... (Lvgdvni, Sumpt. Iacobi Cardon, M.DCXXX.) See Sommervogel’s Bibliothèque.

[8] “In goodness and liberality.”

[9] A portion of St. Mark x, 30. The Latin of the entire passage is: Qui non accipiat centies tantum, nunc in tempore hoc: domos, et fratres, et sorores, et matres, et filios, et agros, cum persecutionibus, et in sæculo futuro vitam æternam. The English of the Douay version is: “Who shall not receive an hundred times as much, now in this time; houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with persecutions, and in the world to come life everlasting.”

[10] Translated: “I greet you, well-beloved and blessed brethren, yearning also myself for the joy of seeing you, if only the conditions of place would allow me to reach you. For what could be more to my wish and my joy than to be with you now? ... But because no opportunity now offers for this happiness of being present myself to your eyes and ears, I am sending this letter instead; whereby I equally felicitate and exhort you to stand strong and firm in your confession of the heavenly glory: and, having entered upon the way that the Lord has honored, to go forward in spiritual strength to receive the crown.” This is the “Letter of St. Cyprian to Sergius and Rogatianus, and other confessors in the Lord”—no. vi in Tauchnitz ed. (Lipsiæ, 1838).—T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.

Letter to Felipe IV from Father Andres del Sacramento

Sire:

Since I have passed thirty years in this province of the discalced Franciscans of San Gregorio of Filipinas, and, since I am a father of this province, I regard it as my obligation to advise your Majesty of its present condition; so that, since you are the one who sends the ministers at the cost of your royal treasury, you might apply the corrective that necessity demands. It is a fact that, although the said province has been established by the discalced religious, and always maintained in its first perfection by the religious sent it by the discalced provinces of España, among those who come some Observantines are generally found, under pretext of going to Japon—who, although they change the habit, do not change their inclination to their own observance. This mingling [of the two branches] is the cause of very great disquiet, because of the opposition that is sucked in there in the milk, as is apparent to your Majesty from many instances. Although the Observantines are so few that they do not number twenty, they make use of their favor with the commissaries-general, who generally appoint them as commissaries of visitation. In parts so remote and deprived of recourse [to superiors], they hold their will as law whenever they choose. For that reason we have always feared that the Observantines would deprive the discalced religious of this province; and that has been done by an Observantine commissary-visitor, who removed all the definitors and a great number of votes, by absolute authority and without sufficient cause. He did it for the sole purpose of succeeding in that design, which he accomplished; hence this province and its definitors are at present in the power of the Observantines. Since the fathers commissaries-general are Observantines, they naturally favor their own party. From that circumstance, serious and long-drawn-out litigation is promised, which your Majesty can prevent by ordering strictly that one or the other branch do not come. The discalced religious, as I said, established this province. They have furnished many martyrs to the church, and have toiled in the ministry with poverty, humility, and good example among Spaniards and Indians, as they relate and as your Majesty can inform yourself. You will also be informed of the manner in which the Observantine fathers administer in Megico; and you can select which [branch] you may please, and order that those religious who do not possess a testimonial from the discalced or from the Observantine provincials (according to which branch your Majesty selects) shall not embark at Cadiz. In case that Observantines are not to come, it is very necessary also to order strictly your viceroy of Mexico not to allow those who should not possess the said testimonials to embark at Acapulco; for, since the commissary-general is in Mexico, he will exert great activity in this respect in order to carry farther what has been commenced. For that purpose they are at present sending an Observantine religious. I beg your Majesty not to consider this as a matter of little moment, for on this one remedy alone depends the preservation of this province on its first foundation, the peace of the religious, the proper administration of the Indians, and the prevention of most serious scandals born from the said opposition and intermixture, of which this whole kingdom is witness.

In this letter it is seen that no favor or protection is requested from your Majesty for either myself or anyone else; but I only inform you, as our sovereign lord, so that you may remedy the injury that results from the aforesaid to the consciences of your vassals and in the administration of the Indians. Notwithstanding this, I beseech your Majesty, if you will be so pleased, to keep my name secret from the father commissary-general and the Observantines; for if they learn it, they will give me considerable trouble here. May Heaven prosper your life with the most fortunate successes, as we your Majesty’s most humble vassals and chaplains desire. [Nueva] Caceres, in the province of Camarines, June 2, 1635.

Your Majesty’s humble chaplain,

Fray Andres del Sacramento, father of this province of San Gregorio.

[Endorsed: “June 16, 638. Collect what may have been written on this matter, and bring it; and have the father commissary-general report whether Observantines go among the discalced fathers who are asked for. A report was asked from the commissary-general on the sixteenth of said month.”]

Letter from the Franciscan Commissary-General of the Indias

I have received two documents from your Grace, in regard to various matters, and I shall answer them in two others, so that your Grace may be pleased to read them to the gentlemen of that royal Council. In regard to one, I say that since the winter when I had certain advices from the province of San Gregorio of the Filipinas, and of which I informed the council, I have had no further news. That news was certain complaints of the provincial and definitors against the commissary who deprived them of certain things which he found in his visit, although he exceeded [his authority] in it. That case went to the commissary of Nueva España. According to what the discalced provincial of the Filipinas wrote me, who went to follow up the case, penalties were imposed upon the said commissary. Another was sent from the discalced province of San Diego, so that another chapter might be celebrated, and that province appeased. I hope in our Lord that it will be appeased and satisfied; but if not, I have written for them to send me all the documents and all decisions that shall have been rendered. Letters were also written to me then, and I was advised of the great injuries that the governor was causing to the religious. I neglected to inform his Majesty and that royal Council of this, as I considered it certain that, as it had been so public, the matter would have been communicated from there; and that, after having been weighed by those gentlemen, they would despatch orders to reform it.

Concerning the lawless act and the audacity of the friars in protecting and aiding the cleric Don Pedro Monroy, and their public censure of the governor, the Audiencia, and others in their sermons, with scandal, for which I feel due regret, although the things that occur there publicly, and the events that happen there, have been very extraordinary, yet the words of their sermons must be according to the statement of the holy Council of Trent: Que sint examinata et casta, eloquia ad edificationem[1]—words used by our father St. Francis, in his rules for preachers. If they are not so, then the word of God will not have the effect on its hearers that it had before the disturbance and scandal—a matter that has always seemed very wrong to me, and deserving blame and condemnation. That will happen on this occasion, for which, in due time, I shall send commission for an investigation and the punishment of the guilty; and [an account of] what shall be done shall be sent, so that I may present it to that royal Council, and it may be seen whether satisfaction has been made; for where that has not been done, I shall endeavor to secure it, as I strive to do in all things that arise. This is my response to the first document sent by your Grace. Given in this convent of St. Francis, in Madrid, June twenty-eight, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.

Fray Francisco de Ocaña,
commissary-general of the Indias.

[1] “Let them be of a considered and chaste eloquence, that they may be a cause for edification.”

