The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXVI, 1636

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Illustrations

View of city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724), i, p. 154; from copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society 33
View of Malacca; photographic facsimile of engraving in Recueil des voiages ... de la Compagnie des Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725); from copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society 45
Map of Molucca Islands; photographic facsimile of map in Bellin’s Petit atlas maritime (Paris, 1764), iii, no. 68; from copy in library of Wisconsin State Historical Society 229
View of the city of Macao; photographic facsimile of engraving in Recueil des voiages Comp. Indes Orient. Pais-Bas (Amsterdam, 1725), v, facing p. 208; from copy in the library of Wisconsin State Historical Society 275

Preface

The scope of the present volume is confined to the year 1636, but enough of interest occurs within that time—thanks to the overflowing energy of the new governor, Corcuera, who promptly reorganizes all departments of the government; his controversies with the archbishop and the friars; and the difficulties and dissensions which affect the orders themselves. The greater part of this volume is occupied by Corcuera’s report for the first year of his governorship.

The nuns of St. Clare ask (probably in 1635) for certain favors from the royal treasury; and their agent avails himself of this opportunity to ask favors for his own order, the Franciscan Recollects. The nuns themselves write to the king (June 30, 1636), through their abbess, Ana de Christo, informing him of their progress and growth in the Philippines, and other matters. They have founded a convent of their order at Macao; and have built a house at Manila for their residence. They complain that Governor Corcuera has driven the Franciscans from the administration of the royal hospital, and coerced the archbishop—the story of whose ill-treatment by the governor they briefly repeat, asking the king to grant the prelate redress therefor. They also ask that their confessor may have a cell at the hospital, which is near them; and complain that their convent is much injured by the walls and buildings that are being erected about it—some of these arbitrarily ordered by the governor, who ignores the needs and comfort of the nuns. They close with another appeal for royal aid to finish the building of their convent, and thanks for the king’s effort to secure the canonization of their foundress.

A relation for the year 1635–36 describes the arrival at Manila of Governor Corcuera, and narrates his controversies with the archbishop. The account is more detailed and circumstantial than that of Diaz (given in Vol. XXV); and the two constitute an interesting chapter, not only of ecclesiastical history but of human nature. The friars finally send secret envoys to the king, to inform him of their troubles. News comes from Japon of renewed persecutions of Christians there, and of the apostasy of the Jesuit provincial for that kingdom—who has even, it is said, married a heathen woman. At the end of this document is added a copy of a pasquinade which appeared at that time in Manila, lampooning the governor and his adherents.

A group of letters from Corcuera (June 30, 1636) constitute his first annual report to the home government.

Ecclesiastical affairs engross a large part of this document, as would be expected from the recent occurrence of Corcuera’s controversy with the archbishop. The governor’s account of this affair will be found especially interesting when compared with those presented, in Vol. XXV, from Jesuit and Recollect sources. We have given more space to this episode than usual—partly because this contention between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities is, although but one of many, a typical and important one; and partly because it affords a favorable opportunity to view such an episode from the different standpoints of that time in Manila—a necessary mental process for obtaining a correct knowledge, not only of this affair, but of all others in which the like elements of human nature are concerned. The resemblance of Corcuera’s account to that by “a citizen of Manila” is more than casual, and incidentally throws considerable light on the situation (as well as on social conditions in Manila). It contains attested copies of the various documents connected with the controversy.

Another section is devoted to an account of the governor’s difficulties with the religious orders in “subduing the religious to the understanding that your Majesty alone is their natural seignior; and the seignior of the said islands.” He claims that the Dominicans are most active of the orders in opposing the government, while certain proceedings of the Franciscans have scandalized the Spanish colony. The Augustinians are in need of reform, as their proceedings are unscrupulous and selfish, and they are trying to usurp the royal authority among the Indians. Corcuera advises that a coadjutor be appointed for the aged archbishop Guerrero, and that hereafter no more friars be made bishops in the islands. The orders have brought over more religious than the government had allowed them, to which the governor objects; he also recommends that those who do come should be procured from Mexico, to save unnecessary expense in their transportation, and that seculars be preferred to friars. Moreover, this will provide occupation for the theological students in the Mexican colleges, who now are set aside, in ecclesiastical appointments there, for the friars. The governor appeals to the king for support in his contest with the friars. In another letter, he recounts the annoyances which he has experienced with the Dominicans, and asks for the king’s orders therein. Still another is devoted to the recent difficulties in the Franciscan order, wherein the Observantines have been trying to oust the discalced friars; Corcuera asks the king to interpose his influence with the heads of the order in Spain to check these schemes, and to restrain the arrogance of these friars in the islands. In a brief letter regarding the Mexican trade of the islands, the governor urges that the government double the amount of this trade allowed to the islands. Considerable attention is given to the Chinese who come to the islands; Corcuera describes their present location and status, and proposes further imposts on them in order to replenish the Philippine treasury. He relates the controversy between the Dominicans and Jesuits over the salary paid to the Santa Cruz cura from the Parián fund, and his settlement of the case. Corcuera also proposes the names of several persons from whom may be chosen a protector for the Chinese residents, and announces that he has made a temporary appointment for this office. He states the action that he has taken in regard to certain vacant encomiendas; and asks that these rewards be more strictly assigned, and that the large encomiendas be divided into smaller ones.

Another part of this first report of Corcuera concerns administrative and financial matters. He complains that the royal treasury has been recruited, and afterward depleted, by illegal and unjust means; and that its poor creditors have been shamefully treated by royal officials. He urges that vacancies in the post of governor be filled by persons appointed and sent to the islands before such emergency arises; and that these be sent from Europe, and not from Nueva España. To this is appended a full and itemized account of pay-warrants which have been drawn from the royal treasury during the past year, but were commuted to one-third of their face value, as a “voluntary contribution” to his Majesty’s impoverished treasury. This is followed by another list, showing what sums were paid out of the treasury during 1632–35. Much light is thus thrown on the peculiar financial methods of the royal officials, and the general administration of the colony’s affairs. Corcuera relates the manner in which he has reorganized the military forces of the colony—doing all in his power to save expenses and to supply deficiencies. He has enrolled several companies of Pampango Indians, who will make good soldiers, and cost much less than do the Spaniards. Soon after his arrival, he revises both the civil and military pay-rolls and other costs of government, making all changes that he considers necessary for greater economy and efficiency. He sends the king a copy of the new regulations thus made, with a statement of all salaried offices and paid employments, and the amounts paid in each formerly and now. From these data is deduced the statement that the amount saved to his Majesty’s estate is nearly forty-two thousand pesos a year.

Cristobal de Lara, a Jesuit, writes (July 3) to a friend in Europe; he describes the hardships and perils of missionary life in the islands, and mentions various friends. A week later, Corcuera, having received various royal decrees, sends to the king a statement of what he has done or intends to do in regard to the matters mentioned in the decrees. In several of these, he takes pains to mention that he had done what was required, even before receiving the royal command. Corcuera personally attends to the lading of the Acapulco galleons; he remonstrates against the order that they shall sail by June 1 of each year, explaining that the middle of July is the proper time; and asks that the commanders of the galleons be given disciplinary authority over their men while in the port of Acapulco. He has forbidden the Portuguese of Macao to trade with the Philippines; and advises that the occupation of Formosa be abandoned. Corcuera has formed and armed companies of natives to resist the Moro pirates, and has done much to improve the efficiency of both his military and naval forces. He complains that the friars are disobedient and unruly, but commends the obedience and good-will of the secular clergy. The natives of the islands cannot endure the burdens imposed upon them by the construction of ships; and the governor asks that vessels may be sent thither from Peru, to meet this difficulty.

A group of papers regarding the hospitals of Manila is dated July–August, 1636. Governor Corcuera writes to the king regarding the conduct of these institutions. The expenses therein are too great; and Corcuera has levied an assessment on the pay of the officers and soldiers, to aid the hospital fund. He finds mismanagement in the royal hospitals, and dismisses from their charge the Franciscan brothers who have administered their affairs. He recommends that they be placed in the care of the hospital order of St. John of God, and of secular officials. He has established a hospital at Cavite, supported mainly by assessments on the sailors and workmen there; and a convalescent ward in the hospital for Spaniards at Manila. Then follow the comments on Corcuera’s suggestions, made by the royal Council, approving some, and criticising others; the act issued by the governor for the establishment of the aforesaid convalescent ward, to which he assigns an encomienda of Indians; and a statement of the amounts contributed for the hospital fund by each of the companies and garrisons in the islands, with official attestations, etc.

The Editors

May, 1905.

Documents of 1636

[The nuns of St. Clare at Manila. Miguel Perez, O.S.F., and others; 1635–36.]
[Relation of 1635–36. [Unsigned; Manila?]; June.]
[Letters to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; June 30.]
[Letter to Father Felipe de Cardenas. Cristobal de Lara, S.J.; July 3.]
[Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; July 11.]
[Hospitals and hospital contributions. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, and others; July–August.]

Sources: All but two of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The second and fourth are from MSS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: The first, third, and sixth are translated by James A. Robertson; the second and fourth, by Robert W. Haight; the fifth, by Emma Helen Blair.

The Nuns of St. Clare at Manila

Petition of their procurator

Sire:

Fray Miguel Perez, discalced Recollect of the Order of St. Francis, procurator and vicar for the nuns of the convent of St. Clare of the city of Manila, in virtue of the authority which he holds from the said convent (which he presents) says that, as is apparent from the said authority, Captain Gaspar Mendez and other devout persons, who have served and serve your Majesty in military affairs in the Philipinas Islands, have done the same to the said convent for the building of it and of the church, by giving them seven thousand ducados in warrants for what your Majesty owes them from their pay. That has served as an aid in their building. Having petitioned your Majesty to grant favor to the said convent by ordering the royal officials to pay the said warrants, by a decree of the Council of April sixteen (which he presents), it was decreed that he should present the warrants and declare whence they proceeded. As he has declared in the same memorial that they proceed from the pay of soldiers, those warrants, as they are unnecessary here, have not been brought. Hence, since that money is to be used for a work so holy, he is confident that your Majesty will grant them the favor whom they entreat, and which they will receive as a special kindness from your Majesty.

Further, he says that your Majesty has ordered the viceroy of Nueva Spaña and the royal officials there that, in consideration of the poverty which the discalced Recollect fathers in Philipinas profess in accordance with their rule (as they cannot possess incomes), there be given to them annually from the royal treasury what is necessary for their sackcloth, medicines, breviaries, missals, and other things, as is now given to them every year. The said order has a procurator in Mexico who is urging that those articles be sent every year. Inasmuch as the nuns of the said convent of St. Clare have no income, because they profess the first rule of St. Clare, and in their case is found the same cause and reason [for the royal bounty] as in the discalced fathers, and some others, they petition your Majesty to have the royal officials of Mexico give them annually what is necessary for sackcloth, breviaries, missals, wine, and oil; and that also the governor of Philipinas be ordered to give to the said convents the medicines that may be needed, from the royal hospital which your Majesty has in the city of Manila. Thereby will they receive a very generous alms, and your Majesty, as patron (as is the case) of that convent, ought to concede them that favor, since they are so poor.

[Endorsed: “June 13, 636. Have the warrants here mentioned paid in the subsidy allotted to those sisters, and let it be paid in their sacristy and place. In regard to the alms that they request, have the governor notified to aid those nuns with all manner of care and attention; and, as they are so needy, to aid them with goods and spare articles that shall not be taken from his Majesty’s treasury.” “I received the authorization.

Fray Miguel Peres Corvera”]

Petition of the abbess

Sire:

The abbess and nuns of the convent of St. Clare of the city of Manila declare that his Majesty, King Don Phelipe Second, ordered that convent to be founded, and your Majesty is patron of it. That convent, following the rule of the glorious St. Francis, has no income, but is sustained by the alms given to it by devout persons. Benefactors of the said convent—among them Captain Gaspar Mendes, treasurer of the said convent—have given certain pay-warrants which amount to about six or seven thousand pesos, in order that with it the said nuns may attend to some necessary works in the said house (and especially in the church), of which they are greatly in need. In consideration of that, the said abbess petitions and beseeches your Majesty, since this is so proper a work, to order the governor and royal officials to pay the said warrants above mentioned, for the said purpose; and those nuns will receive that as a special alms from your Majesty’s royal hand.

[Endorsed: “April 16, 636. Let her present the warrants of which she speaks, and let her declare whence they proceed.”]

Don Juan Grau, who is the person who is attending to this matter, declares that, according to the knowledge of it which he possesses, these warrants have not been sent to him; and that those which are cited in the memorial were given by soldiers from their pay, and by other persons which proceed from the same source. They have done it in their zeal to see so holy a work progress, as the need of those nuns is so great, and their institute so poor, since they cannot possess incomes. Consequently, they live solely on the alms given to them by devout persons.

Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon

Letter from the nuns

Sire:

His Catholic Majesty the king our sovereign, your Majesty’s father (who is in the enjoyment of Paradise), gave us permission to come here to found a convent of the first rule of our mother St. Clare in these islands. Upon our arrival at this city we founded a convent, and have continued to receive in it the daughters of citizens, conquistadors, and old settlers, many of them very poor. By that method, God our Lord has aided them with so perfect an estate as is that of the religious life. We, as founders, rear these girls and teach them to observe and follow our rule, so that, if we nuns who come from España pass away, they may teach the same to, and cause it to be observed by, those who shall take the habit hereafter. God has been pleased to cause all those who have taken the habit to flourish in virtue—so greatly that they furnish an example to the old nuns—who are now all daughters of our mother St. Geronima, whom they follow closely, imitating her in devotion and penances. We inform your Majesty of this, as we have heard that you will rejoice greatly, as one who knows and has information of the great results that God has obtained from our coming, and which He is continuing to obtain through the new foundation [we refer to those of our number] who went to train nuns, who left this convent for that purpose to go to the city of Macan—which belongs to the crown of Portugal, at the entrance and mainland of China—where there are at present many nuns of especial devotion who have taken our habit, which had had no convent there any more than at this place.

