The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXV, 1640–1649

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXV

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

In the present volume, which covers the period 1629–49, the principal topics are the missions of the religious orders and the hostilities between the Spaniards and the Dutch in the eastern seas. The final chapters in this conflict are the capture of Formosa by the Dutch, and the successive defeats of their armed squadrons in contests with the Spanish ships sent against them from Manila. In the loss of Formosa the Dominicans are deprived of their flourishing missions there; but this is compensated by the suppression of Collado’s faction in their order. The Recollect missions in Mindanao sustain some losses; but one of the laborers therein, “Father Captain,” sheds glory on them by his bravery, skill, and devotion. The Franciscan missions are in satisfactory condition; to their strictly religious work they add the care of the hospitals and the lepers. The prosperity of the islands has been greatly injured by the losses of galleons, insufficient crops, the oppressive taxes laid on the Chinese traders, and the great earthquake of 1645.

For the leading events in the history of the Dominican order in the islands at this period, we resort to the pages of Santa Cruz’s Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), a continuation of Aduarte’s Historia, already presented in this series. Beginning with 1635, Santa Cruz gives an account, more detailed than Aduarte’s, of the coming of Collado and the “Barbones” friars; and he adds the punishment and tragic death of Fray Collado. In 1637, Fray Carlos Gant is chosen provincial. Santa Cruz describes the island of Formosa, its people, and the Dominican mission established among them. He enumerates some of the mistakes and faults of Governor Corcuera, with their evil results to the islands; of these, the event most deplored by the Dominicans is the loss of Formosa (1642). The lives and achievements of various missionaries of the order are related. In 1639 occurs an insurrection among the Cagayán natives, caused by ill-treatment from the Spaniards: the latter are unable to subdue these people, who take refuge in their mountains. In the same year, both the galleons from Acapulco are wrecked, which inflicts heavy losses on the islands. Santa Cruz copies the royal decrees relating to Collado and the suppression of the congregation of San Pablo.

An account of the Recollect missions for the period 1625–38 is furnished by Luis de Jesús, in his Historia de los religiosos descalzos de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681). In 1625, Recollect missionaries extend their work in northern Mindanao, Fray Juan de San Nicolás and a companion. In the following year, the Moros, instigated by the noted Corralat, attack the village of Cagaiang; but it is fortified, and its people trained in military exercises, by the “fighting parson” of those missions, Fray Agustin de San Pedro, who defeats the enemy. In 1631 the Indians of Caraga, ill-treated by the Spanish commandant there, rebel; they kill him and some of the soldiers, and several of the Recollect missionaries in Caraga; some others are saved by friendly Indians. The natives of Butuan remain faithful to the missionaries, notwithstanding the efforts of the insurgents to seduce them. One of the fathers sails to Cebu to procure relief for the endangered garrison at Tandag; this is promptly sent, and soon quells the insurrection. Much consolation is afforded to the fathers in this distressful period by the conversion of an outlaw Indian chief and his hundred followers. Some mention is made of the persecutions in Japan, and of the Spanish occupation and subsequent loss of Formosa. In 1635 the Recollects enter Romblón and its dependent islands, where they labor bravely, but exposed to continual danger by the piratical raids of the Moros. Several of those who occupy Cuyo and Calamianes Islands are captured by those enemies, and become martyrs for the faith. This account is supplemented by that presented by Juan de la Concepción in his Historia general de Philipinas (Manila, 1788). He follows Luis de Jesús somewhat closely, but adds an interesting account of the missions begun by the Recollects in northern Mindanao, which they are afterward obliged to abandon. Their “Father Captain” (Fray Agustín de San Pedro) aids the Spaniards in the invasion (1639) of the Lake Lanao district, which is fully described. After the Moros are conquered for the time by the Spaniards, the Jesuits claim the Lanao district as being their field, and the Recollects are excluded from it. Another expedition is sent thither to build a fort on Lake Lanao; when this is but half done, the Moros—naturally treacherous, and further instigated by Corralat—attack it. The Jesuit priest at Lanao sends to the Recollect “Father Captain” an entreaty for aid to the besieged Spaniards; he responds quickly, and soon liberates them, also conducting the troops safely to the seashore. The district, however, is not restored to the Recollects—a result due, according to Concepción, to the machinations of the Jesuits.

The notable events in the year ending July, 1641, are narrated by a Franciscan at Manila. The Portuguese of Macao have been expelled from Japan, many being burned at the stake; and thus is closed the traffic which Macao had with Japan, to which that city owed its existence. A terrible noise in the air has been heard throughout the islands (afterward known to be caused by volcanic eruptions), which occasions much fear among the people—especially since the Dutch have seized the city of Malacca. News is sent to Manila of increased strength and hostile plans on the part of the Dutch, who talk of capturing that city; and they are even lying in wait near the Embocadero for the Acapulco galleons. The bloody persecutions in Japan have left few missionaries alive there; rumors regarding some have reached Manila, and the writer mentions the martyrdoms of several others. He also cites a letter from the Spanish governor of Ternate, asking for more religious to carry on the mission recently begun in Celebes.

A short unsigned letter, dated July 25, 1642, states that the islands are suffering from extreme drouth. The ship from Acapulco has come safely, but narrowly escaping the Dutch who lay in wait for it. The Portuguese from Macao profess loyalty to Castilla. The islands have not suffered from the usual Moro raids; negotiations for peace are being carried on in Mindanao, and Jolo is nominally at peace. A royal decree (October 24, 1642) orders Corcuera to thank the Filipino natives for their loyalty and zeal in the Spanish service.

A Dominican missionary who has labored in Formosa writes (March, 1643) a detailed account of the seizure of that island by the Dutch. After a five days’ siege, the Spaniards surrender with their forts there. The prisoners are sent to Jacatra (now Batavia), and afterward to Manila; and the Dutch make strong establishments in Formosa. They also search, but unsuccessfully, for gold mines there; and they treat the natives harshly, so that the latter long for the Spaniards to return. The writer proceeds to describe the great increase of power which the Dutch have attained in the East; he enumerates the armed fleet with which they are scouring the seas and securing control of the rich trade of that region. All these, as well as their forts, are furnished with abundance of supplies, of all kinds; and their soldiers and sailors are well trained and disciplined. The value of their commerce is almost incredible, and supplies Holland with wealth to carry on the war in Europe against the Spanish power. The Dutch aim to be masters of the entire Eastern archipelago, and are planning to expel the Spaniards from the Philippines. To this letter are appended extracts from Ferrando’s Historia de los PP. Dominicos and Concepción’s Historia de Philipinas, which present additional information. The former blames Corcuera, and the latter the Jesuits and their schemes, for the loss of Formosa.

A letter from the king to Corcuera (August 4, 1643), reproves him for saving money to the treasury by accepting “donations” of part of their pay from persons in the royal service, orders him to favor and protect the Indians, and asks for information as to ways and means by which money may be raised for the buildings needed for the use of the archbishop of Manila—for which contributions from private persons may be received, provided these are strictly voluntary. Other paragraphs of the letter approve Corcuera’s course in certain minor matters, and give him directions in others. In 1644, the Jesuit procurator for Filipinas asks the king to confirm certain grants made by Corcuera to the Jesuits at Manila; this petition is accompanied by a map, and a copy of Corcuera’s decree (September 1, 1640) granting the Jesuits a certain piece of land.

A document unsigned and undated, but apparently the usual record of the year’s events sent from the Jesuit house at Manila, relates the news for the year 1643–44. One of the Acapulco ships has reached the islands in safety, bringing the new governor, Diego Fajardo. The Dutch enemy have learned how incomplete are the defenses of Manila; but Ternate has been strongly reënforced, which will curb their arrogance. They have captured some of the Chinese trading vessels, and Manila has therefore suffered great loss this year. There is a serious rebellion in China; the king of that country is favorable to the Jesuit missionaries, and permits them to preach and build churches throughout China; and has entrusted to them the reform of the Chinese calendar. Japan is closed to the Christian religion and to European trade, excepting with the Dutch; and several martyrdoms of missionaries have occurred there. The Portuguese at Macao have seized the Spanish envoy from Manila, and all the other Castilians, imprisoning and abusing them. Having sent the envoy to Goa, the ship which carries him is captured by the Dutch, who treat him with great kindness and courtesy. The Spaniards at Macao are finally sent to Manila, but all their property is seized by the Portuguese. The Dutch have seized Malacca, and made an unsuccessful attempt on Ceylon. The Moros of Mindanao and Jolo profess to desire peace, but their promises are considered unreliable. Drouth and a plague of locusts have almost ruined the rice crop in the Philippines, and the Indians are suffering from famine.

A very rare and possibly unique pamphlet (Manila, 1644) presents the report of the royal fiscal at Manila on the licenses issued to the Chinese to reside in the islands. The amount paid for these has been increased by Corcuera, on his own responsibility, partly to raise money for the fortifications of the city, partly to punish the Chinese for revolting (as they did in 1639). The fiscal discusses this measure from a legal standpoint, and shows that it is illegal. Corcuera had no authority to increase the tax on the Chinese; there was no pressing necessity to justify it; he should have obtained permission from the king to do so; and he had already a sufficient fund for repairing the fortifications, in the proceeds of the monopoly on playing-cards. If more funds are necessary, they should be furnished by only the citizens and permanent residents of Manila, not by foreigners and transients, as are the Sangleys. Even had the new tax been justified, it was highly impolitic; and in any case its proceeds should have been placed in the general funds of the royal treasury, and subject to the orders of the royal officials instead of the governor’s—and for the sums spent therefrom by Corcuera he should be held responsible. These new taxes on the Chinese have injured and damaged the entire colony, since they have prevented the Chinese from leaving the Parián to cultivate the rice-fields and engage in fishing and other occupations; and those who really pay the money received for these taxes are the seventy citizens of Manila. In evidence of this, the fiscal cites the great increase in prices of both commodities and labor, due to this new tax on the Chinese.

A royal decree (September 18, 1645) orders the viceroy of Mexico to send larger reënforcements of troops, to be levied among the vagabonds and criminals of Nueva España. Letters from Felipe IV to his ambassador at Rome and Pope Innocent X (December 20, 1644) secure a papal brief (dated November 20, 1645) for the erection of the Dominican college at Manila, Santo Tomás, into a university. A report of the royal Council of State (January 30, 1647) relates to the attempt of the East India Company of England to open trade with the Philippines, which the Spanish government will not allow.

An interesting account of affairs in the islands from 1644 to 1647 is presented in two rare pamphlets printed at Manila in 1647, written by a royal chaplain in that city. After brief mention of the leading events during the period of ten years preceding, he begins with the arrival of Governor Fajardo (June, 1644) and the more important occurrences of that year. In April, 1645, Dutch vessels off the Ilocos coast are defeated by a few small Spanish ships. Soon afterward, the Acapulco galleons bring goodly succor to the islands. With them comes the new archbishop, who dies of sickness before reaching Manila. On November 30 of that year occurs the most destructive earthquake that has been known in the islands since the Spanish conquest; Fayol describes this in considerable detail. Manila is laid waste by it; and all the clergy and religious immediately go about the city, to recover the bodies of the dead and console the dying who are buried under the ruins. The main buildings injured, and the extent of the damage done to each, are enumerated. The prompt and vigilant measures of the governor prevent any lawless acts, and afford security to the homeless refugees. Most of the people leave the city, and encamp in the fields or on the beach, where the priests follow them, hearing their confessions and exhorting them to repent of their sins. Much havoc is wrought by the earthquake in various other places in the islands, and the shocks and disturbances continue for some time afterward, although much lessened in force. Unfortunate Manila is next harassed by the Dutch, who equip a fleet to attack it. Their first squadron is repulsed and defeated near Mariveles by the Spanish force, which consists of the two Acapulco galleons, manned with Manila’s bravest men. These vessels are then sent to San Bernardino Strait to protect the Acapulco galleons; there they encounter another Dutch squadron, and, after guarding the strait for a month, oblige the enemy to depart. The Spaniards go in pursuit, and, overtaking the enemy near Marinduque, defeat them, with very slight loss on the Spanish side; and two days later, near Mindoro, they again rout the Dutch, afterward returning to Manila. Not long afterward the Acapulco galleon is attacked by other Dutch ships, not far from Manila Bay, but retreats to Cavite in safety; it is then sent out again but this time escorted by an armada of all the vessels obtainable in Manila Bay. Near Mindoro they defeat another Dutch squadron; but as the winds have now become unfavorable for the voyage across the Pacific, the “San Diego” puts back to Mariveles for further orders. The Spanish flagship, again attacked by the Dutch, repulses them; and this series of brilliant victories is celebrated by a brilliant fiesta. A later galleon is lost in the port of Cagayan, but the men and the silver are saved. Dutch vessels capture a Chinese junk, and place aboard a prize crew; but the Chinese mutiny, and kill all the Dutchmen. The trade with China still continues, but considerably diminished by the Manchu invasion of that country.

The second relation by Father Fayol relates the incursions by the Dutch in the summer of 1647. Early in June the enemy enter Manila Bay with a large squadron, and finally bombard the city; but they are repulsed and much damaged by the Spaniards, with but little loss to the latter. The Dutch then commit some depredations along the bay shore; and later assault the Pampango village of Abucay, where a large sum of money belonging to some Chinese traders had been concealed. The Pampangos resist bravely, but are finally defeated with much loss, owing to the cowardice and inefficiency of the Spanish alcalde-mayor. The Dutch again attack Abucay, but are repulsed by another Spanish officer, and lose many men in the encounter. Two prisoners taken from the Dutch give the Spaniards much useful information. The pamphlet closes with a long eulogy of Venegas, the Spanish military commander.

A royal decree (September 17, 1647) gives Fajardo nominal instructions regarding the missionaries, but sufficiently vague and ambiguous to leave the governor at fault if affairs go wrong.

In an anonymous manuscript of 1649 is presented an account of the Franciscan missions in the islands. This begins with a list of the fifty-two convents of this order, with the number of natives and of religious attached to each; most of these have buildings of stone. The hospitals conducted by the Franciscans are enumerated, with various details regarding the resources and management of each one. Brief accounts follow of deaths of missionaries who have been slain by Dutchmen or by various heathens. The establishment of Poor Clares (nuns who form a branch of the Franciscan order) at Manila is described; this convent is exceedingly poor since the earthquake. It had sent some of its members to Macao to found a convent there; but after the Portuguese rebellion these nuns are obliged to return to Manila. Another section of this document relates various facts regarding the islands and their natural features and products, and the people. Then follows mention of the introduction of the Franciscan order in the Philippines, the royal aid and patronage bestowed on it, and its missions in Ternate, Macasar, and other remote islands; also an account of some martyrdoms among its missionaries. It was the Franciscans who took charge of the Christian lepers sent to Manila from Japan. The notable linguists among the Philippine missionaries, and their leading works, are enumerated. The writer ends by describing some heroic deaths of missionaries, and some instances of baptism conferred in unusual circumstances. Some additional information from Concepción’s Historia concerns the controversy of the Franciscans with the bishop of Camarines.

The Editors

January, 1906.

DOCUMENTS OF 1640–1644

Sources: The first document is taken from Santa Cruz’s Historia del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), pp. 1–23 (from a copy owned by Edward E. Ayer). The second, from Luis de Jesús’s Historia de los religiosos descalzos de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681), pp. 69–71, 163–173, 184, 282–287, 294–298 (from a copy owned by Edward E. Ayer); and Juan de la Concepción’s Historia de Philipinas, v, pp. 163–179, 360–391 (from a copy in the possession of the Editors). The third, from a MS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. The fourth, from a MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The fifth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), ii, pp. 251–288; Ferrando’s Historia de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 440–447; and Concepción’s Historia, vi, pp. 89–113. The sixth, from the “Cedulario Indico,” in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.

Translations: The first three documents are translated by James A. Robertson; the fourth, by Victoria Peacock; the remainder, by Emma Helen Blair.

THE DOMINICAN MISSIONS, 1635–39

Book one of Part two of the “History of the province of Santissimo Rosario of Filipinas, Japon, and China, of the Order of Preachers.”[1]

CHAPTER FIRST

Of the condition of the province in the year 1637, which is the first year of this history

The time of a successive history, although it is continuous, is not an indivisible unit. Consequently, it is necessary in this history to take our course from two years previous, namely, that of 1635. That year was the third of the first provincialate of the father-commissary, Fray Domingo Gonçales. The intermediary chapter having been held on April 6 of the said year, on St. John’s day arrived two ships from Nueva[2] España, the “Concepción,” and “San Luis” with the situado. In them came to govern these islands, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara; the new governor brought much succor, and many soldiers from Perù; for he had made his voyage by way of those kingdoms. A band of twenty-two religious came to our province, under the vicarship of father Fray Diego Collado. Their names are as follows: the said father-vicar, Fray Diego Collado; father Fray Guillelmo Cortet de Visiers, of Francia, afterward a glorious martyr in Japon (treated in the first part,[3] book 2, chapter 61); father Fray Juan del Moral, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Cordova; father Fray Miguel de Ozaraza, son of [the convent at] Victoria, a glorious martyr in Japon, and of whom the same history treats at the same place; father Fray Juan Mallen, son of [the convent of] Santa Cruz el Real at Granada, a collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he sailed; father Fray Antonio de Montesa, of the Canaria Islands; father Fray Juan de los Angeles, son of [the convent of] Santo Domingo del Campo at Zafra; father Fray Manuel de Berrio, son of [the convent of] Santa Cruz at Segovia; father Fray Pedro de Messa, son of [the convent at] Cordova, collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he sailed; father Fray Gabriel de Montenegro, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Cordova; father Fray Pedro de Chaves, son of [the convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca; father Fray Juan Uguet, son of [the convent of] Preachers at Valencia; father Fray Ignacio Muñoz, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Valladolid; father Fray Juan Cazor, a Frenchman; father Fray Francisco de Hoyos, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Valladolid; father Fray Antonio de la Torre, son of [the convent of] Regina Angelorum [i.e., Queen of Angels] at Sevilla; Fray Francisco de Armella, an acolyte, from the province of Aragon; Fray Tomas Ramas, an acolyte, son of [the convent of] San Vicente at Plasencia; Fray Placido de Angulo, an acolyte, son of [the convent at] Xerez de la Frontera; Fray Juan del Villar, an acolyte, from [the convent of] San Pablo at Cordova; Fray Alonso de Villegas, a lay-brother, son [of the convent of] San Pablo at Sevilla; Fray Francisco Gomez, a lay-brother, son of [the convent of] San Domingo at Xerez. The above are the ones who arrived, while father Fray Juan Tellez, a son of [the convent at] San Lucar, was left in Mexico because of illness, and came the following year. Father Fray Marco Nuñez, a son of [the convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, died at sea. Under the shelter of this mission came a student, who took the habit here, professed, and was ordained; his name was father Fray Diego Rodriguez.

The band was received with as joyful demonstrations of consolation as were the others. But considering the appearance of those who came in that band, which was so strange to this province, the joy was changed into wonder; for all of them wore long beards, a fact which was an immediate portent of some great trouble as it was the superscription of peculiarity. The first part, book 2, chapter 56 treats of this sufficiently; but, as it is so serious a matter, we have thought best to repeat considerable and to add somewhat. Father Fray Diego Collado, a native of Meazadas in Estremadura, and son of [the convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, a truly exemplary religious, energetic in his ministry, and very zealous for the conversion of Japon and China, was a minister of this province for some years in Cagayan. But the devil—who, like an asp, converts the most medicinal flowers into poison—availed himself of the zeal of this father to divide the seamless and scanty garment of this holy province; and, beginning to deface his government with less humility, created in his breast thoughts of being the reformer of the province (a self-love, at bottom, which was given shelter under the holy name of Virtue, in order that it might become more pernicious and incurable), by separating the congregation so that it should only be employed in the missions of other kingdoms, without paying any heed to the ministries to the Indians. He so arranged matters here, that from Japon (where he was a minister for four years) serious difficulties excluded him from that field of Christendom. Here also the superiors sent him for religious to España. He went there and to Roma, where he proposed to our most reverend father-general, Fray Serafino Sico, that, inasmuch as this province was embarrassed with ministries to Indians and assistance to Spaniards; and inasmuch as the missions of China and Japon and other kingdoms were an employment which ought to be their sole one: it would be a great service to God to have them separate, by that most reverend father instituting a new congregation, to apply themselves to this purpose, and this alone. They were to have houses of their own, from among those which the order possesses in these islands, where the languages could be learned without other exercise than that of the said missions. The most reverend father having examined and consulted regarding the new pretension, resolved to demolish it; and, even angered at such a proposal, he deprived the said father of his powers, ordered him to quit Roma, and not to return again to discuss the matter further. The father obeyed, but it happened that the father-general died in the year 28. In the year 29, our most reverend father, Fray Nicolas Rodulfo was elected. Father Collado sought an interview with him, and painted his scheme in such colors that he obtained whatever he wished from him: the erection of a new congregation, under the title of St. Paul the apostle; the appointment of himself as the first vicar-general; and all things for that necessary end, with great amplitude of power and authority. The father went to España, and, first seeking the indispensable permission of the royal Council of the Indias, and finding that innovations were not resolved upon in those royal and most prudent courts, without first hearing a report from the governors and their audiencias, and that he was demanding an impossible thing, he concealed the facts of the division, and only made public the mission to Filipinas and his appointment as vicar. There was no difficulty in his obtaining the favor, orders, and help of the king our sovereign, and despatches from his royal Council, in order that he might conduct his band by the usual way. The father came to terms with the twenty-four said religious, and embarked with them. He always said, whenever any necessity arose to say it, that the letters of the most reverend father were so weighty and were so vigorously expressed that their execution in the province would be accomplished without the slightest difficulty. Father Fray Mateo de la Villa, procurator-general of this province, resident at the court, sent private information of whatever he could discover in regard to the business, proceedings, and efforts, and of Father Collado, in the same vessel. The latter, as a man of authority, of example and weight, and of experience, had sufficient time in the course of two so long voyages to infuse his opinions into the religious. That was an easy matter, because of the lack of events contrary to the faith which they must give him; and more so if, fearful of the dangers so often exaggerated, of a ministry among the Indians, representations were made to them of the glory of a martyrdom, truly fantastic without great exercise of virtues, tears, and prayer. In this manner did he so bind them to himself in this holy province, and under the disguise above mentioned.