Opinion of Council and Royal Decree Regarding the Request of the Jesuits of Manila for Alms for Their Residence

Sire:

By a decree of June first of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, your Majesty granted a concession to the residence of the Society of Jesus of the city of Manila, in the Philipinas Islands, of one thousand ducados in each of ten years, in unassigned Indians, or those who should first become such in the said islands, under the same terms with which your Majesty granted concession to the convent of the Order of St. Augustine in the islands for their buildings. The procurator-general of the said residence has now represented that, after the work was commenced, the church fell to the ground one night—leaving the house in ruins, and in so great danger that they were obliged immediately to borrow a temple for divine worship. For their building, and in order that they might be expeditious in it, and to build part of a house where the religious could be sheltered, it was necessary to raise a large sum of money by an assessment, which has rendered them very needy. It is the seminary for all the religious of the said Society who leave these kingdoms for the cultivation of the holy gospel in those provinces, where they equip themselves and learn the languages of the natives, in order to go out to teach them. It has a school where reading, writing, and Latin are taught, and the arts and theology, to Spaniards and natives; and six congregations—namely, of priests, laymen, students, Indians, and blacks—with great spiritual increase. It is the refuge for all the gospel ministers who fall sick, and who go thither for treatment, as there are no physicians in any other part. There they are treated, entertained, and supported with great charity, until they can return to continue their ministries. There are entertained all those who go by way of Eastern Yndia, when they go to Japon, China, Maluco, and other places. The said residence is very cramped, both in its house and its church, because of the great crowds that go there continually. For the relief of that condition, the order begs your Majesty that—considering the aforesaid, and that your Majesty has twice granted to the convent of St. Augustine in the said islands a bounty of twenty thousand ducados for their building—you will also give the said residence as an alms another ten thousand ducados, so that it may continue the said building, paying it to them in the tributes of Indians who may be unassigned. The matter having been examined in the Council, together with the letter which the royal Audiencia of the said islands wrote to your Majesty, July twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty—in which is mentioned the great necessity for a church which the religious of the residence experience because of the fall of theirs, and the evident danger in which they live, and the great results that they obtain in those parts—the count of Castillo, presiding officer of the said Council, Fernando de Villaseñor, the count of Umanes, and Don Bartolomé Morquecho were of the opinion that, in order to take a resolution in this matter, it is advisable that the governor, the Audiencia, and the archbishop of the said islands report on the condition of the work on the said residence, what is yet to be built, how much it will cost, and whether the said Society of Jesus has funds with which to build it.

Licentiate Don Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, Juan Prado, Juan de Solorzano, and Don Juan de Palafox think that, if your Majesty be so pleased, you can do them the favor of continuing to the said residence the sum as above stated which was given them (of one thousand ducados in each year, for ten years) for two years more—one thousand ducados in each of them to be paid from the said tributes of unassigned Indians, so that they may continue the said work. This should be with the qualification that the governor of the said islands see whether there is any other kind of property from which to pay those two thousand ducados, so that it may not be taken from the treasury of your Majesty, or from the said encomiendas of Indians—in order that the latter may remain free, with which to reward the soldiers who serve your Majesty in those districts with great toil and danger. Those two years of extension shall run from the day on which the ten years of the said grant are concluded, and in each one of those two years they shall not enjoy more than one thousand ducados. Will your Majesty order what is your royal pleasure. Madrid, [blank] of [blank], six hundred and thirty-five.

[The king, having seen the above opinions of his Council, despatched a decree to the president and auditors of the Manila Audiencia, which recites in identical terms throughout the matter preceding the opinion in the first paragraph above, and then continues:]

The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Yndias, together with the letter which you wrote me on July twenty-nine, six hundred and thirty, and they having conferred with me in respect to the many years during which I made the said concession to the said residence, and our ignorance at present of what had been done with that money, or into what it has been converted, and what still lacks to be built; and as it is in tributes of unassigned Indians, which are to be used as a reward for the soldiers who serve me in those islands with so great toil and danger, without there being any other thing with which to reward them: I command you, in order that our decision in this matter may be made with the knowledge that is advisable, to inform me on the first opportunity that offers of the condition of the work on the said residence, what is still to be built, and how much it will cost; and whether the said Society of Jesus has enough funds with which to build it, without our continuing the said concession and alms, as I have so many alms to grant, and things so greatly needing attention, on which account it is needful to retrench as much as possible. You shall send me the said report, together with your opinion, through the said my Council of the Yndias, so that, after they have examined it, the most advisable measures may be taken. Given in Madrid, July ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.

I the King
By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel Ocaña y Alarcon
Signed by the gentlemen of the Council.

Letter from Pedro de Arce to Felipe IV

Although my age is now so advanced, and I was very contented in my bishopric of the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus (which is commonly called Cebú), I was forced to leave my quiet because of the death of the archbishop of Manila, Don Fray Garcia Serrano, which happened more than six years ago, in order to come to govern this archbishopric of Manila during the period of its vacancy, as such was ordered by his Holiness Paul V, in a bull which he gave at the petition of your Majesty’s father (whom may holy Paradise keep!), providing that the senior bishop of Philipinas should come to govern the church at Manila for three vacancies in this metropolitan see. Thus the lot fell to me to come; and the urgency with which the governor and the Audiencia begged me to come gave me no room for excuses, or to represent my indispositions and advanced age.

During the time while I have been in this government, there has been great peace and harmony between the ecclesiastical and civil powers; and we have always endeavored to promote the cause of our Lord and the service of your Majesty, as we all are bound to do. I have not left the government until now, when the bulls of this archbishopric came for Don Fray Hernando Guerrero; for, although he had a decree from your Majesty, the bulls, as I say, had not arrived, and I was governing by a bull of his Holiness, with a decree from your Majesty. Having consulted in regard to it with erudite men, theologians and jurists, as to whether I could give up the government of the archbishopric to Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, all counseled me in the negative, and charged my conscience.

Finally, the Lord has been pleased to relieve me of that charge, and to leave me the old responsibility of my own failures; and, accordingly, I am returning thither with much pleasure and happiness, to finish my days among my people, aiding them in whatever I can; for they have suffered considerably during these years from the enemy from Mindanao and Jolo, who are very powerful, and who make extensive raids with their fleets—burning villages, firing churches, destroying images, and capturing many Indians. Especially last year did those enemies display themselves most insolently; whereupon Governor Don Juan Cerezo Salamanca was obliged to apply the only remedy which we believed there to be—namely, to construct a fort at Samboanga, in the land of Mindanao, which might serve as a check to both enemies.