As soon as we arrived, our holy mother undertook the building of a convent, where we might live with modesty and humility, and with the aid of alms which were given to us by some citizens; and orphan nuns sent what they possessed. We have been building a house and church near the wall which overlooks the river of this city—in the part that appeared the most remote from trade and very secluded, and with no other view than that of the heavens. In front of it is the street in the middle of which is the royal hospital of the Spaniards, which has been administered since its foundation by the religious of our seraphic father St. Francis. There the religious who is vicar of this convent, who administers to us the holy sacraments, had a cell. From the alms given us we provide for his support. Lately, Governor Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera, without cause or reason for it, drove the religious from the said hospital by force and violence and the arms of soldiers, to the contempt of our sacred order, saying that he prefers to have it administered by a secular priest, whom he brought with him as his chaplain. This prohibition, as it is not befitting the service of God and your Majesty, has cost great suffering to the archbishop of these islands, grief to all this Christian community, and wonder to the heathen Chinese—who even among themselves respect those whom they call “bonzes,” who are the same as archbishops among us.

The governor, joining to the matter of the hospital other reasons—unworthy that he should assign them because he did not act upon them—had enough power, with only one auditor who is in this royal Audiencia, to take away from the archbishop his temporalities, banish him from the kingdoms, and condemn him to a fine of two thousand ducados. The governor took charge of the execution of the banishment, one night, with a large body of infantry with matches lighted. The orders and their superiors came out to attend their prelate, who was clad in his pontifical robes. While he had the most holy sacrament in his hands, it happened that the chief constable of the court, one Bartolome Thenorio, tried to take it away from him, and used so much force that he wounded the finger of a discalced religious of St. Augustine (who was aiding the archbishop to hold the monstrance) against the foot of the monstrance, drawing blood from his hand. The archbishop fell to the ground, as did the lunette of the monstrance. When the governor (who was in the street in disguise) learned of it, he sent infantry to drive out forcibly all the religious, with orders to leave the archbishop all alone. They were not to allow him to take food or drink. Thus did they, dragging away the religious, upon whom the vilest men in the world laid hands, since now they could. Finally the archbishop, having been arrested, sent the most holy sacrament to the church next day; and, having decreed a suspension of religious functions, allowed himself to embark and was taken by twenty-five soldiers and an adjutant to an island called Mariveles, seven leguas from the city. The soldiers were ordered not to allow him to place on the vessel either bed, food, or drink. No one was to talk to him there, or give him anything to eat. This was moderated afterward. He was detained there twenty-seven days, and he returned after that with a party of soldiers who asked for him—as your Majesty will learn more minutely from the relations that will be sent of everything, and from that one which the governor will send. According to what we believe, his relation will not be the most authentic, but that which, he thinks, can accomplish for him most, for the discharge of so heavy a responsibility as God will have placed upon him, for the time when he shall go to give account to Him. Will your Majesty look carefully into this cause, as a father, patron, and defender of the Church, so that in the future others may not take this as a precedent, and a greater evil befall us—if it be that an evil greater than this has [ever] occurred. It may [again] occur, under the sole pretext that it is service to your Majesty, and that alone must be accomplished—which is the governor’s sole excuse, and the pretext that they give for the evil deed. The Church remains very much dejected, the orders and inhabitants very disconsolate, and the Indians wretched; and every estate of the people of these islands is afflicted over the new administration of the governor—all through anxiety of acquiring for your Majesty; so that in a short time it will all be drained, and there will be no more to drain, and this Christian Church will be ruined. The governor seems to be striving for its ruin rather than its advancement. It is a matter that demands a speedy remedy, as your Majesty will learn by letters and relations from well-intentioned persons, which will be sent secretly. For neither the Audiencia, nor the city, nor anyone else dare send openly, because of their fear of the governor’s harshness; and, from the Council, certain agents usually send the governors the original letters written from this place, in which account of government matters is given. Of this we inform your Majesty, although in brief and succinctly, because of our desire that God may send us protection and consolation through the wise decisions of your Majesty.

Because of the governor having removed the religious from the hospital, it became necessary for our vicar to retire to the convent of our father [St. Francis]; which is quite distant from here. On account of the difficulties caused by the excessive heat, and the severity of the rains during the rainy season, he cannot come at all hours to confess us and to administer the holy sacraments as we need, especially at night. What is worse is, that the governor is building a ward at the hospital, on the side that faces our convent—which he says is for convalescents. It is so high that because of its so close proximity to the convent, we think that one will be able to see the beds of the nuns in our infirmary and dormitory. That is a thing that ought to be carefully considered. But the governor has only thought about proceeding with his own purpose, leaving us surrounded on streets without any exits; for one that was near the wall—by which the parents and relatives of the nuns came, and which served for the use of the convent—has been taken by the governor for the building, thereby doing us much damage. For many structures are now being built about us, and that by the most prominent people in the city.

In another part, the passage-way inside the wall—which was a street for passengers, and of service to the convent—has been closed by the governor by placing against it, and across our very threshold, another building, which he is having erected as lodgings for the cavalry and as stables, so that the company that he has organized may keep their horses.

Accordingly, we humbly beseech your Majesty to be pleased to have the hospital returned to the religious of our order, as it has always been [in their charge], and that a cell be given therein to our vicar. By so doing, God our Lord will be greatly served, and the poor aided spiritually and corporally. After those religious left, the nuns were very disconsolate for lack of ministers to attend to them. The secular priest appointed for them thinks that he has fulfilled his duty by saying mass. We trust that your Majesty, through your Christian zeal, will furnish relief to so pious causes as these we mention, at the first opportunity. Will your Majesty order that the street be left free, from the place where we have our porter’s lodge to the wall—without [permitting] any hospital building or windows—as an enclosure for the convent and for its guard; so that if there should be no place for the father-vicar to live, a low dwelling may be made for him, and for the men who serve in the convent—making a gate at the wall for [receiving] the food for the convent.

The poverty of our order and rule is well known to your Majesty. The lack of comfort in which we live is very great, as we are without sufficient funds to finish the house and church, and the citizens are so needy that they cannot help us with the alms that we need—[although] they do not a little in aiding us with what is necessary for our ordinary support. Some devout people have given us as alms some pay warrants and other debts owed to them by the royal treasury. These amount to about twelve thousand pesos, and we could finish the work with that sum. We entreat your Majesty to be pleased to have your royal decree promulgated, ordering the governor to pay us up to the said sum of twelve thousand pesos in the certified warrants which we have. That will constitute a very great blessing and be an alms which your Majesty will bestow upon this convent.

We also petition your Majesty to be pleased to show us favor by having us given alms of sackcloth, oil, an apothecary-shop in the royal hospital, wine for the masses, and wheat or flour for bread for the support of the nuns—as is done with the orders of the discalced religious; for we have no other protection or security besides that of your Majesty, which is everlasting. [In the margin: “Observe this matter, and give a copy of this section to Licentiate Leon, so that he may make a report of it, when the matter is considered.” “It was given.”]

We thank your Majesty for the favors that you have shown this convent and the nuns in it, in having so thoroughly taken in your charge the beatification and canonization of our holy mother Geronima de la Assumpçion, whereby we, her daughters, hope to behold such a day as that of her canonization. We keep her body, with all the veneration and line of succession that is possible to us; and every day God works new miracles by her. The nuns, in and out of the choir, in all their prayers, discipline, and fasting, make special mention of your Majesty, and of the queen our mistress. We beseech God our Lord to preserve your Majesty in health, peace, and quiet, with your kingdoms, for the protection of Christendom and of the Church, and for happy victories against the heretics and enemies of the Church. This convent will supplicate this from God constantly, as it has ever done, according to our obligation.

May God preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty, as we, these humble nuns, desire, with increase of greater kingdoms. May He prosper the succession to them, so that, by means of it, all heathen kingdoms may come to the true knowledge of the holy faith. Manila, June 30, 1636.

Ana de Christo, abbess.
Sister Magdalena de Christo, vicar.
Sister Maria de los Angeles

[In the margin: “Have the governor notified concerning the complaint of these nuns, and the injury that they say has been done them in his having shut their street; and in the view that their apartments have which opens toward the cells, stables, and lodgings, which are near their house; and of the other things that they mention—so that no injury or discomfort may be caused to them in any manner. Also say that, if the warrants which they say that they possess are certified they shall be paid in the value that shall belong to them and at the proper time. And since it is the usage to write to this convent, let it be done, advising them of what is ordered, and saying that care will always be taken of everything that pertains to them; and that we esteem their commendation of their Majesties to God, which they shall continue.”]

[Endorsed: “Seen, and decreed within. June 16, 638.”]

Relation of 1635–36

Relation of events in the city of Manila from the year 1635 until the month of June, 1636

On the twenty-third of June, 1635, the ships from Castilla arrived at the port of Capite, in which came Don Sevastian Hurtado de [C]orquera, knight of the Habit of Alcantara, as governor and captain-general for his Majesty. On the twenty-fourth of the said month and year, on St. John’s day, about four o’clock in the afternoon, he entered Manila to take possession of the government—first taking the customary oath, on entering through the gate of the Bagungaiabar,[1] which is one of the chief gates of this city, accompanied by the city government and the cabildo, with the rest of the citizens who escorted him, until he reached the buildings of the palace, where he was received with much pomp, as arranged by the regimiento of this city. A few days after his arrival he reviewed all of the Spanish infantry in the camp (together with the rest that he brought in his company), where he made sweeping changes, leaving the four captains in the camp. He named as sargento-mayor of the regiment Don Pedro de Corquera, his nephew; and to the man who had held that office he gave the governorship of Ermosa Island. He likewise appointed, as captain and governor of his company, Alferez Don Juan Francisco de Corquera, his nephew. He immediately decided that the ships (which were ready to make the voyage) should not go to Castilla, saying that it was not expedient for them to go; and thus it came about, for no one dared to oppose him.

At this time occurred an event which, as it was the beginning of everything which has taken place, must be remembered. An artilleryman had a slave girl whom he had brought from Yndia, saying that he was going to marry her, as he had taken her while she was a maiden. But she became angry and left the house, going to that of Juan de Aller, a kinsman of Doña Maria de Franzia, wife of Don Pedro de Corquera, whom she asked to buy her. The sargento-mayor besought the captain-general to negotiate with the said artilleryman. He had the latter called, and asked him whether he wished to sell her. He answered that he did not keep her for sale, and the matter was left thus for several days. Then he was again asked to sell her, and answered resolutely that he did not wish to sell her, as he was keeping her in order to marry her. Thereupon it was ordered that he be placed in the stocks, and he was ill-treated. The man cried out that they were unjustly trying to take his slave from him; and order was given that he be taken into the house of Pedro Guerrero, and there punished as if he were mad. There he was so ill-treated that they would have driven him mad if he was not, until he saw fit to cease his obstinacy in regard to the slave woman—although he refused to receive the money which he was ordered to take from the said house, and immediately determined on a rash plan. On the eighth of August, which was Sunday, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the governor was going to the residence of the Society, to see the comedy which the fathers there were presenting; and with him was riding Doña Maria de Franzia, the wife of his nephew the sargento-mayor, in a coach, having the slave woman behind. When they arrived at the corner of the Augustinian church, the artilleryman came out to meet them; and, seizing the slave woman by the arm, struck her with a dagger so that she died straightway, and he retired again into the said convent of St. Augustine. The news was conveyed to the governor, who had already gone into the Society’s house; and he sent an adjutant and a captain of his guard, together with the sargento-mayor, and some soldiers, with an order to surround the church and bring out the guilty man, and take him to the headquarters of the guard. This was done accordingly; but, as the religious had hidden him, the soldiers were unable to find him. The convent was left surrounded with soldiers, who remained there two days, so that if the artilleryman came out they could get him and bring him back; and likewise the soldiers were ordered not to allow any religious to enter or leave, or any food to be brought in to them, under penalty of death—on which account the religious found themselves in very hard straits. On the third day the guard was withdrawn, and on the fourteenth of the said month a decree was published promising [reward] to whoever should discover where the guilty man was—if he were a person of quality, an office as sergeant or standard-bearer, according to his position; or, if he were not such a person, three hundred pesos and permission to go to España. On the twenty-seventh of this month, a negro belonging to the said convent gave information that the guilty man was in a cell therein. The governor sent Adjutant Don Juan de Frias and Alferez Don Diego de Herrero with soldiers, giving them the order to take away the man, even though the religious tried to hinder him. This they did, and could not be resisted; and as a reward for taking him out, a post of sergeant was given to the adjutant, and a military command to the alferez.

