The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 49 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

Plan of Manila Bay, October, 1762

[From copy in British Museum]

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XLIX, 1762–1765

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIX

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

The theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of Manila by the British in 1762, and events consequent to it. The various accounts we have drawn from both Spanish and English sources, in order that we might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of view as possible. The subject must have special interest for Americans by reason of the operations of 1898. In some measure the captures by both the British and the Americans are analogous, because in each case it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war, and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. Here, however, the analogy ends, for British occupation was at the best precarious while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of Manila; and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. It may well be that the ease with which Manila was taken by the British gave the Filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from Spain, or a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening power of the religious orders. Of special interest will be found the operations of Anda y Salazar, a true patriot, though like the Count de Frontenac, of Canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his contest with the incapable archbishop. It is to be noted throughout that all English dates are one day in advance of the Spanish dates, as the English had the same dates as the Portuguese, who reached the Orient by way of the Eastern route. This is a momentous period in many parts of the world.

The first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an unknown writer, but one who has been among the Philippines (and who is, perhaps, General Draper), for the conquest of the southern islands, evidently received at London November 23, 1762—a good prelude to the conquest of Manila. Weighing the arguments as to the expediency of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver which is taken from the Philippines to India in the Manila-India trade, and which comes direct from America, will pass to India direct from the latter country if the islands are conquered. The present plan, however, does not contemplate the reduction of Manila. The islands could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. The chief end for which Spain holds the Philippines is religious, and if the missions are considered, Manila might be ceded, though if that does not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace conclusions. Operations carried on among the southern islands would have especial point, for the Spaniards would fear an alliance between the restless Moros and the enemy. The Spaniards care only about the Acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the islands, which are governed badly. The natives, in danger from Moro raids, are ripe for revolt. Proceeding directly to a consideration of the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of Colin and San Antonio. The population that the British would receive by such a conquest would be an advantage. The expedition should proceed first against the fort of Zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present Spanish garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. Next the forts of the islands of Misamis and Cebú should be taken, both of which are important. They can count upon the help of the Moros, and of the Boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. All this can be done with one European ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon.

This is followed by two letters by Admiral Cornish to one Mr. Clevland, evidently some secretary in the office of the Admiralty. In the first letter, dated October 6, 1762, Admiral Cornish reports the success in the operations against Manila, which has fallen on the sixth of October, and gives a short account of the expedition. After hastening preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends Commodore Tiddeman with five vessels from Madras to Malacca on the twenty-ninth of July. He himself following with all but two of the remaining vessels on August 1, reaches Malacca on the nineteenth, but Tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of calms. Leaving Malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the coast of Luzón, September 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to enter the bay of Manila until the twenty-third. Cornish and Draper, abandoning the previous plan to attack Cavite first, resolve to proceed directly against Manila, as that once taken, Cavite must also fall. Accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a heavy surf, and occupy Moratta (Malate) one and one-half miles from the walls. That same day also Cornish despatches three vessels to capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the Acapulco galleon “Filipino,” which has itself remained behind at Cagayan. On the twenty-sixth Draper’s forces take up a position two hundred feet from the glacis of the Manila wall, and Cornish lands 700 seamen to aid them. Under cover of the fire from the ships Draper works on his batteries. The entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter is driven ashore by the heavy sea. Draper opens with his batteries on October 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they carry everything before them. Draper and Cornish immediately go ashore to make arrangements with the governor. The surrender of Manila and Cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as a ransom to the English for the preservation of the city. Cornish’s ship captain, Kempenfelt, takes possession of Cavite on the tenth. In that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food is secured. The men have borne themselves well through the short fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious relations. Cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded during the siege. This shows a landing force of 1,017—17 killed, and 17 wounded. The letter of November 10 reports the capture of the “Santísima Trinidad” by two vessels detached for that purpose. This large vessel, which had sailed for Acapulco some time before with a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the “Filipino” which is expected from Acapulco with the situado, until actually boarded. For the present it is anchored at Corregidor Island, but Cornish purposes to send for it soon.

In a letter from Cornish addressed to the famous Lord Anson, the former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the possession of Cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food, and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. He complains bitterly of the East India Company, whose employees at Madras, with the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition in every way. The two companies of troops furnished by the company are composed of French deserters and released prisoners. Further information can be secured from Captain Kempenfelt, the bearer of his despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing a map (the famous one by Murillo Velarde) of the islands.

Letters from General Draper to the Earl of Egremont, dated November 1 and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing to be the rough draft of the second. They announce the taking of Manila on October 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that Draper’s own secretary is killed under a flag of truce. In company with Cornish, Draper dictates the conditions under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, which are accepted by the Spanish. The East India Company is to have one-third of the ransom. Manila and Cavite have been delivered to the Company’s representative, as per orders. It would be well to hold Manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very wealthy. The season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the taking possession of the other places ceded. Draper praises highly Admiral Cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the 79th regiment. Following these letters are three sets of “proposals” and “conditions,” all dated October 6. The first, consisting of 12 “proposals” made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government; all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them with certain reservations. The second set, consisting of the four “conditions” under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, is proposed by the British and accepted. The latter outline the status of the Spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners of war. All military stores must be surrendered, as well as Cavite and other places dependent on Manila. In addition a ransom of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at some future date, for which hostages are to be given. The third set, consisting of “proposals,” and also submitted by the British, relates to the surrender of Cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom.

The important journal of the British operations, kept by General Draper, and sent with his letter of November 2, follows. The first part of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the preceding letters by Cornish and Draper. The troops, consisting of the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen furnished by the East India Company, 2 companies of Frenchmen, also furnished by the Company, 600 Sepoys, and other natives, and reënforced by Cornish’s seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men, sail July 29 and August 1 for Malacca, where they are to water, taking precautions on the way to prevent the Spaniards from learning of the expedition. Malacca is left August 27, and the fleet anchors in Manila Bay September 23, completely surprising the Spaniards. A summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. From that date until October 6, when Manila is taken by easy assault, the siege is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the British, who struggle against heavy seas and rains which aid the Spaniards. The latter, 800 strong, are reënforced by 10,000 Pampangos, “a fierce and barbarous people.” To the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce, of Draper’s secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, who is sent to the Spanish lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured with a vessel despatched from the Acapulco galleon. This has arrived on the Luzón coast in September, with news of the war, and Cornish endeavors to capture it. The British base of land operations is the suburb of Malate, from which successive advances are made, although a few sallies by Spaniards and Pampangos give the British forces considerable trouble. The Pampangos, however, meet with so severe losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. The British landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and marines, is well supported by the ships. At the assault, one hundred Spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. The archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and surrender at discretion. The officers are allowed to give their parole, but all natives are simply dismissed. When Cavite is surrendered, three hundred Spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. The total number of Spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army and navy, amounts to 361. The British loss, as shown by an appended list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. Many war supplies are captured in Manila and Cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable.

This is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and assault of Manila, from the appearance of the British in Manila Bay, September 22, until the capture of Manila October fifth. It differs in some of its details from Draper’s journal, especially in the number of the British forces, and the number of the British killed (both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop), and gives details not mentioned by Draper.

This is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis) concerning Simon de Anda y Salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the English invasion. The various letters, etc., consist of communications between Anda and the weak archbishop, Rojo; Anda and the British; the archbishop and the Filipinos; and the British and Diego Silang, the insurgent. By means of them one may follow fairly accurately the course of events after the taking of Manila. Throughout, Anda’s tone is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses of venality and collusion with the British. The archbishop, on the contrary, accuses Anda, whom the British proscribe, of usurping power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. The abortive Chinese insurrection, instigated by the British, is put down by Anda with terrible vengeance. There are charge and countercharge between Anda and the British (whose proscription Anda has met) of inhumanity, each side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. Anda is slow to accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities, for he fears some British treachery. He demands that they leave the islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in February 1763), and by which they should have left the islands in August 1763. Early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a British vessel which also carries orders for the British to go to the Coromandel coast; with which the Spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands.

The archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in 1763) preceding and following the assault by the British, in which his chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been preferred against him. He has been mindful of the peace and harmony of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. The repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention, but his plans are not to be perfected, for the English spoil that. He has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness, and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. He relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions of the British, and the general events of the period immediately following. Throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters to Anda, recounting his troubles with various Spanish officials, the British, and Anda. He protests that he has acted only for the interests of the Spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea that he has been in collusion with the British. This is in many ways an especially interesting document, and supplements the information of the other documents considerably.

In a letter to King Cárlos III, dated June 22, 1764, Anda relates the measures taken by him in his office as Audiencia, governor and captain-general. These measures cover a wide range, extending to things social, economic, moral, and religious. A fixed tariff for provisions, etc., the coinage, the Chinese, who are allied with the British, the military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the Filipinos, the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain British officers, the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft—all these engage his attention.

Another letter from Anda to Cárlos III, dated July 23, 1764, is devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting in loyalty. Anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to the crown of Spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who is now dead) during and after the assault. The latter has written violent letters to Anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of the British. His boon companions have been the traitors Orendain and Fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the islands. Anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the British, and his loyalty to the Spanish monarch is known. Although the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the governorship, he would never do so. That position rightfully belonged to Anda after the assault, and even the British always spoke of the archbishop as the ex-governor. The latter’s want of loyalty is exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to Anda, though he could easily have done so.

Baltasar Vela, S.J., of Manila, writes his nephew, Brother Antonio Gonzalez, S.J., of Madrid, July 24, 1764, informing him that the British have at last left Manila, after a rule there of eighteen months. That city fell because of the lack of political sense of the Spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. Its loss he charges to the methods of Spanish traitors who won over the archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left open for the assault by the British on the fifth of October. There was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the British soldiers scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. The attempt to kill Anda was arranged by the traitors with the Chinese and British. The latter were aided throughout by the traitorous Spaniards, the Chinese, and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans outside Manila come to nought. The letter closes with several personal matters, among them a request for reading matter.