He presented his letters, in which the lack of so essential a part was immediately discovered. The matter was disputed, and the father-provincial, then the reverend father-commissary Fray Domingo Gonçalez, having briefly considered the matter, resolved upon a severe remedy. Before considering other orders, his first was that no permission was to be given the newcomers to say mass, unless they shaved as did the others. Thereupon, taking better counsel, they obeyed, and desisted from their attempts; and in a short time were scattered throughout the province in order to study the languages there, while the said Father Collado remained behind in the convent.

The new governor assumed his duties, and discharged them with close circumspection, and was well obeyed and esteemed by all the inhabitants of Manila, as well as those outside that city; for he was a man of great capacity. But he began to advance new opinions, which are not so safe a thing in these so remote lands, and are generally too arrogant. The matter that caused greatest mischief, and even scandal, was the violence with which he treated the archbishop of this city that holy prelate, Don Fray Fernando Guerrero whose lamentable tragedy, exile, and attending circumstances were heard in Europa not without astonishment; and left this land so desolate that today it still suffers, and has not yet dried its tears. Reason of state calls the two opposite arms, the ecclesiastical and the secular, difficult to adjust [to each other], and this is true; yet in the last analysis they are arms of one body, and in order that they may live in peace, they must aid and supplement [each other’s] actions. If the secular arm, which boasts itself a faithful vassal, has to move as our most Catholic kings decree, it ought to make the ecclesiastical not its feet but its crown, such as the Constantines and the Honorios made it. And although there may be dangerous accidents, the science of the physician who relies on one medicine, and that a desperate one, is not very great. Such was the medicine of that time, and the Preachers, having caused notable disturbances in those districts, were obliged to perform their duties. Much more heavily did the hostility of the governor weigh down upon Ours, for he, scenting or discovering at this time the commission that our father Fray Diego Collado had brought (which had been forgotten for nine months), summoned him, and awakened him, so that he should again take up that commission. The governor encouraged him to present himself to the royal Audiencia (not paying any heed to the fact that it had not been passed by the Council), as his Lordship was well inclined toward it and had authority to pass it. Much persuasion was not necessary to obtain this result, with such a father. Although affairs were in the greatest harmony, still the spirit of the father was still rankling with the wound. Accordingly he immediately made his presentation, and his Lordship decreed that those letters should be obeyed; and assigning the houses of his choice to Father Collado, declared that he would be protected in them. The father named the best, and those best prepared for his purpose, notwithstanding that some of them were ministries. Under military protection he was given possession of the house at Binondoc, the Chinese hospital, the Parián, Cassite [sc. Cavite], the house of Lalo in Cagayan, and that of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints] of the island of Hermosa. Consequently, the province was violently despoiled, as well as the religious who were in those houses; and there was a new and never before seen confusion in that community, the Indians were angered, and the heathen were scandalized. The new congregation of San Pablo, victorious in its contention, rejoiced. Some of them, although few, made no disturbance. There were also two of the old fathers who went to profess in the new congregation (for the most healthy body has four distinct humors[4]). A distinct set of rules were made. Although it was ordained for an honorable purpose, yet truly, the observation of the rules of the province would perhaps aid that purpose more. Some very holy and venerated rules were broken; and at the end they did not pass one step in advance, but were on the contrary given a great setback. But the true and affectionate mother, who had given birth so gloriously amid so great travail, bewailed inconsolably the division of her offspring, seeing that it was caused by plots of the devil, so that the apostolic missions of those kingdoms should be neither of the one nor of the other congregation. She had recourse to the only refuge for her sorrows, namely, the most holy image of the rosary, with continual prayer and litanies—an empirical remedy whose virtue had been so proved by the Order (especially in the protection from authorities ruled by passion). So was its efficacy experienced in this instance; for after sixteen months, during which time the pretended congregation of San Pablo lasted, the Lord worked his miracles by the following means. Among the many who were grieved at the archbishop’s case, and its consequences—which succeeded one another daily, with new causes for anxiety—one was our Fray Diego Collado; for although he was protected by the governor, yet being a religious full of zeal, necessarily such lawlessness struck him full in the face. After warnings and sermons, seeing that nothing was of avail, he was determined to write most fully to the king of España, or to his Council, of these occurrences and significant considerations. He sent his letter by the ship that sailed that year; he must afterward have told what he had done, so that it came to the ears of the governor. The latter summoned the said father, and, talking to him in friendly manner, and excusing himself for what he had done, said to him when he thought that the father was pliable: “I am a friend to your Reverence, Father-vicar, and indeed you know how I esteem you and how I have labored in your demand. I have learned that your Reverence has written against me, and I am not surprised, for your Reverence would not have been so excellent a religious had you not done it. The letter is now on its way to España, but you will do me the favor to give me the rough draft of it, in order that I may clear up a doubt that I have, and for the satisfaction of your Reverence, for you are charged with writing false things, that are unworthy of a person of so great virtue.” Father Collado seeing that he was persuaded with so much affability, promised to do it. He took him the rough draft, and his Lordship on seeing it was so indignant that, after dismissing the father, he conjured up the greatest revenge that he could. He had the father provincial immediately summoned (at that time father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant), and restored to him all the houses of the new congregation, which he held to be dissolved from that time, since it lacked the previous authority of the royal patronage and his consent. Thereupon, the order was executed on the instant, namely, on September 6, 1637. The clouds cleared away, and the face of the sun shone forth, glad and resplendent with peace. Therefore thanks were offered to our Lord again and again; and to the most holy Virgin of the Rosary (ever Mary of victory), they gave joyful worship and a solemn and festival week. With this, when the royal decree arrived in the following year (which will be found on the last leaf of the first part), no further restoration was to be made, for it was already made. The father provincial ordered Father Collado to undergo penance then, and he observed, with example and humility, the laws of perfect obedience. In order to remove the scruples that might arise, he was retired to Cagayan, where he was to perform his penance. Having remained there until the following year, 1638, when an order came from his Majesty in the above mentioned decree to send him back to España, on his return to Manila, in order to prepare for his journey thence, he embarked in a dilapidated champan in company with some men of the household of the alcalde-mayor of that province. They left under a good wind, but they were struck by a heavy northwester next day, before they doubled the cape of Boxeador, and the storm continued to increase with such fury that they were unable to withstand it, and the craft was driven upon a rocky reef. A lay-brother, one Fray Francisco Luque, who had accompanied the father, leaped into the water, together with an Indian, and got ashore. Father Collado was about to follow him, for he was an excellent swimmer; but such were the sufferings of the women and crew, who detained him that he might confess them, that he resolved to die with them. But a few moments after that, the boat yielded to another shock of the sea, and was broken into splinters, and all perished. Of the two who reached the shore, the lay-brother was killed, before he had gone far, by the attack of a band of heathen Negritos, who inhabit those mountains and whose solemn feasts are the killing of men. The lay-brother gave up his life because of the innumerable arrows [shot at him]. It was God’s pleasure to let the Indian escape, and he related all the tragic event. Such was the end of father Fray Diego Collado. [It is one of] the secrets of God that he, after so many years of voyages—twice to Filipinas, to España, and to Roma—should die at last within four brazas of land, in a very small boat. But he was already freed from his errors, and rendered obedient to his province; and he [died] in so honorable occupation as that of the last consolation of so many souls, for whose spiritual welfare he gave his life as a true brother.

CHAPTER II

Election of provincial in the person of father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant, and events of that time.

The capitular fathers assembled in the convent of St. Dominic, May 2, 1637, and elected as provincial the reverend father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant, an Aragonese, and son of the Preachers of Zaragoça. He was an oldtime minister of Cagayan, had been definitor in the year 1633, and was elected provincial for the second time in 1648, of which we shall treat hereafter. Honorable mention was made in that chapter of some glorious martyrs whose lives and precious deaths were treated in the first part of this history [i.e., Aduarte’s Historia.]

Great deeds were performed at that time in the island of Hermosa, and abundant harvests were gathered, as the field was white for the harvest of the gospel. But it will be advisable for us to describe first the characteristics of that island, which was not touched upon in the first part. It deserves not to be passed by in silence, for it was for sixteen years the glorious theater of our Spanish arms and the greatest credit of these missions. [A description of the island and its products follows. Of the inhabitants Santa Cruz says:] As to the men they are tolerably clever; they are well-built and light-complexioned, although ruddy in some districts. They are valiant and strong, and greatly inclined to cutting off the heads of their enemies, with which they make merry in their celebrations, dances, and feasts.[5] They have no king, nor does their little ability allow such a thing. They get along better by families, where the father is the king. They have no idols or any other images which they adore with outward reverence. The devil only holds them deceived by many superstitions of chance, and of songs and flights of birds, which are consulted in their difficulties. They sacrifice the first fruits of everything[6] to their Berroas, which are certain imaginary spirits there—to such an extent that, whenever they are about to commence a new jar of wine, they first take out a few drops and throw them outside, which constitutes their reverence. They throw some grains of their morisqueta (which is their rice bread) on the ground, and that is their grace. They do the same with the rest of their food and drink. They have good characteristics; they abominate theft and unchaste acts and accordingly watch out for such very rigorously. They immediately kill the illegitimate child and punish the parents severely.[7] Their provinces, languages, and settlements are numerous. We found those people who came to us in the city of San Salvador, which we founded, to be very sociable, accommodating, and simple. Had God preserved us in that post, they would have constituted a good work for us and a great company for the advancement of empires so extensive as those which are near it. China is less than thirty leguas away from it; Japon is eighty; Camboja, Cochinchina, and Tunquin are one hundred and fifty leguas or two hundred or somewhat more. But our Lord ordained that the Dutch enemy should drive us out of so important a Plaza de Armas. Accordingly, what pertains to us is to yield ourselves with humility, and to see whether we can again open so suitable a door by making our lives better.

During those five years five fathers of our order lived in the convent of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints], which was the church of that city, and their superior was father Fray Lucas Garcia. They were attending with all fervor to their ministries—some of Spaniards, some of Indians, and some of both—when Father Collado, vicar of the new and lately-formed congregation, despatched father Fray Juan de los Angeles[8] to take possession of that house for that congregation in the year 1636. As associate he assigned to him father Fray Miguel de Corena,[9] who had gone over to the congregation from the province [of Santo Rosario]. Those fathers, arriving there with their appointments and the orders of the governor for the governor of that island, deposed the vicar—although everything was adjusted amid great peace, and, until the first despatch, they all lived together as the closest of brothers. When opportunity offered, the former father-vicar, father Fray Lorenço Arnedo, and father Fray Felipe del Espiritu Santo, a Japanese, and Father Corena himself, who was unwell, went to Manila, leaving the said father-vicar, father Juan de los Angeles, father Fray Teodoro de la Madre de Dios, and father Fray Juan Garcia, for it was not advisable to leave the land without ministers who had been there some time. Father Fray Francisco Diaz (of whom a more detailed relation will be given later) also did his work, and it was great. He was an accomplished minister for China, and was detained in the island of Hermosa at that time, for the following reason. He had left his missions in the above kingdom to attend to the solution of certain serious doubts, in company with father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria of [the Order of] our father St. Francis. Going to the island of Hermosa, it was determined that father Fray Antonio should go to Manila, and that Father Diaz should await him there, which he did. Therefore, as the latter could not remain idle, he employed himself during that time in aiding his brothers, paying his score for lodging in works of example and virtue.

Before going farther, it will be advisable for us to present a brief summary of the incidents that concern the new governor of these islands, in order that we may get through with him. It cannot be doubted that a person of so many good qualities and one so noble had a strong desire to do well, and, above all, since he was selected by our Catholic monarch who confided to him in these islands the most precious gem of his crown—a jewel that his most prudent grandfather had given him, when in standing god-father to them in sacred baptism, in the time of his monarchy, he was pleased that they should give his name to the islands. That was a very well founded reasoning, for considering their land, their climate, their location, and their distances, proportions and neighbors, Alexander the Great did not dream of placing his banners over an empire of greater reputation [than these constitute]. Notwithstanding, then, the good intentions of that knight [i.e., Corcuera], from that time they were obstructed by so many untoward events that, although he governed nine whole years, and had the good luck to return to España (a thing that no other governor had done before him), and was there afterward governor of Cordova, and governor of Canarias, where he died, still he left few expressions of regret here for his departure—and, as says a Stoic, posts and dignities bear the letter of recommendation on their backs only. Few grieved over his absence, for he left the name of governor truly disgraced. The year after his arrival (namely, 1636), for reasons of state he sent no ship to España, although he should have considered the common good and the only consolation of these islands, which depends solely on the delicate thread of one poor ship of commerce and relief. The next year he did send it, and it happened to be received at Acapulco by a visitor, Quiroga, who ruined these islands by his rigor, although they ought to be treated with greater charity, for so many reasons. Our governor was over-zealous in the suit with the archbishop and in his exile, and was merciless in his decision—although the venerable prelate mounted to heaven, and protected himself with a sacred monstrance in which was present the person of God himself. But that did not avail the archbishop, for His [Divine] Majesty allowed human power to achieve its end. The governor proceeded with such passion in this holy province of ours that he gave it the stroke most keenly felt, by dividing it, without awaiting any order or authority. And although the Lord derived great glory from it, still that knight manifested his own character in dividing so holy a family, and again uniting it when that seemed fitting to him; and by such actions he showed his scant appreciation of persons so estimable, and whose profession is so sacred. In the wars that he waged in Samboangan and Jolo, in which he participated personally, it is certain that he did his duty as a brave soldier; and God gave him honorable victories, which were of great consequence for humbling those enemies. But they were very dear to us, for the best people of these islands perished there, but rather as the result of their own disorder than from the valor of others. In order that those sorties might be made, presidios were dismantled, and others were weakened, so that even at the present time [i.e., 1693] the islands have not reached the period of convalescence. The thing that must grieve us most is, that although our arms had possessed the greater part of the island of Hermosa, as above stated, with so great reputation for sixteen years—a possession which all the nations of the world might well envy—command was given, in order to carry on these wars [i.e., in Mindanao and Jolo], for three of the military companies in its garrison to retire to Manila, leaving only one, composed of boys and cripples, under the immediate control of the chief governor. On that account it was necessary for our religious to abandon the place where they lived outside (which was a village of considerable size), and to live in the fort, crowded with the men. When the Dutch, who were settled at the other point of the island, called Tayguan, discovered that, they attacked us once; and, having better equipped themselves, [attacked us] in the following year of 1642, and besieged and defeated us with the loss of credit that can be understood (although the conditions were honorable), after seven days of brave resistance, and took our people in their ships to Manila. But this caused the ruin of large Christian communities of Indians, and the total downfall of the increased hopes which, in so advantageous a post [as Hermosa], were continuing to grow, with greater effects in the service of both Majesties. Later, in the year 1660, the Chinese won that fort of ours and the land from the Dutch, so that that nation possesses it in peace today. The misfortunes of the governor went farther; and one of those years he despatched to our España the galleon “Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion”—the richest one that has ever been seen on that route and owned by citizens of this land (for then they had not invented the pernicious art of sending [agents] to buy here). It was in command of Don Juan Francisco de Corcuera, the governor’s nephew. Unfortunately it was wrecked during a storm, at an island of the Ladrones, and the cargo was lost, as well as the people—except some few who escaped by swimming, and afterward ventured themselves in the open sea, in a small boat made in those parts; and it was God’s will to allow them to reach Manila. At that time there was an insurrection of Sangleys—who hold in their grasp all the manufactures and trades of this community, and through whose hands passes all the bulk of the commerce. Consequently by the means of one lash they all perished, while we ourselves were badly wounded. Clearly our sins were the cause of all those calamities; but since the superior officer derives the greater part of the glory in prosperous affairs, there is sufficient foundation in adverse affairs for him to shoulder a great part of the misfortunes—and more so when, rendering himself inaccessible to counsel, he carries out his own resolution. Now his residencia has been obtained by his death, and the residencia which was taken here from him was not so mild that it did not cost him five years of close imprisonment.

[The chapter closes with the narration of the happy death at the island of Hermosa of the Portuguese lay-brother Fray Antonio de Viana, who had taken the Dominican habit at Manila. He had labored five years in the island.]

CHAPTER III

Of the intermediary chapter; and of some religious who are mentioned in it as having died, leaving behind the reputation of virtue.

The intermediary chapter of the provincialate of father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant was held in the convent of St. Dominic in Manila, May 15, 1639. [The deceased missionaries given mention in that chapter are as follows: Jacinto de San Geronimo, who professed in the convent of Santa Cruz at Carboneras in the province of España, and died in the province of Itui, after a glorious life of labor. Geronimo Morer, of the province of Aragon, who professed in the convent at Valencia, and died at an advanced age in the missions of the Babuyanes; he had charge there of about one thousand tributes in two villages. Juan de Santo Tomas, who died September 5, 1638, one of the founders of the province. Next morning early also died the lay-brother Juan de San Dionisio, a native of Aguilar, who took the habit at the convent of Escala Cœli (i.e., the Ladder of Heaven) at Cordova; he was known, before his arrival at the Philippine province, as Juan de Heredia. He joined the Philippine mission in 1590, and on reaching that land was employed in various duties, among them that of nurse in the Chinese hospital of San Gabriel.]

[Chapters iv and v deal with the life of Juan de Santo Tomas (alias de Ormaza), one of the founders of the province of Santo Rosario, and its fourth provincial. He was a native of Medina del Campo, and his father was a noted jurist. The latter desiring his son to follow in his footsteps, he was sent to the university of Salamanca; but the youthful student, developing a taste for the religious life, prevailed upon his parents to allow him to devote himself to religion. He entered the Dominican convent at Valladolid, where he professed. The first mission to the Philippines, which arrived there in 1587, found him among its ranks. Arrived at the islands he was assigned to the missions at Bataan, where he labored assiduously until the year 1600, when he became provincial by unanimous vote. Shortly after the completion of his term of office he was sent to Japan as vicar-general of the Dominican missions there, and after several years there he returned to Manila and resumed his old vicariate of Bataan. As old age came on he retired to the convent of Manila, where he died at the age of nearly ninety, on December 7, 1638. In the general chapter held in Rome in 1644, he received mention for his good life and works.]

CHAPTER VI

Of the intermediary meeting of the year 1639, and events of that time

In the year 1639 was held the intermediary meeting in the convent of St. Dominic in Manila, where besides the ordinary arrangements some rules were enacted, although only a few. One of those rules was much to the credit of holy Poverty: namely that no one could ask permission to spend any money, even to the extent of a small sum, unless he first declare the purpose of it to the superior. It was a very happily conceived rule; for supposing that to each religious is given whatever is religiously necessary for him in health and in sickness, it is right and proper, if the alms of any mass come into his hands—even though it be to give alms, or to aid religious friends who are in other villages with some trifles, which they do not possess—to tell it to the superior, and not to give any occasion for Poverty to complain, even in slight matters.

In March of that year a very disastrous insurrection occurred in the province of Cagayan, in some villages retired among some mountains, called Mandayas (whose discovery and reduction to our holy faith is treated in the first part, book 2, chapter 48; and which was due to our Order, at the hands of father Fray Lorenço de Zamora, who accomplished it all). The affair was so disastrous that it cost considerable blood and not a few scandals (which are yet bewailed). The alcalde-mayor of that province was Sargento-mayor Don Marcos Zapata, the son of an auditor of this royal Audiencia. The alcalde, not paying much attention to so noble a trust, or deceived by his own shadow—and, what is more, by the example of the governor (who was, as we have said, very decided in his opinions)—conducted his official duties by the method which he calls “the short cut” (which only shows little cleverness) namely, that of severity. (But this is an expedient which carries with it innumerable inconveniences. We know that the heathen, who drew gods out of the center of the earth, made Love a god, but it is not stated that they made Cruelty a god. The reason is, that, although it seems to one that he can do much by cruelty, he cannot do everything, as can love. Consequently, cruelty lacks qualifications for being called a god.) Following this his line of reasoning, the rigor of the said alcalde was great. Although by order of the central government he had made a fort with a new sentry-post, in the said Mandaya villages, and had a suitable garrison of soldiers, yet so many were the burdens that they put upon the shoulders of the wearied Indians for their support that the latter considered themselves as conquered, especially because of the ill-treatment that they experienced from the commandant of the said fort. The mine of anger exploded, because the said commandant punished one of the principal women, because she had displeased him, by forcing her to pound rice for a whole day; she and her husband were so angry thereat that they became the chief promoters of the insurrection. The nearby villages, which were tormented by the burden of the fort and the oppressions practiced by the soldiers, were invited [to aid in the conspiracy]. They entered the sentry-post at ten on the morning of March 6 with their arms, and killed the sentinel and others who offered them some resistance. They went thence to the fort, and breaking down the doors, or having them opened by the spies inside, they killed about twenty unarmed and naked soldiers, who formed the garrison; only five soldiers escaped, by hiding; but later, the fire increasing, these perished. The Indians entered the convent, and killed a Sangley, at the door of the cell of the father-vicar, who had just been baptized that day (whose death, we must believe, would be most fortunate for his soul). They showed respect to the father-vicar and, all of them weeping with him on account of the bold undertaking in which they found themselves involved, they embarked him together with his clothes, the ornaments from the sacristy, images, crosses, and books, and carried them down to a secure place, from whence he went to the first convent. It was learned afterward that they proceeded with their frenzied sacrilege, and burned the church and the convent. Although the attempt has been made more than once to obtain satisfaction, yet those people are so favored by their inaccessible mountains that this effort has been abandoned, as it is impossible to subdue them.