Having taken him out, they brought him the next day to confession, and on the following day sentenced him to death. The most illustrious lord archbishop, Don Fray Fernando Guerrero, learning of this, made a formal demand for the prisoner on behalf of the church; but they were rebellious, and refused to surrender him. On the sixth of September of this said year the most illustrious archbishop sent a requisition to General Molina, who was the judge of this case, directing him to send back the prisoner, but to no effect; on the contrary, that very day the gallows was erected in front of the Augustinian convent, so that the execution would be in sight of the house. When the archbishop saw this contumacious act, he sent to notify the judge again, at seven o’clock at night, to send back the prisoner under penalty of major excommunication, latæ sententiæ. Seeing that he would not do so, at eleven o’clock at night the archbishop sent another requisition and notification to General Molina, and from there to the palace to notify the said governor—who ordered the churchmen who went to do this to be arrested, and taken to the guardhouse until morning. On this said day of the said month, four companies marched out with the prisoner. Fresh notifications were sent that, if he were not returned to the church within one hour, suspension of religious functions would be imposed, and heavy pecuniary penalties for the Holy Crusade. All this did not suffice to keep them from continuing the work; and, the time set having expired, the interdict was declared when the prisoner arrived at the corner of the plaza. The night before the bells had rung for the interdict, and the sound of the bells struck the Christians with fear. But none of this was sufficient, for at about twelve o’clock in the morning, they finished hanging him—so close to the sacred place that the ladder was placed on a level with the portico, in such manner that it could not help being in the sacred place. They took him away after hanging him, and threw the body at the door of the convent, which is at the gate of the church of St. Augustine. They rapped upon the door, and, as it was not opened, they left the body there; it remained without burial for two days, until the brothers of holy La Misericordia buried it in the cemetery of the cathedral church, so that the body would not be corrupted and become a disgusting object. The interdict lasted two or three days, and was raised on the day of St. Nicholas of Tolentino, at about ten o’clock in the morning. As Don Pedro de Monroy was provisor at the time, and the one who pronounced the excommunications, the governor decided to seize him and send him by ship to Machan, [i.e., Macao] or to Ermossa Island; but, becoming aware of this intention, he found a place of safety, to escape from this severe action. An order was given at all the gates that; if he should go out or enter them, he should be arrested. But a few days ago he was sent out of the gate which is called Santo Domingo, in the habit of a friar. When the guard who recognized him would have seized him, two Franciscan religious, who were with him, defended him and gave him an opportunity to enter the Dominican convent. When the governor learned this, irritated because his order of arrest had not proved effectual, he ordered the soldiers to be arrested who constituted the guard, and would have had them garrote the alferez Don Francisco de Rivera, who was in command at that gate, because they had not killed a friar and taken prisoner Don Pedro de Monroy. The said governor sent immediately to the convent of Santo Domingo to have them deliver the said provisor, and to say that, if they did not do so, he would go in person and take him away. To this father Fray Domingo Gonzalez, the provincial, and commissary of the Holy Office, answered that it was not the provisor who was there, but Don Pedro de Monroy, adviser of the Holy Office, which was not situated there; and, as such, he had kept him busy with matters pertaining to that holy tribunal, as might be seen by these disagreements which existed between the two heads [of government].

The most illustrious lord archbishop decided to call a council of the most grave and learned men of all the religious orders, in order to determine what was expedient. When he sent to ask the fathers of the Society, they refused to go. After this, seeing that things were going from bad to worse, it was necessary to call another assembly of the religious orders; and when the said fathers were summoned it was not possible for them to go. Thereupon, seeing that they were separating themselves from the affairs of the church, the lord archbishop ordered that they be notified of an act by which they were deprived of the right of preaching in all the churches subject to his jurisdiction. The said fathers, by virtue of a brief which they claim to have from his Holiness, answered that they could preach without permission, and contradicente episcopo. Without showing the said brief, they appointed a judge-conservator for the most illustrious archbishop, who was Don Fabian de Santillan y Avelanes, the schoolmaster of the cathedral. The latter notified his most illustrious Lordship that he must revoke the said act within two hours, under penalty of major excommunication and four thousand Castilian ducados. The lord archbishop went before the royal Audiencia with a plea of fuerza, to declare whether the appointment made had been made legally and justly, as it had been presented before no judge, as is provided by law. The next day several religious, who were the attorneys of his illustrious Lordship in the royal Audiencia, having come together there, [Father] Badilla of the Society took up the case, and through the continuance given him to inform himself of his rights, the other religious, who were acting on behalf of the lord archbishop, could do nothing until the next day, when they pleaded for him. During that time the said archbishop was posted as excommunicated, the notices being fixed on the doors of the churches of this city, by order of the judge-conservator. These notices remained posted until the twenty-fourth of January, because the royal Audiencia declared that fuerza had not been committed [by the judge-conservator]. At the end of this time, which was a period of more than three months, it was decided to absolve his most illustrious Lordship. The governor went to his house, on St. Polycarp’s day; and together they went to the cathedral, and made their peace. But meantime, in the proceedings against him, he had been condemned, by formal act of the judge-conservator, to pay another four thousand ducados; and the government of the archbishopric was to be taken from him for four years. All this was declared null by the lawyers, who said that the judge and the fathers of the Society had thus incurred the penalties of the law.

Considering the differences which every day arose, the councils decided that it was necessary to send a despatch to his Majesty secretly, remitting all the documents—although there was no more in the affair than as the proverb goes, the fear of a cat scalded with cold water. The governor began to suspect this, and left an order at all the gates to arrest father Fray Francisco Pindo and father Fray Domingo Collado, of the Dominican order; for he thought that, being persons who were not well disposed to him, it would be they who would carry the despatches. But his shrewd schemes were frustrated,[2] and, when no one was thinking about it, a cha[m]pan had left with two religious—one a Dominican and the other a Recollect of St. Augustine, named father Fray Nicolas de Tolentino and father Fray Graviel de Porto Carrero—and a few sailors. These went to the island of Cayo, where they provided themselves with everything necessary for their support, without anyone hindering them. On New Year’s day they sailed in the direction of Malaca, as was afterwards learned with certainty, because they arrived a short time after at Machan. They arrived at so favorable an opportunity that within a few days they embarked on an English ship that was about to leave for Yndia, saying that they were leaving on business of the Holy Office. May God grant them a good voyage on this occasion.

A ship has come from Machan and brought news that there had been a great persecution in the kingdom of Japon and the martyrdom of many Catholic religious. It is also said that Father Christoval Ferreira, the provincial at that time for the Society of Jesus in that kingdom, had apostatized; and that he not only had recanted, but had married a heathen woman, and that the wife of the said Portuguese father had given birth to a child. Moreover, he had betrayed [to the authorities] the few other religious who had remained there. Such things as these, and worse, persons who abandon our holy faith usually do. The emperor of Japon has ordered that no friar or other religious should enter [that country], and has promised great rewards to those who should learn of their entrance into his kingdom, and inform him thereof; and he threatens severe punishment to those who do not do so.

During these troubles [in the diocese] Don Francisco Valdes resigned the archdeaconry of this cathedral; and the governor, by virtue of the royal patronage, appointed as archdeacon Don Andres Arias Giron, and sent to the most illustrious archbishop to obtain his collation. The latter answered that Master Don Andres Arias was under visitation; and that he had exiled and excommunicated him for sufficient causes, and could not give him possession. When he learned of this, Master Don Andres Arias Giron presented himself with a plea of fuerza before the royal Audiencia; and the governor ordered that his illustrious Lordship be notified that, without fail, he should put Don Andres in possession. He therefore called a council of religious, and all said that he should not in conscience comply.

On Friday, the ninth of May, at seven o’clock at night, a royal decree was issued that within an hour from the viewing of the said royal decree Don Andres should be put in possession, on pain of the archbishop being exiled from the kingdoms, and paying two thousand Castilian ducados. Thereupon his most illustrious Lordship answered that he would obey the said decree, as in the name of his king and lord; but as for its fulfilment, there were reasons why he could not accede to this, that the man was under visitation, and [the ecclesiastical authorities] must not be hindered. At eight o’clock at night, seeing that they were going on with the execution of the decree, and had declared him exiled, fearing some further severity, he sent for the most holy sacrament to the convent of St. Francis; and, dressed in his pontifical robes, holding the elements in his hands, in front of his episcopal chair, with all possible propriety, he approached an altar, and there remained, waiting for the conclusion of what had been begun. At ten o’clock at night the captain of artillery and Alguazil-mayor Tenorio, with Adjutant Don Diego de Herrera, and thirty musketeers, entered the archiepiscopal dwelling. At this juncture an interdict was declared; on that night, therefore, the confusions, disorders, and turbulence were greater than ever before seen. Guards were posted above and below [the archbishop’s house] on all the street corners, so that no one could enter or go out; and having found the lord archbishop in the aforesaid state, and attended by many religious of all orders, word thereof was given to the governor. He sent an order that all the religious and secular priests who remained with his most illustrious Lordship should be sent away. Although this was not executed, because it was not mentioned in the warrant, the court-alguazil went to the palace to learn the intention of the governor. The latter rectified the order anew; and the said alguazil-mayor, coming to the archiepiscopal building, executed it, directing the religious and secular priests to depart from the house. As they did not do so, he commanded the soldiers to obey him, under penalty of three doses of rope;[3] and to take the religious out, dragging them, or in any way they could. This they did, maltreating them and giving them rude pushes, tearing their habits. They left two religious with his most illustrious Lordship, to aid him to bear the imprisonment. The alguazil-mayor came to take them away, and hurt one of them with the rays on the lunette, owing to the force which he applied; for the religious were clinging to the archbishop, whom they caused to fall to the floor, with the most holy sacrament. It was only by great good fortune that he did not lose his grasp upon it at this time. In this confusion a soldier drew his sword, and threw himself upon it, intending to kill himself—saying that the man who had seen the most holy sacrament upon the ground was no longer fit to live. He lay there, wounded, and thus they took him prisoner, and were about to garrote him; this, however, they did not do, but sent him to exile at Samboanga. The archbishop was left alone with the soldiers of the guard, and several of them, as good Christians, remained on their knees before the most holy sacrament, shocked and weeping to see that among Catholics such things could take place. At this juncture the bishop of Camarines told his most illustrious Lordship that the governor said that if he wished to eat he must abandon the holy sacrament, and that if he did not do so nothing was to be given to him; and that these were the orders he had given to the said adjutant, under pain of death. Thereupon the lord archbishop answered, with much courage, that he was prepared to die with the most holy sacrament in his hands, rather than do anything that would be an offense against it. Thereupon they left him without a servant, to the great indignation and sorrow of many soldiers, the governor remaining as hard and obdurate as if he had not been a Christian.

At one o’clock at night there came a new order that the soldiers should drive from the streets the religious, who had been upon their knees with candles in their hands, worshiping the Lord of heaven and earth, since the time when they had been driven from His presence. They were driven away, by dragging them and tearing their garments; and the cassock and cross were taken from the cross-bearer of his most illustrious Lordship. He cried out to God, begging for mercy—a thing which melted the hearts of all the city, so that nothing was heard of but “Mercy!” accompanied by the tears and apprehensions of the faithful. After this was done, at two o’clock at night there came another order, that the friars should be made to go back to their convents, which they had not done. The governor sent the sargento-mayor to tell them to go back, and not cause any more disturbance. To this they answered that they had left their convents determined to die for God, and that whether they died there or in Japon was all one; that they would not leave that place, because they were in front of the most holy sacrament; and, if it should fall from the hands of the lord archbishop, the soldiers must not approach to raise it, as this was not lawful, but they themselves must do so, as priests.

The sargento-mayor went away with this answer; and as the governor was at the corner of Santa Potenziana, on the square of the archiepiscopal buildings, in disguise, he heard all that occurred. He sent another order, commanding, in the name of his Majesty, that the religious should retire to their convents; and that, if they did not do so, they would be dragged thither. Seeing his accursed intention, they thought it best to let themselves be taken away by the soldiers, but with much sadness and weeping. The Franciscan friars remained in their portico, to be near the house of the lord archbishop, so that they might watch what passed. The governor himself came personally, and made them retire and go within their convent.

The very next day, which was the eve of Espiritu Santo, his illustrious Lordship, finding that the governor’s obstinacy was continuing and that he was being abandoned (for no one was allowed to enter), and that he had had nothing to eat for twenty-four hours, and that all this was in preparation for placing him on shipboard, sent to call the guardian of the Franciscans, and entrusted to him the most holy sacrament, which was taken to his convent with great ceremony, and there deposited. At this time the archbishop was allowed to make appointments of persons to govern his archbishopric. He appointed the father reader Fray Francisco de Paula, of the Order of St. Dominic, and the father reader and definitor Fray Pedro de Santo Thomas, of the discalced Augustinians, ordering them not to raise the interdict and suspension of religious functions, or absolve the governor, Auditor Marcos Capata, and Don Andres Giron, as he reserved their absolution to himself. Thereupon at eleven o’clock in the morning the court-alguazil came with a carriage, and his illustrious Lordship alone was placed in it, all the religious accompanying it with tears at seeing such cruelty and severity. When they had come to the gate known as Puerta de los Almazenes,[4] the archbishop alighted, and again excommunicated all those who had caused his exile, and cursed the city; and throwing stones at it, and shaking the dust from his feet, he directed his steps to the water to board a champan. This was provided with sixteen arquebusiers, and the said adjutant; but they did not allow any of his servants to embark, nor consent that any provision of food be placed aboard for the voyage. When he begged for his cross, the said alguazil-mayor answered that there was no cross for him. Thereupon he embarked, and although many religious desired to take leave of him, they were not allowed to come. Thus they conveyed him to the island of Maribelis, distant from this city some seven leguas, more or less. Although many private citizens of this city made urgent request to go in their boats to the champan, they were not allowed to do so; for it was seen that they were carrying provisions for the archbishop, being moved to pity by the cruelty with which they were using him, for one would not expect infidels to do worse.