A series of representations, forty-six in all, made by Anda and Francisco de la Torre (governor ad interim) in June and July of 1764, treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. Notices are given of the insurrections in Ilocos and Pangasinan, both of which have been instigated and aided by the British, and both of which are finally put down, the latter with the aid of Bishop Ustariz. Anda praises the religious orders, especially the Augustinians, although he notes that some of the religious of St. John of God have been discontented. Joló affairs and the British alliance with the king of that island are discussed briefly. Orendain, who has been disloyal to the king, has gone with his family to Madras with the English. The fines imposed upon Villacorta and Viana do not appear to have been rightly adjudged. Torre asks that a rule be given regulating the conduct of the single member left to represent the Audiencia, as in the case of Anda, should such a contingency again occur. Anda’s conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval.

Two declarations are presented by General Draper (both probably in 1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that have been brought against him in regard to the affair at Manila, and urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the Spaniards refuse. The Spaniards charge the British with breaking the agreements of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them all. By various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring to escape the payment of the ransom. Less than one-half million dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. The story of the siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some little of Anda’s operation. The action of the East India Company, to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. The second declaration is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the Spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the Spanish treasury at the capitulation of Manila. The British have a right to that city until all the ransom has been paid.

A short letter from Eugenio Carrion, S.J., to Joseph de Rueda, S.J., written from San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765, notes the conclusion of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, Francisco Raon. Francisco de la Torre, governor ad interim, has left Manila in a good state of defense and has begun operations against the Moros, which will doubtless be continued by Raon. This will make the trade of the Visayan Islands flourishing once more. In their retirement from the islands the British have lost one-half their boats and men, the latter numbering in all 8,000. News of the Chinese affairs will have been received through the Portuguese fathers. There are still about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live openly in Pekin, while the others are in hiding. Carrion prays that the Society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression) that has assailed it as a whole.

The last of this series of documents is a letter from Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J., the Philippine provincial, to Joaquin Mesquida, S.J., the procurator-general, written from Santa Cruz. The first part of the letter, dated June 17, 1765, complains of Francisco de la Torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially hostile toward the religious orders. The arrival of a new governor is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. The Jesuits and Dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. So poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their books. Their missions are heavily in debt. The Moros, and even the Christians, have raided the missions. The Visayan Islands are ruined, and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. Jesuit estates have been burned. The Recollects have escaped no better, in all probability. Auditor Galban has declared that the pious funds are the ruin of the islands and of trade. Vigorous measures are being taken against the Jesuits. The fiscal urges action against all the religious orders. The arrival of the “Santa Rosa” with the new governor on July 3 is noted. The letter finally closes on July 20.

The Editors

January, 1907.

DOCUMENTS OF 1759–1765

• [CONQUEST OF MANILA BY THE ENGLISH, 1762, AND OTHER EVENTS, 1762–1765]
• [Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern Philippines]. [Sir William Draper?; ca., 1759?]
• [Letters to Clevland]. Admiral Samuel Cornish; October 31, and November 10, 1762.
• [Letter to Lord Anson]. Admiral Samuel Cornish; November 1, 1762.
• [Letters to Earl of Egremont]. Sir William Draper; November 1, and November 2, 1762.
• [Draper’s Journal]. Sir William Draper; 1762.
• [Rojo’s Journal]. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; December 23, 1762.
• [Anda and the English invasion, 1762–1764]. Simon de Anda y Salazar, and others; October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764.
• [Rojo’s narrative]. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; [1763].
• [Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III]. Simon de Anda y Salazar; June 22, 1764.
• [Letter to Cárlos III]. Simon de Anda y Salazar; July 23, 1764.
• [Letter to Gonzalez]. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; July 24, 1764.
• [Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III]. Simon de Anda y Salazar; June-July, 1764.
• [Draper’s defense]. In two parts. I. A plain narrative. [Sir William Draper; 1764?]. II. Colonel Draper’s answer to the Spanish arguments. Sir William Draper; 1764.
• [Letter to Rueda]. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; July 8, 1765.
• [Letter to Mesquida]. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; July 20, 1765.
• [References].

Sources: The first document, the third, and the first part of the fourth, are from MSS. in the British Museum; the second, second part of the fourth, and the fifth, are from Scots Magazine for 1763; the sixth, from Le Gentil’s Voyage, ii, pp. 232–235, 236, 237–239, 241, 242, 243–247, 248–252, 255–259; the seventh and eighth, from original MSS. belonging to the Ayer Collection; the ninth, tenth, and twelfth, from the Ventura del Arco transcripts (Ayer Collection); the eleventh, fourteenth, and fifteenth, from the original MSS. in the Simancas archives; the thirteenth, from the two publications named therein; the sixteenth, editorial compilation of titles.

Translations and Compilations: These are by James A. Robertson.

PLAN OF AN EXPEDITION FOR THE CONQUEST OF THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES

Before we consider this Subject in the View of Probability Let us examine how far it may be expedient: It is well known a very lucrative Commerce is carried on from India to Manila under Sanction of Moorish Colours. It might therefore be alleged that considerable Disadvantages would accrue to the General Commerce of India were the Spaniards deprived of the Philippin Islands from a Presumption that the Silver now received from thence would be lost. But when the footing on which the Spaniards at present admit this Commerce is duly attended to, It cannot be doubted a quite contrary Effect would follow.—Silver is the Produce of the Trade carried on from Manila to America and if the Spaniards had not Manila America would open her Arms to the Importers of those Conveniences which India & China only can afford them: This Navigation might be opend if supported in time of Open war by a Port on California.

It is true this Circumstance may be reckoned not entirely relative to the present Plan which does not propose the Conquest of Manila. But it cannot be deemed quite foreign to the Subject as the Possession of the Southern Islands would be a great restraint on the Spaniards at Manila.

There are two Reasons fully sufficient to warrant Attacks in war. The Conquest of a Place important enough to answer the expences of the Expedition by maintaining it after the war is over or by relinquishing it at the Conclusion of a Peace on a valuable Consideration & distressing an Enemy by harassing him in different Quarters & facilitating any other attempt against him or preventing his acting offensively: The Expedition here proposed may be considered in either Light. Certain it is the Chief Motive of the Spaniards for maintaining these Islands arises from religious Zeal So that admitting the Southern Islands to be subdued It is far from being impossible that in Consideration [of] Permission to the Missions Manila itself might then be ceded & Perhaps Valuable Commercial Priviledges granted also to Us.

But if the Spaniards should not acquiesce in valuable Cessions for Permissions to the Missions they must be extremely piqued & alarmed to have so large a part of their Dominions severd from Manila particularly as they suffer already greatly from the Inroads of the Moors and the relinquishing them would undoubtedly be a Point of Consequence in a Treaty of Peace.

But supposing the Spaniards are so indifferent about them as neither to give any valuable Consideration in lieu or for Permission to the Missions, It is necessary to shew the Islands would answer the Charge of Conquest & be worth maintaining.

However Previous to this we think it most eligible to consider the Subject in a different Light we mean as it may effect the War:—The Philippin Islands are so far severd from the other Spanish Dominions that any attack of them can have no Influence on other parts So that Manila only can be affected by the Expedition here proposed. If there be any attempt intended against the Capital It undoubtedly would have infinite Good Effect to alarm the out Islands perhaps in drawing some force from Manila but much to the purpose by perplexing them with the apprehension of a Junction with the Moors & Southern Islanders to attack them behind & cut of all resource by Land & starve them by a Blockade at the same time that their apprehensions would be justly raised of a General Revolt of the Indians under their Dominion who tired out with oppressions are weary of the Spanish Yoke & ripe for Revolt. Some as Bohol have rebelld & the Tagalas who lye around Manila have implord the Assistance of Sooloo to protect them in Independance. The Spaniards consider nothing but the Galleons Cargo & Erections Leaving the Moors almost without Molestation to ravage & spread Distruction thro the Southern Islands from whence they have carried into Captivity many thousands within these few Years & have in a manner put an End to Commerce from the hazard to which Coasting Vessells are exposd. It is no wonder if the Natives who are still forced to pay Tribute should be ready to join any Power from whom they may expect Protection.

Besides Luzon which is not at present under Consideration There are 9 considerable Islands.

Paragua of which a part only is under the Spanish Jurisdiction;—Mindanao whereof they have—the sole Possession on the W. N. & part of the E. Coasts Samar, Leyte, Bohol, Zibu, Negros, Pany & Mindoro.

The Islands of mean Size are more numerous; Besides Dumaran whereof part is claimed by Sooloo we may reckon 23 worth naming—Luban, Maricaban, Marinduque, Tablas, Romblon Sibuyan, Masbate, Burias, Ticao, Capul, Catanduan Polo; Maripipi, Panamao, Mactan, Siguyod, Panaon Guimaras, Cuyo, Lalutaya, Sinacapan, Calamian & Buvugan.

It is proposed to give some account of each of these tho it is not to be presumed we can treat of each with much or equal Precision.

The Chief Establishment of the Spaniards on Paragua is at Tyty on the N^o. End The Fort named S^t. Isabel de la Paragua is built a top of a small rocky hill, the further part not a musquet Shot from the Sea & part of it washed by the waves; It is built of Stone: They have in the same Province several other small Forts on the Islands Cuyo, Lalataya, Linapacan & Calamian or Culion but all these last are only Garrisond by the Natives or Militia & indeed are only intended for Security against the Inroads of the Moors.[1]

The Possession of Tyty seems rather as a Check on the Moors than from the Number of its Tributarys or Produce at least under its present Masters; this part of Paragua abounds in excellent Harbours scarce any exceed that of Tyty but Malampaya on the West Coast: the Island is very populous but the greatest part are under the Jurisdiction of Sooloo if we consider the whole Island the Productions are very valuable & by description few surpass it Gold, Cowrees, Rice, Canes, Rattans, Batata, Kuma False Amber & many other valuable articles are in abundance It is very populous on the East Side but the Natives are almost solely Joloan: Their antipathy to the Spaniards would not probably prevent the English reaping the Benefit of their Industry & Commerce to the Articles abovementiond we may probably add Birds Nest as the Calamianes abound in the whitest & as the Nature of this part of Paragua promises to yield it in abundance.

The two Islands of Calamianes give name to the Province the first Spanish Establishment having been made there: They are 3 considerable Islands Linapacan, Calamian & Busvazon[2] besides a great Number of small ones on every side. They yield Birds Nest; wax which they gather twice a year, the Land is rugged & the seas dangerous; the Natives are bold & industrious & have Rice, Hogs & Poultry in abundance.