That fort was commenced when Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera arrived to govern these islands. Hearing of the advisability of that work, he determined to forward it, for its benefit is great, and its cost to the royal treasury but slight; and even thus it is hoped that it will be of great advantage in a few years, for those enemies will be obliged to pay tribute to your Majesty—and, in fact, whole villages have already begun to enter your Majesty’s obedience. I hope that they will also enter the obedience of our Majesty [i.e., of God]. For that purpose, I have given and entrusted the spiritual affairs of those islands to the fathers of the Society, so that by their excellent method of procedure and their gentleness they may continue to attract and convert the natives, who are very numerous. Already have they set their hands to the labor, although the number of subjects that they have is few; because those of this order come but very seldom, and they have much to which to attend, and every day they have more. For I, for only the time during which I governed the archbishopric of Manila, have, in consideration of the welfare of the Indians and the devotion and efficient method of administration which those of the Society preserve among them in all parts, entrusted them with new posts. Both in the island of Negros and in that of Mindoro, besides the old Christians, they have three or four thousand heathen to whom to attend; and they are already baptizing these, in addition to the said heathen of Mindanao, who number many thousands.

Consequently, I petition your Majesty for two things: one that your Majesty be pleased to confirm them in the said mission of Mindanao, for the bishops have entrusted it to them alone for many years (as did I also), through expectation of great results in the conversion, by means of the said fathers of the Society of Jesus; the other, that your Majesty send a goodly reënforcement of the subjects of that order, so that they may attend to everything. I think a good reënforcement would be about forty, if most of them are priests, who can immediately begin to instruct.

May our Lord preserve the royal person of your Majesty, as all kingdoms need, and as I, the least of your Majesty’s chaplains, beg in my sacrifices and prayers. Manila, October seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.

Fray Pedro,
Bishop of Santisimo Nombre de Jhesus.

Documents of 1636

Sources: All but three of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second is from the “Cedulario Indico” of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; the fourth, from Diaz’s Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas; the fifth, from a MS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: All but one of these documents are translated by James A. Robertson; the last is by Robert W. Haight.

Discussion Regarding Portuguese Trade at Manila

Copy of seventeen articles which Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of the distinguished and loyal city of Manila, proposed to the municipal council [ayuntamiento] of that city, in which he represents the injuries and troubles which follow and have been experienced from the Portuguese of Macan continuing the trade which they have begun to introduce in that city [of Manila]. These articles were presented to Don Juan Niño de Tavora, and afterward to Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, governor of those islands—who, having examined them, wrote his opinion to his Majesty, and how advisable it was to suppress the trade of Macan with the said city of Manila, as is apparent by the said letter.

Captain Joseph de Navada Alvarado, regidor of this city of Manila, represented in this city council that, as was public and well known, from the year six hundred and nineteen until the present of thirty-two, the Portuguese inhabitants of Macan have come to this city in various vessels, without fail in all the years above mentioned, laden with Chinese merchandise, in order to sell it here; and that, with their said coming, it seems that they have obtained possession of this trade, which is so strictly prohibited by various royal decrees. On account of that trade they have waxed rich, while the inhabitants of this community now find themselves in their so wretched present condition, by the great sales which have been generally made to them; and because with the said trade that which the Sangleys had by coming yearly to this said city, with the greatest abundance of goods, has ceased. It appears that necessity has always obliged them to have to buy from the said Portuguese. Notwithstanding that the prices have usually been very high, the profit which the inhabitants of this said city have made in Nueva España has been very slight; and at times it has been little more than the prime cost of the goods here, besides the heavy expenses and duties which they carry, both in these islands and in the said Nueva España. For that reason, he feels that it is very advisable for the preservation of the said inhabitants and of this community that the said trade of the Portuguese cease, and that they be ordered not to come to this city; for this is permitted by the royal will, under the penalties expressed in the said decrees in which he orders it, to which we refer, since there are so many and so fundamental reasons as the following.

The first, that the said Portuguese of Macan having tried in years past to open this trade, and having come to this city with merchandise to sell it there, this city council, seeing the damage that might grow from it (which is the damage bewailed today), opposed the said coming, and made various decisions in regard to demanding that the royal will be observed, and that the Portuguese be ordered not to return to this city. And in fact they did not come for the time being, or for many years after, until the said year of six hundred and nineteen—[since] when, not encountering the resistance which had been formerly made, they have continued the said trade, as aforesaid.

The second, for proof of the aforesaid, is that, as is notorious, the amounts of capital [invested by] the inhabitants of these islands were very great in the first years of the coming of the said ships from Macan; but with the high prices which the Portuguese have always set upon their merchandise, and (as aforesaid) because the citizens have bought from them more by force than willingly, by reason of the lack of the goods which the Chinese brought formerly, for that reason the said investments of capital have stopped, and are so greatly diminished as has been, and is seen in general; because the gains have been very slight compared with the profits that have been made in Nueva España, considering the high prices that they demand here, as has been previously stated.

The third point which ought to be considered is, that the customs duties on the merchandise brought by the Chinese to this city were worth to his Majesty from eighty to one hundred thousand pesos annually; while those on the merchandise of the ships which have come from Macan have not been worth more than twenty thousand pesos in any one year, and it is considered as certain that some years the duties have not exceeded twelve thousand. In regard to this truth, as a point so worthy of consideration—and of which this city council ought to take so much notice, as it is the body whom the increase of the royal revenues to their possible extent concerns so fully—we refer to what shall appear from the amounts of the said duties which the Sangleys now for twenty years have put into the royal treasury, and to those which the Portuguese have put in from the year six hundred and nineteen, the goods which they have generally brought being valued at about one million and a half, defrauding to a greater sum the said import and export duties so rightfully due his Majesty.

The fourth matter that must be considered for the greater proof of the aforesaid statement is, the quickness of the voyage from the said city of Macan to this of Manila, since it can be made in twelve days or a fortnight (or in one week, as has already happened), and the short time that they spend in this city selling their goods. Those were causes which could ensure the success of the contract which the citizens of this city have offered to make with them, several years—namely, to give them forty per cent clear profit upon the first cost which they [i.e., the Portuguese] had invested. But as the Portuguese have always beheld themselves powerful and masters of the said trade, they have always refused to accept it—from which one can infer the great gains which they have made and are making in the trade, since, in short, more than sixty per cent [profit] has now to be given for everything. That is a hardship which sufficiently accounts for the present condition of the inhabitants of this city who are afflicted with the many troubles which attend them by reason of the said diminution of their wealth; and for the total ruin of others, who see themselves dispossessed of what they had. For that reason they make no further investments, because they have not the wherewithal.

Fifth, it ought to be considered how long and dangerous is the voyage from these islands to the said Nueva España, and the heavy costs and expenses caused by the investments; while the returns for what is sent from here are not received even if good fortune attend them, except at the end of two years, and sometimes more.