In this island he was kept prisoner, without being allowed to communicate or to write letters, his treatment being such as might be expected from dispositions so obstinate. On the eleventh of this month of May the said governor appointed the said bishop of Camarines to govern the archbishopric, contrary to [the law of] God and with no permission, saying that the lord archbishop was a decayed limb. The said bishop accepted the appointment, acting contrary to [decrees of] the Council of Trent, and incurring its penalties. He absolved the said governor, Auditor Capata, and Don Andres Giron: and gave the last-named the collation for the archdeaconry, raising the interdict imposed by the legitimate prelate. Those in the cathedral and the fathers of the Society, who were followed by other churches, besides the convents of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and the discalced Augustinians, at once replied that they would observe the suspension imposed on them, because they knew that a governor [of the diocese] could not raise the interdict, or do anything of what he had done; for he was suspended, interdicted, excommunicated, and under discipline, for having exercised the pontifical office, raised the interdict, and absolved the excommunicated—all this being reserved to the lord archbishop, as was declared by all the learned men of this city. Although the cathedral, the church of the Society, and the Observantine convent of St. Augustine said mass, no one went to hear it; but on the contrary the Catholics were scandalized that these people should do such things through fear of the governor—things which caused great scandal, and which it would take a long time to tell. [I omit them] mainly because most of them are better left unsaid, because of the cruelty involved in them, rather than told in a relation.

On the twentieth of May there came an order from the lord archbishop, at the petition of religious and holy persons, that the suspension should be raised for a fortnight, so that the feast of Corpus Christi, which was on the twenty-second of the said month, might be celebrated; and when the said period of time was past, he imposed the interdict as before—although it was not observed except by the Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the discalced Augustinians. The governors of the archbishopric and of the islands respectively gave to the fathers of the Society [the curacy of] Chiapo, which they demanded, as belonging to the archiepiscopal court. It was donated to the lord archbishop by the Franciscan fathers, on condition that it should be conferred upon no-one, but should remain for the maintenance of the poor and of secular priests; and that, in case it were given to any other order, the condition and donation should not be valid which had been made to the said lord archbishop, and accordingly it should revert again to the said Franciscan fathers, as it was before. But the fathers of the Society would listen to none of this, drawn on by ambition; nor would the governor, who allowed them to demand what they wished.

A few days after this, on the fourth of June, the royal decree was revoked; and father Fray Domingo Gonzalez, the Dominican provincial, and other dignitaries, went to the lord archbishop, and asked him not to change anything which had been done by the said bishop of Camarines. The lord archbishop would not consent to this, as it was all void, and opposed to conscience. But on the prayer and supplication of grave religious, who besought his permission for this until his Majesty should send a remedy sufficient for so many evils as had occurred, his illustrious Lordship thereupon consented to this; and he entered this city on the sixth of June, amid the general rejoicing of all, for thereby the church was freed from schism and the administration of an excommunicated bishop. In short, in order to remove greater evils things remain thus, without anything being changed; we hope that God our Lord and his Majesty will redress this, and that persons will be sent to punish the guilty according to their crimes.

Pasquin que se Pusso A la puerta del gouern^or de manila Don seuastian Vrtado de Corquera

Quien la yglesia vitupera—Corcuera

y quien la Birtud maltrata—Çapata

y quien se çisca de miedo—Ledo

segun esso llorar Puedo

yglesia tu triste suerte

Pues Bienen a darte muerte

Corcuera Çapata y Ledo

Quien la birtud a dejado—Collado

quien obliga a tal trayçion—ambizion

y quien sigue tal de miedo—Pinedo[5]

de que an labrado rezelo

vna orca como aman

do rabiando moriran

Collado ambiçion Pinedo

quien apresta desatinos—tiatinos

en que encubren excesos—en quesos

pues de quesos que se espera—cera

no entiendo aquesta quimera

mas si es cosa de ynteres

quemarlos a todos tres

tiatinos quesos y cera

quien dixo el vien por el mal—vn probinzial

quien la fe dixo sin tino—vn tiatino

y quien su ser tubo en poco—vn cojo

pues a llorar me prouoco

viendo vn tiatino casado

y que fue Por su pecado

probinzial tiatino y cojo

Arcidiano sin razon—Jiron

obispo con poco estudio—Camudio

excomulgado notorio—tenorio

Bien merezen Purgatorio

de ynfierno estos tres amigos

Pues son de Dios enemigos

Jiron Camudio y tenorio

A quien aorco de vn madero—vn arti^o

en que razon se fundaua—Por la esclaua

que le quita el omizido—la uida

ynjustam^te. Perdida

fue pero ya me lamento

que perdiese en vn momento

artillero esclaua y vida

quien bio Pagar de los frutos—tributos

y quien aorcando Peros—yeros

quien dar yço a las mulatas—natas

todas estas papanatas

an de uenir a parar

en que el diablo a de lleuar

tributos yeros y natas

No ay para tanta malizia—Justizia

ni p^a tantos agrauios—labios

ni para tantas locuras—Curas

todas estas desuenturas

los Cristianos Padezemos

Pues que ya sin fuerça bemos

Justicia labios y curas

Que resulta en conclusion—Resoluzion

y destas cosas no buenas—Penas

y de tanto descontento—tormento

No en bano yo me lamento

Viendo la yglesia sinzera

a ques otra por corquera

Pasion penas y tormento.

Pasquinade affixed to the door of the governor of Manila, Don Sevastian Vrtado de Corquera[6]

Who vituperates the Church?—Corcuera.

Who abuses Virtue?—Çapata.

Who soils himself through fear?—Ledo.

Therefore, I can weep

Thy sad fate, O, Church!

For they come to deal thee death—

Corcuera, Çapata, and Ledo.

Who has abandoned Virtue?—Collado.

What leads him to such treason?—Ambition.

Who imitates that one through fear?—Pinedo.

Hence I fear that they have prepared

A gallows as did Aman,[7]

On which raging will die—

Collado, Ambition, Pinedo.

Who are preparing lawless acts?—The Theatines [i.e., Jesuits].

Wherein do they hide their violations of law?—In cheeses.

Therefore, what can be expected from cheeses?—Wax.[8]

I do not understand such an extravagant idea;

But if it is a question of profit,

It would be best to burn them all three—

Theatines, cheeses, and wax.

Who said “Good” instead of “Bad”?—A provincial.

Who explained the faith without discretion?—A Theatine.

And who set little value on his own existence?—A cripple.

Therefore am I moved to tears

To see a Theatine who is married;

And who was, because of his sin—

Provincial, Theatine, and cripple.

Archdeacon with no right—Jiron.

A bishop with little learning—Çamudio.

A notorious excommunicate—Tenorio.

Right well they deserve the Purgatory

Of Hell, these three friends;

For they are the enemies of God—

Jiron, Çamudio, and Tenorio.

Who was hanged from a beam?—An artilleryman.

On what was that action based?—On the slave-girl.

Of what did the homicide deprive him?—His life.

Unjustly lost

It was; but still I lament

That he should lose in one moment—

That artilleryman—his slave-girl and his life.

He who thought to pay from his profits—tributes;

And he who in hanging dogs saw—fetters;

And he who caused the mulatto women to bear—daughters:

All these simpletons

Must come to a halt;

Because the devil will carry off—

Tributes, fetters, and daughters.[9]

For so great malice, there is no—justice;

Nor for so many injuries—words;

Nor for so many follies—cures.[10]

All these misfortunes,

We Christians must suffer;

For powerless we see—

Justice, words, and cures.

What results finally?—Resolution.

And from these evil things?—Punishments.

And from so great discontent?—Torment.

Not in vain do I lament,

Seeing the sincere[11] Church

Become otherwise because of Corcuera—

Suffering, punishments, and torment.

[1] Apparently referring to the gate (now Puerta Real) at the southern end of the city which opens toward Bagumbayan, a district between Manila and Ermita. Through this gate were made the formal entrances of governors and archbishops previous to 1762, when the city was taken by the English; after that time, these entrances were made by the Puerta del Parián, at the north-eastern part of the wall.

[2] Spanish, mas boluesele el sueño del perro; literally, “a dog’s sleep fell on him.”

[3] Spanish, tres tratos de cuerda; referring to punishment by suspending the delinquent by his hands, which are tied behind his back.

[4] i.e., “gate of the magazines,” or royal storehouses. The northernmost gate of the city, not far east of the fort of Santiago, and opening toward the Pásig River.

[5] So in the manuscript, probably a transcriber’s error; but it evidently refers to the Dominican Pinelo.

[6] The Editors are indebted to Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College, and father Fray Juan but no Mateos, of the same order, of the Escorial, but now (May, 1905) at Villanova, for valuable help in the translation of this pasquinade. As much of the subject matter of the lampoon is local tit-tat, and as many of the meanings (although they would be perfectly apparent to the Manila populace) are purposely veiled, assurance cannot be given that the present interpretation is correct in every detail. There are also evident plays upon words and phrases, which can only be guessed at. Hence, the original is given partly for that reason.

The poetical form in which this pasquinade is written dates from an early period in Castile. Cervantes has a poem of this class in Chapter xxvii of the first part of Don Quijote; while Lope de Vega has also employed it. The second, fourth, and sixth lines form a sort of echo to the first, third, and fifth lines (the six lines being, however, written as three in the pasquinade). See Clemencin’s edition of Don Quijote (Madrid, 1894), iii, pp. 7–9.

[7] See the book of Esther. This is the Hamah of the King James Bible.

[8] Father Fray Juan Mateos says of this passage: “The author seems to use the word ‘quesos’ [cheeses], alluding to ‘casos’ [cases] (a practical question of moral theology). I imagine that the text refers to the accusation made against those fathers of being casuists or adapters of the moral doctrine to their own convenience. From the context, one can deduce that ‘cera’ [wax] is used in the meaning of ‘dinero’ [money], and the meaning in that case might be, that the Jesuits were trying to get money by fitting up the consciences of men with moral doctrines easy of fulfilment.”

[9] This is a very obscure stanza, although the allusions were doubtless well understood in Manila. The second line might be translated “And who in hanging apples, saw tares;” although the translation as given above is to be preferred.

[10] There is evidently a play on the word “cura,” which may mean either “cures,” or “priests” [i.e.,“cures”]. The meaning of the last line seems to refer to the ecclesiastical term.

[11] This may be another play on words, for “sinzera” may be the adjective “sincere” or the two words “sin zera,” “waxless,” and hence in this last meaning, an allusion to the third line of the third stanza.

Letters from Governor Hurtado de Corcuera

Ecclesiastical

Most potent Sir:

Although I have related to the tribunal of the holy Inquisition of Mexico the disorders that have happened in this city this year which were caused by the fathers of St. Dominic, and helped and strengthened by the father commissary of the Holy Office, Fray Francisco de Herrera—who has endeavored to avenge his passions and those of his religious through the authority of so holy a tribunal, but overstepping the manner of procedure and prudence that that holy tribunal has in all its actions—yet I have thought it best to have recourse to your Highness as to the supreme authority, so that you with the ruling hand may apply an efficacious remedy to the said disorders. Therefore, I shall give your Highness an account of them in this letter, in detail, although briefly.

The archbishop of Manila and the three orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine, were united against me. They went about holding meetings, as they thought by that method to avenge themselves for the injuries which they imagined that they had received because they were not granted whatever they wished or what suited their whims. They were convened in an assembly, where they must have discussed nothing else than their own restless notions and the disturbance of the community and opposition to the government. For that reason, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Diego Duarte, with the ecclesiastical cabildo, all the clergy, and the fathers of the Society of Jesus, refused to attend the said meeting. The archbishop and the three orders were very angry that the fathers of the Society did not attend, although they took no notice of the fact that the bishop of Nueva Segovia, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the clergy (who also were notified to attend the meeting) were likewise absent; and they made their anger evident, since the first topic that was discussed in the said meeting was [1] in which they disfellowshipped them from the other orders, and commanded that no one should go to their houses, or to feasts or other public ceremonies; that those of the Society should not be admitted into their convents for these functions; that they should not be allowed to preach in the cathedral, or in any other place outside their own houses; and other things like this. They all show the aversion and even hatred which they have for the fathers of the Society. That decree was a cause for great scandal throughout this community. It was approved and signed by the said father commissary, Fray Francisco de Herrera, thus making himself a party to all the quarrels and disturbances that resulted from the said decree. Consequently, he could ill be a dispassionate judge. The fathers of the Society were silent, and overlooked such things, coming from that source. Some days afterward, the archbishop, in accordance with the decision of the said meeting, had the fathers of the Society notified of an act, ordering them, under penalty of major excommunication, late sentencie, and a fine of four thousand Castilian ducados, not to preach outside of their houses throughout his archbishopric, not even in the barracks and guardhouses. The fathers of the Society tried to procure means of peace, but none of them succeeded. Seeing that there was no hope of peace, and recognizing the injury that the archbishop was doing them at the instigation of the three orders and the father commissary, they were forced to speak out against the archbishop through their judge-conservator, Don Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes, schoolmaster of this holy church and a person of good standing in this city. The three orders, especially that of St. Dominic, took this cause against the fathers of the Society as their own—although it did not concern them, but was, on the contrary, in favor of all. The fathers of the Society were defending what the orders were defending, since they were defending their privileges and immunities, which are common to all the mendicant orders. But the orders did not think of this, nor that they were putting out both their eyes (as says the proverb) in order to put out one of the Society. The aversion and hatred that they show against the fathers of the Society is incredible, doing them all the ill turns possible in all things, and talking maliciously of them. The orders had recourse by a plea of fuerza to the royal Audiencia, which declared that the judge-conservator had not employed it, and that he was legally appointed. Thereupon, seeing that they had no means by which to embarrass the judge-conservator, they tried to make use of the authority of the Inquisition, the fathers of St. Dominic threatening the judge-conservator with it. Those fathers spread the report that they would seize him, and get even with him. At this juncture the father commissary summoned him, and such was the aspect of affairs that the said judge asked the said commissary for a testimony that he had not been summoned for anything that could prejudice his person, in order that he might not be left with any stain. The judge-conservator had made complaint against the provisor, Don Pedro de Monroy, for having declared that neither Luther nor Calvin, nor any other heretics, did so much harm as did the members of the Society. That was a calumny and insult, the remedy for which the judge thought concerned him. The father commissary entered the lists, and asked for that cause. The judge sent him the original complaint, reserving the testimony, to present it to the holy tribunal of Mexico. The said father commissary asked for the testimony, and it was also sent him. The purpose of the father commissary seems to have been to deprive him of all the papers, as your Highness will see from the following.