Under the same Jurisdiction are the Islands Cuyo which are 5 in number close together & contain about 500 Familys. They are docile & more attached to the Spaniards than the Calamians or Paraguans: they have abundance of rice, Hogs & Poultry. The whole Jurisdiction does not seem to contain above 4 or 5000 People.[3]

The Islands Leyté, Samar & several small ones adjoining are under the Jurisdiction of the former.

Samar which is divided from Leyte by the narrow Strait of S. Juanico lyes on the East of the Philippins. On the Side which looks to the Ocean it is named Ibabao & that part within is called Samar the Port of Borongon on the East Side formerly afforded Shelter to the Galleons from a Dutch Squadron in 1620 & Palapa on the North might have done the same to the Cabadong[4] It is entirely sheltered from all winds & we presume is what Anson’s Voyage calls Ialapy Calbalagan is the Chief Town & residence of the Alcalde; The Island is very full of fine Timber [word illegible] for Ship build^g the country is Rough & Mountainous but its Plains are fertile in rice wax & abacca of which last they manufacture Cloth. It in common with the other Philippins abounds in Cattle.

Leyte is more fertile on the East Side where the Plains are so fertile that the Crops yield 200 fold: a ridge of high Mountains divide it nearly in the middle which occasions a very great Diversity of Seasons: So that whilst it is winter on the N. Side (which happens during the N. E. winds) it is Spring on the South & vice versa. In the middle they have double Seasons & both good Crops. It has on all Sides many rivers which fall from these high Mountains & in these rivers and Seas are great abundance of excellent Fish particularly the Harbor of Quibot opposite to the Island of Camote. This Island abounds in fine Timber for Ship Building & Harbours for their Security. Besides Quibot there are several on the west Coast, Palompong, Lagnoag, Tigas, Leyti, &c. Leyte is the only one on the N^o.—Cacaliaton on the E.—& on the S^o. Liloan formed by this Island & Panaon which strait is very famous for being the Entrance of Magellan & Legaspi to the Islands; & there are still remains of some small Guard Houses built by Legaspi.

The Plains abound with Game as Deer Hogs & Fowls, besides Domestick ones & the Plenty of Cattle originally brought from China: It yields Rice wax & Abacca Cloth which is their common wear. It also abounds in Coconut Trees, & Fruits of various kinds. The People of these two Islands are open & ingenious & the Climate is cooler than Manila.

Leyte has 19 Towns which contain 45,229 Souls, Liloan 330, Poro 1505, & Samar 53,260 in 17 Towns the whole 100,332. It ought to be observed indeed that this Numeration was before the late Incursion of the Moors who for ab^t 10 years passed have annually infested the Islands carrying into Captivity seldom less than 1000 tho chiefly women & Children: So that we shall suppose they do not now exceed 80,000 altho we presume this deduction too great as the Number of the Inhabitants of the other Islands are from so late Information as 1761, & as many of the Captures have been made from the other Islands particularly the small ones of whose Inhabitants we have no Numeration & even many from the Island Luzon which we now consider.

Annexed to the Province of Leyte are several smaller Islands which in general as well as the two larger abound in Cacao: Panamao also yields much Sulphur & Maripipi, which affords by report a most agreeable & remarkable appearance, Plenty of Gold.

Bohol adjoining to Leyte also appertains to the Province of Zebu it is a rocky & barren Island of Rice but rich in Mines of [illegible] a[n]d ores of gold it also yelds Cowries.[5] It contains 9 Towns which are all situated on the Sea ashore they are never infested by the Moors being esteemed a valiant People they have no Forts nor Spaniards on the Island but Jesuit Fathers they have however enclosd most of their Towns for Security against Invasion: It is reported they offerd to protect the Islands against the Moorish Inroads if they were exempted the Tribute But this offer was refused Undoubtedly it would well answer the expence were they not only freed from Tribute but paid a ratio of Rice which they obtain by Commerce with the other Islands, for this Service Some of them are at present revolted & having killed two Fathers retired into the Mountains.

They have many tame & wild Hogs & the Seas are full of Fish: Cotton is in abund^t. & their women Manufacture it into fine Cloths. The Natives are whiter & better disposed than their Neighbours but speak the Bissaya Language. It is pretended the Sooloos originally came from Bohol or the Natives of it from Sooloo for it is not well agreed which & not much Probability to support either opinion. It contains at least 40,000 People.

Manila and the Philippines, 1762, from Scots Magazine, 1763 (Edingburgh)

[From copy in library of Harvard University]

Zebu the Next Island to Bohol was that on which the Spaniards first established themselves: it has an excellent Harbour formed by that of Mactan, a small Island chiefly famous for the Death of Magellan. Zebu was greatly injured by the removal of the Seat of Government to Manila. However it has still many Inhabitants particularly Sangleys some whereof are worth 20,000 Dollars. there are many Houses & Convents of Stone: The Number of Inhabitants on the Island is about 25, or 30,000. The Productions of this Island are Borona a small Grain like Millet which is the chief food of the Common People as rice is scarce, Tobacco Abacca & Cotton of which two they make Cloth; It also produces the Best Cacao & some Gold & the Mountains yield some wax & Civet.

Seguiyod[6] which is a small Island to the Southward of Zebu is inhabited by a valiant People but is remarkable for little else except the number of Fire-Flies from which it is said the Name Isla de Fuegos was given it.

Negros is divided into two Jurisdictions under the Corregidor of Ylog the Southern Part to Dumagueté & the N. Part under the Corregidor of Sily established about 10 years ago. The Island is double Land; very fruitful in rice which it transports to Zebu & other places adjoining: Yonote or Gumatty: The Coasts are inhabited by Bissayas to the Number of 20,000 & the inland by many Negros who are hitherto unsubdued & Are very savage.

The Next Island to be mentioned is Pany: Not without reason held the most populous & fruitful of the Philippins: It is divided into two Alcaldeas Capis which contains 40,000 People & Ylo Ylo which has 100,000. It is not only the Granary of Samboango &c^a. but sends considerable Supplies to Manila; There are also about 10,000 independant Savages in the Mountains.

This Island besides very great Quantities of Rice, [has] very fine wheat; Plenty of Wax, oil, Abacca; Dammer & several kinds of Cloth of which their women manufacture some very fine: The People are strong, corpulent & fit for any kind of Labor. They are much inclined to hunting the wild Hogs & Deer which are plenty as well as Tame Cattle. The E. Coast has many excellent Harbours but the W. is destitute of Shelter for Shipping the whole Island abounds so much in Rivers that there is nowhere a league of Coast without one & to this [is] owing the extraordinary fertility of the Country.

The Island Mindoro is high double Land with rugged Mountains covered with wood & abounding with various kinds of Palms as Buru, Yonote, or Gumatty of which they make Sago &c^a. & in all Country Fruits: In some Places Rice is very plenty as well as Cowrees but the People are the most indolent of the Philippins; The Mountains which yields much wax is inhabited by various tribes of independant Savages. There is one Jurisdiction on the Island the Corregidor whereof resides at Baco:—The Island Marinduque is under this Jurisdiction & yields Dammer wax & Rice: it is remarkable for an excellent Harbour capable of admitting the largest Ships & sheltered from all winds. The Inhabitants in this Jurisdiction are about 20,000.

The Spanish Dominion on Magendā[7] comprehends the whole Coasts from Samboangan by the North to Carayas. In General it yields much Gold, particularly Butuan, wax, Cinnamon, Civet, good Cacao, Cotton, Sago, Rice, & Pepper thrives very well, they have many fine woods Brazil Ebony &c^a. & the Country also yields Sulphur & Salt Petré. It is not indeed without Reason this is held the richest of the Philippins & from its many Lakes & Rivers extremely convenient for inland Commerce. The Natives are very numerous inland & besides those under the Spanish Yoke may be divided into three Denominations—The Subanos or Nation of the Rivers who are Gentiles & very numerous. The Illanon who are under many petty Princes situated around the Lake of Mallanao & the Magindaos: the two last being Mahometans & at war with the Spaniards. The Natives under the Spanish Dominion are few in Number compared with the others & we omit their Number to make up any Deficiency in the other Jurisdiction.[8]

Amongst the smaller Islands which remain unmentioned Masbate is the Chief: it yields wine Civet, some amber & when the Spaniards first settled much Gold. The others are not remarkable for their Productions except Polo which yields much Gold & Ligu [i.e., Ligao?] Alloes Lampon opposite to this Island has been proposed for landing the Treasure from Acapulco in war for which it is extremely convenient being only 36 hours Journey to Manila.

It may appear wonderful that so many Islands so excellent in Situation should yield so little for foreign Commerce except Provisions however that is not to be ascribed to the Barreñess of the Country but solely to the Indolence & Bad Government of the Spaniards—However it is past doubt that were there a more equitable Jurisdiction established, that the Benefit attending the Possession of these Islands would be very considerable to be convinced of this it is only requisite to take a review of the Number of People they contain:

From which making a deduction of 20,000 for the Captives made by the Moors the Number of Indians in these Islands, exclusive of Luzon, under the Spanish Dominion must exceed 330,000. The Value of such an acquisition we presume is too evident to need Discussion.

We are now to consider the Practicability of the Conquest.

There are several Forts of Stone on the Southern Islands besides Stockades. But as all these were originally intended against the Moorish Incursions they are not formidable to a European Power if we may be allowed to form a Judgem^t from those esteemed by the Spaniards the strongest viz. Samboangan & Ylo Ylo. of which two we have had an opportunity to form some Idea from Personal Observation.

Samboangan Fort & Town mount 65 Guns. But as the Fort is upon the Shoar & deep water close to it the reduction is a matter of few hours the Garrison when Compleat ab^t. 2 or 300 Guushinanzas but at present very few as we have been assured.

Ylo Ylo is of Stone cracked in several Places it mounts about 50 guns some 18 & 24 pounders & 3 Mortars & had in the End of 1761 a Garrison of 46 Guerchinanyas & 34 Pampanga Soldiers this is the only Fort on Pany & is within Pistol Shot of Shipping but of difficult access & indeed I do not conceive in the S. W. winds that it would be practicable to go thither with large Ships It has no Ditch or Glacis.

Such being the Condition of the two Principal Let us pass [to] a Description of the others but as they occur in the Expedition proposed.