Sixth, that with the coming of the said Portuguese and ships from the city of Macan to this of Manila, the commerce and trade which the Sangley merchants of China usually carried on every year with this city has ceased, because of the keen intelligence which the Portuguese have employed in preventing it. That they have succeeded in doing, entirely by means of a very astute plan which they have followed, by taking to the annual fairs which are usually held at Canton so many thousands of pesos to invest and to bring to this city, as, in short, has already been said. In that way the Chinese sell them all that they want, at a profit of twenty-five or thirty per cent. That arrangement is so agreeable to the Sangleys, with the said profit in their own land and without trouble, that they have ceased to come to this city as they did formerly, risking the capital which they brought hither. This has been aided greatly by the Portuguese persuading the said Sangleys that the wealth of the inhabitants of this city is very nigh gone, and to so great an extent that they cannot find an outlet even for all the goods which they bring; and that, for that reason, they give trust for the greater part of it—a thing that has never happened, nor been done, for they have always received money, and the value for everything that they have sold. To that is added also that the said Portuguese have been wont to frighten the said Sangley traders by telling them of the danger that they will experience in their coming because of the Dutch pirates and the fleets of bancons[1] with which some of the Chinese nation themselves go about committing depredations along those coasts. At the same time they have represented to the Chinese the heavy dues that they pay here, and the injuries that are inflicted upon them in this city, notwithstanding that they have [not] known that the Chinese have any complaint of this. All is with the purpose of turning them from any design that they have had of coming to this city with merchandise; for they fear that if the Chinese did so it would result in impairing their trade[2] and discrediting that which the said Portuguese hold so firmly.

The seventh is in regard to the Chinese merchants who refuse to sell their goods in Canton to the said Portuguese of Macan, saying that they prefer to bring them at their own cost and risk to this city in their champans to sell them to the inhabitants of this city, and to enjoy in their entirety the profits and gain which they can thereby get. In order to dissuade these men from that purpose and resolve which they have had, the said Portuguese have offered (as many Chinese merchants who have come to this city this present year have said) for the sake of peace to bring the goods of the said Sangleys to this city at their own account and risk in order to sell them here—as they could do, if they should carry them—making a contract, by which for their administration [of this business] they were to get five per cent. That has been seen now for two years, during which they brought in this way more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos on account of Sangley merchants of Canton. They also take the funds of the Chinese to make a return at so much per cent, and bring it to this city, so that the Sangleys may not come here with the said goods. That is a well known fact, and has been learned from some of the Portuguese of Macan themselves. The said Portuguese make those efforts in order to have the monopoly for themselves of the merchandise brought to this city from the kingdom of China, and so that all might pass through their hands; since, in whatever form the aforesaid goods are brought, the Portuguese prove to be so interested, and, for the same reason, as has already been stated, the inhabitants of this city come to be so despoiled of their wealth. No less [injury] is possible, except that, if the said trade is not suppressed, they will finish by losing the little that they have within very few years.

The eighth. In regard to the aforesaid, we must consider that the said Portuguese of Macan have always refused to agree by way of pancada on a general price, although the said pancada is so usual among them in all parts where they buy and sell. During one of the last few years, having agreed to the said pancada, and in order to begin it having appointed a person both on their part and on that of this city, when the prices were set those of Macan refused to accept them, as they were not so high as they wished. For always with the consideration of having a port to leeward (which is that some of the said Portuguese remain in this city to sell their goods which they have left over, in which no opposition has been shown them, either, although it is so much to the prejudice of the common welfare of this city), they become obstinate in whatever they desire—those who spend the winter making a monopoly of their merchandise that is left over, selling it at very high prices to the inhabitants who need it, and selling some to the Sangleys of the Parián. The latter afterward retail such merchandise to all manner of persons, doing that in the course of the year with some gain.

The ninth point, and one which ought to be carefully considered, is, that besides some of the Portuguese remaining in this city who come from the city of Macan with the said merchandise, with the intent and for the causes stated in the above article, they accomplish their ends in another way, no less injurious to this community—namely, that some of them have sent a very heavy export of their merchandise in the ships despatched to Nueva España, although that is so stringently prohibited by decrees and orders of his Majesty. Taking advantage of the said opportunity, they sent it by the hands and under the names of persons of this city, who have protected and are protecting them. Although this city, on account of the notice given to it of this conduct, has made all possible efforts to prevent so harmful a proceeding—having even requested and received letters of excommunication, which have been read and published in the churches—yet it has not been learned that these have been sufficient to prevent it. This is verified by the unlading of the flagship “Santa Maria Magdalena,” which was despatched from the port of Cavite in these islands in the first part of August of the past year, six hundred and thirty-one, for Nueva España, but whose voyage did not take place, because of the disaster that happened. Through that mishap it became known what the Portuguese of Macan had embarked in it, as can be related by Captain Andres Lopez de Azaldiqui, depositary-general of this court, who was present at the discharge of cargo with a commission from this city council.

The tenth is, that what the ships bring from Macan is only silks, in bundles and in fabrics. If they have brought any cotton cloth needed by the poor, each piece of cloth has been sold at three or three and one-half pesos. The same price is received for one cate of sewing thread, and a dish of average quality sells for one real; and notwithstanding that they bring but little of this for the supply of this community, they have always sold the said articles at the prices quoted, because of reducing the cargo of the said ships to the said silks and stuffs, on account of the profits arising from such freights. The ships give little or no place for the lading of cotton cloth and other wares needed so badly by the poor, because of their volume and of the little profit made from such cargoes. Such things are also needed by those who are not poor; and even a single ship of those usually brought by the Sangleys from China to this city fills the land with the said common goods, which are so necessary, as can be understood; and the poor are supplied with these by the convenience of their prices, which are very low. They are still lower when a number of ships come, as was formerly the case. That is verified by the few which have come with the said goods for some years past, so that these articles have been valued at prices so low as the fourth part, and less, of the prices at which they have been sold by the said Portuguese, as has been stated.

The eleventh is, that it would not have been any trouble for the Chinese to come to engage in this trade with a quantity of goods—as they did before the Portuguese represented to them the dangers of enemies or the other things aforesaid—if the trade of Macan had been suppressed. For the greed of gain, which they are so well known to possess, would have conquered everything, and they would come here; since an outlet for the merchandise in which they trade in China must be sought beneath the water. If the Chinese can know for only one year that no ships have come from Macan to this city, it is certain that they will come, and that beyond all doubt. Also the reëstablishment of the trade of the said Chinese will be effected; and, since there will be great abundance in the goods which they trade, the customs duties will amount to the sums which I have already stated. Consequently, there will be a stop put to the loans, so numerous and usual, that we are wont to require every year from the inhabitants in order to supply the needs of the royal treasury; or at least the loans will not be so large, since the said duties will be able to supply much.

The twelfth is that, as is well known, in the merchandise brought by the Portuguese from the city of Macan to this of Manila, there are no articles that can, with known reason, have an outlet with profits or even without profits, in any other part, because of this—namely, that what they take to Japon is only raw silk, which they call of the first value, and the cream of that of China, whose products they bring here. No other thing is used in Japon; and the skins which they also carry, besides being in small quantity, are but little used by the Japanese, according to their customs; so that all the rest which the inhabitants of Macan buy is for conveyance to this city. If they do not come here with it, then, it is certain that they will not buy it. Consequently, the Chinese will come with it, for it is their trade, and they have to procure an outlet and profit for their merchandise.