At this juncture the archbishop held a meeting with the religious of the three orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine. There under title of a protest, an insulting defamatory libel was made, according to report, not only against the Society of Jesus, but also against the judge-conservator himself, because he was judge-conservator; and against the royal Audiencia, because it had declared his appointment legitimate. The judge-conservator brought force to bear against the archbishop in order to make him hand over the protest, but the latter steadfastly refused to do so, or to show it. Finally, although the archbishop agreed to deliver it, he could not do so, because he had given it to father Fray Diego Collado, of the Order of St. Dominic. The latter kept possession of it, in such wise that it could never be recovered from him; and it is even said (although I am not sure of this) that the said paper had been delivered to the father commissary in order to secure it, so that he might keep it with the papers of the Inquisition. For, as the judge was urging the archbishop, the father commissary entangled the affair by ordering the judge, with censures, to relinquish the cause, and cease to ask for the said protest, and to hand over the papers that had been made in this matter. The judge, seeing the malice of the father commissary in preventing his jurisdiction, and taking from him all the papers, continued to defend himself—and asking the father commissary not to hinder his proceedings, since the trial of the said protest or defamatory libel belonged to him, as it was an insult to the Society, to the judge himself, and to the royal Audiencia, and as it was a matter that concerned the principal cause. A thousand notifications were served on the judge, and all of them by means of different Dominican fathers, and with great noise and disturbance—a matter which caused much comment, that one commissary should have so many different secretaries, some of them being lay brothers, others priests, and others very young; and that they should disturb the community with their passions, under the mantle of the Inquisition.

The said defamatory protest or libel was authenticated by a royal clerk named Diego de Rueda. The judge-conservator arrested him. The father commissary went to ask for him, with censures, as he declared that the clerk was a familiar of the Holy Office. The judge replied that he had arrested the clerk to get his confession, because of the said protest which he had authenticated; that he had already taken that confession, and needed him no longer; and that the father commissary should ask me for him, for I had arrested him. The father commissary replied that he was not satisfied with that reply, and that the clerk should be given to him. But the judge answered by producing proof that he did not hold the clerk prisoner, and could not hand him over. Thereupon, it appears that the father commissary calmed himself, and turned upon me in good earnest. At the earliest light he sent a youthful and somewhat impudent friar to me, to notify me of the act—which I enclose herewith[2] so that your Highness may see whether this is the way to treat one who occupies such a post as I, and whom his Majesty has delegated in his place. Considering that the cause pertained to me, because that clerk had committed an offense in the exercise of his duty, and that the father commissary was exceeding his commission—and still more did he whom the father commissary sent to notify me so discourteously and impudently—I took the act from his hands, and sent him to his superior of the convent at the port of Cavite, with orders to keep him there and reduce him to order, as I did not wish him to excite the community, as the friars were doing.

The fathers of St. Dominic took opportunity from this occurrence to utter blasphemies against me, and to declare me excommunicated for preventing the exercise of the Holy Office (as if the preservation of the royal jurisdiction would be a hindrance to that holy tribunal, which only undertakes what concerns it)—saying that I was deposed, and was not governor, nor could I be governor. They declared that the senior auditor should immediately assume the government, arrest me, and send me to a fort. They confirmed this by the father commissary bringing from Cavite father Fray Francisco Pinelo—an eloquent man, and a bold preacher in the pulpit—whom he caused to preach in his convent in this city on the second Sunday in Advent. At the beginning of his sermon, he proceeded to read a bull, translated into Romance. He declared that it was issued by Pius V, and that his Holiness ordered therein that whoever should prevent the exercise of the Holy Office should be infamous, and incapacitated from holding office. This he said with such words and manner, and at such a time, that it had the effect of pointing me out with the finger; and it was seen clearly that everything was said for me, and that he was censuring me as infamous, and saying that I was not governor. In order that your Highness may see the freedom of these friars, and how they treat him who is in the place of king—and this under cover of the Inquisition, using the authority of so holy and upright a tribunal to avenge their passions in matters that do not concern the Inquisition; and they cannot see that to support it I have a sword at my side with which to fight to the death in defense of this holy tribunal, as I have done for twenty-five years in your Highness’s service against the enemies of the faith—in this same sermon, a thousand things were said against me calling me Herod; and against the royal Audiencia because it declared, contrary to the will of the father commissary, that the judge-conservator was legal. Aspersions were uttered against the fathers of the Society, censuring them as heretics; and against the judge himself, calling him a London canon, besides a thousand other impudent speeches in the same manner. Other preachers of his order have followed the same style of preaching, and they have been imitated by the Recollect fathers of St. Augustine—who style those of the Society hypocrites and heretics; and they utter innumerable satires on them in the pulpits, making the pulpit a lectureship of vengeance, although it is the place that belongs to Christ for the preaching of His holy word. How could the father commissary remedy these disorderly acts, since he was at the head of them, and since they were by his order, as can be understood from the above?

In this manner did they disturb and stir up the people, and even excited them to revolt—so that if I had not had arms in my hands, and the garrison which is here at my order, beyond question a greater calamity would have been feared; and I fear one, if your Highness do not take it in hand, and make a beginning in correcting such acts of boldness. I will add that I had given orders at the gates of the city that the said cleric Don Pedro de Monroy was not to be allowed to enter, as he was a seditious man, and in union with the friars he was exciting innumerable rumors and disputes in this city; and in the time of Governor Don Alonso Faxardo he was declared exiled from the kingdoms, and the temporalities had been taken away from him, because of a riot that he caused. It happened on November 21 of the past year, that he, clad as a Franciscan friar, together with another of the same order as his companion, attempted to enter a gate at the Ave Marias. The commandant, who recognized him, laid hold of him, and ordered the soldiers to take their weapons in order to prevent his entrance, and to obey their orders. But so many Dominican friars (who were prepared for that emergency), charged down upon them and defended the said cleric with their fists and with violence; and forcing my guardhouse, they placed him within the city, in spite of the soldiers, who had no opportunity to use their weapons. That appears from a legal investigation which they made in their exoneration, for I was intending to punish them for not having kept my order. I was angry, as was natural, at that lawless act and the boldness of the friars. I advised their superior of it; but he answered that that friar had entered the city because he had been summoned by the Inquisition and its commissary. For, even for such an outrage, which would have been worthy of punishment in any other, those friars take as a cloak such a holy institution as is the Inquisition—as if it were not proper to advise me, and not to force my guardhouse, even though it were a matter for the Inquisition. For it is certain that in all that pertains to that holy tribunal, the father commissary must find in me all protection and aid. But I was told nothing except that the force and violence was practiced of which I have given an account. It is to be presumed that it was not a matter that pertained to so holy and righteous a tribunal; but to say that it was a matter of the Inquisition was only a pretext and excuse for an act of boldness like that. And in order that your Highness may see more clearly what I state, the viceroy of Nueva España, the marquis de Cerralbo, sent a surgeon named Don Garcia to this country for his crimes. He came, condemned to serve for eight years at the will of the governor, without pay. But as I had need of him to go in the fleet of galleons that I was despatching to the forts of Terrenate, I tried to have him prepare for that service. He took refuge in the convent of St. Dominic, where the fathers aided and protected him. One of them, named Fray Francisco de Paula, told me that among the multitude of my affairs that were to be treated by the Inquisition was the fact that I was trying to send the said Francisco Garcia in the fleet, as its surgeon, since he was a familiar of the Holy Office. I had not known that before, and I think that it is not so, since the viceroy, in the presence of the tribunal of the holy Inquisition of Mexico, condemned him and sent him here; or else his cause was such that, even though he was a familiar of the Holy Office, that holy tribunal did not think it advisable to prevent the punishment imposed by the viceroy. And although the tribunal of Mexico, notwithstanding its so great power, refused to prevent that punishment, a friar tries to prevent it here and opposes me, the governor, and protects even a criminal from me—not so much to protect him, as to turn upon and oppose me. In truth, Sir, this is a grievous thing, namely, that in whatever desires or whims these friars have, and for whomever they wish to be aided and protected for them against the governor, they immediately find a path by way of the Inquisition.

Those fathers gave the final touch to those annoyances by taking from me, to my great vexation, a goodly number of sailors and some soldiers, who had received their pay in order to make the voyage in the said fleet of galleons to Terrenate. One of two friars of St. Dominic fled with them in a boat and went by way of Macajar to India, in order to go to España with serious complaints, as I am told, for your Highness. However, the path that they are taking is very apt to lead them into the hands of the Dutch or of the many other enemies who infest the seas of Yndia. It is said, and I regard it as certain, that that was the plan of the father commissary of the Holy Office; and at least he concurred in and had a part in it. Let your Highness consider the boldness and freedom of those friars in recklessly entering a matter which is so to the disservice of your Highness; and it is a kind of treason to take away the people who are in your service, and who have been already paid to go in the royal fleet.

Many other things of this sort and of this same kind could be related to your Highness, and all need the same remedy. It is one which I think efficacious for the prevention of greater damages, namely, that your Highness distinctly order the holy Inquisition of Mexico to appoint no friar of any order as their commissary in these islands, but some secular, since this function belongs to such. By that means many troubles would be avoided, and greater disorders, which may be feared if the friars act as commissaries, would be obviated; and we shall have the peace that is desired among your people. I entreat your Highness to be pleased to consider this matter, and how necessary is what I represent for the exercise of so holy a tribunal, and for your Highness’s service; for I shall not assure you that the islands will be free from any confusion or insurrection unless reform is given, and it is at least certain that we shall never have peace [otherwise]. And since this holy tribunal always brings peace to the kingdoms where it is just, will your Highness do this for me, and grant this request?

I petition the above from you in consideration of the above mentioned causes; and because my uncle, the inquisitor, Don Pedro Hurtado de Gabiria—who served for thirty years in the Inquisition of the Canarias, Granada, and Lograño, and in the royal Council as fiscal and inquisitor—having reared me until I was old enough to go to serve your Highness in the States of Flandes, in the course of his training taught me to obey, to venerate, and to respect so holy a tribunal. And wherever I have been since then, when your Highness sent me from the States of Flandes to Piru, and thence to govern the kingdom of Tierra Firme at Panama, the Inquisitions of the said Piru and Cartaxena, and (when I passed through Mexico) that of Nueva España, have shown me, for my great respect, courtesy, and submission, many honors and favors for which I shall always be grateful—as also to your Highness, from whom I hope for greater honors. May our Lord preserve your Highness in your grandeur. Manila, the last of June, 1636. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty’s feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

[The letter is followed by the appended documents:]

[The act of October 9, 1635, directed against the Society of Jesus, which will be found in the “Letter written by a citizen of Manila,” Vol. XXV, pp. 216–219. In the present document, the act is followed by the following:]

Collated with the original records which are in possession of his Excellency, and which I attest. Manila, October ten, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five.

The bachelor Joan Fulgencio, notary.

This copy was collated with the copy of the original which is authenticated by the bachelor, Joan Fulgencio, notary of the archbishop of these islands, Don Fray Hernando Guerrero, which is in possession of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general of these islands. At his order I drew this copy. Manila, October seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five; witnesses being Simon Delgado, and Alférez Pedro de Arexita. In testimony of truth, I sealed and signed it.

Andres Martin del Arroyo,
notary of the royal crown.

We, the undersigned notaries, attest that Andres Martin del Arroyo, by whom this testimony appears to be signed and sealed, is a royal notary; and, as such, entire faith and credit has been and is given, in and out of court, to the writings, acts, and other papers, which have passed, and pass, before him. So that that may be evident, we give the present. Manila, June eighteen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six.

Augusto de Valenzuelo, notary-public.
Francisco de Rueda, royal notary.
Sebastian Damas, notary of the assembly.

[The order presented to the governor by the commissary of the Inquisition, Francisco de Herrera, November 26, 1635, and already presented in Vol. XXV, pp. 243–244, follows. In the present document, it is followed by the attestation of the notary, Andres del Arroyo (dated April 26, 1636), who made the present copy from the original presented to the governor by the commissary. Following his attestation is one by the three notaries, Baptista de Espinosa, Alonso Baeza del Rio, and Francisco de Casares, attesting the copy of Arroyo.]

In the city of Manila, April two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, member of his Majesty’s Council, his governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands, and president of the royal Audiencia therein, declared that Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera entered a complaint against Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, the corporal of the soldiers of the guard at the gate of Santo Domingo, for having allowed Licentiate Don Pedro de Monrroy to enter this city, contrary to the order of his Lordship; and because it appeared that the said Don Pedro, accompanied by other persons and disguised in the habit of a Franciscan friar, entered through the said gate, although the said corporal recognized and stopped him and obstructed his entrance, calling the guard. But the said Don Pedro forced his way through the guard violently, and entered the convent of St. Dominic, of this city. For that reason the said corporal and the soldiers with him were not condemned. And in order that his Majesty may know what happened in this matter, and order his pleasure, the governor ordered Juan Soriano, notary-public, before whom the said complaint was made, to give two or three authorized copies of it. Thus did he enact and order, and he affixed his signature.