It is proposed that a Europe Ship shall sail for Sooloo in Company with one or more smaller Vessells equipped for war with a Detachment of ab^t. 50 Europeans & some Seapoys for Sooloo the Europe Ship to take in the Cargo there for China & to proceed for Samboangan the reduction of which Fort we consider as a Matter of Course. The only Use of Samboangan is to prevent the Incursions of the Moors by the Strait of Basilan But this is a Point of no Consequence as it only makes them pass on the S. Side of Basilan it is therefore proposed to dismantle Samboangan or to leave it with the present Spanish Garrison provided they will take the Oath of allegiance till a General Peace settles the Fate of the Philipinas & in that Case to leave them only a Quantity of Ammunition sufficient for occasional Defence.

It is then proposed to proceed to Missamis where a small Stone Fort built lately to command the Pass of Panguel Lake This Place is a Station of the utmost Consequence as the Possession of it opens a Communication with the Illanon with whom by the mediation of Sooloo the Confederacy must be made. The Possession of Missamis will be supported by a Garrison of 25 Europeans & a Guard Ship for which Service a Ship built for a Man of War there may be used & it mand with a Detachment of 30 Men from the Europe Ship whose Place may be supplied with transports or Guachinanyas from Samboangan It is proposed to make a Declaration at taking Samboangan that in Case the Islands do not submit they must stand the Consequence of the Moorish Incursions & a Confederacy with the Moors may be made to aid them in infesting the Spanish Districts by supplying them with Ammunition. The General Terror of the Moors will influence as well the Indians as the Padres to submit when they find that this only can protect them from in truth the greatest of all Calamitys.

It is proposed the Ships shall proceed from Missamis to Zebu the reduction of which City will be a matter of equal Facility & Importance as the Fort is very inconsiderable close to the Sea without Ditch & the Garrison according to the Spanish writers a Compy of 100 Guichenangas & another of Pampangas & Cagayans tho it appears that it is now even more inconsiderable. Adjoining to Zebu is Bohol now in rebellion & said to be apostatized certainly they have murderd & ejected at least some of the Fathers they are considered as of the same Original as the Sooloos & are held the Bravest of the Philipinas. Such Circumstances evince not only the Facility of a Confederacy with them but of the Consequence of this in making a Divission against the Spaniards & protecting the Conquerd Islands to which it may not be improper to observe that some time ago the Boholons offerd if the King of Spain would remit the Tribute that they would protect at their own Charge all the Bissayas which Proposal was however neglected.

There is a Ship at Sooloo which may have good Consequences we mean redeeming with Captives as may be found useful as Guides in the different districts of the Bissayas.

The reduction of Zebu should terminate the action of the Europe Ship which should then proceed to China with her Cargo & on her return call at Manila to Convey the Sultan if he can not be sent sooner. The operation of the other Vessells should be directed towards the reduction of Leyte & Samar which are destitute of Forts & which are solely under the Jurisdiction of the Jesuits.

The N. E. Monsoon is the most convenient time for the attack of Ylo Ylo unless a Detachment could be made from Magendanao. The reduction of Pany is an important Object in two Lights as a Granary to the Bissayas in general & therefore a Security for their Submission & as a Place from whence all our Possessions & even Manila itself may have resource. However the Junction of Bohol & the Moors seem to require the Zebu Rout.

[At the beginning of this document is written the date “23 Nov^r. 1762,” probably the date of the receipt of this plan in London.[9]]

[1] This paragraph was canceled by its author. A sidenote reference at this point is to San Antonio’s Cronicas de … San Gregorio. [↑]

[2] Probably the island of Busuañga, the largest of the Calamianes Group; spoken of previously as Buvugan. [↑]

[3] A sidenote reference at this point is to Colin’s Labor evangelica, and San Antonio’s Cronicas. [↑]

[4] The Manila galleon captured by Anson, whose real name was “Nuestra Señora de Cabadonga.” See the account of its capture in Kerr’s Hist. and Coll. of Voyages, xi, pp. 489–501. [↑]

[5] Opposite this point is a sidenote reference to Colin, apparently to his Labor evangelica. [↑]

[6] i.e., The island of Siquijor. Ylog is probably for Ilong, and Sily, for Silay. [↑]

[7] i.e., Magendanao, or Mindanao. [↑]

[8] See VOL. XLIII, appendix, and notes. [↑]

[9] It is known that Draper when in Canton suggested the conquest of the Philippines (see note 12, post), and was ordered to outline his plan fully. That fact suggests that the present document is the fuller outline, and hence that Draper is its author. [↑]

LETTERS FROM CORNISH TO CLEVLAND

Admiralty Office, April 19.

Copy of a letter from Vice-Adm. Cornish,[1] to Mr. Clevland, dated in the bay of Manila, the thirty-first of October 1762.

It is with the greatest pleasure I have the honour to acquaint their Lordships with the success of his Majesty’s arms, in the reduction of the city of Manila, which was taken by storm on the morning of the 6th instant.[2] In my letters of the 23d and 31st of July, I acquainted their Lordships with my proceedings to that time; after which I used every possible means at Madrass for dispatch, the decline of the S. W. monsoon making it of the utmost importance. To promote this end, I completed the Elisabeth, Grafton, Lenox, Weymouth, and Argo, with such of the troops and military stores as they were to take on board, and on the 29th sent them away under the command of Commodore Tiddeman, to proceed to Malacca, with a view that they might complete their water there by the time I should arrive with the remainder of the squadron.

Having accomplished the imbarkation of everything designed for the expedition, with a dispatch much beyond my expectation, as we had from the whole time of my being there a violent surf to contend with, I sailed the 1st of August with the ships under mentioned, viz. Norfolk, Panther, America, Seaford, South-sea castle storeship, Admiral Stevens storeship, Osterly company’s ship, leaving the Falmouth, at the request of the president and council, to convoy the Essex India ship, who was not ready to sail, having the treasure to take on board for the China cargoes, and to bring to Manila such of the company’s servants as were to be put in possession of that government, if the expedition succeeded.

The 19th, I arrived at Malacca, and was disappointed in not finding Mr. Tiddeman there; who did not join till the 21st, having met with long calms. The difficulty of watering the squadron at this place made it the 27th before I could leave the road.

On the 2d of September, I arrived off Pulo Timean, and was joined by Capt. Grant in the Seahorse, whom I had detached, upon my first arrival at Madrass, to cruise between this island and the streights of Singapore, to stop any vessels he might suspect going to Manila.

On the 19th, I made the coast of Luconia; but was drove off again by a strong N. E. wind, which separated some of the squadron. The 22d, the gale broke up, and the wind shifting to the S. W. the 23d we recovered the land again. The next day [we] entered the bay of Manila, and, in the close of the evening, anchored off the fort of Cavite, with the whole squadron, except the South-sea castle and Admiral Stevens, the Falmouth and Essex having joined me off the coast. In the night I sent the masters to sound about the fortifications of Cavite; and, by their report, found that it might be attacked by ships.

The 25th in the morning, the wind not being favourable to attack the Cavite, I took two of the frigates, and with Gen. Draper,[3] and some other officers, reconnoitred the shore about Manila, and observed some churches and other buildings to stand near the works on the south side of the town, particularly toward the S. W. bastion. We had some design of attacking Cavite first, to have had the conveniency of that port for the shipping; but considered, that though the attack should be attended with all the success we could hope, yet it would cause a delay at least of two days before we could land at Manila, which time would afford opportunity to the enemy to demolish these buildings near their works, and to prepare many obstacles to our landing, and perhaps recover from that consternation our unexpected arrival had thrown them in; and farther, Manila being the Capital, if that fell, Cavite would in consequence.

From those considerations, I joined in opinion with the General to take advantage of circumstances so favorable for a descent, and land the troops with all dispatch, and endeavour to get possession of some posts near their works, which, if effected, would greatly facilitate the reduction of the city.

In consequence of these resolutions, I immediately made the signal on board the Seahorse for the squadron to join me, and for the troops to prepare to land. About seven in the evening, the 79th regiment, with the marines, in the boats, under the direction of the Captⁿ Parker, Kempenfelt, and Brereton, pushed for the shore; and under the fire of the three frigates, effected the landing at a church called the Moratta [i.e., Malate], about a mile and a half from the walls.[4] We had no opposition from the enemy, but some difficulty from the surf, which run high, and bilged all the long-boats; but happily lost no men.[5]

The next morning the General took an advanced post about 200 yards from the glacis; and there, under cover of a blind, intended his battery against the face of the south-west bastion. The number of troops being small, I landed a battalion of seamen, consisting of about 700 men, under the command of the Captⁿ Collins, Pitchford, and George Ourry.

Chart of Philippines showing path of Manila galleon, from London Magazine (1763)

[From copy in Library of Congress]

The 25th, I dispatched three armed boats after a galley coming up the bay to Manila. They came up with her, resolutely boarded her, and took her, notwithstanding she kept up a smart fire with patteraroes and muskets. She mounted two carriages and seventeen brass swivel guns, and had eighty men. By letters, found in her, we discovered she was dispatched from the galleon St. Philippina [i.e., “Filipino”] from Acapulco, and whom she had left the 10th of September at Cajayagan,[6] between the Embocadero and Cape Spiritu Santa. Upon this discovery I came to a resolution to send the Panther and Argo[7] in quest of her; but it was the 4th of October before the weather permitted their sailing.

The 28th of September the General acquainted me that he was beginning to work on the battery; and that if some ships could get near enough to throw shot on the works of the town opposed to it, it might take off some of the enemy’s fire and attention, and thereby facilitate its construction. In consequence of this, I ordered Com. Tiddeman, with the Elisabeth and Falmouth, towards the town, as near as the depth of water would permit, and to place the ships in such a position as would best answer the purpose intended; which was accordingly done the next day, and their fire had a very good effect.