The thirteenth is that the efforts exerted by the said Portuguese of Macan in preventing the commerce of the Chinese have been by as many roads of state as they have been able to attempt. This came to such a pass that a ship returning from this city to that of Macan, whence it had come with merchandise, with some Portuguese aboard it, while coasting along the Ilocan shore some two years ago, sighted two ships of the Sangleys, which were coming from China laden with merchandise to this city. The said ship from Macan attacked them while passing, and chased them, the while discharging its artillery, with the intention of pillaging and sinking them, and preventing their coming here. By the strenuous efforts that they made, the Chinese escaped from their hands, although they received great damage from the artillery. Through the delay that they suffered in these perils, their arrival here was postponed, and having entered the bay during a terrible storm, one ship was wrecked in the neighborhood of Parañaque, and the other in sight of the walls [of Manila]. Consequently, the Sangleys lost their goods, and were in danger of losing their lives. As soon as they entered this city they gave notice of that injury, and this city council having seen the reason of it, voted that an investigation should be made of the aforesaid affair, and that it be done by Licentiate Nicolas Antonio de Omaña, as he was alcalde-in-ordinary of the city. He began to make an investigation, but ceased because the governor said that it belonged to the jurisdiction of the war department. Thereupon the Sangleys—seeing that they would not obtain the justice which they desired in respect to the said investigation; and that the said Portuguese returned to this city, because they did not continue their voyage, on account of the wreck of the said ship in which they were going along the said coast of Ilocos—had recourse to the royal Audiencia of these islands, where they filed a complaint against the Portuguese who was leader of the said ship, and the others. From the papers which were drawn up, it resulted that the said Audiencia ordered the said Portuguese who was commander of the said ship to be arrested. That was done, and the latter was a prisoner for many days in the houses of the city council, until at the end of some time he was freed, without any one knowing in what condition the said case remained.

The fourteenth is, the long experience that we have of the injuries that have been committed on the Castilians who have gone from this city to the said city of Macan in the Portuguese ships, with some money which they have taken to invest and with which to pay their passage and the freight on their investments. Having reached the said city of Macan they are arrested, and the said money is sequestered. Some who have escaped this harsh treatment have taken refuge in churches, and have at last embarked, fortunate to be at liberty with their money, in order to return to this city. Having gone through those kingdoms and experienced the delay of the long time during which they have been suffering this molestation, and the others who, as aforesaid, have escaped it by availing themselves of the said churches, these have employed their capital in buying the merchandise of the Portuguese of that city—and always at so high prices that, from one hand to another, the Portuguese gain twenty-five or thirty per cent with our people. For no lesser rate was open to the latter, in order to redeem themselves from the injury inflicted on them, of little or no liberty; while the Portuguese have so much freedom in this said city, as has been and is seen, as I have already stated. Consequently, what our people have brought from that city has always been too dear, by reason of the aforesaid profit which the said Portuguese have made of it. They, not content with this, have (as is well known also), whenever opportunity has arisen to send any ship of his Majesty from this city to bring back at his royal account military supplies for the provision of the royal magazines, refused to let these be bought by the hands of those who have the matter in charge, but [insist that it be] by those of inhabitants of Macan. Thus they make use of what goods they have, and sell them at the prices which they choose. That has always resulted in great loss to the royal treasury, which is sufficiently notorious, because it has been said openly by all who have gone from here for that purpose. Such comment has not been less, even though many citizens of this city are so patiently enduring such injustice; for, these having delivered their goods to the said Portuguese that they might take them hence to the said city of Macan and invest them, and bring them back or send them the proceeds, the Portuguese have kept the goods, and have not thus far made any return to our people. For that reason those who sent the goods have been completely ruined by such great losses, which in their total amount to a very large sum. With that, and with all the profits and gains aforesaid, those of Macan are today known to be very powerful, and to have great wealth—although they had no considerable wealth in the said year of six hundred and nineteen, when they began to come here to avail themselves of the said trade.

The fifteenth is, that if the trade of the said Portuguese ceases, there can be no doubt that the Sangleys will come in their ships from China, laden with merchandise, in order to sell it in this city. And even should this not be to the number of those who formerly came, nor with so great an amount of goods during these first years, yet with the few that do come with valuable goods, and with those which can come from the island of Hermosa, and the wax which is obtained in these islands, there will be enough goods to complete the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos which his Majesty allows the inhabitants of this archipelago to trade with the said Nueva España—and even to exceed that amount, in general, according to the scarcity of wealth that they have today. The great investments which are made today through the hands of agents who are here—who have the money of certain citizens of Mexico in large quantities, many thousands of pesos, with which they disturb the trade and commerce of our citizens—will be prevented. For, as these men who have the agencies enjoy an interest of ten per cent of what they thus invest by their own authority (even though it be bought very dear), they will not consider the removal of obstacles in the prices of the merchandise—making them exceptions to the general loss of all this community; for the Portuguese have continued their sales at the same prices, without its having been possible to apply the corrective which so great an injury demands. If that loss cease, our citizens alone will enjoy the said investments, complying therein with his Majesty’s will, and will make them at favorable prices, whereby considerable profit will accrue to them. For this they will share the merchandise which will come, both from China and from the island of Hermosa and other places, in accordance with their means. From it will also result another advantage with the coming of the said vessels from China, to the citizens who have possessions in the Parián, who will thus have someone to occupy those possessions. The limited time during which the said Sangleys are wont to remain here will be worth more to those citizens than the rent and payment for their property which they now usually obtain for all the year. With that income the tax which they ought to pay for the arable land in the said possessions, at the [current] values of this city, will not be so long delayed, and will be paid with greater ease, promptness, and willingness than is done now; for, as is well known to this city council, about eight thousand pesos are owing to the said public property for the said reason, according to the accounts that have been rendered by Juan de Arguelles and Juan Lopez de Andoin.

The sixteenth is for an argument that, if the trade of the Portuguese of Macan cease, the said [Chinese] will have to conduct the trade as they did before in the said merchandise, because they will have no other outlet for it, except in this city. This is proved because in the revolts of the Sangleys here, in the first part of October of the former year six hundred and two [sic], more than twenty thousand Sangleys having been killed and their possessions ruined—of which advices were taken to China by more than ten of their ships which escaped and carried the news—nevertheless, by May of the year following the same ships came to this city, in the number and with the amounts of goods with which they had come in the years preceding. They continued that in the following years, as if the aforesaid punishment had been a benefit to them. They did that for the reason above mentioned, of not having any other outlet for the said merchandise in which they traded.

The seventeenth is that, as is well known, as soon as the Portuguese of Macan knew of the post which we took in the island of Hermosa, they tried to obstruct that trade, by sending a religious of their nation to one of the commercial ports of China, in order that he might direct those Chinese not to take any merchandise to the said island. They have persisted and are still persisting in those efforts.