Before me:
Francisco de Ortega

Head of the process. In the city of Manila, November twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, auditor-general of war, declared that it had come to his notice that although the governor and captain-general of these islands had ordered that no corporal at the gates of the city should allow Licentiate Don Pedro de Monrroy to enter this city, Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, corporal at the gate of Santo Domingo, with three soldiers had allowed him to enter into the said city contrary to the said order. In order that he might chastise the aforesaid corporal and the others who appeared to be guilty, the auditor ordered the said complaint to be entered, with a process according to military usage, and that the witnesses should be examined according to the tenor of it. Thus did he enact, and he affixed his signature.

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera

Before me:
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Then the said investigation passed to the said auditor-general, who caused Domingo de Ayamonte, who has been alférez and is a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him. I, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law before God our Lord, and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being questioned, in accordance with the head of the process, he declared that he was a witness of what occurred. He declared that in regard to the said order contained in the head of the process, he did not know it, and that he had not stood guard in this city or in any other place, as he had but lately come from the island of Hermosa. What this witness saw was, that while he was seated outside the gate of Santo Domingo he heard a noise on the part of the wall inside the city, and that some person was calling out to the guard. Upon going to see who was calling, and hastening to take part in whatever might arise, he found that the one calling was Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, the corporal; and that the friars of St. Dominic and three of St. Francis were leading him a lively dance, dealing him many knocks and blows with their fists. After the noise had subsided, this witness asked what the matter was; and some soldiers whom he does not know told him that they had the order mentioned in the said head of the process, and that the said Don Pedro had entered clad as a religious of St. Francis. This witness knows nothing else, nor what soldiers were at the gate; for, as he has but recently arrived, he knows no one. He declared this to be the truth, on the oath that he has taken, and affirmed and ratified it, and declared that he is fifty years old and competent to be a witness. He did not affix his signature, as he could not write. The said auditor-general signed it.

Licentiate Manuel Simrez de Olivera

Before me:
Juan Soriano

In the city of Manila, on the said day, November twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor-general caused Pedro Gutierrez, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him for the said proof. I, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law, before God our Lord and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being questioned, in accordance with the head of the process, he declared that what he knows and what passes is as follows: On this the said day, after nightfall, and while the witness was on guard with the corporal, Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, at the gate of Santo Domingo of this said city; at that time there were two Dominican religious outside the gate and two others on the inside—lay brothers of the said order; and at the same time a small champan, with three other religious of St. Francis, arrived. Having disembarked, they asked for a jug of water; and answer was given them to enter the city and drink. While they were entering the city by the said gate, the said alférez and corporal thought that one of the said Franciscans was walking somewhat as if he wished to be unknown. Recognizing him, he began to call out to the guard and to lay hold of the Franciscan. The witness, having hastened, saw many religious who were fighting the said corporal and the other soldiers with their fists. They did that with this witness, for they gave him many blows and tore his jerkin and shirt from him, showering many insulting words upon this witness and the others. At this juncture he heard the said corporal say that Don Pedro de Monrroy was one of the said friars who was clad in the habit of St. Francis. This witness knows that the order contained in the said head of the process was given to him and the others at the said gate, so that they might not allow the said Don Pedro de Monrroy to enter thereby. This witness saw that two of the three Franciscan religious who came in the said small champan, and entered this city, tried to go out, and that one of them was left inside. All the above is the truth, on the oath that he has taken. He affirmed and ratified his deposition, and declared that he is forty years of age and competent to be a witness. He signed the above, together with the said auditor-general. Further this witness who has made his deposition declares that he saw that a crowd of Dominican friars came out, by a little bridge which extends to the guardhouse, and joined the others whom he had mentioned; and these latter are the ones who maltreated the said corporal and the other soldiers. He affirmed that, etc. This witness believes that even if they had had many more soldiers, they could not have resisted the said religious, because of the great force with which they defended the said Don Pedro de Monrroy.

Licentiate Don Manuel Suarez Olivera
Pedro Gutierrez

Before me:
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

In the city of Manila, on the said day, November twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor of war caused Manuel de Campos, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before him for the said investigation. I, the present notary, received from him the oath in due form of law, before God our Lord, and with the sign of the cross; and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being questioned as to the tenor of the process, this witness declared that what he knows and what occurred is as follows: He knows that the order contained in the head of the process was given at the gate of Santo Domingo. On the above date, after nightfall, as he was at his post, and with orders from Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, the corporal at the said gate, there were at that time, outside the said gate three Dominican religious and one secular, and inside one Dominican lay brother. At that juncture came a small champan with three religious of St. Francis aboard, who joined those others who were outside; and all together began to enter by the said gate—the two Franciscans, and one muffled in his mantle. The said commandant came up and looked sharply at the one who was muffled up in the said mantle, saying to him, “I pray you, Father, to uncover.” The latter answered, “He who meddles in this is a base villain;” and, lowering his head, the said commandant recognized the said Pedro de Monrroy. Seizing him, he called out, “Ho, the guard!” This witness hastened to him, and laid hold of the friar whom the said corporal had seized. At that same instant, the father guardian of Dilao gave him a blow; while many other friars, who were behind the gate which leads to the convent, charged down upon the said corporal and this witness, and dealt them many blows—dragging them even to the doors of the church, and saying many insulting words to them, telling them that they were excommunicated rogues, who were committing a very great outrage against the Church. Things were in that condition when the said corporal ordered that witness to go to report to the sargento-mayor; and he did so. The above is the truth, on the oath that he has taken. He affirmed all the above, and declared that he is thirty years old, and competent to be a witness. He signed it, together with the said auditor-general:

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, master-of-camp.
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

In the said city of Manila, November twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor-general caused a [certain] man arrested for this complaint to appear before him, in order that he might take his deposition. I, the present notary, received the oath from him in due form of law, before God our Lord and with the sign of the cross and under that obligation he promised to tell the truth. Being questioned, he stated and declared the following. Being asked his name, his age, and his calling and why he is arrested, he stated and declared that his name is Don Francisco de Rivera y Oseguera; that he is a soldier of the company of Don Lorenzo de Olaso; that he is twenty-nine years old; and that the reason for his arrest was that, having entered this day to guard the Parián, this deponent went as corporal to guard the gate of Santo Domingo, with orders not to allow Don Pedro de Monrroy to enter by the said gate. While he was at the said gate, and three Dominican religious were outside of it, and inside it one, at that juncture arrived a small champan, with three religious of St. Francis. They and the others started to enter the said gate, all with their faces covered. In the midst of them was a Franciscan friar muffled in his mantle. On that account this deponent was mistrustful, and going to him said: “I pray you, Father, to uncover.” Thereupon the father shrank further within his mantle, but the deponent, going nearer, recognized that it was Don Pedro de Monrroy, who was disguised as a Franciscan friar; and this deponent, grappling with him, called out for the guard. Thereupon, one of the said religious attacked the said Don Francisco, and shoved him about, and struck him. And after the said [Franciscans] came many other Dominican religious, who came out of their convent (which is near the guardhouse); and they began to drag this deponent and the other soldiers to the door of the church. That made the soldiers let go of the said Don Pedro de Monroy; for, even had there been many more soldiers, the religious would have taken him away, as there were many of them, and they came headlong to the encounter. He had a report of all the above made to the sargento-mayor. This, and naught else, is the cause of his arrest; and this is his answer. This deponent being asked whether he saw the disembarkation of the said Don Pedro de Monrroy from the champan, and whether he knew that he was coming disguised as a Franciscan friar before he entered the gate, he declared that he did not know it, as night had already fallen; for if he had known it before his arrival at the said gate, he would have prevented his entrance or have shut the gate, and have tried with all his might to obey the order given him. And he would have done that, had not the said friars hastened to him. He stated that he recognized the said Don Pedro de Monrroy only as he was about to enter the said gate in the guardhouse, after which succeeded the aforesaid incidents. This is his response.

Being asked whether he knows the gravity of the offense which he commits who breaks any military order, this deponent declared that he knew it; but that he kept the said order to the utmost, and no more, because the emergency that he has related occurred. This is his response.

Being asked whether he knows and recognizes that the said religious were aided by any secular persons in getting the said Don Pedro de Monroy inside the gate, he declared that he had not seen or recognized any secular persons except the said soldiers, his companions, who aided him, and the said religious. This is his response.

Other questions were asked and brought forward touching the matter; but to all he answered that which he has declared as above, under obligation of the oath that he has sworn. He affixed his signature, together with the auditor-general.

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera
Don Francisco de Rivera y Oseguera

Before me:
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

[The following is contained in the documents enclosed, in another letter of like date with the above letter (also by Corcuera to the king, and which will be given, post), and gives details omitted by the present document.]

Act. In the city of Manila, November twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, declared that it is advisable, for the greater justification of this complaint, to make investigation among the persons who were about the guardhouse at the gate of Santo Domingo of this city, in order to ascertain and find out more fully what happened last night at the said gate, by examining more of the witnesses who were present or who knew something of the aforesaid; and that the present notary should record the results as a testimony in this cause, so that it might be apparent for all time. Thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same.

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera

Before me:
Juan Soriano

Testimony. In fulfilment of the above act, I, Juan Soriano, notary-public, one of the registered notaries of this city of Manila, in the Filipinas Islands, for the king our lord, attest and assert truthfully to those who may see these presents that on this day of the above date, at the hour of ten in the morning or thereabout, I, in company with the said auditor-general, went to the gate of Santo Domingo of this said city, where there is generally a guardhouse of soldiers. I made an investigation among the persons near the said gate, and asked them whether any of them were present at what is contained in these records, and which happened at this gate last night, which is reckoned the twenty-first of this month. No one was found who could tell me anything about the aforesaid; and I gave the present because of what is contained in the commandment of the said auditor-general. Given in the city of Manila, November twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. Witness, the said constable, Francisco Gutierrez. I seal it in testimony of the truth,

Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Act of accusation and proof. In the city of Manila, November twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five,[3] Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, declared that having examined this complaint and the verbal process and investigation of it, he would charge—and he did charge—the said alférez Don Francisco de Rivera with what has resulted against him from the said verbal process; and that he would immediately receive—and he did receive—this suit and complaint and the parties to it, for proof within the time-limit of the two days next following, common to the said parties, with all responsibility of publication and direction, and all the rest, with citation. Within that time, they may prove and investigate whatever is expedient for them, and be cited in due form for sentence. Thus did he enact and order, and he signed the same; and the witnesses of the verbal process shall be notified before the said auditor-general, etc.

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera

Before me:
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Notification. In the city of Manila, November twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, I gave notice of the above act of proof, according to its contents, to Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, in his own person. He declared that he has no more proof to give than what he has given already; for, when the affair occurred, there were no other witnesses than the soldiers his companions, who have told and sworn the truth of what occurred. He gave the above as his reply, and I attest the same.

Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Ratification. In the city of Manila, November twenty-two, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, the said auditor of war caused Pedro Gutierrez, a soldier of the company of the master-of-camp, to appear before himself. I, the present notary, received an oath from him in due form of law, before God our Lord and with the sign of the cross. He promised to tell the truth, and, under that obligation, his testimony and the deposition that he made last night, the twenty-first of this month, before Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, auditor-general of war, and before me, the present notary, having been read and shown to him, he, having understood and read it word for word, declared that all therein contained, exactly as it is written and testified, was declared and asserted by him; and that the signature at the foot is in the hand and writing of this witness, and he recognizes it as such. If necessary, he again declares it in this plenary act, and he affirms and ratifies it in every point. He affixes his signature, and declares that he is forty years old, and competent to act as a witness. It is signed by the said auditor,

Licentiate Suarez
Pedro Gutierrez

Before me:
Juan Soriano

[A like declaration is received from the soldier Martin de Campos.]

Act. In the city of Manila, November twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five, Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, auditor-general of the war department of this royal camp, having examined this complaint which he made officially, for the royal justice of war, against Alférez Don Francisco de Rivera, in regard to his allowing Don Pedro de Monrroy to enter the gate of Santo Domingo of this city, while he was corporal at it, in violation of his orders from the governor and captain-general, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, to the effect that he was not to allow him to enter this city, etc., said that in consideration of what had been recounted by the investigation of this cause, the said alférez was not guilty in regard to the said entrance. On the contrary, he had done everything in accordance with his obligation to keep the said order. The auditor said that he declared—and he did so declare—the said alférez to be free and acquitted from the said charge; and said that he had done what his duty demanded in the fulfilment of his order, as a faithful soldier. By this act so did he enact, and he signed the same.

Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera

Before me:
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Remission in testimony of truth.
Juan Soriano, notary-public.

Fees gratis.

[An attestation of the authenticity of all matters that pass before Juan Soriano, dated November 29, 1635,[4] and signed by three notaries, follows.]

Sire:

Justice in this country was in the worst [possible] condition, because no one looked to your Majesty for it, and some of your vassals were committing outrages on others without fear of God or respect for your Majesty’s officials. There was great license and looseness of life, in both men and women. That has been corrected by exiling some of the men, and arresting others; and by rebuking and threatening the women of quality, and sheltering others of less standing, in the seminary of Santa Potenciana, until they are sought in marriage from that house. I have done that with despatch, considering only the service of God and of your Majesty. By that means many of the laymen have been restrained, as well as many of the ecclesiastical estate and regulars, who likewise have caused scandal in this direction. Two men have been punished by hanging—one for having stolen the monstrance of the most holy sacrament; and the other for the murder of a slave girl whom he had owned, and whom the archbishop had caused to be sold because he was living with her in illicit relations. In order that he might not be deprived of her, he declared that he would marry her, although he had said the year before that he had been married in Nueva España. The slave girl said that she preferred to belong to another than to be his wife. The slave girl going carelessly behind her mistress’s carriage, that man, deliberately and very securely, approached her by stealth; and, embracing her from behind, he stabbed and killed her treacherously. He took refuge in the convent of St. Augustine, where neither the master-of-camp nor the sargento-mayor could find him. But a few days after that, when the affair had died down somewhat, because of the reward offered to my adjutant of the camp, the latter found him and took him from the convent. I referred the cause to the general of artillery, as the man was his subordinate, so that he might try it in the first instance. The general condemned him to death. He appealed to his commander-in-chief; but the auditor-general returned the cause, saying that it had no appeal, as he was convinced of the man’s treachery and perfidy. Thereupon the general of artillery set about the execution of the sentence of death. The archbishop of this church excommunicated the general of artillery; and his provisor, one Don Pedro de Monrroy, a restless man, and a friend of revolution, sent twice to excommunicate me. But I gave them no opportunity to notify me at all. They declared interdicts and the cessation of divine services. The sentence was executed, and the dead man was returned to the door of the church. I wrote to the archbishop with all courtesy, entreating him to be pleased to have the churches opened and not to leave this community without mass and consolation on a day such as the nativity of our Lady; and that, as justice was already done, there was nothing else to do. The archbishop called a meeting of the religious of all the orders. They thinking in this way to avenge themselves for insults that they imagined they had received—the fathers of St. Dominic because I did not allow them to place benches in the principal chapel of their church when the royal Audiencia was present, for other persons, and on matters touching the communal funds [of the Sangleys]; those of St. Francis, because of the hospitals; and those of St. Augustine, because of what I had already written—carried the torch into that meeting, making a political argument from the fact that the archbishop and I were at swords’ points. Accordingly, they were of the opinion that the censures should be raised under no circumstances, and they talked very unbecomingly of my person. Only the fathers of the Society defended the royal jurisdiction, being followed by one of the Franciscans. They showed clearly that the execution that had been performed was a good thing, as the murder had clearly been a treacherous one. Therefore the other religious gave them cause for merit by uttering insults toward them; and from that instant took so great an aversion to them that it was the beginning of the disturbances that happened afterward. I went twice and thrice to request the archbishop to raise the interdict and the cessation of mass, but he was so far from doing it that he even refused to answer my letters. So I left him; but afterward, for certain reasons or at the request of others, he raised the censures and interdict, and absolved the general of artillery ad cautelam—for the latter did not consider himself as excommunicated, nor did learned men even consider him as such. That was very evident; for, having appealed to the bishop of Camarines, the sentence was in his favor, and he was absolved from the pecuniary fines imposed by the archbishop.

Thereupon that tempest was quieted. The principal instigator of it had been the provisor, Don Pedro de Monrroy, and its fomentors were the religious of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine. I, recognizing the naturally turbulent spirit of the said provisor, thought that we would be involved in other storms soon, unless something were done to prevent it, and some scheme found so that he might not be provisor. For that purpose, I wrote the archbishop to observe a decree of your Majesty in which you order, in the time of Don Juan Niño de Tabora, that provisors be lettered, and that, since this man was not so, the office be given to another who was, thereby obeying your Majesty’s orders. He did not answer me, but called a meeting of the religious of the three orders. All decided not to remove the provisor, and, in good Romance, not to obey the royal decree, but to oppose it—as they said, even to the death, if necessary. In order that your Majesty may see for whom the archbishop and religious made so great a pledge, Don Pedro de Monrroy is a secular priest, who does not possess, as your Majesty orders, the education that provisors must necessarily have (since he possesses no degree in any faculty); still more, it is apparent to this whole community that his house is a public gaming-house for all this city, where the gambling is so extravagant, and men lose their possessions so recklessly and preposterously that I am obliged to correct it efficaciously by forbidding all persons, under penalty of fines, from going to play in his house. He is a secular priest who says mass throughout the year, except now and then; and is, finally, a restless fellow and one who likes [to stir up] revolutions. In the time of Governor Don Alonso Faxardo, he was the cause of a great disturbance in the community, by excommunicating the auditors. He was sentenced to exile from the kingdoms for that reason and the temporalities were taken from him, as your Majesty will see by the enclosed testimony of the royal decree that was despatched for that purpose. But since justice in these islands is in the charge of protectors, the said decree, at the request of certain persons, was not executed. Although I might execute it, in order to cut the root of the disturbances, I did not do so, in order to obviate difficulties and murmurs in a community so small. Therefore, seeing that there was no other way that was milder, I offered the said provisor the chaplaincy-in-chief and vicariate of the island of Hermosa—as will appear by my letter and his reply, which I enclose herewith for your Majesty.[5] That was with the intent of getting him away from Manila, so that he might not embroil us. But that offer which I made to the said provisor aroused innumerable disputes. The archbishop declared that I was the violator of the ecclesiastical immunity. He immediately convoked a meeting of the religious, the ecclesiastical cabildo, and other seculars. The seculars, and the bishop of Nueva Segovia, Don Fray Diego Duarte, excused themselves—the fathers of the Society of Jesus, in very courteous terms, also begging to be excused from attending meetings where nothing else was discussed save opposition to the government. The archbishop and the members of the orders were so angry because the fathers of the Society did not attend that meeting (not taking into consideration at all that the bishop of Nueva Segovia and the ecclesiastical cabildo did not attend, either), that they turned against the said fathers of the Society. The first thing done in the said meeting was to enact an act which I enclose herewith.[6] In it they are separated from the other orders, and the latter were prohibited from admitting the Jesuits into their convents for feasts or other ceremonies. The other orders were not to go to the convent of the Society for public ceremonies or for feasts; while those fathers could not preach in the cathedral, or in any other churches outside of their house, throughout this archbishopric—which was equal to exiling them from its territories. To such a height did passion—not to say the hate of the archbishop and orders—rise against the Society of Jesus, that one must pass by what was determined against them in the said meeting, in which all that was done was to discuss the government and royal jurisdiction.

The archbishop and the religious seeing that the fathers of the Society were not disturbed—for which object the former were striving—because of the resolution made in the said meeting, the archbishop, twenty days later, sent a notary with a notification to the superiors of the Society, ordering that they should not preach outside their house, not even in the plazas and the guardhouses, under penalty of major excommunication, late sentencie, and a fine of four thousand ducados for the Holy Crusade—a thing which greatly scandalized all this community. The fathers of the Society answered with moderation that they would obey whatever was not contrary to the privileges and immunities given them by the Roman pontiffs; but that, since the tenor of this act was hostile to those rights, and manifest injuries were being caused to the Society—first, because all of them had been deprived of the preaching, without other fault than having defended the royal jurisdiction, and the truth; second, in ordering this with [penalty of] excommunication and pecuniary fines; third, by prohibiting them from giving instruction, even in the plazas and guardhouses—they were obliged to appoint a judge-conservator; for although they had tried all means of peace they had succeeded in none, or in finding any method by which peace could be secured. On the contrary, they were notified of another act on the part of the archbishop, on the third day after, ordering them not to instruct certain Indians, of whom they had legitimate control by provisions of two former prelates and of the royal patronage. From that they feared new notifications and insults, and therefore they appointed their judge-conservator on the second of November, of the past year 1635. He was a dignitary of this holy church, one Don Fabian de Santillan y Gavilanes, a qualified person of this country, and son of a treasurer of the royal exchequer. The judge-conservator ordered the archbishop to take back the acts made against the Society of Jesus, as they were a manifest injury. The archbishop had recourse to the royal Audiencia with a plea of fuerza. The acts were requested, and the fathers of the Society went to maintain their just claims, as did those of the other orders on the part of the archbishop. For, although what the Society was defending was in favor of all the other orders, they did not think of that. On the contrary, they preferred to lose two eyes, in order as the saying is, to tear one from the Society—against whom the fear and aversion which they cherish is remarkable, as they show by word and deed. They do the Society ill turns whenever possible. After the secretary had made a report of the cause, those of the Society brought forward the arguments in favor of their side; they proved also that a manifest injury had been done them in the decrees of the archbishop, and that the judge-conservator was legally appointed. The religious, who had gone on the archbishop’s behalf, had nothing to say, and asked for another day in which to state their case. The following day was granted them. They summoned many more religious, and six of them were heard in the archbishop’s behalf. Those of the Society replied to what the others opposed to them, but those of the opposing side did not satisfactorily answer those of the Society. Thereupon, the royal Audiencia declared that the judge-conservator had not employed fuerza, and that he was legally appointed. Therefore, the latter continued to press the archbishop with censures, in order to make him withdraw the acts issued against the Society. The archbishop did so; but, when the matter was in a condition to be disposed of and finished in a few days, it was discovered that the archbishop and some of the three said orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, and St. Augustine, had held a conference, and had drawn up a defamatory libel under the title of a protest. They had included in it, according to public report, not only those of the Society, but also the judge-conservator himself, and the royal Audiencia, because they had passed judgment contrary to their will. That protest or libel was authenticated by a royal notary named Diego de Rueda, who is also a familiar of the Holy Office. The judge-conservator arrested him, and with the aid that he requested, the commissary of the Holy Office—who here is a Dominican father, named Fray Francisco de Herrera—went to ask the said judge-conservator for his familiar, the said notary. The judge-conservator answered that he had already taken his deposition, and had no further need of him; but that they should demand him from me, for he had been arrested by my order. I answered that he had been delinquent in the exercise of his duty, for having authenticated, as royal notary, a defamatory libel; and that the punishment therefor pertained to the royal jurisdiction.

The father commissary sent two young and impudent friars to me, to notify me of the act which I enclose herewith for your Majesty, and laid his orders on me as imperiously as if he were the supreme tribunal of the Inquisition. I, on the contrary, before the completion of the notification, took the act from the hands of his agent with mildness, and sent him to the port of Cavite, charging his superior there to keep him in that place and treat him well. This I did purposely, because it is not proper for a youthful friar to talk with so great freedom to the representative of your Majesty—especially in a cause which is so peculiar to the royal jurisdiction as is this offense, which concerns the office of a notary.

On that account, the fathers of St. Domingo took occasion to utter blasphemies against me. They declared that I was excommunicated for hindering the service of the Inquisition; that I was deposed, that I was not governor; that I could not act as governor; that the senior auditor was to assume the government immediately; that he was to imprison me and lock me up in a fort. In confirmation of what they were saying throughout the city, they brought a friar from Cavite, named Fray Francisco Pinelo, whom, being bold, eloquent, and satirical in the pulpit (as is well known in this community), they caused to preach the second Sunday in Advent. He read a bull in the pulpit, which was said to be by Pius Fifth, and which was in Romance. Therein the pontiff orders that he who should prevent the exercise of the Holy Office should be infamous and incapacitated from office, etc. That he declared in such a tone and manner that it was clearly seen that it was all for the governor, and that he was censuring me as infamous. In order that your Majesty may see the license of the friars in this country, and how they treat those who exercise this office—and this under protection of the Inquisition, hiding under the authority of so holy a tribunal, to avenge their passions in things which, truly, neither belong to the Inquisition nor are at all connected with it—in that same sermon, innumerable other things and satires were uttered against me and against the royal Audiencia for having declared, contrary to the pleasure of the friars, that the judge-conservator was not employing fuerza against the fathers of the Society, censuring them as heretics; and against the judge-conservator himself, calling him a canon of London. They have made use of this style of preaching in many sermons throughout this time. The Recollect fathers of St. Augustine imitated him, and I am told that this is no new thing; for whatever the governors do that is displeasing to them they immediately take into the pulpits, thus making the pulpit the professorship of vengeance, while it is the seat of Christ for the preaching of His holy word. The disorder that has always existed in this regard is very great, and the matter demands an efficacious remedy. What occurs to me is, for your Majesty to send a decree to the governor, ordering that, when the said orders preach in this manner, he shall advise their provincial, so that the latter may deprive them of the privilege of preaching, and exile them from Manila to whatever place shall be deemed best; and that, if the provincial shall not do so, then your Majesty should immediately take away the temporalities from all of such order, and should order the royal officials not to pay them anything, not even the stipends for the instruction. For that nothing more should be necessary than for the governor to order it. That decree should be sent, but with restrictions, so that it may be a check on them; for your Majesty has sent many decrees to the provincials, charging them not to preach whatever they please against the governors, but they do not obey them. Your Majesty will see the importance of this matter, because those friars stir up and disquiet the country by these actions and sermons, and arouse hatred toward the governors.

The fathers of St. Dominic left no stone unturned. They drew up a paper, in which they spoke very discourteously of my person; and with it they presented a petition to the dean of this cathedral church—who, inasmuch as the archbishop had been excommunicated by the judge-conservator, was acting as provisor and vicar-general in it—asking him to declare and publish me in the lists as excommunicated. The dean, who is a prudent and aged man, was very far from doing so. Of a truth, Sire, I cannot fail to represent to your Majesty, in regard to this point, how great is the resulting inconvenience that any ordinary at all can declare your Majesty’s governors and viceroys excommunicated. And that would be a great embarrassment and cause for disturbance for a community; for, if the governor were declared excommunicated, the discontented would take the opportunity to release themselves from his obedience, and to excite a revolt against their legitimate king and lord. There is not lacking one who says that the bishops and ordinaries cannot do this, since the viceroys and governors enjoy the royal privileges, and that no other than the pope himself can excommunicate kings. If this is so, will your Majesty be pleased to declare it, for such a declaration would be very advisable; or order what should be done in this particular.