[A short description of the revolt of the Chinese follows (see Vol. XXIX, pp. 208–258).]

Native women pounding rice in the province of Cagayán

[From photograph taken by Otto Fischer, 1888; procured in Madrid]

CHAPTER VII

Continuation of the events of that year of 1639

On the seventh of August of that year, the desired news of two galleons which were coming from Nueva España, with the situado of these islands, arrived at Manila, which was decked in festival gladness [because of the termination of the Sangley insurrection]. One cannot easily imagine the general acclamation with which the news was received, and the festive demonstrations which were made [tokens of joy] in the hearts that were so full of mourning for the troubles of the above related insurrection, and other incidents which still kept the copious tears dropping from the eyes. Those were the results, doubtless, of our great sins, which to this very day have converted our joy into a tragedy, and a very painful one. For on the very day in which so famous news arrived at Manila—namely, that the said two ships were in Cagayan—because they had made a port badly sheltered, and had not been able to better it in so many days, at that unseasonable time so furious a tempest struck the same moorings, that all their skill was of no avail to them, and the tempest drove them upon some rocks, where both were miserably lost. Although it was God’s will that the money of the situado should be saved, and that registered as belonging to private persons, as it was already ashore, all the other things were lost—most of the infantry aboard, and all their goods, silver, and merchandise. That amounted to a great treasure and was the blood of this land gathered in those two hulks, and was so sadly shed in our very sight. Patience, hardly cured from the past blows, was much exhausted, when that misfortune became known. Its causes were differently construed, for in such strokes grief has license to arouse opinions, however little foundation they may have. But the truth is that alleged above, namely, our sins, and no other—which, in order to double their strength, are trying to leave us querulous of others, the good abandoned, and the detection of our errors left in uncertainty. He who would know what kind of a city Manila is, the latitude in which our Lord located it, and its characteristics and its strength, must not be governed by degrees, elevations, or charts, nor by its gains (although these have been so great), but by its losses, which are much greater and more continual; its site, looked on with envy by all the nations of the world, especially by those surrounding it who are as haughty as populous; its nourishment, which, as this is the most remote part of the body of our España, when it arrives is at least cold, however great the warmth displayed by the royal heart of the Council of the Indias. Its governors are and have been excellent Christians, and brave, for in this regard it has had good fortune. But since the express from Madrid, even when it is swiftest, takes three years, it is necessary that the government change its nature. Although it is monarchical in its form, it lacks the quickness in its relation to the heart and to the head which is the better life of its members, so that without doubt it is most difficult to administer. Whence we infer that this city, with its remote provinces, is one of the greatest miracles that the providence of God has gathered in His temple, who is preserving it supernaturally for His predestined ones, dispensing with the order of secondary causes, to the no little glory of our mother España. The latter is the instrument happily chosen for so lofty an end. España, with so Christian generosity, spends annually in its support a half million. That is the least thing, when one considers the so many and so competent sons in both estates [i.e., secular and religious] as are those of whom España is continually dispossessed, without hope of seeing them again. That does not happen in any other part of America. Fortunate is the Catholic spirit of the kings our sovereigns, who, following that honorable obligation, so free from temporal interests, have advanced this royal proof of the most Catholic zeal, and of a liberality without imitation among all the monarchs of the world! And happy a thousand times those who coöperate with their lives or their energy to so glorious an end!

Although the above-mentioned misfortune caused the loss of goods and lives of so much value, the royal despatches of his Majesty were saved, and the waves did not dare to profane their immunity. In the despatches was a decree for the father provincial of this province in regard to the division [of the province]—now buried in silence, but which disturbed it so greatly. As that decree seems highly significant of the care of our Catholic monarch, and of the warm place that his humble province has in his royal breast, we have thought best to insert it here. It is as follows:

“The King. To the venerable and devout father provincial of the Order of St. Dominic of my Filipinas Islands: I have been informed, by various relations which I have received, of the lack of peace and quiet enjoyed by the religious of that province, because of the division made in it, by virtue of letters which Fray Diego de Collado bore from his general, and aid given him for it by my governor and captain-general of those islands, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera. However the said briefs ought not to have been executed, as they were not passed upon by my royal Council of the Indias. Regarding rather the harmony of the orders and the quiet of that province, and believing that the said division will be the occasion for laxity in the order, I have ordered my said governor and captain-general of those islands, and my royal Audiencia resident therein, to suspend the said brief and all others that the said Fray Diego Collado may have carried, and not allow them to be executed; and that the division that has been made in the provinces be annulled, and conditions remain as they were before the said division. Therefore, I ask and charge you that you on your part cause those provinces to assume the condition that they had before the said division, and you shall immediately send the said Fray Diego Collado to España. In order that this may have effect, I am ordering my governor in a letter of this same date to have transportation furnished to him for his return. You shall advise me of what you shall do in execution of what I ask you, on the first opportunity. Given at Madrid, February twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon”

This is the letter or decree written to the father provincial. In the one which follows, although it contains so many things worth considering, the clause rendering this province equal to the most observant one of the order is the most noteworthy; so that those who merit the possession of a mother who employs herself in the service of God, and who is so well accredited with her prince, may console themselves. In order that we may get through with this matter once for all (which is not very savory), we shall insert here the other decree of his Majesty written in regard to the same matter to the royal Audiencia of Manila. The king our sovereign well shows in it the care that we owe to him, for he expresses in that decree not only his royal providence, but the anger that such innovations caused him. It is as follows:

“The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of Manila of the Filipinas Islands: In one section of a letter written to me by you on June 12, 1636, you say that father Fray Diego Collado of the Order of St. Dominic went to those islands in the former year of 35, bearing letters from his general allowing him to take over some of the houses owned by that order and found a new and distinct province, the sole business of which is to send ministers for the conversion of Japon. All of that carried with it great inconvenience, both because of the injury that that order would receive by a division of the province (which will bring about laxity in it, although that province has hitherto been one of those in which the rules of their order have been observed with the greatest strictness and punctuality), and in sending ministers to Japon the said order has displayed so much solicitude that rather has it been necessary to restrain it because of the umbrage received thereby by that kingdom. That annoyance has been the occasion for cutting off the trade with those islands; and it was in great danger of being shut to the Portuguese of Macan, whom the Japanese have threatened severely if it be found that religious have gone to that kingdom from those islands, or from any other part. Consequently, it was certain that father Fray Diego Collado gave an inaccurate report to his general, and it was not advisable to carry out the terms of his letters—of which you gave me an account, so that I might have the evil corrected. The matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, by a letter of this date I have ordered and charged you, my president—inasmuch as you did wrong in giving aid to that father because the brief which he held had not been passed upon by the said my Council—to cause this and all briefs which he had, that had not been passed upon by the Council, to be suspended, and not to allow them to be carried into effect. In regard to the division of the provinces, they shall return to their former condition. In order that my commands may have the due effect, I order you and my Audiencia to assist in the fulfilment of the aforesaid decree, so that it may be executed without any omission. When that is done, you shall advise me of it at the first opportunity. Given in Madrid, February 21, 1638.

I the King

By order of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel Ocaña y Alarcon”

One can see in this not only his Majesty’s favor toward us, directed to the ends of the providence of God (who holds the hearts of kings in His hands), but also the evil (which the Audiencia here regretted) of the separation which was made, and the official report which was made to the credit of this holy providence. And since at last they see us near at hand, and the good reputation that our Lord has given us here in His infinite goodness, those gentlemen are grieved at seeing us suffer—since at that time we were in so great danger of the destruction of this holy province; for giving it such a division amounted to the same thing. But God returned to His cause later; and as His divine mercies have been so abundantly revealed, greater troubles can well be reckoned as well past.

[The following six chapters are comprised mainly of accounts of the Chinese missions, and the lives of certain Dominicans.]

[1] The title-page of Baltasar de Santa Cruz’s history reads as follows:

“Volume second of the History of the province of Santo Rosario of Filipinas, Japon, and China, of the holy Order of Preachers. Written by the very reverend father, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, professor of morning studies in the university and college of Santo Tomas de Manila, prior of the convent of the said city, rector of the college, provincial of the province, and commissary of the Holy Office. Dedicated to the very illustrious and reverend Don Fray Miguel Geronimo de Fuenbuena, member of his Majesty’s Council, and bishop of the holy church of Albarracin. Published by order of our most reverend father, Master-general Fray Antonio Cloche, and the very reverend Father-master Fray Pedro Martir de Buenacosa, prior of the royal convent of Preachers at Zaragoça, synodal examiner of his archbishopric, and of the nunciature of España, and preacher to his Catholic Majesty. The year 1693. With permission: printed at Zaragoça, by Pasqual Bueno, royal printer.”

Baltasar de Santa Cruz, one of the most eminent of the Dominicans of the Philippines, was born at Granada, December, 1627, and professed at the convent of Santa Cruz la Real in the same city, December 4, 1643, after three years as a novice. After studies in that convent and at San Pablo in Sevilla, he taught philosophy at the former convent. In 1666, he was in the convent at San Lucar de Barrameda, whence he departed that same year for the islands. Arrived there he learned the Tagálog language in six months, but was speedily sought for high offices. In 1667, he was appointed lecturer in theology in the college of Santo Tomás in Manila; and in 1669 he was elected prior of the Manila convent, although he resigned that post the following year. He was elected definitor in the chapter of 1669, and in 1671 vicar of Abucay, in the province of Bataan. He was rector of the college of Santo Tomás in 1673–1675, and preacher-general at the same time; vicar of Binondoc, 1677 (still retaining his title of preacher-general); he was elected provincial, April 30, 1678, and at the expiration of his term was elected commissary of the Holy Office; vicar for the second time of Binondoc, 1684; president of the hospital of San Gabriel, 1686–1698, when he was again assigned to the Manila convent; was elected definitor in the chapter of 1690; was vicar-general in the province of Manila, 1684–1694. His death occurred January 12, 1699, at Binondoc, and he was buried in the convent at Manila. His history of the Dominican province in the Philippines was composed in only ten months. See Reseña biográfica, part ii, pp. 17–19.

[2] In the text, nuestra, apparently a typographical error for Nueva, since these ships carried the situado, which was supplied from Mexico.

[3] “The first part” of the history of the Dominican province—meaning Aduarte’s work (presented in Vols. XXX–XXXII of this series), of which Santa Cruz’s is a continuation.

[4] According to Hippocrates, the human body contained four humors—blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile.

[5] The custom of cutting off the heads of enemies probably arose from the desire to furnish unquestionable proofs of victory. The sight of these skulls would also intimidate the conquered, and restrain insubordination. The heads were offered in propitiation of the dead, thus entering into a quasi-worship; and the possession of these trophies is considered a mark of bravery and social distinction. See Herbert Spencer’s Ceremonial Institutions (New York, 1880), pp. 38–40.

[6] Primitive peoples often partake of the new corn sacramentally, because they suppose it to be instinct with a divine spirit or life. At a later age, with a different conception of natural processes, a portion of the fruits is presented as a thank-offering to the divine beings who are believed to have produced them; sometimes the first fruits are presented to the king, probably in his character as a god. For full descriptions of this custom, its observance, and meaning, see Frazer’s Golden Bough (2d ed., London, 1900), ii, pp. 318–340, 459–471.

[7] For detailed account of the natives of Formosa, their customs, mode of life, and religious beliefs, see Valentyn’s Oud en nieuw Oost-Indien, deel iv, stuk ii, pp. 37 et seq. of the section entitled “Beschryvinge van Tayouan of Formosa.” This matter is doubtless obtained from the writings of George Candidius, the first Dutch preacher in Tai-wan, and a missionary among the natives. He was preacher at Tai-wan during 1627–31, and 1633–37. See also the English version of his account of the Formosan natives, in Churchill’s Collection of Voyages (London, 1704), i, pp. 526–533 (see our Vol. XXII, p. 99, note). See relation of religious affairs in the island during the Dutch occupation, with list of ministers, in Valentyn, ut supra, pp. 83–93. The latest, and apparently the most full and thorough account of the island is J. W. Davidson’s Formosa Past and Present (London and New York, 1903). He describes the island, its resources, and its native tribes, and relates its history—for all which he has had access to the best material available, and the aid of scholars acquainted with the subject, besides his own long residence there; and presents the best map of Formosa yet published.

[8] Juan de los Angeles made his profession in the Dominican convent at Zafra, in 1626, and came to the Philippines with Collado in 1635. He was sent to Formosa and remained there until its capture by the Dutch. Returning to Manila (1643), he labored many years, sometimes among the natives, but mainly in high offices of his order—among them, the priorate of his convent, and the provincialship of Filipinas; he was also rector of Santo Tomás college, and for many years president of San Juan de Letran college. He died at Manila in 1682, aged eighty years.

[9] “Father Fray Miguel Lorena (or Corena), from Aragón, a son of one of the two convents at Zaragoza, was assigned to Formosa; but after the chapter of 1635 no more is known of him.” (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 418).

THE RECOLLECT MISSIONS, 1625–40

[In Vol. XXI (pp. 191–259) the history of the Recollect missions in the Philippines, as related by Luis de Jesús (Historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de los Hermitaños del gran Padre, ... San Augustin; Madrid, 1681) was presented for 1621–24. Below follows the history of that author for 1625–38.]

DECADE FOURTH

Year 1625

CHAPTER FIFTH

The founding of the convent of Sevilla. Ours begin to preach the gospel in Baiug and Malanao in the Filipinas. Father Fray Diego de la Anunciation dies in a holy manner in Madrid.

[The first three sections of this chapter relate to Spanish affairs entirely.]

IIII

Preaching of our religious in Bayug and Malanao

It had been decided by an intermediary chapter of that province of Filipinas that our laborers should go to the district of Bayug and the vicinity of Lake Malanao [i.e., Lanao], as there were many people there, and hopes were entertained of gathering abundant fruit for the Church. Since the minister of Cagaiang, to whom the visitas of Bayug and the other villages belonged, could not go there, father Fray Juan de San Nicolas was appointed, a man well known for his invincible spirit, and his excellent procedure (howbeit at the cost of many hardships) in reducing obstinate ones, as was proved in the conquest of Cagaiang. Armed, then, with spiritual weapons, he went to the village of Bayug, where he was known and where there were a few Christians. He began to make much of the chief people, for if they are once subdued, the conversion of the common people is not so difficult.

Dolomayor,[1] a man well affected toward the religious, was as it were, the ruler of those people. He immediately surrendered his children to baptism, although he remained in his blindness. For all that, however, he did not fail to help Ours greatly. With this good beginning, father Fray Juan endured his hardships with equanimity; and he had much to endure, for the Indians do not give alms. Consequently, it was necessary for the ministers to seek their food in the mountains, with the trouble that can be imagined. They continued to gain souls for God; but the heart of the zealous father was pierced because the inhabitants of the other river near by, called Lavayan, clung obstinately to their heathen rites, and refused to receive the evangelical law. On that account the father resolved to make a settlement in that district, in order that they might be subdued by perseverance. He did so, and left his associate in Bayug.

We have already mentioned, [when speaking] of the foundation in Cagaiang,[2] the great hostility that those of that village had incurred, and the Mindanao Moros. The latter could not endure to have our religious remain there, as they thought that it was the gateway by which an entrance would be made into their lands. Because of them the people of Cagaiang were so harassed continually that they could not go out to cultivate their fields. Father Fray Augustin de San Pedro[3] was prior of Cagaiang in the year 1626. He was so valiant a man that, although he had been reared in the austerity and shelter of religion from childhood, he knew how to make himself so feared by those Mahometans that they called him “the Father Captain.”

He surrounded the village with a high stockade, with its sentry-boxes and towers for the sentinels who stood watch at night, by means of which they were safe from the continual ambushes of the enemy. He taught the Indians how to make sallies, to shoot, and to spy out those who were in ambush, and in fine carried himself as the most skilful captain. The tyrant Cachil Corralat was very angry that a small village like Cagaiang should resist his power, and desired to finish it once for all. He launched his fleet of more than thirty caracoas manned by the best of his men and equipped with military supplies. The preparation of the enemy was learned, and the father prior sent to Caragha for some soldiers. Six soldiers and one hundred Indians came. A sudden alarm was sounded, to call in those who were distant in their fields. The enemy disembarked more than two thousand Moros in order to attack the village; but they found so stout resistance that they returned, fleeing in disgrace. All that gave great annoyance to Corralat, and he was grieved to his very soul that the [Father] Captain should be the one to check his boldness. Therefore, desirous of seizing him, Corralat ordered ambushes to be set, and took other means to secure his end.

That action was not kept hidden from the prudent father, who, caring for the guard of the village, also forbade the people at times to make sallies, that they might not fall into any of the many stratagems arranged by the enemy, notwithstanding that he had frightened them from the vicinity. Sometimes he sallied out on horseback, with unsheathed sword, trampling many under foot, and causing the rest to flee in terror. That military valor of father Fray Augustin is not to be wondered at; for there are many examples of priests in Holy Writ who fought like captains; and, in our España, many archbishops and bishops have performed great exploits, opposing themselves, clad in steel armor, in the field of battle to the barbarity of the enemies of the faith; and our religious opposed the Mahometans, because he was defending those whom he had converted to the law of God.

The misfortune was, that the said father having gone out to visit his parishioners, the enemy—who were keeping close watch, and seeking the manner in which they might enter the village—obtained their opportunity in a certain part where the sentinels were careless; and, attacking the convent, they pillaged it of what they found. Father Fray Jacinto de Jesus Maria escaped, as by a miracle, through the midst of the swords which the barbarians raised against him, even he being quite careless inside his cell. The father prior grieved greatly over that blow; but, like the courageous man he was, he supplied the convent with furnishings and with what was most necessary for the fortification of the place.

At that time the father prior of Bayug, Fray Juan de San Nicolàs, was in Lavayan, whose inhabitants he was subduing with incredible labors; for they refused to build him a church or a house, or to supply him with food. He was supported by the fish caught by two Tagálog Indians, servants of his, while he himself was obliged to pound his rice and carry his wood. It was God’s pleasure to soften the hardness of those people, in a manner that appears ridiculous. I shall not hesitate to refer to it, so that the divine Providence may be seen even in what appears accidental.

Father Fray Juan de San Nicolàs fell sick of the fever, and found that he must be bled. That took place upon the occasion of a visit from an Indian chief. The latter was greatly surprised that the father allowed himself to be bled. He asked the cause for it, and the father told him that that was a good medicine for fevers, and that the Spaniards were accustomed to its use. The Indian became quiet at that, but returned the next day to see the second bleeding. Then after several days he came with his hands to his head, and asked to be bled, as he felt sick. The father endeavored to dissuade him, but he insisted so much that the father had to order that he be bled. The barber, since the chief had refused to sell him a fowl for food, or anything else, thought to be revenged, and said that he would not bleed him unless he gave him a fowl or two pullets. The Indian had to give it to him, and although father Fray Juan laughed at the bargain, he was silent and overlooked it all, as he got some food. Other Indians fell sick, and were bled, paying for the bleeding in fowls. By that means the fathers, who were suffering from severe fevers, were able to cure themselves, God taking that means for the relief of his ministers, who had no relief in any other way. Thus the Indians became fond of them and many were baptized. Let us praise God in His infinite wisdom, since He can bring about the salvation of souls by so homely opportunities. Some curious things happened among those barbarous people, but we shall omit them in order not to enlarge this narration, and because those ministries were lost through the hidden judgments of God, and with them the fruit that could be expected.

[The remainder of the chapter does not touch Philippine matters. The sixth chapter is concerned with the life of Rodrigo de San Miguel or Rodrigo de Aganduru Moriz (see Vol. XXI, p. 116, note 29, and p. 317, note 79). The four following chapters of the fourth decade treat of matters in Spain, Spanish America, and Japan (where the Recollects also have their martyrs).]

DECADE FIFTH

CHAPTER FIRST

The venerable father master, Fray Mateo Delgado, dies in a holy manner in the convent of Candelaria. Four religious suffer for the faith of Christ in the province of Caraghas. The venerable father, Fray Geronimo de la Resurreccion, the first vicar general, ended his exemplary life at the convent of Toledo.

[The first three sections of this chapter are taken up with the life and work of Mateo Delgado, who labored in the American missions.]

IIII

Four of our religious suffer from the violence of the rebellious Indians of Caragha

It has been said that the Caraghas Indians are fierce and warlike, and can ill endure to be subject to the Spaniards. Having seen the little or no reputation that had been gained with the Indians of the island of Jolo—who, although they were paying tribute, rebelled; and whose many depredations our soldiers could not check—the Caraghas were emboldened to rise because of that rebellion and they did so. That insurrection was begun in the year 1629, in which occurred many murders, thefts, and insolences. It is not our purpose to enumerate them in detail; but it does concern us to touch upon the many calamities that some of our convents suffered, and the religious who governed them.