In regard to all the above, as a matter so important, and on which depends the conservation of this community, and so that the citizens of it may retrieve their losses, he petitions that discussion be held, and that this proposition be set down in the record-book; that a decision be reached, and a vote taken in regard to all that ought to be petitioned; and that the royal decrees which treat of all the said matter be observed. Having read and understood it de verbo ad verbum, it was voted that the said proposition be enrolled in the record-book of this cabildo, and that it should be discussed and voted upon. That having been done, in consideration of the fact that the arguments which it contains are so notorious and so well known in this city and by its inhabitants, Manila unanimously and as one man has resolved to inform his Lordship, the governor, of the said proposition; that for its accomplishment all the steps that shall seem to be advisable shall be taken, by writing, until the said effect is obtained—with the consent and advice of the counselor of this city; that the procurator-general of the city attend to all the above, and that they appoint as commissaries those deputed to inform the governor. Thereupon, Captain Diego Diaz, regidor of this city, voted, and said that his opinion is that this affair is one of great importance; and that it seems right to discuss and treat of it with the inhabitants of the community, who are the ones interested. This is his vote and opinion. The governor is requested to be pleased to give permission for the holding of an open cabildo, so that those interested, as they are the ones whom it concerns so greatly, may declare therein the resolution that ought to be taken in this matter. For if the suspension of the coming of the goods from Macan were to happen in any other way, and at the same time those of China should not come, the people would generally complain; and in order that they may not do that, let them be participants in the resolution that shall be taken. In such condition was this vote, and all signed it.

Copy of a section of a letter written to his Majesty, August 14, 1633, by the governor of Filipinas

The trade of Great China also has declined, inasmuch as the Portuguese of Macan have become masters of it, as they are so near; and as they are admitted here, contrary to all good government, they retail the products which the said Chinese formerly brought direct. That causes a great scarcity in these provinces, all of which results in our loss, and in the gain of China, because of the great advance in price over the [former] cheapness—[an excess], moreover, which they carry to their own land. The relief that I believe can be had, although some privation may be felt in the beginning, is that your Majesty prohibit the trade of Macan with Manila, and decree that Portuguese be not admitted into this government. Besides having the above result, your Majesty’s duties will increase; and the commerce of China with the island of Hermosa can be established by this route, and become of importance to your Majesty, although up to the present it has been only an expense. [Decree of the Council: “Collect the papers treating of this matter and the chart of the island of Hermosa; and together with this section take it all to the fiscal, and bring it to the Council with what he shall say. November 25, 1634.”]

[Note: “The fiscal declares that he regards it as very unadvisable to make any innovation for the present, and that the trade now possessed by the Portuguese should be not prohibited; for, since the said trade is permitted to the Sangleys and other foreign nations, who are not vassals of his Majesty, it is not right to prohibit it to the Portuguese; and because if the said trade is prohibited to the Portuguese, the Dutch and other rebels to this crown might seize that site and the trade. Moreover, the advantages which the governor represents as the consequence are not sure but contingent; and the increase which he mentions might not happen, and could not afterward be made up if the Portuguese abandoned that site and that trade ceased. Madrid, December 6, 1635.”]

[Endorsed: “In regard to the affairs of the island of Hermosa and the Portuguese. Refer it to the fiscal. April 15, 636.” “Let account be given so that those decrees may be carried out which were given in order that foreigners might not trade or traffic in the Filipinas Islands—taking note that the Portuguese are included among foreigners, and that the Chinese and Sangleys can trade and traffic as hitherto. In regard to the expulsion thence of the Portuguese who are not living there by the express license of his Majesty, he shall expel them, unless the governor and Audiencia consider that it is not advisable; of which it may be necessary to present information to the Council.”]

Copies of the decrees which were despatched to the governor and Audiencia of Filipinas, and the fiscal and royal officials of them, in regard to the trade which the Portuguese of Macan have introduced into Manila.

The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Philipinas Islands: Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city, has informed me that the Portuguese people who live in Eastern India have attempted to trade and traffic with those islands, thus hindering the Sangleys from going to sell their merchandise in that city; and that this intercourse was already established, in violation of the orders and decrees issued, to the very great damage and prejudice of my royal revenues and the good government of the islands. He petitioned me to be pleased to have a speedy and effective remedy applied in a matter of so great importance and weight. My royal Council of the Indias having examined all the papers which were presented in this matter, together with what my fiscal said and alleged regarding it, I have considered it fitting to send you a copy of them, so that you may see them. If the report that has been made of this seems to you correct, you shall immediately attend to the remedy for this damage; and I order my fiscal of that my royal Audiencia, by another decree, to prosecute that case and to plead whatever he judges suitable for the advantage and increase of my royal treasury, and the observance of the orders and decrees issued, since that pertains to him by reason of his office. Of all that you shall enact and that you shall continue to do in this matter, you shall advise me. Given in Madrid, November ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon

[A decree of the same date and of like tenor, addressed to the fiscal of the Manila Audiencia, Juan de Quesada Vitado y Mendoça, follows, in which he is ordered to prosecute the case. A decree of the same date is also addressed to the royal officials; which, after the same general statement at the beginning, continues: “And although I order that Audiencia by another of my decrees of equal date with this to attend to the remedy of this damage, and the fiscal to plead in prosecution what he sees to be necessary, I have thought it best to advise you of it, so that after you have understood it, if you are sure that there is fraud in the collection and administration of my royal duties, you also shall plead what you consider to be advisable, since you see what is your obligation by virtue of your office. And of what you shall hear, and what shall be done, you shall keep me advised.”]

Sire:

Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the noble and loyal city of Manila, metropolis and capital of the Philipinas Islands, declares that the past year he represented to your Majesty the great damages and injuries which the inhabitants of that city are experiencing from the Portuguese of Macan having introduced the custom of going to buy their merchandise at the fair of Canton in China, and bringing the same to the city of Manila to retail it—where they make a monopoly of it, without the inhabitants [of Manila] being able to make any profit, such as they had before when the Chinese came to the said city to sell their merchandise. The latter, besides selling the merchandise for very suitable prices, gave credit for them until they came back again. Without spending money, the inhabitants then were benefited, and sent the said merchandise to Nueva España, and made very great profits on it. All this has ceased with the coming of the Portuguese, who not only give no credit, but sell the merchandise for excessive prices. If they do not receive the pay that they wish for the goods, they send them to Mexico at their own account. As they are settled in Manila, they keep the merchandise from one year to another. The Sangleys did not do that; for, in order to be able to return, they sold the goods at very suitable prices, or gave credit for them, by which the inhabitants made considerable profits. As that profit has ceased, they are becoming very poor, and have no capital, and there is no help for it. What they gained the Portuguese now gain; and the latter withdraw thrice as much money from Manila as the Sangleys did. The latter exchanged a great part of their merchandise for products of the country, which the Portuguese do not do, but take away the money in bars and reals. And although they allege in their favor, in order to continue the trade, that they are vassals of his Majesty, and that it is right for them to trade and traffic in Manila as in Castilla and in other parts of España, the fact is excluded that the inhabitants of that city have conquered those islands and shed their blood in that conquest, and always have arms in their hands for their defense. It is right that they alone should have this advantage (as your Majesty orders by the many decrees which have been despatched in regard to this), and not the Portuguese, who have and have always had places to trade and traffic in Portuguese India, Japon, China, and many other parts. It is not right to snatch the bread from the hands of the inhabitants of Manila, who have no other trade or means of gain save that in the merchandise of China. If relief is not given in this very quickly, all the commerce of that city will be destroyed, and it is now so fallen for this reason. Besides, it is prohibited to the inhabitants of those islands by decrees, and in particular by one of the year 593, to go to the Canton fair or to China, as the Portuguese go to buy. It is also prohibited by many decrees for any Portuguese, notwithstanding that they are vassals of your Majesty, to trade or traffic in the provinces of the Indias without special permission. This same thing must be observed in Manila, just as it is observed in Nueva España and Piru.