Among these things there occurred another very regrettable incident. Don Pedro de Monroy, who was now no longer provisor, left the city; and fearing that, if he returned hither, he would embroil the matter more, as was his custom, I gave orders at the gates of the city that, if he attempted to enter it, he was not to be allowed to do so. But on the twenty-first of last November, the said Don Pedro de Monroy, clad as a Franciscan friar, in the company of two other Franciscan friars, attempted to enter by a gate near the convent of Santo Domingo. A number of religious came out of the convent to receive him. He who was stationed at the gate as commander recognized him, seized him, and cried out to his soldiers to take their weapons and prevent his entrance. But there were so many Dominican friars who attacked the soldiers, and defended Don Pedro with their fists, that the soldiers could not use their weapons or prevent the entrance. Thus, by forcing their way into the guardhouse, the friars, brought him into the city. I felt the resentment in this matter that was natural, and I ordered the corporal and the soldiers to be arrested. Being about to punish them for not having obeyed their orders, they exculpated themselves very thoroughly in the investigation made by the auditor-general, but the violence of the religious gave the soldiers no opportunity to do more. Consider, your Majesty, what liberties these are to be taken from religious; and who can endure them? I wrote to their vicar-provincial, but he answered coolly that his religious had not done any such thing, as they are obedient, and that he had information to the contrary. The father vicar-provincial adds that Don Pedro [de] Monrroy entered the city in response to the summons of the Inquisition. This word “Inquisition” is the motto and cry of the fathers of the Order of St. Dominic in these islands, for whatever they wish to do. Your Majesty will have seen from the aforesaid what ill use they make of the authority of the Inquisition—so much so, that I assert that with it they disturb and excite the community, which would not be safe if your Majesty did not have so many soldiers here. Therefore, since it is advisable to preserve peace here, will your Majesty be pleased to order the supreme tribunal of the Inquisition to order the tribunal of Mexico to appoint, as commissaries, not friars but seculars, since there are so many seculars who are able to act in that capacity, and since it is an office that properly belongs to the ecclesiastical estate. Affairs will then run more smoothly, and there will be more harmony; and I do not expect peace until that be done, and until these lawless acts be checked.

The judge-conservator went on with his commission, urging the archbishop with censures in order to make him hand over the protest or libel which had been made; but the religious gained possession, by force, of the will of the archbishop, and although he desired to surrender the paper, they did not allow him to do so. He gave it to Fray Diego Collado, of the Order of St. Dominic, who secured such possession of that paper that afterward the archbishop himself was unable to obtain it, notwithstanding his efforts.

All was now confusion in the community, and the friars made innumerable evil and vile reports against the fathers of the Society (who bore these attacks in silence), whenever they had an opportunity. They preached innumerable satires against the same fathers of the Society, and against the judge-conservator, saying that these were bringing in innumerable innovations—all for the purpose of causing a disturbance. As the preservation of peace pertains to me, I one day summoned the superiors of the orders of St. Dominic, St. Francis, St. Augustine, and of the Recollects, and the father commissary of the Holy Office, in your Majesty’s name, and by a duly-executed decree of the royal Audiencia. The father commissary refused to come, and sent no excuse. The superiors were told that they were to keep their friars still, so that they might not go about disquieting the community. In regard to those who were most to blame in this—namely, Fray Francisco de Paula and Fray Sebastian de Oquendo of the Order of St. Dominic, and Fray Alonso de Carvajal and Fray Alonso de Ochoa, of the Order of St. Augustine—their superiors were ordered, in your Majesty’s name, to cause them to leave the city for some time. But they would by no means obey, for at this time the friars do not recognize your Majesty; and, in order to avoid other troubles, I had to overlook this, and let things go.

At that time I was attending to the despatch to Maluco of the galleons which were to go with the reënforcements. The religious of St. Dominic even allured a pilot whom I had honored and favored, and whom I had chosen to go in the almiranta, so that he should desert with some of them by way of India. I learned of it, and was obliged to arrest him, and to leave orders at the gates not to allow either of the two religious of the Order of St. Dominic, namely, Fray Francisco Pinello and Fray Diego Collado, who were the two implicated in this flight, to leave the city. Therefore, because of this order, they began to assert that I was incurring innumerable excommunications. They do not stop to consider that I have this city and these islands in charge, and that, accordingly, I must conserve them, and look out for them, and issue the advisable military orders that I esteem necessary; and that I could not prevent that damage except by not permitting those religious to leave the walls. In another manner, some other religious incited a goodly number of sailors, who, having received their pay to go to Maluco, fled in a boat called “champan,” and laid their course toward India. With them was a secular named Don Francisco Montero, who had been expelled from the religious estate—a restless man, who had been deprived some few months before of the chaplaincy of the seminary of Santa Potenciana, as he was not suitable for that post and served it ill. There was also a Recollect Franciscan friar, named Fray Nicolas de Tolentino, who was angered because his order had not elected him provincial, as he wished; and there was also a friar of St. Dominic. They are said to be about to go to España, with the intention of complaining of me to the supreme Inquisition. But the road followed is apt to take them into the hands of the Dutch, or to shipwreck. But in case any such complaint should be carried to España, I am informing your Majesty of everything. I also do so that your Majesty may see to what lengths these friars go, and how necessary it is to check them, so that they may not cause similar desertions—which appear outrages, and which are so, to the disservice of your Majesty, as it takes from us the men who should attend to the royal service in the royal fleet.

While affairs were in this condition, and the archbishop refused to give me the protest or libel which was asked from him, and the judge-conservator would not desist from requesting it, as I judged that it was of service to our Lord and to your Majesty for me to interpose my authority and settle affairs, I called a meeting of the four best lawyers in Manila, among whom was the fiscal of this royal Audiencia. To that meeting I summoned the father provincial and father rector of the Society, and the judge-conservator himself. The lawyers read the opinions, over which they had studied for several days. All agreed that the judge-conservator could remove a suspension that he had imposed on the archbishop as a means of getting the said protest or libel from him; as they said that such suspension was condemnatory.[7] For the same reason they said that he could moderate or completely abrogate the pecuniary fines. The fathers of the Society, although they were the ones offended, charitably took the archbishop’s part, and favored the opinion of the lawyers, and desired that the archbishop come safely out of the affair. The judge-conservator alone was somewhat harsh, and appeared to agree to nothing of this. But I asked, entreated, and persuaded him, so that he had to agree to it and absolve the archbishop from everything. Thus was the affair completely ended, on January twenty-eight. I went in my coach and took the archbishop to his cathedral. A huge crowd of people assembled there, and there was much rejoicing in the community because of the conclusion of those suits, and because it is believed that your Majesty will consider it well done and to your royal service. However, I am ever on the watch for new disturbances, as the archbishop is naturally inclined to such. Sire, I do not know that the prelates who are clamoring at Madrid are the ones needed here in these islands. Not even for this archbishopric is it advisable that the archbishop be a religious; but he should be some learned secular of exemplary life—one of the many whom your Majesty has in your kingdoms. And I say the same also even for the other bishopries, in so far as that might be possible. For the harmony that should reign in these islands, it is of the highest importance that the prelates be seculars instead of friars; for these latter side with the others and throw everything into confusion, and oppose the governor to the best of their ability. With secular prelates, things will go better, and great harmony will reign. I have reported these litigations so minutely that your Majesty may know the exact truth—if any of the parties should write or go there, and try to deviate from the truth in their relation. May our Lord preserve your Majesty’s royal person, as is necessary to Christendom. Manila, the last of June, 1636. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty’s feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

[The present document is accompanied by the following documents:]

[The act enacted against the Society of Jesus by the archbishop and orders on October 9, 1635, q.v. Vol. XXV, pp. 216–219 (and the notarial attestations, ante, pp. 72, 73); the letter from the governor to Pedro de Monroy, of October 8, 1635, q.v., Vol. XXV, pp. 207–208; the reply of the provisor, q.v., ut supra, pp. 209–210; the letter from the archbishop to the governor, October 9, 1635, q.v., ut supra, p. 221; the governor’s reply to the archbishop, q.v., ut supra, pp. 221–223 (followed here by notarial attestation of the present copy, made at Cavite, June 26, 1636).]

Don Felipe, by the grace of God, king of Castilla, Leon, Aragon, the two Cicilias, Jerusalem, Portugal, Navarra, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Mallorca, Sevilla, Cerdeña, Cordoba, Corcega, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarbes, Algeciras, Gibraltar, the Canarias Islands, the East and West Indias, the islands and mainland of the Ocean Sea; archduke of Austria: duke of Borgoña, Bramonte, and Milan; count of Axpurg, Flandes, Tirol, Barcelona, Vizcaya, and Molina, etc.: Inasmuch as Don Pedro de Monrroy proceeded, when provisor of the archbishopric of Manila, against Licentiate Don Francisco de Saavedra Valderrama, auditor of my royal Audiencia and Chancillería established in the city of Manila, of my Filipinas Islands, on the ground that he had taken the notary, De Vega [i.e., Diego?] Soto from the church, where he had taken refuge because of the criminal suit that was being prosecuted against him for the falsehoods and theft with which he is charged in regard to the silver lacking in the wreck of the ship “Sant Nicolas de Tolentino” (he being the notary of that ship), it was ordered that he be restored to the church under penalty of certain fines and censures. Notwithstanding that he appealed in due time and form, and threatened the royal aid against fuerza, and Licentiate Marcos Zapata de Galvez, my fiscal in the said Audiencia (who took part in the cause because of what pertains to my royal jurisdiction), did the same, the person aforesaid [i.e., Pedro de Monroy] continued to prosecute the said suit, with greater penalties and censures. Therefore, the said my fiscal presented himself in the said my Audiencia in the said appeal from fuerza. Having examined the acts in the matter, it was decreed by an act, on the seventh of the present month and year of the date of this my letter, that the said provisor was declared to have employed fuerza, and he was ordered to recall and repeal his acts; and the aforesaid [provisor] must freely allow the said appeals before the superior judge, who should annul all that had been done and enacted in prejudice of those appeals. He was to raise and remove the censures and interdicts which had been laid, and absolve those who had been excommunicated. Although he ought, in accordance with law, to obey and observe the tenor of the aforesaid decree, not only did he not do so, but on the contrary, adding fuerza to fuerza, he excommunicated Auditor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo, auditor of the said my Audiencia, with new fines and censures. Therefore, at the petition of the said my fiscal, my first and second letters were issued and despatched by the said my Audiencia as royal decrees, ordering that the tenor of the said act should be observed and kept, under penalty of a fine of two thousand Castilian ducados and deprivation of the temporalities, and of being exiled from my kingdoms. Although he was notified, he always remained rebellious and obstinate against fulfilling it. Therefore, it was declared by a third letter and royal decree, which was issued and despatched on the eighth of the said month and year, that he had incurred the said fine of the two thousand Castilian ducados, exile from my kingdoms, deprivation from all the temporalities that he possesses and enjoys, and exclusion from them. As the said Don Pedro de Monrroy has absented and hidden himself, its execution has not been entirely carried out in regard to expelling him from the country. It is advisable to make the necessary efforts, both that the aforesaid decree may be made public in the said city, and that what has been enacted may be executed. Therefore, the matter having been examined by the president and auditors in the said my royal Audiencia, it was resolved that I ought to order this my letter and royal decree to be issued. By it I order and command that it be proclaimed publicly in the city of Manila, in its public places, that all its citizens, residents, and inhabitants shall consider the said Don Pedro de Monrroy as exiled from my kingdoms; and, as such, that they treat him both in regard to any offices or dignities in which he may be serving, and in all other things regulated by law, as a rebel to my royal mandates; and they shall not receive or conceal him in their houses, or in any other place, nor shall they aid or protect him, so that he may be hidden—under penalty of a fine of two thousand Castilian ducados for my royal-exchequer, to which I shall consider as immediately condemned whomsoever shall do the contrary. Further, they shall be proceeded against by the whole rigor of the law, as against receivers and concealers of persons exiled from my kingdoms, and declared as such. I request and charge the superiors of the orders of this city, and outside the city, and other ecclesiastical person not to admit him into the city under any consideration, with warning that I shall consider myself disserved if such be done, and if more can be done in law, it is ordered to be provided as the most advisable remedy, inasmuch as it is thus fitting for my service, and my authority, protection, defense, and the conservation of my royal jurisdiction. Given at Manila, September twenty-five, one thousand six hundred and twenty-three.

Don Alonso Faxardo de Tenza
Doctor Don Alvaro de Mesa y Lugo
Licentiate Don Juan de Saavedra Valderrama

I, Pedro Muñoz de Herrera, who exercise the office of notary of the assembly of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands, caused this to be written by order of the king our sovereign, by the resolution of the president and auditors of that body.

Don Juan Sarmiento
Chancellor of Don Juan Sarmiento[8]

This copy is collated with the original royal decree, which is in the possession of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and captain-general of these Philipinas Islands. By order of his Lordship, I drew this copy at Manila, October seventeen, one thousand six hundred and thirty-five. Witnesses, Simon Delgado and the accountant, Juan Bautista de Zubiaga. In testimony of truth, I sealed and signed it.

Andres Martin de Arroyo,
notary of the royal crown.