On the 30th, the South-sea castle arrived with stores, which were much wanted, particularly the intrenching tools; for want of which the army had been so greatly distressed, that I was obliged to employ all the forges in making spades, pickaxes, &c. for them. The 1st of October it began to blow fresh, and in the night increased to a hard gale,[8] which drove the South-sea castle ashore near the Polverista, a little to the southward of our camp. This accident however had some considerable advantages attending it, as the situation she lay in made her cannon a protection for the rear of our camp: it was likewise the means that all her military stores were got on shore with safety and dispatch, and the army supplied with the provisions she had on board, both which were articles they stood in immediate need of, and which could not have been supplied by boats, as it continued blowing weather for several days after, and the surf breaking very high on the beach. This gale was from W. S. W. directly on the shore, which gave me much concern for the safety of the squadron, particularly for the Elisabeth and Falmouth, who were only in four fathom water, and, as I have since been informed, with the sand of the sea struck; but the bottom being mud, and soft to a considerable depth, they received no damage. On the 4th in the morning, the General opened the battery, which was so well managed, and seconded by the ships before the town, that in four hours the defences were taken off, and the next day in the evening the breach was made practicable.

On the 6th, at day-light in the morning, the General’s regiment, with the sea-battalion, mounted the breach, made the attack, and soon got possession of all the bastions, which completed the conquest. I immediately went on shore, and, with the General, had a meeting with the Spanish governor, and some of his principal officers; when a capitulation was agreed on, that the town and port of Cavite, with the islands and forts dependent on Manila, should be given up to his Brittanic Majesty, and that they should pay four millions of dollars for the preservation of the town and their effects, (a copy of which capitulation I have inclosed).

On the 10th, I sent Capt. Kempenfelt[9] in the Norfolk, with the Seaford and Seahorse, to take possession of Cavite, agreeable to the capitulation. By this acquisition we are in possession of a very large quantity of naval stores; and beside the advantage of almost every convenience for refitting a squadron, the people are supplied with fresh meat and vegetables in a great plenty.

The siege, though short, was attended with many difficulties, and great fatigue, in which both the officers and men exerted themselves with the utmost chearfulness. We had constantly fresh gales, a lee shore, and consequently a high surf, to contend with, which made it always difficult, frequently hazardous, and sometimes impossible, to land with boats. The rains fell very heavy, and our little army were surrounded and harassed by numerous bodies of Indians, who, though undisciplined, and armed only with lances, bows and arrows, yet by a daring resolution, and contempt for death, they became not only troublesome, but formidable. I have the satisfaction of acquainting their Lordships, that throughout the whole expedition, the most perfect harmony and unanimity has subsisted between his Majesty’s land and sea forces.

You will receive with this, an account of the number of officers and men, both seamen and marines, that were landed from the squadron, as likewise of the killed and wounded in each corps. It is with concern I acquaint their Lordships with the loss of Commodore Tiddeman, who in attempting to enter the river in his barge, the morning after the reduction of Manila, was drowned with five of his people, by which unhappy accident his Majesty has lost a brave and experienced officer.

Capt. Kempenfelt, by whom I send this (and [who] will present to you for their Lordships a plan of the town of Manila, and the port of Cavite) has been of the greatest assistance to me during the course of this enterprise. He is very capable of furnishing their Lordships with many particulars necessary for their information; and his great merit makes it my duty to recommend him as a very able officer.[10] I am, &c.

S. Cornish

[The list of which Admiral Cornish speaks is herewith given. This we take from the London Magazine (xxxii, p. 222), as only the totals landed, killed, and wounded are given in Scots Magazine.]

An Account of the Number of Seamen and Marines landed from his majesty’s Squadron under the Command of Rear Admiral Cornish; as also of the Number killed and wounded during the Attack of Manila.

Norfolk, Rear Admiral Cornish, Capt. Richard Kempenfelt. 2 commissioned officers, 12 petty ditto, 96 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. 1 ditto wounded. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 9 non-commissioned ditto, 34 private, landed. 1 private killed.

Elizabeth, Commodore Tiddeman. Capt. Isaac Ourry. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 76 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 5 ditto wounded. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3 non-commissioned ditto, 21 private, landed.

Grafton, Capt. Hyde-Parker. 1 commissioned officer, 3 petty ditto, 100 seamen, landed. 2 seamen wounded. Marines, 2 commissioned officers, 6 non-commissioned ditto, 32 private, landed. 1 private wounded.

Lenox, Capt. Robert Jocelyn. 1 commissioned officer, 5 petty ditto, 119 seamen, landed. 4 seamen killed. 2 ditto wounded. Marines. 3 commissioned officers, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 38 private, landed. 1 private wounded.

Falmouth, Capt. William Brereton. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 50 seamen, landed. 2 seamen killed. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 1 non-commissioned ditto, 11 private, landed.

Weymouth, Capt. Richard Collins. 3 commissioned officers, 7 petty ditto, 80 seamen, landed. 1 seaman killed. 1 ditto wounded. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 6 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed. 2 private killed.

America, Capt. Samuel Pitchford, 2 commissioned officers, 2 petty ditto, 61 seamen, landed. 1 seaman, killed. 1 ditto wounded. Marines. 1 commissioned officer, 4 non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed. 1 private killed.

Panther, Capt. George Ourry, acting Captain. 1 commissioned officer, 2 petty ditto, 50 seamen, landed. Marines. 1 commissioned officer, 5 non-commissioned ditto, 24 private, landed.

Argo, Captain Richard King. Marines. 2 commissioned officers, 3 non-commissioned ditto, 22 private, landed.

Seahorse, Captain Charles Cathcart Grant. Marines. 1 commissioned officer, 2 non-commissioned ditto, 26 private, landed.

Seaford, Captain John Peighin. Marines. 1 commissioned officer, 2 non-commissioned ditto, 18 private, landed. 2 private killed.

Officers killed and wounded, &c. belonging to the

Norfolk, Lieut. Peter Porter, and Mr. White, surgeon’s second mate, killed.

Lenox, Thomas Spearing, second Lieut. of Marines, wounded.

Total officers, seamen, and marines: landed 1017. killed 17. wounded 17.

N. B. The surgeons, armourers, and other artificers, are not included in the above account.

Norfolk, off Cavite, October 31, 1762.

S. Cornish

Copy of a letter from Vice-Adm. Cornish, to Mr. Clevland, dated in the bay of Manila, the 10th of November, 1762.

In my letter of the 31st of October, I acquainted you of my having sent Capt. Parker, with the Panther and Argo, in quest of the galleon Saint Philipina, from Acapulco bound to Manila.

The 7th instant, Capt. King in the Argo, returned, with a letter from Capt. Parker, acquainting me, that in consequence of my orders, having the 30th of October, got the length of the island Capul, near the entrance into the Embocadero, in pursuit of the Saint Philipina, where the Argo had come to an anchor (and which he intended to do for that night), just as the day closed saw a sail, and stand to the northward; at eight in the evening he got sight of the chace, about two leagues to leeward, but unluckily, by the rapidity of a counter current to what the chace was in, was drove among the Narango’s,[11] in the utmost danger of being lost, and obliged to anchor: the frigate having escaped the danger, got up with the chace, and engaged her near two hour; but was so roughly handled, that Capt. King was obliged to bring too to repair his damage. By this time the current slackened, which enabled Capt. Parker to get under sail with the chace in sight. About nine the next morning he came up with her, and after battering her two hours within half-musket shot, she struck. The enemy made but little resistance, trusting to the immense thickness of the sides of their ship, which the Panther’s shot was not able to penetrate, excepting her upper works. Capt. Parker was no less disappointed than surprised, when the General came on board, to find, that instead of the Saint Philipina, he had engaged and taken the Santissimo Trinidad,[12] who departed from Manila the 1st of August for Acapulco, and had got 300 leagues to the eastward of the Embocadero; but meeting with a hard gale of wind, was dismasted and put back to refit. She had 800 men on board, and pierced for sixty guns, but when Capt. King engaged her, had only six mounted, and but thirteen when taken. She draws thirty-three feet of water, and is a much larger ship than the Panther. I cannot ascertain the value of her cargo, but there is to the amount of one million and a half of dollars registered, and she is reputed to be worth three millions.

Capt. King left the Panther with her prize at an anchor about three leagues south of the Corregidow [i.e., Corregidor], at the mouth of this bay; and as I have sent a reinforcement of men with launches and warps, I hope very soon to have them in safety.[13] I am, &c.

S. Cornish

[1] Facts regarding Samuel Cornish are few. In 1743, when captain of the fifty-gun ship “Guernsey,” he destroyed a Spanish privateer of twenty-two guns, which had taken shelter under an eight-gun battery near Cape de Gatt. He also performed numerous other services of the same kind, and took and destroyed a fleet of zebecks laden with provisions. In 1756 he was captain of the “Stirling Castle,” a vessel carrying 480 men, most of them the refuse of jails and the scum of the streets. In 1759 he was sent with reënforcements to the East Indies, in the “Lenox,” Captain Robert Jocelyn commanding, where he was reënforced in 1760 with five ships. He was at the reduction of Pondicherry in 1760, and at the reduction of Mahe in 1761. Thence he went to Bombay to refit, and went to meet Commodore Keppel for the attack of Bourbon and Mauritius, although these orders were later changed. His promotions are as follows: captain, 1742; rear admiral (white), 1759, (red), 1761; rear admiral (blue), 1762, (red), 1770. He was made a baronet in 1766. His death occurred October 30, 1770. See Allen’s Battles of British navy (London, 1878), i, pp. 147, 148; Clowes’s Royal Navy (Boston and London, 1898), iii, pp. 23, 196, 240, 565. [↑]

[2] The war with Spain came partly as a consequence of the so-called “Family compact” signed between France, Spain, Naples, and Parma, at Versailles, August 25, 1761. England declared war against Spain, January 2, 1762. The diplomatic history of this period is especially tortuous. [↑]

[3] Sir William Draper was the son of a collector of customs of Bristol, where he was born in 1721. He received his education at Eton and King’s College, Cambridge. Entering the military service, he went to the East Indies, where he entered the services of the East India Company, attaining the rank of colonel in 1760. In 1761 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general for the expedition to Belle Isle. When in Canton, China, whither he went for his health after the defense of Madras in 1759, he took occasion to study conditions in the Philippines, and learned that the Spaniards had no fear of attack since they were so far from Europe. He communicated plans to Lord Anson and Lord Egremont for their conquest at the first rumors of war with Spain, and was ordered to outline his plan fully. The colors taken at the storming of Manila were given by him to King’s College, where they were hung in the chapel. When the 79th regiment was reduced he was given command of the 16th regiment of foot, but resigned that post. His health rendered it necessary for him to retire to South Carolina, in 1769, and while in America he made a tour of the colonies. In 1769 he married the daughter of Chief-Justice Lancey of New York, by whom he had one daughter. He had reached the rank of lieutenant-general in 1779 when he was appointed governor-general of Minorca, which office he held until the surrender of that island. His death occurred January 8, 1787, while in retirement at Bath. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), v, pp. 146, 147; Chalmers’s Biographical dictionary (London, 1813), xii, pp. 316–318; Rose’s New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), vii, pp. 138, 139; and Campbell’s Lives of British Admirals (London, 1817), v, pp. 175, 176. [↑]