Certain reasons that were presented having been examined in the royal Council of the Indias, it was ordered by a decree despatched November ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, to send all the papers which were presented in behalf of that city to the governor and Audiencia of Manila; and commission was given to them so that, after examination of the documents by the fiscal and the royal officials (to whom a decree of like tenor was sent), they might apply in this matter such remedy as they deemed most advisable, and as a matter so important for the preservation of those islands demands.

King Don Felipe Second, having considered and foreseen the many difficulties [involved in decreeing] that no one of his vassals go to China to buy merchandise from the Chinese, ordered the said decree to be despatched January eleven, of the said year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three (a copy of which is here presented), by which he ordered Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor of Manila, not to allow any inhabitants of those islands to go to China to buy merchandise from the Chinese; but to have the latter come to that city to sell them, at their own risk. That decree was enforced until the year one thousand six hundred and six; but it is now violated because the Portuguese have crossed over, contrary to the order of the said decree. They go to China, which is the act prohibited in the decree; and not only do they cause that damage, but they also deprive the inhabitants [of Manila] of the benefit which they had of receiving on credit the merchandise from the Chinese who go to that city. Further, they bought the goods at very low prices, since, in accordance with the terms of the said decree, the governor and the city set the prices for the merchandise, which was a thing of great importance. And in order that the Chinese might return to Manila, and the inhabitants enjoy the profits and accommodations of former times, and the terms of the said decree of 593 might be obeyed, in which all the trouble that happens now was anticipated; and for confirmation of the above statement, and so that your Majesty may see that not only do the inhabitants of that city suffer damage because the Portuguese go to it with Chinese merchandise, but that your Majesty also loses vast sums of which the royal duties are defrauded: will you be pleased to order the certification which the writer presents, from the accountant of the official visit to be examined. From this, it is apparent that during the last thirteen years while the Sangleys had the trade in that city—from the year one thousand six hundred and six until that of one thousand six hundred and eighteen—they paid in duties to your Majesty, 574,627 pesos and six tomins; and that in another thirteen years while the said Portuguese of Macan have had the said trade, they have paid only 90,041 pesos. Figuring one period against the other, the royal treasury has had a shortage of 483,986 pesos and four tomins, a considerable quantity in only thirteen years. And, in order that this truth may be apparent to your Majesty, the writer presents the said certification of the annual amounts of the said duties, for both the thirteen years of the Portuguese and the thirteen of the Chinese.

[He also invites] consideration of the fact that the purpose of the said royal decree of 593 is subverted and violated by the commerce which the Portuguese of Macan carry on in China in order to take the merchandise by way of retail to the said city of Manila; for the said purpose declared in the said royal decree is that the said merchandise of China shall enter into the said Manila through the hands of the said Chinese, and at their own account and risk, as the said decree says, without any other persons being authorized to meddle in it at all, or any merchants save the said Chinese. Thus the said violation is manifest, since the said Portuguese are the ones who carry and deliver the merchandise in the said city, by means of the said commerce which they have in China. Without that it would be impossible to take them to Manila, or to violate the said royal decree. Since they are not deserving of greater favor or benefit than the inhabitants of the said city—in whom concur so many merits and services, as is well known, and to whom the said commerce is denied by the said decree of 593—nor is there any cause or reason why the said Portuguese, who can not urge the said services, and who only think of the said retailing of goods and of their own interest and greed, should be permitted to trade; he petitions and beseeches your Majesty to be pleased to have a second decree of like tenor to that of the year 593 issued, so that it may be observed and obeyed exactly, as is stated therein. In it also should be included the case above mentioned, or it should be ordered anew that the said Portuguese shall not conduct or continue the said commerce in the said city—at least making it an offense to carry to Manila the said merchandise for which they trade in China, imposing therefor heavy penalties of confiscation, and others more severe in case of violation. By this the royal treasury will receive great benefit and increase, and avoid the so considerable injury and loss that has been set forth; and the said city and its inhabitants will receive an especial favor and grace, as is hoped from the greatness and the royal authority of your Majesty.

Further, he besought your Majesty to have filed with this memorial the letters which were in the secretary’s office, written by the governor and Audiencia in regard to what is represented in the memorial; so that after the whole has been examined, the decision most fitting to the service of your Majesty and the preservation of those islands may be made. And that the great troubles that follow from the aforesaid may be seen, he petitions that an examination he ordered to be made of the memorial of seventeen articles which was presented by Jusepe de Naveda, regidor of that city.

Decree of our sovereign King Don Felipe Second, by which it is prohibited that any one go to China to buy merchandise from the Chinese; but the latter must go to the city of Manila to carry them, and sell them at their own cost and risk—in which decree are to be included the Portuguese of Macan.

The King. To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands, and any other person who shall hereafter serve in the said office: know that I have been informed that many persons of those islands are going to Macan and other ports of China to trade and traffic with the Chinese for the profit that results from it. From that result higher prices for the merchandise, and other notable inconveniences. And as it is fitting that a remedy be applied in this matter, I have determined to prohibit and to order—as I do by this present prohibit, forbid, and order—that no person, now and henceforth, shall trade or traffic in any part of China; nor shall any merchandise, on account of the merchants of the said islands, be carried or permitted to be carried from that kingdom to the islands, unless the Chinese themselves, at their own account and risk, shall carry it to the said islands, and sell it therein by wholesale. For this, you, together with the city council of the city of Manila, shall appoint each two or three persons whom you shall consider most suitable to value and appraise the said merchandise. They shall take it at wholesale from the Chinese, paying them the amount for the goods; and afterward it shall be divided among all the citizens and natives of the islands at that price, in accordance with their wealth, so that all may share the profit which results from this trade. You shall order that the said persons thus appointed keep a book, in which shall be entered the amount of money which is invested each time, and the price at which each kind of merchandise is appraised; among what persons it is divided; and the quantity that falls to each one’s share. And I charge you straitly to have especial care to ascertain in what manner the persons deputed for that purpose exercise that commission. You shall not permit those who have held it one year to be chosen for it the following year. You shall send me a relation of all the aforesaid, signed by them, and another to the viceroy of Nueva España. And I order you, and also all other justices and judges, to observe and obey, and cause to be observed and obeyed, and executed to the letter, the contents of this our decree; for thus it is fitting for my service. Given in Madrid, January eleven, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign.