Captain Pedro Bautista went to the fort of Caragha, and, the land being in great revolt, thought only of attending to his business and of making raids. In the first raid he comported himself so badly toward the Indians that they were very dissatisfied. Having arranged a second raid in the year 1631, he left the fort on the fourth of July, taking with him ten soldiers, the best that he had. The names of the latter were Alferez Maldonado, Sergeant Gandaya, Sergeant Juan Rodriguez, Sergeant Reyes, Sergeant Negrete, Luis de Alarcòn, Juan de Aguirre, Juan Dominguez, Francisco de la Paz, and one other. Father Fray Jacinto de Jesus Maria, prior vicar of the convent of Tago (whom the rebellious Indians tried to kill in his cell at the convent of Cagaiang, as has been related) went as chaplain of that fleet. One Spaniard having been stationed in each ship, they reached Bapangano, accompanied by all the chief people of that coast. They captured sixteen slaves, and Dumblag, one of the Indian chiefs, seeing the little advantage that could fall to him from that prize, freed seven of them.[4] The fleet returned and, on arriving at Cheta, Captain Pedro Bautista and father Fray Jacinto disembarked. It was learned there that Dumblag had freed the seven slaves, whereupon the captain resolved to arrest him. The chief resisted, and laid his hand on his varalao to oppose the captain. The latter, angered, struck Dumblag (who was a very great rogue, and had done many things for which he deserved punishment) with his lance; the chief was placed in irons, and his cause was put in writing. On the arrival of the other boats, his relative Valintos landed, and went to visit the prisoner, who complained because the former did not avenge him. Valintos was ashamed, and resolved to kill the captain and father Fray Jacinto.

At that time the Spaniards were without their arms. Valintos went up to the captain deceitfully, and treacherously stabbed him twice so that he died. He asked for confession, and father Fray Jacinto set about confessing him; but scarcely had he absolved him, when many Indians, coming up, found father Fray Jacinto—who was now on his knees with hands raised and eyes lifted toward the heavens, praying and asking pardon of God for their sins, in payment of which he offered his life; and he asked pardon for the aggressors of so many misdeeds. The Indians gave him a lance thrust that passed through his body. He never moved, and when the barbarians saw that, they wounded him again and again, in the belief that he was not dead. But when they became aware that he was no more, and saw that his eyes were opened and his hands raised, they conceived so great fear that they did not dare go up to him. Thus remained that blessed body until the tide came in and carried it away, the sea giving him a more pious burial than those inhuman wretches had given him death. It was God’s plan to make the venerable father terrible to the Indians at his death, so that they should not ill-treat his remains. It is an indication that he enjoys reward in heaven for having bravely given his life for God on the earth.

Then the Indians killed the Spaniards there. Father Fray Jacinto could have escaped, but in order not to fail in charity he did not care to preserve his life, and offered it to God, for whom he gave it willingly—an action wondered at by the Indians, and still recounted today with the same wonder. Father Fray Jacinto was a native of the port of Cadiz in Andaluzia, his parents being Pedro de Molino and Doña Isabel Lopez. He took the habit and professed in the convent of San Nicolàs of Manila.[5] Having been ordained a priest, obedience employed him in the instruction of the coast of Caragha. Giving an excellent account of what was in his charge, he was appointed prior vicar of the convent of Tago, where he comported himself to the great satisfaction of all, until he gave his life for the service of God, as has been related. His happy death occurred on the thirteenth of July of that year.

Next day the rebels went to the river of Tago, in high spirits because they had killed all the Spaniards in the fleet, and spent three days in carousing. Mangabo ordered them to ring for a mass that he desired to say. “Come,” he said in derision, “to the mass of Father Mangabo.” The people assembled in the church of our convent. An Indian woman, called Maria Campan, esteemed as one of good life dressed herself and went through the aspersion, saying, when she sprinkled the water, “I am Father Jacinto.” Mangabo took a holy crucifix, and, breaking off the arms, said: “God of the Castilians, fight with me; come let us see whether you are as brave as I.” And drawing his varalao or cris,[6] he struck it crosswise through the face, and cleft it. “That holy image,” says father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo, whose relation this is, and who passed through that insurrection, in which he suffered many hardships and dangers, as we shall see hereafter, “is in my possession.” Then he threw down another holy crucifix of greater stature, and cut it into bits with an ax, defying it to fight. O Lord! what things dost Thou endure from men! Then the convent and church were given over to pillage, and a servant of the convent, named Diego Salingat, was killed.

Mangabo went to Tanda, and, reaching the convent on the nineteenth of the same month, attacked it at midnight. Dacxa, an Indian chief, who had refused to take part in that insurrection, hastened to the defense of the fathers who were in the convent; but he was unable to defend them, for father Fray Alonso de San Joseph, the prior’s associate, was attacked by the Indians and his head split by a blow of the campilan. It was discovered afterward that Dacxa was treacherous, and was taking part with Mangabo in the pillage. The blessed father was a native of Villa-Cañas, although some make him a native of Villa-Tobas, in La Mancha the land of Toledo. He professed in the convent of Valencia, and went to Filipinas in the year 1622 with father Fray Andrès del Espiritu Santo. He was a religious of great humility and very observant, on account of which he was appointed by the superiors prior of the convent of Baldag in the province of Calamianes, where he gathered abundant fruit in the conversion of those people. But as he was very near sighted, he had scruples lest he could not perform his duty well, and finally conceived that he was incapable of administering it or any other office with the care of souls. Therefore he petitioned that he be allowed to resign, and did so. He was permitted to resign, but rather for his consolation than because he was judged incapable. He went to Manila, where he gave himself up to the exercise of virtue, without any hindrance. His superiors seeing that it was not expedient that so excellent a worker should be idle, sent him to the convent of Tanda, so that he might as an experienced associate, aid the prior.

The father teacher, Fray Juan de Santo Tomàs, was prior. Hearing the attack of the barbarians from his retreat, and going outside, he saw Dacxa, to whom he went and whom he asked for protection. The latter in pity embraced the father and endeavored to save his life, but an Indian came up and thrust the father through the body with a lance, and he died on his knees. Then the Indians went to the convent and sacked and profaned it as they had done to that of Tago, and finally burned it.

[The above father was born in San Pablo de los Montes in the archbishopric of Toledo. He took the Recollect habit in the convent of Valladolid, where he became a close student. He went to the Philippines in 1620 with Onofre de la Madre de Dios and other religious, where he was appointed to found the convent of Cuyo, of which he was made prior, being also made vicar-provincial of the other convents in the islands. He was later appointed prior of the convent of Tanda, where he was killed. His body, which was buried at some little distance from the church, was given decent burial after seven years—when it was disinterred for that purpose, being found to be wholly preserved except at the tip of the nose.]

On the twenty-first of the same month of July, father Fray Pedro de San Antonio, former prior of the convent of Bacoag, had left that convent. The rebellious Indians, having heard that he was in Surigao, a visita of the priorate, despatched Mañan Galan and other Indians to kill him. They found him at the landing-place of Don Diego Amian, reciting the canonical hours. One of them went to father Fray Pedro dissemblingly, and told him that there were many enemies in the land and that he had come to advise him of it. The blessed father asked him certain questions in regard to it, to which the Indian replied maliciously and with lies; and, at the instant when father Fray Pedro turned his back, thrust him through with a lance. The father fell to the ground, invoking the names of Jesus and Mary, with the utterance of which he yielded up his spirit. Many Indians who were hidden came up, took the blessed body, and dragging it thither threw it into the river, with great joy and gladness.

That venerable father was a native of Granada in Andaluzia and went to Filipinas with father Fray Rodrigo de San Miguel (of whom we have already written at length). He greatly admired the exemplary conduct of our religious, and asked for the habit in the convent of Manila, where he professed. Behaving in a religious manner, he was assigned to some missions, and enlightened the Bisayas with the light of the evangelical word. He had assumed the dignity of the priorate of Bacoag, at the time of the insurrection of the Caraghas, and at the time of the events which we have related.

Year 1631

V

Mention of some dangers suffered by Ours in the insurrection of the Caraghas Indians

The above were not the only dangers suffered by Ours in that insurrection of Caragha; for the Indian chiefs, dividing into different bands, went to various districts, not only to make those who were quiet revolt, but to wipe out the Spaniards, to kill the religious, and to destroy the convents, in their hatred for our holy faith.

July 22, the day of the Magdalene, the father teacher, Fray Lorenço de San Facundo, was saying mass in the convent of Bacoag, which was attended by the Spaniards, and the traitor Zancalàn (one of the leaders of the revolt), and his wife Doña Geronima Moag, and a dozen Indians. The father was disturbed at seeing them, and having asked who those Indians were, and being answered that they were the son and daughter-in-law of Mangabo, he calmed himself. In their carousals the Indians had determined upon the murder, one after another, of the three Spaniards there, and the two religious, father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo, and his associate, a brother, Fray Francisco de San Fulgencio; for these seemed many to them. They killed the three Spaniards treacherously; and at the hour of vespers, Zancalàn put in an appearance with seven Indians. Zancalàn went to kiss the hand of father Fray Lorenço, who was just finishing the burial of a dead woman. With other like courtesies the Indians went up to see the convent, accompanied by the father teacher, when one Indian seized him by the shoulders crying out to another: “Strike him!” The father boldly wrenched himself loose, and shoved the Indian against a post. Then he ran to jump through a window, where they pushed him so that he fell on his back upon a piece of timber, from which he sustained severe injuries. The house was in confusion; various weapons were seized; father Fray Lorenço arose as well as he was able, and fled to the landing-place. Three Indians followed him with lances. An Indian went to him and said: “Father, take this machete, that they may not kill thee.” One of the three threw his lance at the father. The lance passed through his tunic near his right thigh, the father escaping that blow by jumping aside. He seized the lance, and, with it and the machete, retired to the convent. When he arrived, Zancalàn went out with lance and cuirass to kill father Fray Lorenço. The latter defended himself skilfully, and entered the convent, where brother Fray Francisco was defending himself with a musket from the multitude who were attacking him.

Some feats of arms were performed, but we shall omit mention of them for the sake of brevity. The two religious were taken prisoners, and expected instant death in their captivity. Zancalàn gave them a pledge to take them to his father Mangabo, although other Indians wrangled with him demanding that he surrender to them the fathers, in order that they might be sacrificed to their idols. The religious heard all that with great fear, the peculiar effect of our natural weakness. But after commending themselves very earnestly to God, they became so brave that (as the said father teacher testifies in his relation) already they were sorry that Zancalàn was defending them, for they wished to offer their lives for our holy faith.

Thus imprisoned, they reached Tago on Monday, the twenty-eighth of the same month of July, where they expected to be sacrificed—joyful, for they were preparing to go to enjoy God. But (as father Fray Lorenço remarks) the fruit could not have been ripe enough to present it at the table of heaven. Mangabo was a huge man, of enormous strength, and of a terrible temper—on account of which he was called “the Crocodile of Tago.” The fathers were quite sure that, as soon as they reached his presence, they would be killed; but our good God, who can draw water from the hard rock, changed the heart of the barbarian so that he threw himself at the feet of father Fray Lorenço, kissing them and his hands with great show of affection. He gave various excuses for the murders of the fathers and the Spaniards which he had committed, although all of them were frivolous, and said that the fathers should have no fear, for they were under his protection, and that he would defend them with his life. As assurance of that promise, he took an oath in the following manner.

He asked for a varalao, and clutching it in his hands, he loosened some breeches which he had made from an embroidered crimson damask altar-cloth that he had stolen from the convent of Tanda. He wounded himself twice below the stomach, drawing blood, which he ordered his son Zancalàn to catch in a dish which contained wine.[7] He began to swear and to invoke his divatas, with howlings so extravagant that he was terrifying. He cursed himself in all ways[8] if he should be found wanting in friendship to us, or in our defense, even did he die for it. He drank some of the wine, and then put the dish on his head, crying out in a terrible voice. He embraced father Fray Lorenço, and placed his own turban on his head. Thus did he finish his execrable and ridiculous oath, which they call sandugo, and which they consider as inviolable. That oath was of no little use in defending the religious, for when some of the other Indians once asked Mangabo to sacrifice them, he replied that he would not discuss the matter, that he would first fight anyone who tried to offend them. And he did so, even driving the other chiefs from the place.

He took father Fray Lorenço to his house, and brought out Castilian wine so that he and his associate might drink it, and two chalices, one from the convent of Tanda, and the other from that of Bacoag. When father Fray Lorenço saw these, much affected and weeping, he covered them with the cloth wrapped about them, and said: “Father Mangabo, since you have given me life, I beseech you not to use those chalices, and that neither you nor any woman go near them, for I shall burst with grief.” Mangabo replied: “As you say, son,” and ordered that they be not uncovered, but that they be kept with veneration.

Then Mangabo arose and took a holy bronze crucifix which Zangalàn had taken from father Fray Lorenço, under the impression that it was gold, saying, “I am keeping this your God until the time when we two go to Manila.” “Keep it,” the father said to him, “for He will preserve you if you respect Him; but if you do not respect Him He will confound you, for He is God of Heaven and earth.” Then Mangabo brought out another holy crucifix, with its arms cut off and its head split in twain, as above said, and father Fray Lorenço, falling on his knees before it, kissed it, weeping and sighing, and kept it for his own consolation.

Then Maria Campan (mentioned above) went out and brought back in a small casket the chrismatories of the convent of Tago; and father Fray Lorenço, opening it, saw that nothing was lacking. He wrapped them in a cloth and charged her to keep them and not to open them, saying that he would give her six pesos for them, although they did not have so much money. Father Fray Lorenço could ransom none of it, for he was without money.

[The holy chrismatories finally render Maria contrite; for, fleeing from the Spaniards up a river, and having the phials with her, a huge crocodile thrusts its head into the boat, seizes the phials and makes off without committing other damage, which so works upon the mind of the woman that she lives afterward as a good Christian.]

Finally, Mangabo said to father Fray Lorenço: “Son, I see that you are sick” (he had been seriously injured by the fall of which we have made mention above). “If you wish to go to be treated at the fort of the Spaniards, I will have you taken there, and you shall leave Brother Francisco here, so that he may protect us, if the Castillas (so they call the Spaniards) come. Remember your father, and aid him when you are able.” Father Fray Lorenço thanked him, and was taken in a boat to the fort of Caragha. Thus did God preserve the life of that religious, to whom, if the crown of martyrdom was not conceded, at least he was quick to suffer for the faith; and in fact he endured great hardships for the love of the Lord. His associate, Fray Francisco, was ransomed afterward. He rendered excellent service while he was a prisoner, in the pacification of the rebellious Indians.

Year 1631

VI

Continuation of the matter of the last chapter, with some cases by way of example

Valintos (the same one who had killed Captain Pedro Bautista) went to the river of Butuan with an order to kill father Fray Juan de San Augustin, prior of the convent of Ilaya in the village of Linao. He carried many letters to the chiefs, urging them in the name of Corralat (of whom we have spoken before, and of whom there will be more to say) to have the fathers killed. An influential Indian woman heard of the matter, and since she was the petty queen of that river and very devoted to father Fray Juan de San Augustin, who was a holy religious, she had so much authority that it sufficed to keep those of the village faithful, and they resisted the letters brought by Valintos. In order to assure the life of the said father prior, Fray Juan de San Augustin, she made him take boat and go to Butuan to join the fathers in the convent there. Thus was he delivered from the danger of losing his life.

Almost the same thing happened in the village of Butuan, where the letters of Valintos were received urging the inhabitants to rise and kill the religious. But the Butuans were so faithful that they would not consent to the evil. On the contrary, reading the letters in public, they cried with one voice that they would die before they would permit one hair of the fathers to be harmed. Then forming in a procession, men, women, and children went to the convent in tears, and bewailing the troubles that they were all suffering. The religious said: “Children, here we are at your disposition. Do what you will with us, for God our Lord so orders it.” At this all the people cried out and said with tears in their eyes: “Fathers, be of good cheer, for we will all die before anyone offends you.” They said that with emphatic oaths, whereby they showed the great love and respect that they held for the fathers. The chiefs remained in the convent with their families and possessions. Endeavor was made to advise Zibù, so that help might be brought; and the father prior, Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio, went [for that purpose].

Valintos, having seen the bad outcome to his treacherous plans in Butuan, returned in a rage, and the religious were safe. However, although so many of them were good, some restless Indians (especially the fiscal of the village) rebelled, and without having any occasion therefor, killed the porter of the convent and another Indian. Had not the chiefs hastened to their defense, father Fray Diego de Santa Ana, the associate of the father prior, would have been in danger.

The other revolted villages, taking umbrage at the faithfulness of the Butuans, tried to find means to kill the religious, so that thus the Butuans might be obliged to conform to their rebellion. He who tried hardest was Manàn Galàn, an Indian chief of the village of Albucay, who went to Sampongan to discuss the matter with the Samponganos. An Indian, who was intimate with the fathers, one Sumulay, was chosen [for that mission]. He was well instructed, but, his wiles having been perceived, the Butuans quickly seized their arms to fight any and all enemies who should appear. The fathers were taken to the mountains for greater security, and the traitor Sumulay tried to finish the affair personally. He went, under pretense of friendship, to seek the fathers in the mountains; but, his evil design being recognized, he was seized, and confessing his guilt was placed under surveillance, and finally deprived of life. Following the example of the Butuans, other villages maintained the faith, and defended their fathers who sowed the seed of the gospel in so rude a land, amid so many dangers to their quiet and life, opposing themselves to the sowing of tares that the common enemy always endeavors to introduce into the harvests of the Church.

The father prior of Butuan, Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio, when sailing to Zibù to solicit aid, passed by the island of Camigi, a visita of the district of Cagaiang. He stopped there and was in great danger of being murdered by the insurgents, who were going about in bands committing piracies and watching the sea, so that the fort of Tanda might not be aided. Although that fort was in great danger, the valor of its garrison defended it. The father prior advised the fathers of Cagaiang and Baiug so that they might take precautions, and [told them] that he was going to get aid. That advice was very important for the restraining of the Indians of Baiug and Cagaiang, since they knew that the negotiations which they had with the Caraghas and Mindanaos were known.

The said father prior having arrived at Zibù, the aid was prepared, and was sent under Captain Juan de Chaves as commander of the fleet, who was accompanied by good infantry. The father prior also went with that fleet. They reached Bacoag, where the convent above mentioned was situated, which was one of the best on that coast. Their hearts were pierced to see so many dead and half-decayed bodies, and they buried them. Entering the church, they saw the images profaned and cut into bits. The latter were gathered together by father Fray Jacinto.

The fleet proceeded on its way, and reached the fort of Tanda, whose occupants congratulated themselves again and again at being freed from danger. The pacification of the insurgents was negotiated, in which father Fray Jacinto worked mightily. The latter was overjoyed at having aided the land which was so afflicted. That was a great service which he rendered to God and to our Catholic monarch, who have been able to employ our Recollects in this to advantage. With that aid and some more which was sent from Manila, the insurrection which had caused so much noise and wrought so much ruin was put down. Our convents were restored and other religious no less zealous and earnest succeeded those who had died so gloriously for the faith.

[The Recollects, worthy of their great master St. Augustine, do not waver in their spiritual conflict, but ever keep the sword of the faith turned toward the enemy. “Various incidents occur during that insurrection,” one of them being that the Indian who had killed father Fray Alonso de San Joseph has the arm that had struck that fatal blow bitten off by a crocodile; but he afterward repents and becomes a good Christian. Likewise the Indian who had killed father Fray Pedro de San Antonio dies repentant, having given himself up to justice. A chief in Bacoag orders his rice to be cooked with portions of a demolished crucifix, which in burning emits a different colored flame than ordinary wood, without being consumed. “Four Indians ate of the rice,” but immediately burst. Another crucifix thrown into the fire does not burn, and is rescued by a devout Indian woman after one of the arms has been broken off, and is preserved as a precious relic by the father to whom she gives it.]

There were many wild and barbarous people in the mountains of Bacoag and Bolor, who lived by theft and murder. Many efforts had been made to reach those Indians in order to reduce and punish them, but all failed. They were ruled by an Indian named Salimbong, a man of considerable wisdom, prudence, and understanding, who kept them very well in hand. The insurrection occurred, and while the ministers of the gospel were wandering about abandoned and afflicted, God consoled them with the conversion of that Indian. It happened as follows: the father teacher, father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo—freed now, as above related, from his prison—left Bacoag in order to bury the dead, and get together the possessions that had remained in the convent. On the following day when the father reached the convent, the Indian Salimbong appeared to him with one hundred companions, and said that he was disabused of his errors and wished to become a Christian. The religious, who knew his good understanding and wisdom, was surprised. He asked him many different questions in order to prove his spirit. He found Salimbong ready, and baptized him and all his men. That conversion was cried far and wide and was of great use in the pacification of many villages, which with the protection of that Indian will furnish much room for further work.

[On June 22, 1632, a report is made before the archbishop ad interim, Pedro de Arce, of the murders of the Recollect missionaries, and their other trials. Two authorized copies are made of the report “one of which was presented to the royal Council of the Indias in the year 1635, and the other is preserved in the archives of the congregation of our convent at Madrid.”]

[The following section (vii) is an account of the life and death of the first vicar-general of the order, Geronimo de la Resurreccion. Chapter second is concerned with the order in Japan and the martyrdoms of some of the workers there. In section ii occurs the following:]

The blessed father Fray Francisco [de Jesus] was not satisfied with giving spiritual life to those whom he was converting and baptizing [in Japon], but he also gave them the girdle of our father St. Augustine, making them confriars and religious of the fourth order (as the confriars of the said girdle are),[9] so that enlisted under the banner of so great a captain and doctor they might be armed to fight and to suffer even to the point of giving their lives to the Lord who gave them rebirth in baptism. And from this circumstance it happened that the blessed father could write from the prison of Bomurà in a letter to the father provincial of Filipinas under date of October six, 1630, that more than three hundred confriars of the girdle had suffered, besides many others whom the Observantine fathers have.

The venerable father Fray Francisco de Jesus also makes mention, in his letter written from Nagay, of the island of Hermosa, urging and entreating the father provincial to send religious there to found a convent in the island, by which to facilitate the road to Japon, and help to those [missionaries] in that country. He was moved to ask that, because he had heard that the governor had gained possession of the island.

We shall relate what happened in that particular now that we have the opportunity. The governor of Filipinas, Don Alonso Faxardo de Tença, was considering that the Dutch were infesting those seas and hindering the trade and commerce of Manila and China. He thought that it would be expedient to seize the island of Hermosa and fortify it, in order to check the depredations that the enemy were committing; for one can reach China from that island in one night. It was a good resolution, but Don Alonso Faxardo died soon afterward, and the whole plan came to naught.

The following year Don Fernando de Silva went to govern the Filipinas Islands. He knew and approved the design of his predecessor, and prepared a fleet. In short, tracing out a plan on the ground, he established a city and a fort, with a garrison of three hundred Spaniards. Sites were assigned to the orders in Manila, so that they could found convents. Captain Carreño took possession of ours. Afterward, Don Juan Niño de Tabora began to govern, and as he considered the enterprise a good one, he tried to complete it. He prepared a fleet, and took religious so that they might establish their houses. Two of Ours went in company with Admiral Don Andrès Esqueta, namely, father Fray Antonio de la Madre de Dios, and his associate. But God did not choose that the enterprise should be carried out; for on the cape of Boxeador a norther scattered the fleet, and the voyage ceased. Then the Dutch took the said island, to the sorrow of all, both as it was so important and because it was the first island of that archipelago that the Spaniards have lost.

[Chapters iii, iv, and a portion of v, treat of Recollect affairs in Spain and America. Chapter v contains the following in regard to the Philippines:]

II

Our religious enter the islands of Romblòn to preach the holy gospel. Some of our rules are reformed by apostolic authority.

This year [1635] our religious entered the islands of Romblòn—or, as they are called, “Las Isletas” [i.e., “the Islets”]. That district belonged to the seculars who were subject to the bishopric of Zibù, and their beneficed incumbent was at that time Francisco Rodriguez the relator.[10] He, becoming weary of going about daily with his possessions on his back; and fleeing from the enemy, entered into negotiations with the father provincial of Filipinas, Fray Joseph de la Anunciacion, saying that he would give him that district in exchange for a suitable chaplaincy. Those islands were a station and gateway, so to speak, for the visitas of the Bisayas which were in our charge, and also in the path of the navigation from Manila to Zibù. The documents having been made ready, the father provincial sent father Fray Pedro de San Joseph, alias de Roxas. The island of Romblòn is the chief place of that district, and as visitas it has the islands of Zubuyàn, Tablas, Simara, Bantòn and Bantoncillo. The people are honest, pacific, docile, and very intelligent. They trade in the products of the land—oil, goats, swine, wine, and bonete [i.e., bonote]. They have a great abundance of domestic animals. They construct ships, build houses, and make other things of wood with great skill, all of which they take to Manila, as well as to other places, to sell. Consequently, as a rule, those who apply themselves to work are prosperous. All these things have a serious counterweight, namely, the enemy; for there is scarcely a year in which the enemy are not seen in that district, where they commit many depredations, burn villages and churches, and capture a great number of Indians.

That was experienced by the said father prior, Fray Pedro de San Joseph, as soon as he took possession; for hearing that the enemy were coming, he had barely time to escape to the mountains, saving his person, but without time to save anything else. The enemy entered Romblòn, sacked the village, burned the church and convent, captured a few persons, and then returned. Those disasters are experienced nearly every year. Amid such hardships do our religious administer the sacraments to the faithful, and subdue the infidels to the faith, exposing their lives valiantly for that purpose. [The remainder of this section concerns the change of rules allowed by Pope Urban VIII (December 15, 1635).]

[Chapters vi and vii are occupied with the captivity and deaths of the Recollect missionaries captured in 1636 by the Moros, who attack the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes—which has been already related in previous volumes. A few extracts from Luis de Jesús’s account are added here, as containing further information.]

[Pages 285–286:] The enemy, delighted at the capture of the fathers (which was their principal aim), tried to capture the religious of Dinay under the pretense of peace, even commencing to treat for it. But their design having been discovered, the fathers retired to the mountain, and consequently, the enemy could capture no more than the things that could not be taken to the mountain with the fathers—a quantity of wax, a tribute paid by the natives to the encomenderos. They captured seven women and one man, and killed another from whom they learned that the fathers had retired. They went to look for them but did not find them. Thence they went to other islands where they did what damage they could.

At the end of six months, during which they were employed in pillaging considerable property, and in capturing more than six hundred and fifty persons, besides the old whom they killed because they were useless, the fleet returned quite at its leisure, committing all the depredations possible. The barbarians took the religious along naked and fed them on a trifle of dirty rice. Their bed was a wretched mat without any other shelter, and they were exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and ill-treated by word and deed. Sometimes they were offered wealth and beautiful women to abandon the faith. Those were attacks by which the valor of the blessed fathers was proved, for their life was a continual martyrdom. But the soldiers of Christ were happy, for they employed their lives in suffering for love of Him. They preached the evangelical law to the barbarians and censured their vices and blindness. All that was the same as throwing wood on the fire of their fury, to make them devise means to conquer the strength of the invincible religious.

[In chapter eighth are recounted the holy deaths of the three Recollect fathers, Fray Juan de San Antonio, Fray Francisco de Santa Monica, and brother Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, which occur in the year 1638. The first, a native of Mexico who had professed in the Manila convent, had been seized by one Dato Achen, of Jolo, an adherent of Corralat. After four years of cruel captivity, during which temptations of the flesh are offered him in order to make him deny the faith and he is subjected to all sorts of abuse, the father dies triumphant. The second father is killed by the Moros in his convent of Divail of which he was prior. The third Recollect meets death from the Sangleys whom he has severely censured in the island of Cuyo.]

[The ninth chapter is devoted to the conversion and Christian life of Clara Calimàn, a native woman of the village of Butuàn, who is given the rank of beata (beatas being women who live in religious retirement, although not known as nuns), by the Recollects.]

[The Recollect Juan de la Concepción relates the uprising of the Caragas (Hist. de Philipinas, v, pp. 163–179); but he follows Luis de Jesús very closely, doing little more than rewrite the latter’s account. A few paragraphs from La Concepción are here added.]

10. Various councils were held in the fort of Tandag, in order to decide upon the means and method of subduing and pacifying these insurgents; it was decided that it was necessary to take arms and to punish them. But they did not have sufficient forces for it, for the province was so thoroughly in rebellion, and so committed thereto by the murders of the fathers and Spaniards. It was determined by unanimous vote to call on Zebu for help, and father Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio went to obtain it. He informed the alcalde-mayor and commander of the fleet of Pintados of the condition of the province of Caraga—namely, that there were various squadrons of boats along the coasts to prevent help from being taken into the fort; and that the fort was now in the last extremity, and in danger of having to surrender because of hunger. The commander prepared a suitable fleet in quick order; he sent some excellent infantry, and gave the command of it to Captain Don Juan de Chaves. The above-mentioned father Fray Jazinto also embarked in the fleet. This armada was to keep the insurgents busy until more forces could be sent from Manila, and the matter was reported to the captain-general there.

11. That fleet reached Basuag, then a prominent coast village. The Spaniards experienced the keenest sorrow at seeing so many corpses, already half decomposed; they stopped there to bury these, and then proceeded on their voyage and arrived at Tandag. There they freed the presidio from its danger and those who were in it. Then for a time they tried to pacify the people by mild means; but as soon as a suitable reënforcement arrived from Manila, they immediately meditated punishment—especially on the principal leaders of the revolt, but pardoning in his Majesty’s name all those of the common people who presented themselves in submission. Mangabo was included in that list and number; but the religious, bound to his cause, defended him with ardor, and interested themselves, as his children, so that their father should not be punished. The Spaniards consented to it and pardoned him, and that pardon was of great service to the province of Caraga. Mangabo, dissuaded from his errors, and thankful for such benefits, was converted to our holy faith and received baptism. As he was so greatly feared throughout the country, that was quite sufficient to pacify the entire province, and the fugitives returned to their respective villages, which they formed as before.

12. Noteworthy conversions followed at this juncture, the noise of arms. Most exemplary punishments were seen and experienced from heaven on the aggressors, and singular portents in the profaned and destroyed images. An idolatrous Indian, in sport of an image of the crucified Christ, threw it into the fire; he observed with wonder that the fire, respecting the image, did not burn it. The barbarian took it from the fire and, buffeting it about, threw it down with great violence so that one of its arms was broken. A devout Christian Indian woman took the holy image, and kept it with great care. After the pacification she gave it to father Fray Jacinto to whom she gave a minute description of the affair. The father made a solemn investigation of it and many witnesses confirmed it and confessed her declaration to be true. The father took that holy Christ to Manila, the following year, and presented it to Governor Don Juan Niño de Tavora. He received it with singular devotion and tenderness, and determined to replace it in its oratory with great ceremonies. Father Fray Jazinto tried to get the governor first to repair the image and supply the missing arm by another. That most Christian gentleman replied: “No, Father, it must remain as it is for my confusion, since my sins treated Him thus.” With such pious and kind reflections did he excuse the impiety of the barbarians in actions so sacrilegious. Presidios were erected and fortified, in order to keep the country pacified. Thus through their fear of the soldiers, and with the punishments so present before their eyes, those villages were kept, and remain even to the present, in entire quiet. However, they have become much diminished because of the many natives who have withdrawn because of the severities and persecutions practiced by the Moros, from which that province has suffered so much.

[La Concepción recounts (ut supra, pp. 360–391) the fortunes of the Recollect missions in northern Mindanao, especially in the region of Lake Lanao. His narrative is sufficiently different from that of Luis de Jesús to be given in full.]

CHAPTER XV

Wars and conquests in the lake of Malanao

1. Inland from the coast which faces Bohol on the north of Mindanao, and in the latter island, is located the lake of Malanao.[11] Its shape is triangular; one of its angles extends about four leguas eastward, another southward for three, and the third and longest of all, westward. Its shores contain many small villages, where live about six thousand inhabitants, although united to them is the district of Butig, with about two thousand warriors. Through this route they communicate with the Mindanaos, a circumstance which renders them formidable. The land is sterile, and yields no other products than rice and a few edible roots. Their clothing is wretched, for cotton is scarce. All their textiles are of lanote, a sort of wild hemp—not that it is that plant, but it resembles it because of the fibers, which they obtain from a wild banana [i.e., abacá], to which they impart a blue color. This constitutes their greatest gala attire. Heavy storms of wind and water are experienced on this lake, and are called mangas by sailors.[12] [Here follows a description of this peculiar form of storm—the waterspout—which was much dreaded because of its fury and ravages.] This lake furnished much convenience to the Mindanaos for their incursions, as the ports nearest to our islands were easily reached by it. For since the deep bay of Panguil penetrates far inland, and is quite near their lands, they thus save many leguas of navigation—about one hundred—and a rough coast. With such activity do they make a jest of the efforts that were assured by the presidio of Zamboangan, with their resort to more easy piratical raids. Since the said presidio was of no use for this, it became necessary to devise another remedy.

2. For a complete understanding of the matter, we must make a considerable step backward. The Augustinian Recollects had been governed by vicar-provincials, who either selected certain appointed individuals, if the nominations did not arrive in time from España, or had the latter put into execution when they came sufficiently beforehand. It was not a very stable government, nor the most suitable for their administrations, as it was not constituted in regular form as a province. This reform was obtained with the aid of his Catholic Majesty, and the Recollects were erected into a congregation, having or being assigned a vicar-general as superior prelate. At that time the provinces were divided, and this province of Philipinas was one of those which obtained the indult. They received their formal despatches and met in chapter, in which the first provincial elected was father Fray Onofre de la Madre de Dios, his election occurring February six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. This religious was a native of Perpiñan in the county of Rosellon, and a son of the convent of Zaragoza. The Recollects drew up their triennial acts or constitutions: namely, that the religious living in the missions should observe the regular rules of the convents, with matins at midnight, even should there be but one priest, that they should learn within one year the language of the natives to whom they minister; and that they may not receive guests into their convents, unless it be the governors, bishops, religious, and alcaldes-mayor. It was resolved that ministers should go to the district of Bayug, and that they should extend their labors to the lake of Malanao, which was a stronghold of heathendom, but great were the hopes inspired by their excellent arrangements. Father Fray Juan de San Nicolas, an invincible man and one accustomed to such labors, was chosen to forward the gospel there. He went to the village of Bayug, where, gaining the good-will of the influential people, he was well received and treated with respect. One Dolomoyon was, as it were, superior of all those natives. He was a man of excellent qualities, and immediately sent his children to learn the catechism. Although he remained a heathen, he favored Christianity greatly. The father went from that village to Layavan, another settlement on the shore of another river that was located near by. There he did not find the same response, but the people were more obstinate in their heathen rites. That forced him to put forth greater efforts, in order to effect an establishment in that district. Leaving the care of Bayug to his companion, he went on to Langaràn, a move that facilitated the conquest of the lake.

3. This aroused animosity in Corralat, the prince of Mindanao; for if that district were to be converted, he would be greatly hindered in his piratical raids. He began to harass the village of Cagayan, so that the inhabitants could not go out freely to till their fields and care for their crops. Consequently, the province of San Nicolas established father Fray Pedro de San Agustin[13] as missionary in that district. He was a person born for military undertakings. His native place was the city of Valladolid and he was the son of Portuguese parents. He had studied philosophy and theology at Salamanca, but his inclination led him to read books of military deeds, in which his taste found a particular pleasure; and he became very expert in architecture, gunnery, and a great part of what is taught in military practice. He made use of these qualifications and talents by establishing and erecting the fort of Linao in the province of Caraga, an advanced outpost among the heathen and Moros. Its structure was well tested, for it resisted many assaults. He excellently instructed the Indians whom he converted, in this natural method of defense, and its utility has been proved in its always having been preserved. Then this father went, after the new election, to Cagayan. That district had before been tributary to Corralat, and the latter keenly resented its change of religion from that of its prince; therefore, he was always harassing them with wars and hostilities, in order to recover his power over them. As soon as father Fray Agustin assumed that charge, he exercised his skill in fortifying the village. He surrounded it with a stout stockade, well proportioned in its outlines, defending its curtains by communications of bulwarks. In the middle he raised another small redoubt, as a place of retreat in case of a sudden invasion. He disciplined the natives in the management of arms, and inspired them with courage, so that they should not turn coward in time of danger, or be intimidated by a multitude, which could not overcome them if they were thoroughly accustomed to firearms. In fact, they resisted excellently the surprises attempted by Corralat, who attacked them often with many men, and obliged him to retire with heavy loss.

4. Corralat in his pride keenly resented the stout resistance of so small a village, and resolved to invade it with superior forces. He sent a squadron of thirty large boats to attack it, with a force of two thousand Moros who were to land; and he ordered that all the people of Cagayan should be put to the sword. Father Fray Agustin heard of that order through his spies, and he made extensive preparations for defense. He sent to Caraga for aid, and they gave him six soldiers and one hundred Indians. He drilled the Indians in making sallies and in handling their arquebuses. The hostile fleet arrived in sight of the village, which awaited them very confidently and under arms. The Moros disembarked, and attacked the village, but experienced resistance that they had not expected. They attempted to make assaults by various places, but everywhere found the same vigilance and defense. Seeing the impossibility [of taking the village], and that they had lost a considerable number of men in the assaults, they resolved to retire in order. As soon as father Fray Agustin perceived that, he sallied forth with his Indians, sword in hand. He attacked them, courageously and caused the retreat to become a disorganized rout, in which but very few escaped. Thus the father gained a complete victory out of almost universal ruin. Corralat could not contain himself when he heard of the loss. His wrath was all concentrated against the father, and he planned to seize him by means of ambushes. The brave minister was not unaware of this, and well did he look after the safety of the village, and especially that of his own person, inasmuch as he was beset with so many snares, and as he had to do generally with a treacherous race. His duties obliged him to go to visit his parishioners who were scattered in various adjoining villages. The Malanaos, who were vassals of Corralat, and whom the latter had prepared to attack the village, improved their opportunity. They succeeded in entering the village at a point where the sentinels were careless. Many Indians were killed in the surprise, the sacristy was profaned, and the enemy pillaged as much as possible, until the invaded villagers, aroused, were able, by rallying their men, to repel the foe with arms. Father Fray Agustin grieved greatly over that reverse. At his return he hastened to repair the havoc committed against divine worship, and to render the village still more strongly fortified, so that it might remain free from such surprises. The people themselves desired to obtain satisfaction from those of the lake. Indians of courage were selected, and they went to invade the enemy in their own land, in order to take vengeance on them for their treacherous insults. They found no opposition on their march. One village was sacked and burned, and sufficient booty was found there to recompense the losses of Cagayan. They returned to the latter village without having received any hurt, and the lake of Malanao was left so intimidated that that enemy never returned to Cagayan during the rule of father Fray Agustin.

5. Those raids could not be very much to the liking of the Jesuit fathers, in whose district was comprehended the lake of Malanao. Their affairs in Dapitan and Zamboangan having been made safe by this time, they set their hearts on the possession of that lake. They could not complain of the introduction of the Recollect fathers, since they themselves had abandoned all that lake and left it without ministers. To this end they inspired Governor Corcuera with the idea of one adequate expedition, in order to finish once for all, if possible, with the Moros—or at least to check their pride, which was occasioning so much trouble to the islands. He charged the commander Almonte, for that purpose, to withdraw all his operations from Corralat and from the king of Bubayen with his fleet, in order to undertake the invasion of the lake. The jurisdiction at Iligan and Dapitan was in charge of Captain Don Francisco de Atienza y Vañez, a gentleman from Toledo, and one very useful for such enterprises as he was a tried warrior. The expedition of Malanao was entrusted to him. He was to make it by means of soldiers from his presidios and Indians from his province. By virtue of those orders, he chose fifty good soldiers and eight hundred volunteer Caragas of courage. As father Fray Agustin (whom his military prowess had gained the sobriquet of “Padre Capitan”) was famous because of his deeds, the alcalde-mayor, in order to ensure the success of his measures, decided to take the father in his company, that he might avail himself of all his experience. The father had gone to Butuan, where he was in charge when these orders arrived with Don Francisco de Atienza. The latter broached his plans to the father, to which the father immediately agreed, as it fitted so well his martial spirit.

6. Between the two, the means most suitable for the expedition were discussed; and they agreed that the force prepared was sufficient to subdue all the lake. Since it is navigable, and its banks are swampy and cut up by more than fifty rivers, the undertaking would have to be conducted on the water. Consequently, it was determined to construct six boats, [each] capable of holding fifty or one hundred men, which were to be carried in sections on the shoulders of the men, until they reached a point where they could be made effective, where they could be put together easily and quickly. They made haste in this mode of construction, and went with all that equipment to the village of Bayog. They resolved to follow the way to Balooy—a path indeed more severe and more tedious; however, that seemed more suitable to them, for the way by that route led through the villages of friends. Although they were only neutrals, their own advantage did not fail to concur in this expedition. Dato Dolo Moyon, filled with passion to revenge an intended marriage which had been repelled with contempt by the inhabitants of the lake, joined them. That union was very pleasing to our people, for it brought them additional arms and men, and gave them a retreat and sufficient aid in that dato’s village. At that place their march was retarded by showers of rain. The Malanaos abandoned their individual interests, and united for the common defense to the number of about six thousand armed men. They were not without some few firearms. The stay of our men in Balooy caused many of the Malanaos to abandon the camp, as being a people suddenly collected without any preparation for their maintenance; and without pay it is difficult, if not impossible, to keep those people a considerable time in the field and under military discipline. Noting that desertion, the chiefs of the lake sent their ambassadors to our camps, who offered the captain some wretched presents in the name of the assembly of their chiefs. The ambassadors, treating in order the matters with which they were charged, asked the Spaniards to go back, and said that they were proposing those expedients quietly and in a friendly spirit, in order to avoid greater damages; for, should the Spaniards try to tempt fortune by pressing forward, only a remnant of their men would escape death, and the undertaking would be costly and disgraceful. The captain answered them frankly and discreetly that it was better to die at their hands, for that would be an honored death, than dishonorably to retain life by retreating like cowards. He advised them to look closer to their own interests, in time, and to decide whether it was more useful to them to secure these in a friendly way, or to sacrifice them for their liberty. By this reply the Malanaos understood the firm resolution of the Spaniards, and that it meant their ultimate destruction. They discussed the matter in council; and the opinions were various; some believed in submission, others in liberty. The former urged a compliant submission until such time as, the danger having been removed, they could throw off their subjection without so much risk. Others did not approve such astute schemes; for, if the Spaniards were to gain control of the lake, they would establish and build presidios there, and would have war craft on it, with which they would entirely rule the natives, at their own pleasure. They said that it was more important to resist than to allow their entrance. That dilatory resolution gave our troops time, so that they came in sight of the lake on April four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine, avoiding the passes which the enemy had fortified. The latter did not dare to lose sight of the lake, in order that they might have a safe retreat with their boats when assaulted. That precaution was of use to our people; for, when the Moros were discovered by our men, and attacked, they abandoned their camp and many arms, and fled in their boats.

7. Thereupon our Captain Atienza put his portable fleet together, which he made navigable in twenty-four hours. He went to attack several boats, which were keeping to leeward under the shelter of a fort; but scarcely did they perceive themselves to be attacked, when they fled to the shore and abandoned their canoes. Our men burned the only village on that coast, by name Vato. The night caused them to retire; but on the following day, making use of the abandoned boats, to about the number of forty, they turned their prows toward the most populous shores. Peaceful ambassadors went out to meet them, and offered submission in tribute and vassalage. Our captain accepted that surrender, and suspended the rigors of war. In execution of it, the registration of the inhabitants was immediately undertaken; and fifty villages, governed by four datos or chiefs, subject to Corralat were listed. They all rendered obedience to the king of España, and there was declared in the list to be two thousand and nine families. The number of families was much greater, but the registration was not carried on with exact rigor, our commander purposely displaying mildness with a cloak of tolerance, to those who hid their numbers. The agreement regarding the tribute was made, leaving to the supreme governor the decision of the amount and kind. They were not to receive preachers, masters, or pundits of the Mahometan religion; but were to receive preachers of the evangelical law, and to erect churches for the ceremonies of the Christians and the true worship. As surety for all the above, they gave as hostages their brothers and children, who were to be sent to Manila.

8. In consequence of these treaties, holy baptism was administered by the Recollect fathers (who were the only chaplains) to more than two hundred persons. Their administration—together with that of other old-time Christians, who had been made about the said lake through the zeal of those religious—was taken charge of by the minister of Bayug. Father Fray Agustin was of the opinion that a fort ought to be constructed at a suitable site on that lake, in order to obviate the easy danger of an insurrection from people so perfidious, and that it should be well supplied with the necessities; but that, if that was not done, the expedition was without any result. For, as soon as the Spaniards retired, Corralat would immediately hasten up to their relief, and stir up the Malanaos; and, as they were defenseless and inclined to revolt, that would be obtained without much resistance. It was most important [said the father] to have there an established force and ministers. Such delay was not pleasing to the Spaniards; and accordingly, as superior orders were lacking, they excused themselves. Thereupon, the fleet resolved to retire, taking with them seventeen Christian captives, and redeeming some sacred ornaments. They took from the people their firearms—five versos and thirty-seven arquebuses and muskets—thinking that by that means peace was a settled thing.

9. Before leaving the lake, Captain Atienza sent a despatch to General Almonte, who was commanding officer of all the conquest, informing him of his successful enterprise. Almonte, in order to take possession of the new jurisdiction, and to assure more completely the submission of the natives, sent a troop of seventy Spaniards and five hundred Visayans under charge of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Fernandez de el Rio, and, under the latter’s orders, Captain Juan de Heredia Hermastegui. That commandant crossed the lands of Corralat, being opposed by the fierce nation of Butig, and forcing a passage with his arms at the cost of many lives of the enemy. Captain Atienza met him with his whole squadron, whereupon the Malanaos, seeing so many Spaniards upon them, were even more intimidated; they gave more security for their agreements, and the registration proceeded more effectively. Father Pedro Gutierrez came with the troop of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro; and he gave notice that that conquest belonged to the Society, and that the Recollect fathers had meddled in it. But the latter had been given sufficient title for their introduction into that conquest by the inattention of the Jesuits, besides the fact that for that same reason, they had been given spiritual jurisdiction by the bishop of Zebu. If the Jesuits were occupied in greater undertakings, they ought to have abandoned those which they considered less profitable to the care of those religious [i.e., the Recollects] who did not pay so much attention to these considerations of advantage. The fact that such territories were without ministers would influence the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arze; and he would give them rightly to those who would occupy them, notwithstanding the great anxiety of the Society for the absolute possession of Mindanao. That desire does not give them the right, nor the fact that St. Francis Xavier had been in the island—although this latter is not made sufficiently clear, for the time when [he was there] does not appear from his voyages, nor does the reason appear from his letters. The same reasons would lead the royal Audiencia to give the possession when it was governing. Why, if they were so importunate to govern the island and declared such to be their right, did they not fill it with ministers? Now, indeed, Father Gutierrez came forward, and asked the sargento-mayor for the possession of the lake, and the latter gave it to him in the name of his governor. Thereupon, the father having taken possession of it, returned to Mindanao on the third day with the sargento-mayor, who also went back to his general quarters. Captain Don Francisco de Atienza fortified the village of Bayug with stockades, left his adjutant to defend it, and retired to his province of Caraga.

10. Father Fray Agustin greatly regretted that the result of a so fortunate expedition should be solely entrusted to the heathenism of those barbarians, who upon seeing themselves free from subjection to the presidio that was planned and proposed, would undoubtedly reclaim their liberty; and would strongly arm themselves to defend it, and the conquest would be more serious and difficult. He would be no less influenced by the way in which he had been despoiled of that administration by the hurried possession taken by Father Gutierrez, who uselessly fatigued his Majesty’s troops for this purpose. These interests moved him to undertake a trip to Manila, accompanied by several Malanao chiefs. They presented themselves to the governor, and requested aid against the forces and approaches of Corralat, saying that these could only be restrained by a well-garrisoned fort, which could protect those who should submit and render obedience; but that without this provision all things were in danger. The reports of Captain Atienza, who desired to assure his glorious results, confirmed these representations. The governor was delighted at prostrating so hostile enemies, and did not delay in the provision for all that looked toward such an end. He immediately agreed to the establishment of the presidio, and determined to send troops for its garrison and defense. The representations of the Jesuits prevented that expedition, for they alleged that the spiritual administration of Malanao belonged to them, as it was included in the territory granted to them with sufficient formalities; that the introduction of the Recollect fathers therein was an intrusion to be condemned; that no right was conceded to the latter because Malanao, as well as the villages of its immediate neighborhood, had been deserted by its ministers, as they [i.e., the Jesuits] had been occupied in greater undertakings; and that they would attend to it at present, as they had a supply of ministers. A formal verbal process proceeded, and the Jesuits obtained a favorable decision. Thereupon, the province of San Nicolas was excluded from the lake, from Bayug, Layavan, and Langaran. Consequently, father Fray Agustin betook himself again to his mission of Butuan, and the chiefs his companions to the lake—sad and furious at not having obtained the concession of those fathers, for whom they had (and even to our times) preserved a great affection and love. The last representation in which they begged the same thing from the superior government was in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty; but it was not conceded to them, as it was territory granted to the Society; and the latter always resisted such a change, notwithstanding that the demarcation was very doubtful.

11. Corcuera determined, after the hostilities had been quieted, that the infantry captain Don Pedro Bermudez de Castro should go with fifty Spaniards and five hundred Indians from Bohol, to fortify the lake, and preserve what had been gained; or to employ themselves in its recovery, if it had suffered any disturbances. The governor gave the captain the hostages who had been detained to assure confidence, after having treated them kindly and given them presents, in order that the surrender might be more voluntary. The Jesuit fathers went with that contingent of troops, the superior being Father Diego Patiño, and his associate Father Gregorio Belin. They accompanied Captain Vermudez to the lake to make the fortification that had been determined, and the permanent presidio wherever it should prove most suitable. They did not find the lake so peaceful as Captain Atienza had left it. The natives thought of nothing less than the subjection and the tribute paying of vassalage; and as soon as they had recovered from the fright into which that invasion had thrown them, then they overthrew all the crosses and burned the small buildings that had served as churches. Their fury was still more excited when the chiefs returned without the beloved pledges of the hostages who had been given up; for, considering these already dead or captive, they burned to avenge them. That fury was somewhat assuaged when the new troop gave them their brothers and children, who spread abroad the kindness of the governor. But that was not sufficient to overcome the course of their mistrust; they were somewhat appeased, but all was only pretense, in order to conceal their hostile minds. They tried to quiet our suspicions, and showed themselves repentant for what had happened. They aided with their labor as far as necessary in the building of the fort, but their falsity was soon apparent. Suddenly they suspended their aid and failed in their intercourse as friends, and busied themselves in the preparation of obstacles and injury [to our people]. Their former decision had been rebuked by Corralat; and he, being an astute man, told them that such submission was arrant nonsense, and he brought forward cogent arguments, which excited their fears and distrust. He told them that they did not know to what that surrender bound them, and that it was nothing else than a toilsome slavery under the domination of the Spaniards. He bid them look at the nations subjected to us, and these would be seen to be reduced to extreme misery. Let them contemplate the Tagálogs and the Visayans, whom any Spaniard whatever could trample under foot; and if they were not of better stuff than these, they must not expect better treatment. They would be obliged to row, to toil at the shipbuilding, and on other public works, and would only experience severe treatment in doing these. With these commonplace arguments, and without reflecting on the tyrannical dominion of Corralat, the latter reduced those unhappy creatures to the last stage of desperation. He offered to give them his aid, and to employ the strength of his kingdom in their defense—[saying that] even if the Spaniards were successful, it meant only the loss of harvests for one year, but that they would obtain their liberty at that small cost. All found it advisable. Manindin, the petty king of Butig, recognized that, if the Spaniards were masters of the lake, his authority was in danger. Corralat, surrounded in all parts, and pressed by our arms, beheld his greatness very much reduced to a very few leguas of coast. It was important to him that the diverted undertakings should have no effect in any part, so that time and expenses should cause them to desist. Consequently, these chiefs so stirred up those of the lake that they agreed to resist with all their power.

12. They carried their agreement into execution, and attacked the fort with so great fury that they imagined that they were going to defeat the Spaniards completely. They besieged the fort with all the severity of war. They made their circumvallation, which they set with stakes and ravelins at intervals, for the defense of their precincts. The fort was then half-finished, and the captain rallied as well as he could to its defense. He met the necessity as a prudent and valiant man, so that he obliged the natives to try other artifices. They built upon the lake some high towers on rafts, which they moored with a rattan cable, which held an anchor that was fastened to the ground, which they were able to do easily under cover of the night. They had another cable, arranged similarly, across the lake. With the first one, without any possibility of their being discovered, they hauled or pulled until they reached the proper position, whence they could discharge their firearms with effect. That being done, they retired beyond the range of the fort to load their pieces, and then returned to the combat with the same industry. The operation of bomb-vessels in the bombardment of any city or castle is no different. It is an ingenious invention, but not without great risk. Although truly those small castles built upon the rafts were very ingenious, they could not be of great resistance. Neither can we persuade ourselves that our artillery would remain quiet; and even if it did, the Moro scheme was very imperfect, because they accomplished nothing by such artifice. The captain and his men resisted valiantly, and unceasingly. But they were afflicted by another most invincible enemy, namely, the lack of provisions. If the Malanaos were to continue in their obstinacy, they would at last conquer the Spaniards through hunger. However, the continual fatigue by day and night was not inconsiderable, and must necessarily at the last sap their forces, and even first finish them all; for the bombardment was killing some of them.

13. Such reflections forced the Spaniards to have recourse to other avenues. They sent a despatch to Caraga to the alcalde-mayor, and another to Butuan to father Fray Agustin, asking them to aid them in that conflict without delay. The more significant despatch was that from Father Belin to the father at Butuan. In it he declared that it was impossible to endure, and that those at that lake would all perish. He begged the father for God’s sake, for whom he had sacrificed himself to reduce and conquer it, to aid them with the greatest force of that district; for their remedy consisted in his Reverence. He said that the enemy had captured three boats from them, and, all the roads to the beach being cut off, it was impossible to get help in. One who attempted to bring help had been cut off by so great a force of Butig and of the men of Corralat, in an ambush of more than four thousand Moros, who threw the rearguard and the vanguard into disorder; and that the father himself had gone out when they heard the shots, with men to protect the convoy. With his aid the Moros were put to flight after having killed some Spaniards and men of Bojol. By that means they succeeded in getting some loads of rice into the fort, enough to supply them for a month if they only had one meal per day. But so great a multitude of Moros were coming to take part in the blockade that, if he did [not] succor them, it was impossible for them not to perish. “Father,” said he, “let your Reverence forget your grievances; and I give you my word, on my profession [i.e., as a priest], to so influence the governor and my order that your Reverence and your holy associates will obtain what you have so labored for. Consider the honor of the king of España, the obligations with which you were born, and the charity which obliges you on this occasion to come to the succor of this troop, unfortunate in not having merited your Reverence’s company. Without it, surely, Captain Don Francisco would not have had the good fortune that he had and obtained, although he opposed leaving a presidio here. Father, there is danger in delay. I petition your Reverence, for the love of God and that of His Mother, and I hope for a great aid from all, etc. March nine, one thousand six hundred and forty. Your Reverence’s servant,

Gregorio Belin”

14. This despatch reached Butuan at a time when the alcalde-mayor, Atienza, was there. Each one received his letter. Attentive to the urgency of the danger, they arranged a speedy relief expedition. The “Padre Capitan,” Fray Agustin, and the alcalde-mayor set out in that expedition with what men they could gather on the spur of the moment, marching across mountains and conquering innumerable difficulties, at the cost of immense hardships. Finally, they reached their destination, making a jest of the passes filled with the enemy when they came within sight of the besieged presidio. The fort was so beset that its occupants no longer had any hopes of relief; for the Moros, seeing their inventions of the rafts frustrated, arranged on land some strong carts mounted on four wheels, which they filled with straw and dry grass. They pushed these carts near the fort, and setting fire to that combustible material, continued their bombarding under cover of that heavy smoke. That would have proved so offensive to the besieged, and much worse had the fire caught the fort, that they would have been obliged to burn or surrender. But before those contrivances were finished, the universal hunger which was weakening their stomachs was proving more cruel than they; for the magazines contained only wine for the masses, and hosts. They determined to take the last communion, and to give up their lives to such ravage, on the twenty-ninth day of so desperate a siege. The sight of the two captains rejoiced the fort. They undertook to break up the siege. Arranging their troops in order and drawing them up in military array, they attacked sword in hand, and with so great valor and spirit that they caused the position to be evacuated in less than two hours, and freed that presidio, which was well near its ruin, from all the enemy.

15. Once masters of themselves, the Spaniards discussed a bloody vengeance. They fitted up a boat, together with the other one that they had captured. Then sailing out on the lake, they were joined by some large boats, so that they formed a considerable squadron, with which they attacked the settlements. Those settlements were deserted, because all had taken to the mountains, after ruining their houses and destroying their fields. It was a warning, to all, of the little advance that the war made when they thus yielded the field to the soldiers. Captain Vermudez, having been despatched, finished burning and destroying the little that had remained. In order not to expose the troops to another and more severe siege, he considered that expense and fatigue as a useless thing, and determined to retreat, and with those arms and stores to fortify Bayug. He left the arrangement of it to the skill of father Fray Agustin, who so conducted the retreat in the marches of the men and in the transportation of the artillery, that he did not lose a single man, although there were ambushes and dangerous passes. For so brilliant a feat, Father Belin and Captains Atienza and Vermudez compared him in their letters to the heroes most renowned in valor and military skill, so much did they accredit his conduct. Had it not been a scheme of the Jesuits, these achievements would have led to his remaining with Captain Vermudez; and the fort would have been completed, and his fame alone would have subdued these Moros. But the Jesuits caused such troubles that the well-planned and extensive arrangements of the superior government were of none effect. Therefore he descended to the seashore with all the men, and they erected a fort upon the bar of the river of Iligan. The men of the garrison were left in charge of Adjutant Francisco Alfaro, a man of valor and experience, who was accustomed to fighting with the Moros. Captain Vermudez returned to Manila to make a full report of occurrences to the governor, and the necessity of the final decision. The matter rested at this point for the time being.

[1] Dolomoyon, according to La Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, v, p. 364).

[2] See account of this mission in Vol. XXI, pp. 231–236.

[3] Agustin de San Pedro (whose family name was Rodriguez) was born in Braganza, Portugal, in 1599; he studied in the university of Salamanca, afterward entering the Recollect convent at Valladolid, making his profession in 1619. At Portillo, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics, and especially of military science—to such an extent that “his superiors commanded him to desist from these, as unsuited to the religious profession.” In 1623 he departed for the Philippines, where he was assigned to the Mindanao field, spending therein many years; his military studies were here made useful in defending the missions against Moro raids, and training the Christian Indians to fight their enemies successfully; and he was known throughout the Philippines as “Padre Capitan”—which name is also applied to a village on the northern coast of Mindanao, southwest of Iligan. Fray Agustin was sent to Romblón soon after the Lanao expeditions here related to fortify the villages there and instruct the natives in the art of war, that island being one of those subject to Moro incursions. He died in 1653. (See Prov. de S. Nicolas de Tolentino, pp. 290–292).

[4] The taking of slaves in Mindanao by the Spaniards (which had often been urged as one of the best methods of subduing those fierce people) was legalized by the following law: “The islands of Mindanao are adjacent to those of the district of the Filipinas. Their natives, who have adopted the religion of Mahomet, have rebelled; and since then, in alliance with the enemies of this crown, they have done great harm to our vassals. In order to facilitate their punishment, it has been deemed an efficacious corrective to declare that those who should be captured in war be made slaves. We order that such be done; but that this distinction be observed, namely, that if the said Mindanaos be simply heathen, they be not regarded as slaves; but if they be Moors by nation and birth, and shall go to other islands to introduce their dogmas or teach their Mahometan religion, or make war on the Spaniards or Indians who are subject to us, or hinder our royal service, then in that case they may be made slaves. But those who are Indians and shall have become Mahometans shall not be made slaves. Such will be persuaded by lawful and kind methods to be converted to our holy Catholic faith.” [Felipe II, July 4, 1570; Felipe III, May 29, 1620; Recopilación, lib. vi, tit. ii, ley xii.

This law was quite at variance with the general law that prohibited slavery of Indians, which was extended expressly to the Moluccas by a special law promulgated by Felipe III, Madrid, October 10, 1618, (lib. vi, tit. ii, ley viii).

[5] In the year 1621 (Prov. de San Nicolas de Tolentino, p. 311).

[6] Varalao is but a phonetic variant of bararao or balarao. Luis de Jesús here supplies the “missing link” to Rizal’s statement regarding this weapon (Vol. XVI, p. 81, note), and identifies the balarao as the well-known kris of the Malays.

[7] In regard to this ceremony—the blood-covenant, or “blood-friendship”—see H. C. Trumbull’s Blood Covenant (3rd ed., Philadelphia, 1898); he describes it as performed in many countries and in all ages, in various forms; its purposes, methods, and symbolism; and its meaning in the Bible. In brief, it appears to be a primitive form of expressing personal union and friendship in the closest bonds, which may not be broken without dishonor.

[8] The character of these curses is indicated by the statement of the Dominican Juan Ferrando (Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, i, p. 41): “In the elections of [local] magistrates which the alcalde of Ilocos Sur held in 1844, I had the good-fortune to be present at some of them; and I noticed that the gobernadorcillos of those infidels, on receiving the rod of office from the hands of that chief, offered, in place of the oath which the Christians swear to administer justice, the following imprecation: ‘May a baneful wind strike me, the sun’s rays slay me, and the crocodile catch me sleeping, if I do not fulfil my duty.’ All their oaths are in the form of imprecations, and they usually observe these obligations faithfully.”

[9] Cf. note in Vol. XXI, p. 165; these confriars are mentioned in the Catholic Dictionary as the third order rather than the fourth.

[10] Thus in the Spanish text; apparently an ancient use of the word relator for refrendario, meaning an official appointed to countersign edicts and other public acts. As here used of a priest, it probably refers to his having such an appointment in the diocesan court.

[11] This account of Lake Lanao and its region is evidently compiled from Combés’s description (Hist. Mindanao, book iii, chap. i).

[12] Combés adds, “and bohaui by the natives” (ut supra, col. 146).

[13] Thus in text; an obvious error of transposition, the correct form of the name being Agustin de San Pedro.

NEWS FROM FILIPINAS, 1640–42

A true account by the discalced religious of the convent of St. Francis of Filipinas, to be sent to the reverend fathers and superiors of the order; containing in substance all that happened in those parts and in Japon from the month of June, 1640 to the twenty-sixth of July in 1641. Notable miracles; glorious martyrdoms; discoveries of new provinces, rich and fertile; likewise news from the governor of Terrenate, and other matters.

The Japanese have expelled from their kingdom all the Portuguese of Macan who were there trading, notifying them that they were not to return, under pain of death and loss of property. It seemed to the Portuguese of Macan that Japon would change its decree if they carried assurance from Filipinas that no religious would be sent to Japon. With this embassy prominent persons came to Manila, in the name of the city of Macan, to whom the archbishop, the governor, and all the authorities and religious orders conceded, if not all that was asked, at least what seemed to them sufficient for the purpose. This probably would have been satisfactory, had the disposition of the people of Macan been consistent; but while the question of what ought to be done was still being debated in Manila, they, without waiting for the final decision, departed for Japon (so the fullest account says). Upon arriving in that country, the Japanese inflicted death, which is regarded as that of martyrs, upon sixty or more persons who sailed the ship of the embassy, burning them and the goods that they carried. Thirteen or fourteen persons of the most ordinary class were spared, that they might carry the news to Macan. Thus was closed the traffic which that city had with Japon, which kept Macan alive and to which it owed its existence.

In the year 41 on the fourth of January, at nine o’clock in the morning, in all parts of these islands, the noise in the air of musketry, artillery, and war drums was very distinctly and clearly heard; and in whatever town or place it was heard, it seemed to be about half a legua distant. This has given much cause for reflection, because, although they say there has been a loud noise from a volcano which was in a state of eruption in the kingdom of Mindanao,[1] that does not seem to be a satisfactory explanation. Since the various parts of the islands are so distant and separated, and the wind must necessarily carry the sound to some parts, and drive it away from others, it does not seem possible for the sound to be alike everywhere. Among the common people it is considered a prodigy, and causes not a little dread—especially on account of the Sangley still being exasperated at the deaths and punishment of his people in the insurrection of last year; and because the said Sangleys have made friends with the Dutch, who are powerful in these parts by the seizure of Malaca.[2]

During the month of May of this year, news arrived from reliable source that the said city of Malaca had been taken—some say through famine [of the besieged]; while others say it would not have been taken had there not been traitors within the city, who delivered it up. This was a great loss; and in writing of it the governor of Terrenate, Don Francisco Suarez de Figueroa says:

Paragraph from the letter of the governor of Terrenate

“The latest news is that the enemy, the Dutch, have conquered Malaca with twenty-five ships, with which they surrounded it. Some slanderers say that the enemy could not have taken it had there not been traitors within who delivered it up—and I understand that it was known who they were, through letters by certain persons from Macazar who went to that city. This is the greatest loss that has been suffered in these parts. It is also said that by August next twenty-five ships will come here, and that they are to go to Manila; of this I am notifying the governor, that he may exercise vigilance. It is very necessary to strengthen the defenses of the fort at Hilohilo, and to garrison it with a hundred men, as it is there that the enemy goes first before sailing to Manila.” Thus writes the Governor of Terrenate.

Paragraph from the letter of father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria

In regard to the fears that were prevalent, Father Antonio de Santa Maria, lecturer in theology and a trustworthy religious, wrote from Macan the following paragraph:

“During the month of August last it was said in M [blank space in original; probably “Macao that a”] grand mandarin of war, Yguan by name, intended to go to Manila to avenge the deaths of his countrymen. He was a notable pirate, but is now said to be a friend of the Dutch, though he formerly gave battle to them and sometimes burned their ships. He has with him a number of negroes, fugitives from Macan, who understand very well the management of firearms. It would not be a mistake to be on the lookout for them, and be supplied with provisions and munition, because the Dutch are very arrogant. In China they have lost their fear of the Spaniards; and Filipinas, when I left there, were without men or vessels. Thus it would be seen that this colony is actively threatened from all parts and has great reason for fear. With the insurrection and war of the Sangleys, and with the previous wars in Mindanao and Joló, the largest and best part of the troops were destroyed; and those who were left are occupied in many garrisons.” Here ends the quotation from the letter of Fray Antonio.

The three Dutch ships which, the governor of Terrenate wrote, had started for these islands about the eighth of April, arrived at the Embocadero and cape of Espiritu Santo on the twenty-seventh of said month; and thus far we know not whether they have set out from there. On the other hand, daily advices come of the great vigilance with which they scour those waters in various parts, in order to seize the ships that are going or coming from Nueva España—for which purpose they have a patache which goes ten leguas to sea in the direction of the parallel of eleven and one-half degrees, which is the route by which the ships [from Nueva España] must come. They also have others, five or six lanchas or small boats, with which they run from place to place in order to give warning to the galleons that are in port. While this colony was in the distress that this emergency must cause, our Lord was pleased to bring the ship from Nueva España this year, miraculously, from among its enemies without their seeing it. It made port outside the Embocadero, at a place called Borongan, on the second of July this year; and on the nineteenth of the said month a Spaniard arrived in this city with a letter from a father of the Society, in which he announced that the ship had arrived that day. He said that it came with Don N. Pacheco as commander and that the commander who went from here had died; and that many of our religious were coming, and others of St. Augustine. Thus and thus writes the said father of the Society, because another had written it to him; it is now one week that we have been waiting for the packets and advices, and today, the twenty-sixth of July, we have no news of a soul that had been aboard the ship, nor even a letter from that place. Our perplexity begins anew, and some even doubt whether the ship has reached land. If it has arrived, God brings this city help, which will be a great defense for the future. And if on account of our sins it may not arrive, little hope is entertained for aid if the enemy come; and much more is he to be feared should he ally himself with the Sangleys. May God prevent this, as He can.

Another paragraph from the letter of father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria

“They say also that the following prodigies have occurred in the kingdom of China. In Pequin, where the court is, they say there was a dense darkness for the space of three days; cinders rained in other parts. The earth gushed forth blood, and a quantity of it was caught in vases. A bell in one of their temples rang of its own accord; and the rocks, when struck with blows, sounded like the beat of drums. Two or three towns, not many days’ journey from Macan, were swallowed up by the earth with their people and buildings. And even now in another town, not far from there, they say that serpents are coming out of the sea—very large and hideous, with horns—and with their assault they overthrow the buildings and houses, and slay the people; and that returning to the water they again come out, make a capture, and immediately return to the sea.”

Besides the above-mentioned news from Japon concerning our religious, the said father Fray Antonio, while drawing up authentic information on behalf of our order, writes in his letter the following paragraph:

“In the year 1637, they also say, there were in Japon some three or four religious of the Order of St. Francis who traveled through that country to the remotest regions of the kingdom on the far north, to a province of the said kingdom of Japan called Canga.[3] It is said that the emperor commanded that the tono, or petty king, of that province be notified that he should be most vigilant and careful that no Christian whatever should enter his lands; and that he responded to the emperor that quiet reigned in his territory, and that there was no necessity to treat his vassals harshly. This petty king, they say, is an uncle or relative of the true king of Japon, who has disappeared.[4] This I saw in one of the relations written by the Portuguese there in Japon.”

I have just completed the official statements regarding our martyrs, and have finished transcribing them; two copies of them I send now, the other I will carry or send to your Lordship. The martyrs of whom this report is made are: Fray Luys Gomez, Fray Gabriel, Fray Juan Torrilla, Fray Gines de Quesada, and Fray Geronimo de la Cruz—who is that Japanese priest who, when I came from Spain, was in that church of the Japanese (in our war of Dilao[5]) at the side of, or a little behind the well. The holy Fray Luys Gomez is one of those who in former years were summoned by the emperor in order to question them about our holy faith; he was eighty-four years of age and had spent forty in Japon. He died hanged in a cave, head down, with two Japanese helpers [dogicos], in company with Father Sebastian Viera, and four other native helpers of theirs. In the official account which the Society drew up about their father, our Fray Luys is also included. The holy Fray Gabriel de la Madalena, or Fonseca, after having suffered the torture of hot water was burned alive, in company with Fray Geronimo, a Japanese, in the little cottage of the latter, on the third of September, 1632; Fray Luis, on the sixth of June, 1634. Marvelous things, enough to fill a large book are related of Fray Gabriel. It is common knowledge that when he prayed he was many times raised above the ground, and that he often disappeared for a time from the eyes of those present. From various small herbs that he gathered he made medicines, with which he wrought miraculous cures. While he was being burned, they say, he rose in the air two cubits [codos], and while praying in the mountains this was an ordinary occurrence.

Besides the conversions in China and Japon, the Lord has revealed, through the medium of his servants the sons of our father Saint Francis, another and by no means small multitude of people who desire with all sincerity to receive holy baptism, and to attain the knowledge of the truth—regarding whom the governor of Terrenate already mentioned says, in the following paragraph taken from one of his letters:

Paragraph from the letter of the governor of Terrenate

“Father Fray Juan Iranço,[6] who is in Manados,[7] states, in a letter which he has written to me, that there have been discovered more than fifty villages, large and small; that the people are numerous, for, counting men, women, and children, they number more than fifteen thousand. In this estimate he falls short, for the Spaniards who are there have told me that there are more than a hundred thousand souls, who desire to be Christians. In this connection I wrote to the governor last year, but his Lordship did not answer me in regard to this, nor about many things which I have written concerning the government. Reverend Father, for the love of God, agitate this with the governor, and send religious. The soil is fertile, the people are extremely industrious, of stout build, and white. Rice and other grains abound. I am now sending a champan with twelve Spaniards, and a religious of the order to accompany and aid Father Juan Iranço. The latter sent thirteen or fourteen Indian chiefs of Manados, in order that they might return to him as Christians; they were baptized in this convent of San Antonio, and are now returning in this champan. They made a great feast on the day when they were baptized, dressing themselves with their shirts arranged after the Spanish fashion. All this, and the conversion of Manados and Tabuca, have been very fully described by father Fray Francisco Chavarria and the other religious who are here and in Manados and Tacuba, to whom I refer as being religious of exemplary life.”

This is a summary of the information from here, concerning the conversions as well as the state of these islands. May God our Lord dispose all things as best pleases Him, for His greater glory and for the good of all Christianity.

(Transcribed from the original letter in Ciudad de los Angeles [i.e., Puebla de los Angeles, in Mexico].)

All this country has been afflicted, not only by the great drouth that prevails—for there has been no rain for eight months, which occasions excessive heat; and the rice, the usual food in this country, cannot be sown, and a great famine is feared—but because four Dutch ships are in the passage through which comes the succor from Mexico, the soldiers, silver, and other supplies; and as news [of the galleon] did not come, some misfortune was feared. But on the thirteenth of July God was pleased that it should make port in safety, leaving the Dutchmen hoaxed; it did not arrive at the port of Cavite, but at another, at a distance of three days’ journey by land, and it could not reach Cavite until September. With the ship came the news of the revolutions in Portugal and Cataluña, a very unfortunate and dangerous affair. The Portuguese who were here from Macan went to the governor, and on the part of that city rendered anew obedience to King Filipo Fourth (whom may God preserve). They declared that in no event would they accept the Portuguese revolt, and that, in case India joined the said rebellion, they would always desire to remain under the protection of Castilla; and documents to this effect were drawn up in due form. May God be pleased to quiet those great tumults, and give peace to Christian people!

The usual enemy from Mindanao, Burney, Jolo, and Camucon, did not inflict any damage on the islands this year, because they did not sally out in force; but much trouble is feared for the coming year, on which account negotiations for peace are being conducted with the Mindanaos. For, although we have four forts in that island, it is so large that its people go out to plunder without our being able to stop them entirely. Joló is now at peace, for which much aid was rendered by Father Francisco Colin, provincial of the Society, who went to visit those islands; but I do not know whether the peace will last. The Christian villages of Mindanao and Jolo are very gradually being brought to a peaceable condition; and as those people are devoted Moors [i.e., Mahometans], the gospel makes little headway among them. Nevertheless, there are some conversions all the time; and at least the children will be good Christians. [Here follow reports of the news from the other countries named in the title.] This is a summary of the matters of which I have present information. Manila, July 25, 1642.[8]

[1] On the day here mentioned, there were two fiery volcanic eruptions, one in Joló, the other in Pañgil, an island not far from Joló. At the same time, an eruption occurred in northern Luzón, but of water instead of fire; and this was accompanied with other destructive phenomena.

[2] For accounts of this seizure of Malacca by the Dutch, see Diaz’s Conquistas, pp. 455, 456; Concepción’s Hist. de Philipinas, vi, pp. 85, 86; and Ferrando’s Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 514–516.

[3] Probably meaning Kaga, a small province lying on the northern coast of Hondo, nearly north from the city of Kioto; its chief town is Kanazawa, with over one hundred thousand inhabitants.

[4] Apparently referring to the mikado and his seclusion from active life—a condition which had existed for many years, but which Iyeyasu especially intensified in order to strengthen his own power and that of his house. The mikado at the time mentioned in our text was Meishō—a woman, according to B. H. Chamberlain (Murray’s Handbook of Japan, 4th ed., pp. 65, 67). The reference may possibly be to Hideyori; but he died much earlier, in 1621.

[5] Probably a reference to the late Chinese insurrection.

[6] It is not known in what year the Franciscan Juan Iranzo came to the Philippines; his name first appears in the lists of that order in 1632. He served in Luzón until 1639, when he went to the Moluccas and other neighboring islands. Returning to Luzón six years later, he remained in that island, in various responsible positions, until late in 1653, when he embarked for a voyage to Europe, but died while at sea. (Huerta’s Estado, p. 510.)

[7] Part of Celebes; see Vol. XXII, p. 146.

[8] This is an extract from a pamphlet entitled, “General relation of the news from Philippinas that has arrived in this year of 1643, regarding Manila, India, Camboja, Japon, China, Macan, Terrenate, and Ambueno.” It has no signature, and is printed “at Mexico, by the widow of Bernardo Calderon, in the street of San Augustin.”

DECREE REGARDING THE INDIANS

The King. To Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein: I commanded the issue of a decree of the following tenor:

“The King. To Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera [here follow his titles as above], or to the person or persons in whose charge the government may be: it has been noticed in my royal Council of the Yndias that the Indian natives of the province of Pampanga, those of Camarines, and the Tagálogs have rendered service, and still do so, with much affection and loyalty, ever since they were first conquered, without any of them having rebelled; that they serve in war together with the Spaniards, with extraordinary vigilance; and that they likewise serve in that city [i.e., Manila] as oarsmen and pioneers, on all occasions when armed fleets are equipped, with both their persons and their property—especially the Pampangos and the Tagálogs. And because it is just that they should know how much I value their fidelity and watchfulness, I have thought best to ordain and command to you (as I do) that, since these things are so, you shall be especially mindful of the said Indians of the three provinces above mentioned, and give them much encouragement, for this purpose summoning their chief men—in order that they may always continue to serve me with the same zeal, fidelity, and affection as they have hitherto displayed. Dated at Madrid on the fifteenth of July in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon”

And now on the part of Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, permanent procurator-general for that city of Manila, he has reminded me that by the decree here inserted I commanded that you should summon the headmen of the Indian natives of those islands, and in my royal name thank them for the willingness with which they have always aided my royal service, as is more fully set forth in the said decree; and that more than ten thousand of them served me on the occasion of the Sangley insurrection, with much valor and good-will, seconding the citizens of that city. He declares that they deserve that I should reward them, in order to encourage them to continue their service when occasion shall offer; and entreats that I will be pleased to command the issue of a decree giving them much praise, since it is very desirable to give them prompt encouragement, that they may also serve and conduct themselves with so great loyalty and faithfulness in other so pressing emergencies. He asks that you will relieve them, and exempt them from some of the many burdens that they carry; for thus they will be encouraged to render me service. The matter having been discussed in my royal Council of the Yndias, considering how just it is to honor, favor, and reward them, in order that they may render greater and more willing obedience to all that shall be ordered to them for my service, I command that you immediately summon the headmen of the Indians, and make known to them in my behalf the esteem that I have for them personally for the courage, affection, and good-will with which they have rendered assistance when emergencies have arisen, and especially in the Sangley insurrection, by which I consider myself well served. You shall give them thanks for this, and favor and reward them in all possible ways, endeavoring to secure their relief, convenience, and comfort. Such is my will; and I shall especially appreciate all that you shall accomplish for their relief and honor. Dated at Çaragoça, on the twenty-fourth of October in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-two.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon Signed by the Council.

FORMOSA LOST TO SPAIN

Brief relation of the loss of the island of Hermosa; of the strength and puissance which the Dutch enemy now has in those parts of Yndia; and of his designs and intentions after having made peace with the Portuguese, and having therefore ceased to wage war against them in those regions of Yndia.

It is well known that it is the great desire of the Dutch enemy, which he has always had, to make himself master of Yndia and its riches, in order with these to continue and push forward his revolt [against Spain], and to encourage attacks against the armies of the king our sovereign—who so justly wages war against the Dutch, in order to bring down their arrogance and destroy their wild heresies. These desires have been very evident, since they have set themselves to the task, and—God permitting this for our sins—have already seized much territory in Yndia; and hardly is there a coast in that country where they have not settled and fortified themselves, enjoying its riches. In especial, they have now, in recent years, seized the city of Malaca, a port and passage that is necessary and very useful for going from Yndia to Great China and Japon; and in Ceilan [i.e., Ceylon] they captured a stronghold called Punta de Gali, and, near the bar of Goa, a carrack (a large galleon) which was coming from the kingdom of Portugal, despatched after the insurrection. Besides this, they seized near the same bar a patache which was coming from Macao with ivory, and two hundred cates of gold, and other rich goods; and now they actually occupy a post near Goa, and are expecting to make themselves masters of all Yndia (unless our Lord shall intercept their designs), by means of this unstable peace which they have now made with the Portuguese. It is very plain that such is the case; for when the order came from Holanda to the Dutch to establish peace with the Portuguese, the former replied to the captain-general and those of his council to the Prince of Orange, and to the Company, saying that peace was not expedient for them in Yndia, because affairs were in such condition that they were confident that Yndia could be conquered within four years. Thereupon, reply was sent to them that, notwithstanding this argument, they should negotiate the said peace, because that was expedient at this time for the liberty of their native land—since, the king of España having his attention thus diverted in Portugal, the Dutch could find therein the opportunity to set their country free.

And not only has this their insatiable and lawless desire extended to making themselves masters of Yndia, as has been already stated, but they are eager to gain possession of what belongs to the crown of Castilla—the city of Manila, Terrenate, Hermosa Island, and other places—in order that thus they may remain alone and more free to enjoy the produce and benefit of all the islands and kingdoms of those regions. The truth of this is made evident by their frequently coming to Manila with many galleons—twenty-two, twenty-four, or twenty-five; but they did not succeed very well there. On that account, and because they recognized that our strength was considerable, and since they were occupied in Yndia against the Portuguese, they withdrew for several years, and returned no more to Manila until now. At present they have become fat on the labor of others, and are disengaged in Yndia; and, knowing well that Manila has not much strength, they intend to wage a very grievous war, carrying it on by weakening our forces, in order thus more safely to make themselves masters of the city and possess its wealth—which, they say with much glee, is very great. With this object, they have come to the Embocadero, during the last two years of 41 and 42, to await the ships which come from Nueva España. In this year of 43 they were going again to the same place, with more ships and forces, and with much caution; but, if they are not able to capture the galleons, they will try to burn them with their own old ships, which they take with them for this purpose. Moreover, this year they are going to try to intercept the succor to Terrenate; and last year they seized the island of Hermosa with a strong force, almost all [the posts] at one time. This was something almost incredible to those who have seen their strength and power in recent times; and it was all done with the object of afterward attacking Manila with the aid of the Sangleys—with whom, as I was told by a trustworthy person in Jacatra, the Dutch had secret negotiations for an assault on Manila. This is so certain that afterward, while I was in the kingdom of Malaca, visiting the king, a letter came to him from the Dutch. It was written in the Portuguese language, and he caused it to be read in my presence and that of some Castilians and Portuguese who were there. After complaining of the king because he had aided the people of Amboino, the Dutch said in this letter that they had already taken the island of Hermosa from the Castilians; and that in a short time they would drive the latter from Maluco and the Manilas ([their name] for the Filipinas Islands).

Chart of part of the Philippines; from map taken from a Dutch MS. of 1662 in Dalrymple’s Charts ([London], 1778)

[From copy in Library of Congress]

Commencing, then, our relation, and first as regards the loss of Hermosa Island, I say that it was and is a certain and notorious fact that the Dutch enemy, carried away by his evil desire and damnable intentions (as at the beginning has been stated), attacked Hermosa Island about September in the past year of 1641;[1] and, not being able to capture it, since God had blinded and hindered him, remained more obstinate and hardened in his first object and pretension. Accordingly, he desisted only until the following year, 1642, and about August he returned with a stronger force—so large a one that with it he could overcome ours; and so he seized the island, and made himself master of it, which occurred thus.

Having obtained a foothold, the said Dutch enemy spent part of April and almost all of May in that year, with two champans and a round sailing vessel called “filipote” [i.e., flyboat], near the headland which they call Punta del Diablo, in sight of our forts,[2] awaiting the succor which about that time was to come from Manila. They retired to the river of Tan-Chuy, with a prize which they made there, a small champan from China, which came from that kingdom to Hermosa Island to carry supplies and merchandise; in it was traveling a religious of St. Dominic, in the garb of a Sangley. With this prize, and for another reason, that a sharp north wind suddenly arose, they retired, as I have said, to Tan-Chuy. Just at this time came the succor which the governor of Manila was sending; this ship, arriving at the cape called Santa Catalina, received news that the enemy was expecting it. On this account, our people took refuge in the port of San Lorenzo, as they carried orders from Manila to do so, in case they encountered enemies. They remained there seven or eight days, until, having received information from the island that the enemy had gone away, they left that port, and pursuing their voyage, entered our harbor and fort.

Afterward (but not until the thirteenth of the month of August), one afternoon at nightfall there arrived at our port a little champan, so small that it made the Spaniards wonder at it when they saw it approach. This vessel came, despatched in all haste, from the island that they call Isla de Pescadores, which is twelve leguas from the Dutch fort. In that island is an excellent harbor, in which the great galleons of the Dutch anchor, because they cannot make an entrance at their forts on account of the shallow water there. The little champan came for the sole purpose of warning an infidel Sangley named Gui-nu—who was captain of a champan that had arrived not long before from Manila, to get wheat and cloth to carry to that city—that the Dutch were ready to attack Hermosa Island within four or five days. For this they had five ships, with five hundred Dutchmen, and large supplies of provisions, besides other ships which had not yet arrived; accordingly, word was sent to Gui-nu to leave our port at once. He who wrote and sent the despatch, who was a friend of the said Sangley, told him further to go away at all events, since the enemy was coming, not as in the previous year, but with a much greater force; and therefore it seemed to the writer that the Dutch would seize the island without fail.

With news so reliable as this, and with the information obtained from the Indians, the governor was persuaded of its truth, and that the enemy was returning with the strength and force that was stated; besides, he had heard of it in letters from Manila. Accordingly he immediately took measures to put himself in as good a state of defense as possible. As he was warned by Indians from the river of Tan-Chuy that this year the enemy would come from the east side, where there is a low sand-bank which extends from the sea to the harbor, and on it is a fort or small tower, not very strong, he ordered two pieces of artillery to be placed on an eminence which commands the said tower. While they were finishing this fortification, on the nineteenth of the month of August, the armada of the enemy appeared in sight. This was composed of four large ships, a patache, a large champan, and a flyboat; and besides all these vessels there were four other ships which had not arrived. Each vessel trailed two faluas astern, besides other and smaller boats which they carried for landing their men. On that day when the enemy appeared, about twelve or one o’clock, they stood inshore with the largest ship and the patache, making for the eminence to which our men had retired; but they tried to protect themselves from our artillery behind a small hill that stood there, in order thus to land their men more easily and safely. But as they could not shelter themselves as fully as they wished, on account of the currents which drove the ships beyond the hill, the artillery of our stronghold (the commander of which was Don Martin de Arechaga) compelled the enemy to retire to the sea—the chief pilot of their ship and other men having been killed, as the Dutch afterward told us. The ship being pierced with three or four cannon-balls, they retreated; on seeing this, the governor sent what men he could spare to the lookout station.

That night the enemy remained at anchor in the place to which they had retreated, until the morning of the next day. Then, having held a council, they set sail, and all five of their sailing-vessels directed their course toward the low sand-bank I have mentioned, which is at the eastern side of the island, in order to attempt a landing there, as we had already been informed. But the flagship, on approaching and reconnoitering the narrow entrance, saw that it had a new defense and guard in the tower below. The commander of this tower, who was Alférez Diego Felipe, commanded that a cannon-shot be fired; the enemy, seeing by this that they were recognized and their designs forestalled, and that now they could not gain any advantage there, turned the flagship back toward the sea, where the rest of the ships were waiting for it. Having reached their station, the Dutch commander called another council of the leaders and captains; the upshot of this was, that, considering that their antagonists there were already on the defensive, they should make an attack at once, come what might, as they knew very well, through the Sangleys, how many men we had. For even if they lost many of their own men they were not in absolute need of so many [as they had], and they might kill our men with but little loss; and, the lookout once gained, all would be theirs, for they would have such an advantage over us that they could always injure us, without our being able to harm them.

Their consultation being concluded about one o’clock, they forthwith proceeded to take men with the faluas from two of the ships, which remained with a few men, and with the champan and the flyboat, to guard the entrances to the harbor; and the three other ships, with many small boats which they carried for this purpose, approached near the land, behind the shelter of the hill, where they would be entirely out of the range of the artillery in our stronghold. Having cast anchor there, they proceeded to send ashore their soldiers with the faluas and small boats, landing them at the edge of the sea, because they feared some of our musketeers who were on land. On this account, having embarked the men [in the boats], they rowed rapidly toward the shore, and meanwhile kept the field clear, from the ships, with their artillery and musketry, while their trumpets sounded the attack. Thus they came to land, where our men awaited them—twelve of our Spanish soldiers, eight Pampangos, and thirty or forty Indian natives [i.e., of Formosa] who were bowmen. The governor had resolved to send this number of men into the field, and no more, for he suspected that the enemy would attempt to land more troops in another place. Our men made a brave stand, and went down to the shore, and killed many of the enemy as they landed, on account of the latter coming, as they did, so crowded together in their boats. Thus our men fired their guns at a crowd, and some used three balls at one shot; and the Indian bowmen, who were very skilful, also inflicted much damage on the Dutch, all the more as they came boldly on. They followed out their design until they landed their men; and then, as they were numerous and our men few, they steadily gained the upper hand and wounded some of our soldiers. Thereupon the latter began to retreat slowly, three of their men being seriously wounded—one of whom remained on the field, where he soon died; the two others made their way as best they could to the fort, where one died and the other recovered.

Thus the enemy proceeded to ascend the slope until they succeeded in obtaining possession of the lookout and the height, where they immediately stationed more than three hundred white men; this gave opportunity for the rest of their men, five hundred more, to disembark and come to land. Then they set up their tents, in a place where they could store much food, and immediately sent ashore all their supplies, on the side from which it could not be seen from our forts. Afterward they also sent ashore much artillery and a mortar; of these pieces they carried two to the lookout station—cannons of eight and ten pound balls—and with other small pieces with which they bombarded us, not only in the stronghold, but in the great fort below. Their balls reached everything, on all sides, and everything was visible and uncovered from the lookout station; this was very evident, since a cannon-ball [struck] the parapet of the fosse belonging to the great fort, and passed on, carrying away a stone from the cavalier of San Sebastian in the same fort.

Affairs being now in the said condition, we continued to make ready our retirade,[3] and were expecting that the enemy would begin with baskets [i.e., filled with earth] or would be fortified in some other manner in order to make an assault; but this did not occur, as they made no fort at the lookout, which would rise above the land about. However, on the side next the sea they made on the mountain a large esplanade, from which they fired the cannons; and, this done, they opened in the mountain itself two mouths, as it were, in the shape of trenches, through which they brought the cannons to bear, and bombarded us openly, while from our retirade we could not discover their men or more than barely see the mouths of the cannon in their artillery.

After this manner the war lasted five days, until the day of the glorious apostle St. Bartholomew, the twenty-fourth of August, when they bombarded and overthrew the wall of our retirade—which we had finished building, but it was not finished inside, nor did it contain any lodgings. As the Dutchmen afterward said, they fired that day, with the two cannon and from the fleet, one hundred and eight times; it was so arranged that while the cannon were being loaded there was no cessation of firing from all the musketry—which they had stationed at the top of the lookout, in files, directing the men to shelter themselves behind the hill, and to load their muskets while the artillery was at work. This they did so incessantly that it seemed to be the Judgment Day; and they gave no respite to our men, who were few in number and worn out with fatigue.

The wall being now thrown down, and many men being slain—among them Alférez Juan de Valdes, a very valiant soldier—and many others wounded, and the rest of the troops being exhausted with the incessant fighting for five days and nights, and a palisade which we occupied having been broken into with iron bars: the enemy formed four troops for assaulting the retirade. This they did, and entered without ladders, since the walls were thrown down, as I said. This being perceived from above by our men, some of these, of the baser sort, fled through the gate; while others leaped over the wall, on the side next our fort, which they succeeded in reaching. Others who were above with Captain Valentin de Arechaga, fighting with the enemies, and, as they say, retreating, drove the enemy back on their haunches; and thence they retreated to the fort below. Two others, Spanish boys, hid themselves—one in the powder-house, the other in a water-tank; the enemy slew the former, thinking that he intended to set fire to the powder, and the other they took captive.

Being now masters of the retirade, they trained a cannon from it (for they had no other left), mounted, against our men; and at the same time they sent a white flag with one of their men, demanding that, since they now held all the place as their own, we should surrender, since there was still opportunity to escape with our lives. He said that if we did not yield there would be no advantage for us in doing so, and there would be nothing to expect but death. The governor received this envoy, for he saw that what they said was true, and that we had no hope or refuge in the world, nor could even hope to delay the catastrophe; and he considered that by not accepting their proposal he was exposing to death more than four hundred innocent souls—children, women, servants, roadmakers, and soldiers—and that the soldiers did not amount to forty effective men. He saw that there was no hope of doing more than to die for the sake of dying; but if relief could be hoped for by any means, or he could see any indication that they could resist the enemy, he and his men were all determined to die rather than yield up anything of their rights. But he concluded that they were able to resist no longer, as I have said; and considered that any one who understood the occasion well, and who knew the opportunity and advantage and superior strength that the enemy had, and what our men had done in every way, would not rashly condemn his course. For in order to form a proper judgment of anything, to see it and be on the spot is very different from hearing it afar, and, as they say, talking from behind the palings. The governor replied to him who came to offer this settlement that he would consult his officers as to what ought to be done and what should seem most expedient; and that afterward he would return answer in accordance with such decision. Thereupon the bearer of the white flag went away, and the governor placed the matter before his followers and the religious who were there. It seemed to all that, considering that the enemy had now demolished and gained the retirade and the eminence, which was the mainstay and guard of the fort below, and that now without any doubt the fort was practically in their possession—[which they could accomplish] without the loss of a single man, but with the death of all our people; without need for attacking us, but simply by driving us out—the best possible terms ought to be secured, and that accordingly we should surrender. For [they considered that, to justify] exposing all those people to death there must be some hope [of success or relief], of which there was none at that time. Nor were they ignorant of the requirements of military honor and usage, but these passed sentence [upon surrender] when the enemy were not so sure of victory, and when they themselves had some grounds for hope; but without such hope neither did God, nor consequently human law, hold them under such rigorous obligation; and one law states that no one is obliged to do what is impossible.

The conference being concluded, answer was made to the enemy in conformity with the above decision. When they came to the terms of surrender, our men stipulated that they should leave the fort with their arms, flags flying, drums [beating], guns loaded, and matches lighted. At first the enemy refused this, being willing only to spare our lives; for they saw very plainly that everything was in their power, and that what they were giving was only a favor. They were not willing to give us the vessels that we asked from them, but said that we all must go to Tay-Chuan, their fort; and that if the governor of that place had orders he would give us boats. If he did not, they said that we must voyage to Jacatra, to see the commander-in-chief,[4] and that he would give us transportation; for they themselves carried no orders for anything else [than the seizure of the island]. With this the affair was ended—which is the truth of the matter, without any pretense or cloak.

Having departed from the fort with the said terms they placed us all in the convents of St. Domingo and St. Francis, with guards, while they arranged their affairs; then they sent us to Tay-quan, a fort of theirs on the other side. At the convents, the Dutch proceeded to take from all our men their weapons and flags, on the pretext that they must embark the Spaniards without these, for fear of some mutiny or uprising. This was afterward told to the commander-in-chief at Jacatra [now Batavia], and he replied that the guns and flags had been left at Tay-quan; but that if the governor of that place, who was coming by March or April, should bring them [to Jacatra], he would give them up. On this account the [Spanish] governor remained at Jacatra to await them, and to send away his men, and to be the last one. There was great danger that some men would remain there, by their own choice; or that, urged by the Dutch, they would say that they preferred to remain. The Pampangos and Cagayans remained with the Dutch, who refused to give them to us, although they had granted liberty to all [of our men]. Although many remonstrances were made to them on this point, they replied that they would pay those Indians as the Spaniards had done, and that the former should serve them. Accordingly, some of the Indians remained in Tay-quan, and the rest were taken by the Dutch in their ships that were going against Amboino and Terrenate. Some free servants were seized by certain Dutchmen in Tay-quan and in Hermosa Island, who refused to give them back; and afterward we learned that they had sold these servants to some of their countrymen. When this was told to the commander-in-chief, he said that it could not be true, and that he would make them give back all who remained in Tay-quan, twelve in number. The affair remained thus, unsettled, a matter which is certainly worthy of consideration; and it is sufficient cause for keeping back, whenever opportunity offers, some of their men until they return to us all those free and Christian people, who remain with them at the risk of losing the faith.

From the convents where they had kept us, they embarked us in four ships to convey us to the fortress of Tay-quan; and at the same time six companies of the Dutch who remained in our forts set out by land to go to the province of Torboan, in the eastern part of the island, to find the gold mines that the natives possess there. The latter obtain some gold from the sands of a river, of which fact the Dutch were informed; and this was a powerful motive for their seizing our forts. In order to carry out their purpose to search for gold mines, they came provided with men who were skilled in such work. This expedition marched until they reached the village of Santiago, eight leguas of the journey, [where they were stopped] by some precipices; they turned back, as they were not able to go any farther on account of the bad weather and roads, and as their provisions gave out—difficulties which, it seemed, they could ill overcome. But, although they could make no farther progress, they sent men with a champan to examine and reconnoitre the port of San Lorenzo, of which some inconsiderate person, or the Indians, had informed them; and they explored it very thoroughly.

The commander returned to the island with the said six companies, and hanged six Indians of the natives of Hermosa Island, from the three villages friendly to us—Santiago, Guimarri, and Taparri—because they had not supplied the Dutch with food, nor gone with them, nor guided them as the Dutch wished, the natives having promised to do so, although through fear. The enemy were unmindful that, since the Indians were our friends, they usually act thus, as it is their nature. The Dutch also hanged another, a Tagálog boy, who served their commander, because he ran away to the natives of that country; and two Dutchmen whom they found in our garrison, in the pay of his Majesty. These things, and the knowledge that the Indians have of them, have had such an effect on the latter that whenever they can they will break the heads of the Dutchmen, and will not accept their friendship. On the contrary, they now deplore our absence, and in the shadow of the Dutchmen the Spaniards are now almost saints; and the natives only ask when the Spaniards will return.

They immediately fortified themselves on the river of Tanchuy, where they erected a fort of logs, in the same place where our fort was first built, and left their artillery and sixty soldiers—as afterward we were told by some of our roadmakers whom they carried there to work. All this was to make them masters of the trade—in sulphur, rattan, pelts, and many other products that are found along that river and in its vicinity. They also built at once a fort of stone, although without lime, on the highest point of the island where our forts were, the lookout station by which they won the retirade from us.

Finally, while our men were voyaging to their forts of Tay-quan, we encountered the four other ships that were going to them with succor, and with these came the general and leader of them all, who had been unable to arrive before.[5] He went to our island, and began to govern it and direct its affairs; and it was he who went to look for gold, and who hanged the said Indians, and built a fort at Tanchuy. He despatched four ships to the coasts and routes of Japon, in order that they might attack the champans of the Sangleys who might go to trade in that empire; for the Dutch say that those traders go without chapa (or license) from their king. In Tay-quan they detained some of our men a month and a half, or more; others they immediately sent away, with our governor, in the first ship that sailed to Jacatra; and afterward, at the end of October, those who remained in Tay-quan went in four other ships.[6] Having thus sent all our men to Jacatra, the Dutch again undertook an expedition to discover the gold mines at Torboan; and they actually set out with a large force of men in November, which is a rainy season in the Tay-quan region. On this account, and because it is nearer, they crossed by land the middle ridge which Hermosa Island has, from Tay-quan to Torboan; but, as we afterward learned in Jacatra from the people on the other ship (which sailed later from Tay-quan), they did not reach the river of gold, on account of the great ruggedness of the mountains, and the bad weather which through November and December prevails in the Torboan region. Therefore they only punished some villages which lay nearer; and they burned these because, years before, the natives had killed a [Dutch] factor. With this they returned, leaving that expedition for the spring-time; this will cost them much hardship and perhaps many lives, for there is great difficulty in both the entrance and the ascent; and the Indians who are now among them will have changed their settlements, and will make great resistance to them—and will do so quite safely—since in the mountains they are very dextrous and experienced, and the Dutch clumsy.

It is certain that if they do not succeed in the search for gold they will abandon our forts, retaining only that of Tan-chuy on account of that river and its trade, as some of them said—since for their trade with the Chinese and Japanese they occupy Tay-quan. That region is a very pleasant one, with a good climate; and they have very good fortifications, dwellings, and storehouses for their goods. They have spent there more than one hundred thousand pesos, as one of them told me; and there they possess a considerable trade and commerce with the Chinese. Through this, they learn by means of the Chinese all that passes in Manila and its provinces; for after the latter have sold to the Dutchmen, at the proper time, what they need and what they have to send to Jacatra, the Sangleys are occupied during the rest of the year in bringing from China cloth and other commodities which find a market in Manila and Pangasinan; [they bring these to Tay-quan] in small champans, and immediately lade some large ones which they keep at Tay-quan, and sail for Manila. Besides this, the reason why the Dutch have made so great efforts to capture Hermosa Island, going to attack it year after year, was that they had promised the Japanese that they would do so, and would expel the Spaniards from it. I was told this by a religious who was in the kingdom of Tonquin—where, he said, this was related to him by a Christian from Antuerpia, who was in the service of the Society [of Jesus]; and this occurred even before the island was taken.

As for the second [topic], the power which the Dutch enemy possess in those regions, which is greater than we could imagine of them: According to what I myself have seen, and what trustworthy and reliable persons who have traded have told me, the Dutch have at this time more than one hundred and fifty ships and pataches, at a moderate estimate—all equipped and provided with seamen, soldiers, artillery, and other necessary supplies. And they are under such discipline that even when they are in the port of Jacatra—as I saw, and was well informed thereon—every ship keeps its people on board, so that no one may go ashore without special permission; and when they come from any voyage, before entering the port, all engage in repairing and cleaning and calking their ships. As a result, when they reach their anchorage in the port they can immediately, without delay, again go forth and make a voyage, save when some ship needs unusual repairing; in short, all their men serve as if they were servants receiving wages.

In Tay-quan, during the months of September and October, 1642, there were seventeen ships and a patache, all belonging to the enemy. Of these, nine had come to Jacatra for the capture of Hermosa Island, four of them having first remained in the Embocadero of Manila, waiting for our ships from Castilla. Four others had come from Japon, and the rest were held in reserve at Tay-quan. Of these seventeen ships, five went to carry our people to Jacatra, and were laden with sugar and preserved ginger for Holanda; iron or steel from Japan; loaves of sulphur; and stuffs, silver, and other merchandise. Four other ships departed to seize the champans of Chinese who were coming from Japon; and the eight vessels that were left remained in Tay-quan, in order that their men might go to search for the gold that was reported to exist in Torboan. This last-named fleet was to sail afterward (by February of 1643) from Tay-quan, with the governor of that place, to Jacatra; and on the way they were to inflict punishment on the king of Cochinchina for the death of some Dutchmen who were wrecked on that coast, in two ships.

Besides the said ships, we found when we arrived at Jacatra more than twenty others, very well equipped with supplies and artillery; and more than thirty or forty cannon, which I myself counted there. Besides all these vessels another was there, the great three-decked carrack or galleon from Yndia, which the Dutch had captured from the Portuguese at the bar of Goa. Five other ships had sailed a few days before for Malaca, and these were met by the vessels that were carrying our people from Tay-quan. Six others were then blockading the bar of Goa; but on account of the treaty of peace, the Dutch have ordered these to withdraw, and as yet these have not come back. [Still another squadron of] five vessels well equipped was sent at the beginning of November, 1642, to Terrenate, to await the relief ship from Manila; and with them was another ship, which they keep in reserve at the fort of Malayo. They will wait there until the end of April, or May, until the arrival of thirty-two other ships, which were besieging Amboino, with more than fifteen hundred men; and all together will go to attack Terrenate. For this purpose they took from Jacatra, in December, 1642, great quantities of supplies, as was seen by myself and by our men who came hither; and when they go to Terrenate, after making the Amboino expedition, it will be a question whether they seize the relief ship for Terrenate—although, perhaps, they will not capture it at all, confident in their own power.

Besides the said ships, I was told by a sub-factor of the English that the Dutch have seventeen more ships on the coasts of Yndia, Ceilan, and Persia, and all of these are supplied from Jacatra. In this number are not included the vessels that they send to their factories, to each of which sail one, two, or more, according to the amount of trade there; and their factories are so numerous that there is not any kingdom, whether of infidels or Moors, in those regions where they have not an establishment—Japon, Tonquin, Camboja, Siam, the kingdom of Achen, Bantan Xambi, Mazarmasin,[7] Macasar, Solor, and Amboino (which is entirely in their power, and where there is a great quantity of cloves, so that it is exceedingly valuable). In other regions also they have factories and much trade; I would never end if I were to enumerate all. Moreover, there went to Holanda this year, in December and January, eleven large ships, which I saw, and almost every month fresh ships arrive from that country; so that there are always ships coming and going between Holanda and these islands.

Then as for the men that they have here, there is a large force. For, besides those who are engaged or sail in all the ships that I have mentioned, those in the garrisons of their forts and presidios, and the men in the six ships that were blockading Goa, who have not yet come back, they are now sending a large armada against Amboino and Terrenate—all the men in which are experienced and trained soldiers, as I saw in Jacatra. Not only this, but all the men who were engaged in the capture of Hermosa Island remained there (where they now are), to support the pretensions of the Dutch which I recounted above, to discover the gold mines in Torboan, and for the punishment of Cochinchina. Besides all the said troops, another ship arrived at Jacatra from Holanda in January, which carried more than one hundred and fifty fresh soldiers; and this year these Dutch have urgently requested more men from Holanda, for the purpose of attacking Manila, now that they see an opportunity for it and that the affairs [of Spain] are in a disturbed condition.

As for provisions from Holanda—biscuit, pork, beef, wine, oil, vinegar, etc.—the amount that they have cannot be told or imagined; for of these articles alone they have enough for two or three years. I mention only the Castilian wine, of delicious quality, which they consume more freely than if they were in España; and when they go to draw it [from the keg], they rinse the glasses with it, and waste it; and yet this goes on without causing a scarcity of it. Then they have storehouses full of ammunition and military supplies, an enormous number of anchors, and stables that contain fifty war-horses, to handle which they are well trained.

As for the great wealth that they have acquired: In December of this year, 1642, when I was in Jacatra, they sent ten large galleons, and another in January of 1643, all the eleven ships laden with drugs of the highest value in Europe—such as cloves, pepper, cinnamon—sugar, silks, precious stones, gold, and many other rich articles. According to what they said, these ships carried goods to the value of thirteen millions here—which, delivered in Holanda, would amount to an incredible sum. With this wealth they wage war on us in Flandes, in these regions, and throughout the world. On this account we might expect that if his Majesty the king of España would wage war against them in this quarter, he would certainly subdue them very soon in Flandes. For he who would cut off a great river, and stop its flow, does not undertake to do this near the sea, where its current is broad and deep, and it already seems like

As for the third and last topic that I mentioned—the designs and intentions of the Dutch enemy, now that they have made peace in Yndia with the Portuguese: It is very important to consider this, since they have always been eager, as I have related, to get possession of Manila and its fortified places, and to drive out the Spaniards from these regions. This was doubtful until now, when they find themselves puissant, and disengaged from other wars; and, on the other hand, they know that Manila has not very strong defenses, and that it will not receive abundant aid because the affairs of España are so disturbed. Accordingly they will exert all their strength to carry out these desires of theirs, as greedy as of long standing; and this is so much the fact that, as I know perfectly well, they talk among themselves of nothing else than how they will gain Manila, and load themselves with silver. Therefore they have urgently demanded troops from Holanda; and until these shall come they are making every effort to capture the ships from Castilla, and are actually undertaking this with a large and powerful fleet. If they cannot capture the Spanish ships, they will try to burn them, even if it be by burning two or more of their own; and they will take with them some old ships for this purpose.

Besides this, they intend, as I have related, to take Terrenate; and they have actually gone to those forts to deprive them of the relief sent, with as large a force as they can send. Likewise, they will be continually infesting and harassing the coasts of Manila and its environs, and will not allow any ships worth mention to enter or leave that port, and will do this, even if it causes them great expense; and for this purpose they will be continually receiving succor—either by way of Terrenate, in May, June, and July; or else from Hermosa Island, from September until April—since for all this they have extra ships, much wealth, and great energy.