[4] The churches taken by the English and used as forts before the assault were afterward demolished by them in order that the Spaniards might not make use of them for like purpose against them (Montero y Vidal’s Historia, ii, p. 15, note 1). [↑]

[5] Had our men taken thought to prevent the disembarking, perhaps they could have driven the enemy back, for they disembarked on a day when the waves were high and when there was a heavy surf, which overturned a lancha carrying a cannon of the caliber of eighteen. All its men fell into the water, and its equipment was rendered almost useless. Their men left the other lanchas with the water up to their breasts carrying their muskets and cartridge-boxes on their heads. Amid this discomfort, two hundred men reached the beach. They immediately formed ranks and allowed the others to disembark more quietly. See Martinez de Zúñiga’s Historia, pp. 604, 605. [↑]

[6] i.e., The small island of Cahayagan, at the west entrance to port of Palápog, north of Samar Island. [↑]

[7] The “Panther” carried sixty-four guns, and the “Argo” thirty. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 15. [↑]

[8] During the gale, the chief boat of the English, which was trying to disembark troops on the beach at Tondo, was obliged to give up the attempt because of the fire that was directed from the fort of Santiago. This ship would have been surely lost, had not the archbishop, confused and lacking good advice, ordered a complete cessation of firing from the citadel. See Montero y Vidal, ii. p. 23. [↑]

[9] This officer, later a subordinate admiral, was in 1782 in command of the “Royal George,” a three-decker of 108 guns, generally extolled as the finest ship in the British navy. While preparing for the relief expedition to Gibraltar under Admiral Howe, and while the vessel was heeled over for some trifling repairs, a sudden squall caught it, filling it with water, so that it sank with all on board, scarcely a person being saved. The wreck long obstructed the anchorage at Spithead. See Yonge’s History of British navy, i, pp. 392, 393. [↑]

[10] This letter is published in the following eighteenth-century magazines: London Gazette of April 16–19, 1763, from which this letter, as well the other letters published by them, were taken by the other magazines; London Chronicle, xiii, no. 986, April 19–21, 1763, pp. 379, 380; Gentleman’s Magazine, xxiii, pp. 177–179; London Magazine, xxxii, pp. 219–221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 255–257; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 206–208; and vol. ii of The Field of Mars, 1781. [↑]

[11] i.e., The Naranjos Group lying in the strait of San Bernardino, south of Sorsogon, and consisting of six small islands: San Andres, Medio, Escarpada, Aguada, Dársena, and Rasa. [↑]

[12] Its artillery was in the hold, and it only carried above hatches, five cannons of the caliber of eight, and four of the caliber of four. Notwithstanding this surprise, the unfortunate condition of the vessel, and the formidable force of the English, its commander, who was a Gallego, and the other Spaniards who were aboard it, as if they knew what had happened in Manila, and were of a mind to vindicate the luster of their fatherland, there at stake, fought desperately, and received 1,700 balls of the caliber of 18 and 24. Thirty-five of the English were killed and eighteen Spaniards in addition to the wounded. The ship after being captured was towed to Cavite, where it arrived November 12, 1762. The silks, spices, gold dust, and other effects that it contained, were worth 2,000,000 pesos fuertes. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 16, 17, note 2.

“The Holy Trinity [‘Santisima Trinidad’], a rich galleon, taken at the Manilas by Adm. Cornish, arrived in Plymouth Road, June 9, commanded by Lieut. Mainwaring Wilding.” (Scots Magazine, 1764, xxvi, p. 348.)

“The Santissima Trinidad, the galleon which was taken in her voyage to Acapulco during the siege of Manila, is now advertised for sale at Plymouth. This ship is one of the largest ever seen in Britain. She is upwards of 2000 tons burthen; the gun-deck measures 167 feet 6 inches; the breadth, 50 feet 6 inches; the depth of the hold from the poop-deck, 30 feet 6 inches; and her draught of water when she arrived at Plymouth was 28 feet.” (Ut supra, p. 515.)

“On the 14th of August, the great cause of the Manila ship, Santissima Trinidad, was determined by the lords of appeals for prizes, the sentence affirmed, and the Spanish claim wholly rejected.” (Ut supra, 1765, xxvii, p. 493.) [↑]

[13] Also published in London Gazette, April 16–19, 1763; London Chronicle, 1763, pp. 380, 381; Gentleman’s Magazine, 1763, p. 179; London Magazine, 1763, p. 221; Dublin Magazine, 1763, pp. 257, 258; Universal Magazine, 1763, pp. 208, 209. [↑]

LETTER FROM ADMIRAL CORNISH TO LORD ANSON

Admiral Cornish to Lord Anson[1] on the operations at Manila

My Lord

It affords me the most sensible pleasure to congratulate you on the success of His Majesty’s Arms in the reduction of Manila with its dependancies.

The possession of the port of Cavita is an acquisition of great Consequence to the Squadron, by which I shall be enabled with a plenty of Stores of all kinds and a Number of Artificers to refit many of the Ships, that in their present condition it would not be safe to proceed with them to Sea; having these advantages together with a good Hospital and plenty of Provisions, I shall be able to give new Health to the People, to proceed from this place with the Squadron, in a better condition than it has been since my Arriving to the command.

I gave Captain Parker an order to Command the Panther, as She was a Clean Ship, and joyn’d the Argo with him to go in quest of the Galleon S^t. Phillipina who was at Cayayagan between the Bocadero & Cape Spirito Santo the 10^th of Sep^t.; and proposed remaining there till the Monsoon was broke up; As Cap^t. Parker was with your Lords^p and is very well acquainted with those Seas I have the most sanguin hopes of his success.

I am very sorry to mention that the Company’s Servants at Madrass took every method in their Power to obstruct the expedition, except M^r. Pigot (who proved himself hearty in it & wished it success) their behaviour on this occasion was shamefull; they would admit only of two Companys of their own Troops to goe on the Expedition; and those compos^d. of French deserters,[2] and Prisoners they released on this Occasion; of two thousand Seapoys they were to furnish about 500 only was embarked; they even refused a small Vessel which would have been of great use, the Master being a good Pilot in y^e Streights of Mallacca and well acquainted with the Bay of Manila, he was threaten’d to be turn’d out of their Service, for Shewing a readyness for going with me; but of these Circumstances and many others regarding their behavior in the outset of the Expedition your Lordship will receive particular Information from Gen^l. Draper. I wish I could forbear to tell Your Lords^p that My Constitution is much hurt by my long Continuance in the West & East Indies during the course of this war, and puts me under the necessity of begging whenever the Public service will admit, that Your Lordship will indulge me with the favor of being relieved.

For a more particular State of the Squadron I take the liberty of referring your Lordship to Captⁿ. Kempenfelt, whom I send with my dispatches, and will have the Honour to present to you some Coppar Plates of the Philippine Islands, that were found in Manila.[3] This Gentleman having approved Himself a very able & diligent officer, as such I beg leave to recommend Him to Your Lordship’s Protection. I have the Honour to be with the greatest Respect Your Lordship’s most

obliged & most humble Serv^t

S^l. Cornish

Norfolk, off Cavita in the Bay of Manila 1^st of Nov^r. 1762.

[Endorsed: “Copy of a Letter from Admiral Cornish to Lord Anson giving an acct. of Taking of the Manila Islands: Nov^r. 1^st, 1762. Rece’d at the Adm^ty. April 14^th, 1763 at night.”]

[1] Lord George Anson was descended from a family long established in Staffordshire, and was born at Shugborough manor, in the parish of Colwich, April 23, 1697. Choosing the sea as his career, he became second lieutenant May 9, 1716. In 1718 he took part in the action near Sicily in which the Spanish fleet was destroyed. The years 1724–27 he spent in a naval position in South Carolina, erecting there the town Anson Bourgh, and giving name to a county. He made two other trips to South Carolina, where he had acquired considerable property. On the outbreak of hostilities with Spain in 1739, he was chosen commander of the fleet to attack the Pacific Spanish-American settlements, and while engaged in this mission made his celebrated circumnavigation of the world, capturing the Philippine galleon on June 20, 1743. He arrived at England, June 15, 1744, after many dangers, in which he displayed great hardihood and courage. Shortly after his return, he was made a rear-admiral of the blue, and soon after that was elected to Parliament. December 27, 1744, he was appointed one of the commissioners of the admiralty, and April 23, 1745 was made a rear-admiral of the white. July 14, 1746 he was appointed vice admiral, and during that and the succeeding year performed many services for his country. June 13, 1747, he was appointed to the peerage. Most of the rest of his life was passed as a member of the admiralty board, he finally becoming its head, having attained the rank of admiral. He died June 6, 1762, so that the letter written by Cornish never reached him, being written indeed some months after that event. See New and general biographical dictionary (London, 1798), i, pp. 389–391; Chalmers’s General biographical dictionary (London, 1812–1817), ii, pp. 294–311; Rose’s New general biographical dictionary (London, 1848), ii, pp. 489–500; Barrow’s Life of George Lord Anson (London, 1839); and the various editions of his Voyages. [↑]

[2] Le Gentil (Voyage, Paris, 1781, ii, pp. 247, 248), says of these Frenchmen: “The English, on arriving at Manila, had with them about three hundred and fifty Frenchmen, enrolled by force. These people formed a plan to desert them at the first opportunity. The English had not yet finished their battery, when the little French troop sent two trusty men to confer with the place and to agree with them for a sortie, during which the French troop would take the side of the Spaniards. Two men were sacrificed; they went without weapons, their arms crossed, to present themselves at the gate of the city. Instead of opening it to them, they were allowed to be massacred by the Indians who did not know them. At Manila, innumerable chimerical ideas have been formed as to the sudden arrival of these two men. But what can two men who come without weapons and with crossed arms to present themselves at the gate of a city do? What is there to fear from them to refuse to receive them? I believe that they were taken for English at Manila, and that a poorly understood religious motive was the reason for the very great fault of not opening the gate to them. Whatever it was, this treatment did not engage others to sacrifice themselves. But the English, having some doubt of some resolution on the part of the French, put it out of their power to attempt anything to their prejudice, by placing them between the Sepoys and their national troops, with orders to fire on these French, if they were seen to comport themselves differently than the others.” [↑]

[3] Scots Magazine for 1763, xxv, p. 235, contains the following in regard to these plates: “They write from London, of April 21, thus. ‘There were found at the Manilas, among many other curiosities, and brought here by Col. Draper, eight copper-plates, on which are engraved a most particular map of the Philippine islands, adorned with the customs and habits of the inhabitants of those parts, which was done by order of the governor, in 1734, and dedicated to his Catholic Majesty.’—By an advertisement since inserted in the papers, some few impressions are proposed to be taken of these original copper-plates.” What is probably one of these impressions was sold recently by the firm of Henry Stevens, Son and Stiles, London, to the Library of Congress. This is the celebrated Murillo Velarde map. The map is printed in four sheets, as are also the pictures (three to a sheet) of the “customs and habits of the inhabitants,” and are so arranged that the map is in the middle with the pictures grouped on its right and left sides. The map as sold by the above firm was arranged in two large sheets, with a margin left so that the sheets could be easily joined. The whole map if pasted on one single sheet with the pictures would measure about 1170 mm. wide, and 1082–1087 mm. high. The difference in height between the two halves seems to be due to the lines not being drawn quite true on the plates, although shrinkage of paper may affect it slightly. This map is described by Pardo de Tavera in his El mapa de Filipinas del P. Murillo Velarde (Manila, 1894); and La carte des Philippines du Pere Murillo Velarde (Paris, 1898), the latter being a separate or “Extrait du Bulletin de geographie,” No. 1, 1897. Marcel reproduces several of the pictures. The map contained in the Ayer Murillo Velarde is unaccompanied by the pictures, and was engraved in 1744. We are indebted for much of this note to the courtesy of the above-named firm. [↑]

LETTERS FROM GENERAL DRAPER TO EARL OF EGREMONT

A copy of Brigadier General Draper’s Letter to the R^t. Hoñble The Earl of Egremont his Majesty’s Principal secretary of State for the southern Department[1]

Manila Nov^r. 1^st. 1762

My Lord

I do myself the Honour of sending Lieut. Colonel Scott late adjutant General to inform you of the success of his Majesty’s arms in the conquest of manila,[2] and the Cession of the Phillipin Islands to the British Throne, on the 6 of October, we took that Capital by storm, wherein nothing could equal the conduct & bravery of the officers & Troops—but their moderation afterwards notwithstanding the great Provocations to Exert all the severities & Rigours of war, as my secretary Lieu^t. Fryer had been murdered with a Flag of Truce but British Humanity was superior to vengeance the Troops considered rather how Englishmen should act than what the spaniards ought to suffer they received all the suppliants to Mercy: as the Distruction of so fine a City was not the object of the War, Admiral Cornish & I Dictated the inclosed Conditions to the Governour & Chief Magistrates they were most readily accepted & we flatter ourselves that the Term’s, considering their situation were as moderate for them as Beneficial for us, the East India company is to have a third part of the Ransom.

In obedience to his majesty’s Commands, I have delivered up Manila & the port of Cavite to the Gentlemen appointed to receive them in behalf of the Company with all the Cannon ammunition and Warlike stores found therein, according to the inclosed Lists, the Kings Goodness has granted them one of the richest Cities & Islands in the World, in Fertility & every other blessing of nature not inferiour to any belonging to the British Crown, if the turn of affairs in Europe can perpetuate Possession it may prove a source of Commerce & wealth not to be equalled in any other port of the Globe; the season of the year & the Condition of the squadron will not permit M^r. Cornish to take Possession of the subordinate Islands that have been ceded to his Majesty, till the ships are repaired the admirals zeal for his Majesty’s service & his great & essential service to us, during the whole course of the Expedition & fatiguing operations of the siege are beyond all praise all the other officers of His squadron Exerted themselves to the utmost upon [e]very occasion, the Captains Collins Pitchford and George Ourry who commanded the corps of five hundred seamen, whom the admiral was so obligeing to support me with behaved with the greatest spirit & good Conduct, & were of singular use to us their men and the marines behaved with their usual activity Life and Intrepedity.

In my letters from Madrass & their Duplicates I took the Liberty to inform your Lordship how much I depended upon the great abilities of Colo. Monson for the success of the Interprize; the Reduction of the place has been so much owing to his Consumate skill & Bravery that it would be doing him the highest Injustice not to name him in a particular manner I blush to give him orders & most humbly beg leave through your Lordship to recommend him to his Majesty & shall esteem my own poor services most abundantly rewarded by any mark of the Royal favour to him and the following Gentlemen. L^t. Colo. Scott, Major Barker, who Commanded the artillery, Captain Stevenson chief Engineer (with majors Cotsford & Barnard) Captain Fletcher major of Brigade my nephew Captⁿ. moore Captain Pemble aides de camp they have all acted in their several departments with such great merit as much facilitated my good fortune the two Corps of his Majesty’s & the Company’s artillery & their other Troop’s behaved Exceeding well. In the last place I beg leave to represent the services of my own Regiment which under the good conduct of their former & Present field officers, the Majors Fell and Drake, has the Peculiar merit of having first stop’d the Progress of the French in India, turned and decided the fate of the War there, and Carry’d the Glory of his majesty’s arms to the utmost verge of Asia, seventy three officers & above eight hundred men have fallen the victims of their own vallour & the cause of the Publick, since the Regiment left England, besides the numbers who have been wounded the widows & orphans Occasioned by this severe service are very numerous, Your Lordship^s goodness encourages me to mention them as objects of Compassion

I am My Lord with the greatest respect

Your &c^a

signed Will^m. Draper Brig^r. Gen^l. & Comm^r. in chief.

Captⁿ. Fletcher has ten stands of Colours to lay at his majesty’s Feet.

[The following letter, dated one day later than the above, appears to be a second and more careful draft of substantially the same letter.]

Whitehall, April 16. 1763. On Thursday night, Lt-Col. Scott arrived with the following letter to the Earl of Egremont, from Brig-Gen. Draper, who also arrived himself about the same time.

Manila, Nov. 2, 1762.

My Lord,

I do myself the honour of sending Lt-Col Scott, late adjutant-general, to inform your Lordship of the success of his Majesty’s arms in the conquest of Manila, the surrender of the port of Cavite, and the cession of the Philippine islands.

On the 6th of October we took the capital by storm, after twelve days operation, which are detailed in my journal. Our loss upon this occasion would have been trifling, but for the death of Maj. More, a valiant good officer; and it is with particular satisfaction I can assure your Lordship, that the firm bravery and perseverance of the troops could only be equalled by their humanity after victory. Out of respect and deference to Adm. Cornish, we waited till he came on shore; and, being desirous to save so fine a city from destruction, we jointly dictated the annexed conditions to the Governor-General (the Archbishop), and the chief magistrates; who most readily embraced them.

Considering their critical situation, and vast opulence, the terms were as reasonable for them as beneficial to us. We allow the India company a third part of the ransom, the whole of which amounts to a million Sterling;[3] and, according to my instructions, I have this day delivered up Manila, one of the richest cities and islands in this part of the world, with the port of Cavite, to Dawson Drake, Esq; and the other gentlemen appointed to receive them on behalf of the company, with all the artillery, ammunition, and warlike stores found therein, agreeable to the inclosed inventories.

I have appointed Maj. Fell of the 79th regiment to be commandant of the garrison; which must consist of all the troops brought from Madrass, as the great extent of the place, its very numerous inhabitants, and unsettled country, with the importance of the Cavite, demand at least this force for an effectual security.

The season of the year, and condition of the squadron, oblige us to defer the taking possession of the subordinate places ceded to the crown, until the ships have had a sufficient repair; and I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship, that the large quantity of naval stores taken in the royal magazines at Cavite, supply most excellent materials for this purpose, in which the Admiral is indefatigable; whose zeal for his Majesty’s service, great cordiality, and constant attention to us during the whole course of the expedition, and fatiguing progress of the siege, are beyond all praise. The other officers of the fleet exerted themselves to the utmost upon every occasion. As a small acknowledgment of our many obligations to Mr Kempenfeldt, the Admiral’s Captain, I begged his acceptance of the government of the citadel and port of Cavite, till it was given up to the company. His prudent and excellent regulations there, were of the greatest utility to the public service.

The Captains Collins, Pitchford, and George Ourry, who commanded the battalion of seamen, behaved with great spirit and conduct; and Capt. Jocelyn, who was intrusted with the care of the disimbarkations, gave us all the assistance that could be wished or expected from a diligent good officer. The marine officers and corps were of great service, and the seamen astonished us with most extraordinary proofs of activity and valour, particularly those who assisted at our batteries.

The reduction of Manila has been so much owing to the consummate skill and bravery of Col. Monson, that I fear my faint representations cannot do justice to his merits; and I most humbly beg leave, through your Lordship, to recommend him to his Majesty: together with the following officers, viz. Lt-Col. Scott; Maj. Barker, who commanded our artillery; Capt. Fletcher, major of brigade; the Engineers Capt. Stevenson and Cotsford, and Ens. Barnard; the Captains Moore and Pemble, aides-de-camp, who have all acted in their several departments with extraordinary merit, and greatly facilitated my good fortune. Both the Royal and the Company’s Artillery, with their other troops, behaved very well. In the last place, may I presume to point out the services of the 79th regiment, which, from the good conduct of their former and present field officers, has the peculiar merit of having first stopped the progress of the French in India, and not a little contributed to the happy turn and decision of that war under Col. Coote, and has since extended the glory of his Majesty’s arms to the utmost verge of Asia. Twenty-three officers, with upwards of 800 men, have fallen, in the cause of their country, since the regiment left England: numbers of the survivors are wounded. Your Lordship’s goodness encourages me to mention them as objects of compassion and protection. Capt. Fletcher has nine colours to lay at his Majesty’s feet.[4]——I have the honour to be, &c.

William Draper,
Brig-General, and Commander in Chief.

Proposals made to their Excellencies his Britannic Majesty’s Commanders in Chief by Sea and Land, by his Excellency the Archbishop, Captain-General of the Phillippine Islands, the Royal Audience, the City, and Commerce of Manila.

Art. I. That their effects and possessions shall be secured to them, under the protection of his Britannic Majesty, with the same liberty they have heretofore enjoyed.—Granted.

II. That the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, be preserved and maintained in its free exercise and functions, by its pastors and faithful ministers.—Granted.

III. That the families which are retired into the country may have free liberty to return unmolested.—Granted.

IV. That the same indemnification and liberty may extend to persons of both sexes, inhabitants of this city, without any prejudice or molestation to their interior commerce.—They may carry on all sorts of commerce as British subjects.

V. Having great confidence in the manners and politeness of their Excellencies the Britannic Generals, hope they will use their best endeavours in preserving peace and quietness in the city and suburbs, chastising all people who shall dare to oppose their superior orders.—Granted.

VI. That the inhabitants of this city may enjoy the same liberty of commerce as they have had heretofore, and that they may have proper passports granted them for that end.—Answered by the 4th article.

VII. That the same liberty may be granted to the natives of the country for bringing in all manner of provisions, according to their usual method, without the least opposition or extortion, paying for them in the same manner as hath been heretofore practised.—Granted; but any person coming in with any fire-arms, or offensive weapons, will be put to death.

VIII. That the ecclesiastical government may be tolerated, and have free liberty to instruct the faithful, especially the native inhabitants.—They must not attempt to convert any of our Royal Master’s Protestant subjects to the Popish faith.

IX. That the use and exercise of the economical government of the city may remain in its same freedom and liberty.—Granted.

X. That the authority, as well political as civil, may still remain in the hands of the Royal Audience, to the end that, by their means, a stop may be put to all disorders, and the insolent and guilty be chastised.—To be subject to the superior controul of our government.

XI. That the said ministers and royal officers, their persons and goods, be in full security, be maintained in their honours, with a stipend sufficient for their support, his Catholic Majesty being answerable for the same; upon those conditions the above-mentioned ministers will be under the protection of his Britannic Majesty, in the same manner as the rest of the inhabitants. His Catholic Majesty must pay for their support.

XII. That the inhabitants may have free liberty to reside within, or out of the city, as shall be most convenient for them.—Still to be subject to the revocation of our government, if they find it necessary.

Done at head-quarters in the city of Manila, this 6th[5] Day of October, 1762.

S. Cornish
W. Draper

Man. Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philipinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana

Conditions on which the city of Manila shall be preserved from Plunder, and the Inhabitants preserved in their Religion, Goods, Liberties and Properties, under the Government and Protection of his Britannic Majesty.

Art. I. The Spanish officers of every rank shall be esteemed as prisoners of war, upon their parole of honour, but shall have the liberty of wearing their swords. The rest of the troops, of every degree and quality, must be disarmed, and disposed of as we shall think proper. They shall be treated with humanity.

II. All the military stores, and magazines, of every kind, must be surrendered, faithfully, to our Commissaries, and nothing secreted or damaged.

III. His Excellency the Governor must send immediate orders to the fort of Cavite, and the other forts under his command, and dependent upon Manila, to surrender to his Britannic Majesty.

IV. The propositions contained in the paper delivered on the part of his Excellency the Governor, and his council, will be listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their payment of four millions of dollars, the half to be paid immediately, the other half to be paid in a time to be agreed upon, and hostages and security given for that purpose.

Done in the city of Manila, Oct. 6, 1762.

S. Cornish
W. Draper

Manuel Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philippinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana[6]

All the islands subordinate to Luconia, and Manila its capital, and which are at present under the domination of his Catholic Majesty, must be ceded to his Britannic Majesty, who must be acknowledged sovereign till the fate of these islands is decided by a peace between the two Kings. Their religion, goods, liberties, properties, and commerce, shall be preserved to the inhabitants of those islands who are subjects of Spain, in as ample a manner as they are confirmed to the inhabitants of Manila, and the island of Luconia. All the governors and military shall be allowed the honours of war; but give their parole, as the officers have done at Manila and Cavite, not to serve or take up arms against his Britannic Majesty.

Dated at Manila, Oct. 30, 1762.

S. Cornish
W. Draper

Man. Ant. Arzp. de Manila, Gov. y Cap. Gen. de las Philippinas.

Francisco Henriquez de Villacourta

Manuel Galban y Ventura

Francisco Leandro de Viana[7]

[We add here also, as being its proper place, the following “Proposals,” taken from Draper’s Plain Narrative, pp. 27–30, which we find nowhere else.]

Proposals of their Excellencies his Britannic Majesty’s Commanders in Chief, which are agreed to by the Most Illustrious Governor of these Islands, as likewise the Royal Audience, the City and Commerce with the Clergy, both secular and regular.

Art. I. That the Governor would give immediate Orders for delivering up the Port of Cavita, with its Fortifications, which has been executed by an Order to the Castiliana of the said Port, which was shewn to their Excellencies, and sent to the Serjeant Major of the said Port.

II. To satisfy the Four Millions of Dollars, which are immediately demanded by the aforementioned Commanders in Chief, all the Capitals of the public Funds, such as the Misericordia, the Ordentercarra,[8] and the religious Communities, as also what belongs to the Archbishop, which shall be found in being; and what shall be wanting of the Compliment of the said Four Millions, shall be made up by the Capitals which the said Ship Phillippina shall bring in, with Condition, that if the said Ship should be taken by his Britannic Majesty’s Ships before the Time that the Advice dispatched by his Excellency the Governor shall arrive to her, ordering her to come into this Bay; or if the Capital therein should not be sufficient to compleat the said Four Millions, they will give a Bill on his Catholic Majesty; and if the said Ship should not be taken with the Capital therein contained at the Time that the Commander of the Ship Phillippina may receive Orders to conduct her here, the whole shall be given up to make up the Sum of Four Millions. But in Case there should not be sufficient to make up the whole Sum, they will give Bills on the Treasury of his Most Catholic Majesty.

In this Manner the said Proposals are agreed to on the Part of his Excellency the Governor and his Council, and confirmed by their Excellencies the Britannic Commanders in Chief, according to the fourth Proposition of their Excellencies, bearing Date the 6th Day of October, 1762.

Signed by the Archbishop and the Ovidores of the City of Manila.

Counterpart signed by

Rear Admiral Cornish
and
Brigadier General Draper

[1] Lord Egremont was a man of small ability who succeeded Pitt as secretary of state. See Hunt’s Political History of England (New York and London, 1905), x, p. 32. [↑]

[2] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 264, 265), says that the British made many mistakes in the expedition against Manila. They should, he says, have first seized the posts about Manila, and the city would have fallen of its own accord because of its weakness, without the necessity of a siege; and in addition the “Filipino” would not have been able to escape. Another mistake was made in allowing Anda to form his army.

The following communications are interesting as showing the diplomatic side of the British expedition against Manila. These letters all bear the same pressmark as the present document (all being contemporary government copies of the real originals), and are to be found at folios 15–16 verso, 23, 23 verso, 33 verso, 34, and 45.

21 Janry 1763

To Gove^r. Crommelin

Sir

As it is my duty to acquaint his majesty’s principal Secretary of State with all important Transactions in which his majesty’s Troops in this part of the World are concerned. I beg leave to request you will send me the Paragraph of the Letter relative to the Capture of Manila that I may transmit it to England by this opportunity. I also request you will order the Packet to be kept open until you have received my Letter which shall be sent as soon as possible. Had I been acquainted with this sooner, I should not have troubled you to detain the Packet.

I am

&c^a. S. L. M.

From the Gover^r. 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am favoured with yours of this date and agreeable to your Request our Secretary is directed to send you a Copy of the advise we received yesterday relative to the Capture of manila and to keep the Packet open till he receives your letter.

I am &c^a.

Signed Cha Crommelin

From M^r. Ramsay 21 Janry 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the Presed^t, and Council to tend you the accompanying copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry containing the agreeable news of the surrender of manila to his majesty’s arms on which important acquisition, I beg leave, Sir, to congratulate and am respectfully Sir &c^a

Signed And^w. Ramsay
Sec^ry

Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter from the Chief & Factors at Tellicherry to the President and Council at Bombay dated 10 January 1763 it received 20^th following ⅌ Express Boat, “We addressed you under the 28^th. & 29^th. ultimo ⅌ ship Royal Admiral and the Chief having received by a Private Letter from the Resident at Calicutt, the agreeable news of a Macao ship arrived at Cochin, bringing advice of the surrender of manila in four days to Admiral Cornish we dispatch this Boat, tho unacquainted with any other particulars, Chiefly to advise your Honour &c^a, of it, and Request your acceptance of our Congratulations on so Considerable an acquisition. Immediately on our learning any further accounts we shall send away another Boat with them,

A True Copy.

signed And^w. Ramsay
Secry.

To the Earl of Bute 21 Janry 1763

My Lord

Having the Honour to Command his Majesty’s Troops here, I esteem it my duty to send your Lordship the enclosed Paragraph of a Letter of the Governour & Council here received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry of which we hourly expect confirmation. I have the Honour to congratulate your Lordship on the success of his Majesties arms & of being with the highest respect

My Lord

2 Duplicates Your Lord^p. &c^a.
⅌ Express over Land S. L. M.

From M^r. Ramsay Secretary 2^d February (sic) 1763

Sir

I am directed by the Hoñble the President and Council to send you the enclosed attested Copy of a Paragraph of a Letter received yesterday from the Chief and Factors at Tellicherry and to acquaint you that the Tartar snow, which has hither to been detained at Surat Bar, in Expectation of receiving a more Certain and particular acco^t. of the Capture of Manilha will shortly be dispatched from thence, if therefore you have any further advices to transmit to Europe you will be pleased to prepare them, as soon as possible that they may be duly forwarded by Sir &c^a.

signed Ad^w. Ramsay
Secry

follows the Paragraph

“We have received no further particulars regarding Manilha except that the day of it’s surrender was the 6^th october.

To M^r. Ramsay 2^d February 1763

Sir

I have just now received your Letter enclosing a Paragraph from Tellicherry, and I here with send you a Letter for the secret^y. of state, which I desire you will forward by the Tartar snow,

I am &c^a.

S. L. M.