Juan de Ybarra

[Endorsed: “December 19, 635. Have these papers collected; bring what is provided.” “Have all these papers taken to the fiscal. In the Council, January 16, 636.” “The fiscal asks that this decree be brought authorized by the secretary, so that he may answer and petition what he shall believe to be expedient. Madrid, January 19, 1636.” “The fiscal says that the decree of which a reissue is requested does not touch upon the case for which it is now requested; and that he considers as a rigorous measure that what is therein permitted to the Chinese should not be permitted to the Portuguese, who are his Majesty’s vassals—they having occupied that port of Macan, as he understands, after the said decree was issued. Madrid, January 22, 1636.”]

Customs duties collected at Manila on Chinese merchandise

In thirteen years while the Sangleys had control of the trade of Chinese merchandise—namely, from that of 1606 to that of 1618—they paid in duties to his Majesty, according to the certification of the accountant for the official visit, 574,627 pesos, 6 tomins. In another thirteen years while the Portuguese of Macan have controlled the said trade, they have paid only 90,641 pesos, 2 tomins. Consequently, comparing the one time with the other, there is, as he has informed his Majesty, a shortage of 483,986 pesos, 4 tomins, in his royal treasury.

This account is presented in detail in the following manner:

Year of 1606 32,113 pesos, 3 tomins, 3 granos.
Year of 1607 and 1608 75,462 pesos, 0 tomins, 4 granos.
Year of 1609 and 1610 131,341 pesos, 4 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1611 26,053 pesos, 0 tomins, 7 granos.
Year of 1612 95,639 pesos, 2 tomins, 8 granos.
Year of 1613 69,427 pesos, 7 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1614 36,105 pesos, 2 tomins, 6 granos.
Year of 1615 41,558 pesos, 1 tomin, 1 grano.
Year of 1616 23,377 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos.
Year of 1617 37,179 pesos, 5 tomins, 5 granos.
Year of 1618 5,770 pesos, 0 tomins, 0 granos.
574,627 pesos, 6 tomins, 10 granos.

Duties which the Portuguese of Macan have paid on the merchandise of China in the thirteen years from that of 1619 to that of 1631, according to the same certification; and also those which the Chinese ships that have come in those same years have paid.

Macan Years China
pesos tomins granos pesos tomins granos
1,172 6 3 1619 11,148 0 0
8,903 0 0 1620 27,797 0 0
9,653 5 0 1621 6,692 6 11
7,370 0 0 1622 8,040 0 0
4,238 3 5 1623 1,759 3 9
5,444 0 0 1624 2,998 6 0
6,917 0 0 1625 10,894 0 0
10,248 0 0 1626 22,580 0 0
9,092 3 8 1627 20,385 0 0
3,036 0 0 1628 2,943 0 0
641 0 0 1629 3,957 0 0
11,645 0 0 1630 6,287 0 0
7,480 0 0 1631 18,344 0 0
90,641 2 4 143,826 6 8

[1] Bancon: “A boat with three oars to the side, which is used in China.”—Dic. Nacional ... de la lengua Española (Madrid, 1878).

[2] The language of this sentence is somewhat obscure and elliptical, but would seem to indicate that the Portuguese fear the diminution of their trade in China with its natives, and the loss of their prestige in the carrying trade outside that country.

Decree Extending the Tenure of Encomiendas

The King. To Don Albaro de Quiñones, knight of the Order of Santiago, my governor and captain-general of the province of Guatemala, and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein, or the person or persons in charge of its government: as you have understood, the repartimientos and encomiendas of Indians which the kings my forbears and I have been accustomed to grant to various persons in that country, in consideration of their services, have been for two generations. Inasmuch as my intention has always been, and is, to show favor to those who serve, equal to their deserts, and especially to the pacifiers and settlers of those provinces, and considering the special importunities that many persons make, that the repartimento or encomienda which they hold may be prolonged for one more generation, they representing to me not only their own causes, but the advantages therein for the Indians, and their good treatment and education: with the consent and advice of the members of my royal Council of the Indias, after they had consulted with me, I have determined to show favor generally to all those who hold the repartimientos and encomiendas of Indians in those provinces, by prolonging them for another generation, in addition to the generations for which they now hold them, provided that they immediately, for this reason, contribute to my funds—those who shall possess encomiendas for a second generation, with the value of the first three years; and those who shall enjoy them in the third generation with the value of two years—so that that may be an aid to the heavy expenses that my royal treasury incurs in defense of these and those kingdoms, and of the increase and conservation of our holy Catholic faith. [It shall be] provided that this prolongation be not extended, nor be understood to extend, to those who should hold encomiendas of which the value exceeds eight hundred ducados and more; for such encomiendas must be kept to reward worthy persons, in the manner that has been followed hitherto. In order that this may be executed as is desired, I have thought best to order you and to charge you—as I do—that as soon as you receive this my decree you publish it in that city of Santiago, and in all the others of your government, so that all persons who shall desire the said prolongation of their repartimientos or encomiendas may come before you within one year, counted from the day of the said publication. Those who thus come before you within the said time you shall admit to the said agreement, under the above obligations. Having made the contract, you shall give them the necessary despatches, so that they may enjoy these for the third generation; and these shall be thus continued to them with the repartimientos which they possess, or shall be continued to those who shall duly succeed to them, according to the law of succession. They shall be obliged to have obtained within four years my confirmation of the same. Those who shall come after the said year has expired you shall in no case admit. With those with whom you shall make a contract, you shall try to regulate the value of the repartimientos and encomiendas, with the advice of the fiscal of that Audiencia and the royal officials of their district, enacting for that purpose the measures that you shall deem advisable; paying heed to the consolidations which must be made of the pensions that they pay at present. With those who shall possess their repartimientos and encomiendas without any stipulation for the consolidation, you shall contract in the same manner and form, with the obligation to come to obtain the confirmation. You shall proceed in both cases with the like care that the business be regulated and transacted so that my royal treasury be paid, exactly and promptly, what belongs to it because of this. The sum resulting from this you shall send me at the first opportunity in a separate fund, and shall not put it with the rest of my revenues—sending it directed to my president and official judges of the House of Trade at Sevilla. You shall make a special report of what proceeds from each contract, and of those who wish to make contracts in regard to the encomiendas which they possess in those kingdoms; and those who enjoy those encomiendas while living in these kingdoms shall come to make these contracts in the said my Council of the Indias, where they will be admitted without any time limit being set. Madrid, February 1, 1636.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon