Chart of China Sea and the Philippines, 1794, in The complete East India pilot, printed for Laurie & Whittle (London, 1800)

[From copy in Library of Congress]

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume LI, 1801–1840

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII

CONTENTS OF VOLUME LI

[Preface]11
[Documents of1801–1840]
[Events in Filipinas, 1801–1840]. [Compiledfrom Montero y Vidal’s Historia deFilipinas.]23
[Remarks on the Philippine Islands, 1819–22].“An Englishman;” Calcutta, 182873
[Reforms needed in Filipinas]. Manuel BernaldezPizarro; Madrid, April 26, 1827182
[Bibliographical Data]275
[Appendix]
[Representation of Filipinas in Cortes]. [Compiled fromvarious sources.]279
[List of the archbishops of Manila, 1581–1898].[Compiled from various sources.]298

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

In the present volume, a brief outline of events in Filipinas during the period 1801–40 serves as a background and setting for the following surveys of political, social, and economic conditions in the islands during that period. Of these, one is made by an English naval officer who had visited the islands, another by a Spanish official of long experience, and a third (presented in synopsis) by a merchant familiar with the commerce of the Orient and the Americas. These different accounts (written at nearly the same time) furnish most valuable knowledge of the Philippines and their people, and their needs and possibilities; and at the same time they reflect the more enlightened and liberal ideas of policy and administration which had gained a foothold in Spain, and which the recent loss of her other colonies had made her more willing to put in practice in Filipinas.

The leading events in Philippine history during the first four decades of the nineteenth century are briefly epitomized from Montero y Vidal’s Historia de Filipinas. Governor Aguilar opposes the appointment of native secular priests to the curacies, regarding them as unfit for these posts. During his term, he introduces public street-lighting, paved sidewalks, and vaccination in Manila, and various other beneficial measures; he attempts, but with little success, to check the piracies of the Moros, and is compelled to desist therefrom by news of the war between England and Spain, and the consequent danger to Manila. At his death (August 8, 1806) an officer named Folgueras becomes governor ad interim; he strengthens the fortifications of Manila, and quells a revolt in Ilocos. He is succeeded (March 4, 1810) by the new proprietary governor, González Aguilar, who promotes cattle-raising in the provinces, quells another insurrection in Ilocos, publishes the first newspaper in Filipinas, and proclaims the Spanish constitution of 1812. In 1813 arrives his successor, José de Gardoqui, whose rule is by no means easy; for he is opposed by corrupt royal officials, and has to encounter revolts among the Indians caused by the publication of the new Spanish constitution—disturbances which are aggravated by the despotic acts of Fernando VII on regaining his crown (1814). Gardoqui prohibits the introduction and use of opium in the islands, strengthens the fortifications of Cavite, puts down banditti and smugglers, and in many other ways benefits the colony; he dies in December, 1816, and is succeeded by Folgueras. The latter revives the Economic Society, and founds a nautical academy. In 1820 occurs the first epidemic of cholera morbus, which is unfortunately accompanied by a massacre of the foreigners in Manila, executed by the credulous Indians who have been persuaded by malicious persons that the pest was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the waters. Martínez, who becomes governor on October 30, 1822, brings over a number of Spanish officers for the Filipinas regiments; this creates jealousy among the officers who had come from America, which results in a mutiny among them and part of the troops in Manila (June, 1823); this is put down, and the leaders are shot. An expedition is sent against the Moros (1824), which lays waste their shores.

On October 14, 1825, Martínez is replaced by Mariano Ricafort as governor; the latter is also made chief of the treasury. The parish curacies are, by a royal decree in 1826, restored to the regular orders. In 1827 the naval bureau is reëstablished at Manila, under Pascual Enrile, who succeeds Ricafort as governor in 1830. (Both these men were among the most illustrious rulers of Filipinas, on account of their ability, uprightness, and zeal for the public welfare.) In 1828 the insurgent mountaineers of Bohol are finally subdued, and reduced to villages. Various royal decrees are obtained for the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and other industries; and for obliging the Chinese to live in villages, like the Indians. Several important reforms in the administration and the social conditions of the colony are instituted by these two governors, and Enrile is especially active in building highways and providing other means of communication to bring the inland and the maritime provinces into communication with each other.

In 1836, Governor Salazar has to enforce the laws forbidding the sale of firearms and powder to the enemies of Spain; he also makes a treaty of commerce with the Joloans, which does not, however, restrain them from piracy. In 1837, he urgently requests the Spanish government to send more Spanish friars to the islands as parish priests. The political disturbances in Spain at this time are reflected in Filipinas, and a strong Carlist faction oppose Governor Camba (who assumes that office in August, 1837), and finally procure his recall to Spain, little more than a year afterward. Under his successor, Lardizábal, the status of the Chinese in the islands is determined, provision is made for the official censorship of books brought to Filipinas, a school of commerce is established at Manila and various important changes are made in financial and municipal administration. In February, 1841, Lardizábal is succeeded by Marcelino de Oráa.

In 1828 was published at Calcutta an interesting book entitled, Remarks on the Phillippine Islands, 1819 to 1822, “by an Englishman”—as he states therein, a naval officer; this is here presented, with additional annotations from various sources. It throws much light on conditions in Manila at that time, and is of especial value as coming from an enlightened foreigner, rather than a Spaniard. He praises the natural resources and advantages of the islands, and makes various comments on their climate (which “is remarkably temperate and salubrious”), diseases, and population; he then classifies this last, describing in succession the various races, white, colored, and mixed, who inhabit the islands. He defends the natives from accusations which have been made against them, and considers their defects as the natural result of the oppression and injustice which they have suffered, and the general insecurity of property in the islands. Robbery and piracy prevail there, outside of the new Spanish towns; and even in Manila there are numerous acts of pillage committed by the lawless soldiery. Justice is neglected or corrupted; and the Church exacts so many holidays, pilgrimages, etc., that the natives are obliged to neglect their fields, and tend to become idle and dissipated; they also are burdened by many church taxes and impositions. Our writer proceeds to describe the government of the islands, general, municipal, and provincial, and the abuses prevalent in the last-named; then the ecclesiastical administration, the character of the clergy, and their influence over the natives. The sources of the colonial revenue are enumerated, with the chief branches of expense, the main part of this being for the military and naval forces, both of which are mismanaged, ill-disciplined, poorly paid, and of course very inefficient. Agriculture is “yet in its infancy,” as a result partly of the oppression of the natives, partly of the expulsion of the Jesuits—who did more than any others to civilize the Indians—and partly of the restrictions on commerce, which now are less oppressive; yet the country is almost incredibly fertile. The implements used in tillage are described, with the methods of cultivating the chief products, and that of refining the sugar produced there; and the reasons are given why Europeans have been unable to engage in agriculture with success. The mineral products of the islands are enumerated. Commerce is, like agriculture, still undeveloped; our author attributes this to the Acapulco trade, to the prohibitory system pursued by Spain and to the monopoly allowed to the Philippine Company, and criticises Spain’s policy toward her colonies. He then describes the condition of Philippine commerce, with statistics of 1818; and the difficulties under which it labors—especially the insecurity of property and contracts, the fraudulent dealings of the Chinese merchants; and the neglect of government to prevent smuggling or to make suitable provision for reëxportation of goods—which have prevented Manila from being one of the great centers of Oriental trade.

The second part of these “Remarks” is devoted to Manila; a description of the city, its fortifications (which our writer considers very inefficient on the side next to Pasig River), streets, public buildings, mode of constructing houses, and the public cemetery; and social conditions there, which are unfavorable to morality and the development of character. The author criticises the colonial policy of Spain, and regards her tenure of rule over Filipinas as precarious, especially as discontent and ideas of political freedom are spreading among the Indians.

Of unusual interest and value is a memorial written (April 26, 1827) by Manuel Bernaldez Pizarro, on the “causes which antagonize the security and progress of the Filipinas Islands,” and which bring about their backward condition, with the measures which he judges desirable for their correction. As a high official in Filipinas during seventeen years, his opinions are of much importance, especially as he was evidently a clear-sighted and upright statesman, a keen observer, and a logical thinker—albeit he was, like the majority of government officials, still much under the sway of autocratic and regalistic notions—and was fertile in ideas and projects for improving the condition of Filipinas. The memorial is methodically arranged in sections relating to military affairs, Moro piracies, land-titles, Spanish vs. native clerics, the residence of foreigners in the islands, character of government officials, administration of justice, taxes and revenue, commerce, agriculture, manufactures, etc.

On each of these subjects he presents a concise statement of present conditions and tendencies, followed by his recommendations for change, reform, or suppression. In the army, the principal difficulty lies in the corps of officers, partly Peninsular and partly native or American, with Indian subalterns; these classes have almost nothing in common, and the latter are dangerously near to the Indians, or are spoiled by the tendencies of the country. Provision should be made, therefore, for sending officers from Spain to fill all posts of command. Instead of enlarging the military force, a central location (afterward indicated as Cavite) should be selected, and rendered impregnable to assault, in which the government and the Spanish population of Manila might be safe in any revolution or other dangerous emergency; Manila is not sufficiently fortified for such a purpose. The piracies of the Moros are ruining the islands; the only way to check them is to conquer Joló and Mindanao with a powerful expedition, and colonize them from the Visayas. The Indian villages are often much too large to be properly directed in either spiritual or civil matters, and should be made smaller, with stricter police patrol. Measures should be taken to authenticate and confirm the titles to landed property, which at present are confused and unreliable. Much harm is caused by the ignorance, unfitness, and immorality of the Indian and mestizo clerics; they not only neglect their priestly duties, but have dangerous tendencies to revolution; as soon as this is practicable, all such should be replaced by European friars. Bernaldez descants upon their virtues and their ability to rule the Indians well, and advises the government “to maintain as many religious as possible in the islands, and give them as much political authority as is consistent with their ministry.” Foreigners are undesirable as residents in Filipinas, especially exiles, idlers, and stowaways; and even Spaniards from the Peninsula should be compelled to return thither after a certain period. Strict residencias should be required from the alcaldes-mayor, as many of them are unfit to hold that office, and commit crimes which render them dangerous to the peace of the provinces. Greater care should be exercised in the selection of all government officials, in order to correct the laxity which everywhere characterizes the administration of the islands. There is pressing necessity for better means of communication with the mother-country, which can best be promoted by encouraging her commerce with Filipinas. The governors and intendants should be obliged to furnish the reports and information about the country which the laws require; and there should be more coöperation between the governor and the Audiencia. Private persons of means should be encouraged and aided to undertake the enterprises which the country needs. Various specified abuses in the administration of justice should be corrected; and the trading alcaldes-mayor should be replaced by corregidors, who should be able and experienced lawyers. The tributes ought to be paid in money, and not in kind; and this involves the need of a colonial money for Filipinas. The revenue taxes, especially those on tobacco and wine, should receive more attention, and these two should be extended to all the provinces; and the manufacture and sale of brandy in the islands should be restricted. The Chinese in the islands should be carefully classified, more strictly supervised by the government, and more heavily taxed. The rebate of duties granted on all foreign imports at Manila is ruining the Filipinas manufacturers, whose “infant industries” should be protected; and Bernaldez proposes a new schedule, carefully classified. The inter-island trade is exclusively in the hands of the alcaldes-mayor and the rich Chinese and mestizos, who should therefore pay a moderate tax on that lucrative commerce. A colonial currency is urgently needed. An account of the management of the obras pías should be demanded by the government, and those funds should be employed in promoting agriculture and industry in the islands. The shipbuilding and mining carried on by the government ought to be furnished by private persons under contract. Agriculture is the most important industry of Filipinas, and a feeder to its commerce; its backward condition should be remedied. He recommends direct and unlimited commerce between Spain and the islands, government encouragement to large agricultural enterprises, instruction of the Indians in better methods of agriculture and the preparation of its products, and rewards for industry and application on their part. The production of opium for the Chinese market ought to be allowed in Filipinas, and heavy duties collected on its exportation. Enormous sums of money are yearly carried to India and China for fine cotton goods, which could as well be manufactured by the Filipinos if they knew how to dye these properly and had machinery for spinning the cotton thread; the government should take active and prompt measures to secure this desirable end. Closer relations should be established with Spain, whose government and merchants are urged to work together in behalf of this. Bernaldez concludes by showing “the necessity of forming a special code of laws for Filipinas,” and of “a periodical visitation of that colony by officials from the Peninsula.” As appendix to his memorial, we present a summary of a similar document, written at nearly the same time by a merchant of long and varied commercial experience in the Orient and the Americas. Less official and formal, but more shrewd, alert, and liberal, this writer presents his views, with much clearness and force, on the decadence of the islands and the means of making them more prosperous and wealthy; and a comparison of these with the opinions of Bernaldez might well be helpful to the present administration of Filipinas.

In an appendix to this volume we present a brief account of the three Spanish Cortes in which the Philippines had representation; all these sessions occurred in the early part of the nineteenth century, one of the most disturbed and critical periods of Spain’s national existence. The most important measures of these Cortes concerning the Philippines were, the suppression of the Acapulco-Manila galleon and the abolition of the privileges formerly granted to the Compañia de Filipinas. In each of these assemblies efficient representation of the islands was barred by their distance from Spain and the difficulty of communication with that country, while, in general, political development was very backward. The final ruling, in the Constitution of 1837, by which special laws were devised for the government of Ultramar, appears to have been the only possible solution of the difficulty (at least for the Philippines). Finally, we furnish a list of the archbishops of Manila during the Spanish régime.

The Editors.

May, 1907.

DOCUMENTS OF 1801–1840

Sources: The first document is compiled from Montero y Vidal’s Historia de Filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360–573; iii, pp. 6–32); the second is reprinted from the original publication, a copy of which is in possession of Edward E. Ayer; the third is presented, partly in synopsis, from original MSS. in the Ayer collection.

Translations: The first and third are made by Emma Helen Blair.

EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1801–1840

[At the beginning of VOLUME L may be found a brief summary of events during the latter third of the eighteenth century, a record which is here continued as above. As before, we epitomize from Montero y Vidal’s Hist. de Filipinas (tomo ii, pp. 360–573; iii, pp. 6–32), using his own language wherever practicable, usually distinguished by quotation marks.]

Under Governor Aguilar the “Ordinances of good government,” as revised by Governor Raon in 1768 (for which see VOL. L, pp. 191–264), were reprinted in the year 1801. “On September 8, 1804, Don Fray Juan Antonio Zulaibar, a Dominican, and formerly a professor in the university of Alcalá, took possession of the archbishopric of Manila.” In November following, the governor sent despatches to the king explaining his action in appointing to certain curacies regular instead of secular priests, saying that the latter were seldom qualified for those charges. He said, in regard to this: “No one is ignorant how different are the appearance and the degree of prosperity of all the churches and settlements administered by religious from those in the villages which are in charge of Indian clerics. Of the latter, some are doubtless men of virtue and pious intentions; but in general it is notorious that, on account of their origin, lack of education, the very obscure condition in which they are reared, and the little (if any) knowledge that they possess, they do not inspire in their parishioners that respect and veneration with which the latter regard the religious—who, on account of being Spaniards, possess the art of dominating the minds of the Indians, in order to maintain them in those conditions on which depends the preservation of these your Majesty’s dominions. The religious know how to guide the Indians, without violence, to whatever ends are expedient for both religion and the State, as the results of never becoming too familiar with the natives. The Indian clerics not only follow the opposite course, but, lacking the dignity that belongs to their character as priests, they mingle familiarly with their parishioners not only in their sports, but in feasting and other things which are entirely unfitting; and not seldom they dress themselves in the same manner as do the natives, abandoning the very garb of their priestly estate.” He proceeded to say that only deplorable consequences could result from the surrender of the curacies entirely to the native priests; and that the religious of the orders must be employed therein, unless they could be supplied with properly qualified secular priests who were Spaniards. The same ideas were expressed by the municipal council of Manila, who said of the native priests: “The weak and yielding disposition which has been for so long a time noticed in these islanders does not permit in them that steadfastness which is so proper for the priestly character and the difficult office of the care of souls.”

“In June, 1805, the Frenchman Félix Renouard de Sainte-Croix was commissioned to examine the gold mines in Mambulao (in Camarines); and in his report he explained that various gold mines existed there, with very rich veins, but some were difficult to develop and others had been abandoned. By royal order of July 5, 1805, was decreed the total independence of the Manila custom-house, ordaining that its manager should be under the immediate orders of the [treasury] superintendent.”[1] On December 20, 1806, Aguilar created a Bureau of Vaccination at Manila, of which he was president; and regulations were made for public vaccination, which had a marked effect in diminishing the ravages of the smallpox. This governor gave much attention to the construction of public works, one of the more important of these being the highway from Manila to Cavite. He caused the streets of the capital to be lighted at public expense, and paved sidewalks to be built, and made the police system more efficient; he also did much to promote domestic industries.

Aguilar endeavored, throughout his term of office, to check the incursions of the Moros. The pirates attacked even the coasts of Luzón in 1793, and an expedition sent out against them in December of that year accomplished almost nothing, being too late and ineffective. In the following year the governor called a council of the leading military officers and other persons experienced in Moro wars and the affairs of the southern islands, where it was shown that the Moros made captive some 500 persons a year, whom they rendered slaves—excepting the old, who “were sold to the inhabitants of Sandakan, who sacrificed these captives to the shades of their deceased relatives or of prominent personages,[2] preserving the skull of the victim as a proof that they had complied with so barbarous a usage.” It was shown at this council that during the time from the establishment of the vintas in 1778 until the end of 1793 the colony had spent the sum of 1,519,209 pesos fuertes for vessels, expeditions, wages, etc., in the warfare with the Moros, to say nothing of the losses and destruction caused by the pirate raids. The council resolved to abolish the present equipment of vintas and pancos, replacing these by lanchas carrying cannon, in six divisions of six lanchas and one panco each, with extra pay and honors to the crews; and to repair and strengthen all the forts on the coasts liable to attack. Aguilar attempted to open negotiations for peace with the Moro sultans; but these had no effect, the piracies still continuing. In the summer of 1794, a Portuguese trader of Manila who had carried goods to Joló was treacherously attacked on his return, when near Iloilo, by the same Moros with whom he had traded at Joló; but he defended his vessel bravely, and one of the leading dattos of Joló was killed in the fray. In August, 1795, two vessels of the Spanish royal navy arrived at Manila, with tidings that the English, again at war with Spain, were planning to occupy the Filipinas Islands; this compelled Aguilar to desist from further proceedings against the Moros, for the time. It was hoped that Álava and his powerful squadron (who remained at Manila during 1797–1802) might chastise the Moros, but nothing was accomplished in this direction—either through fear of another English invasion, or because of the disagreements between Aguilar and Álava.[3] On January 21, 1798, two English ships attacked the Spanish post at Zamboanga, but were bravely repulsed with much damage to the invaders. In that year a strong force of Moros attacked the village of Baler and others inland from the eastern coast of Luzón [where now is the province of Principe], constituting the oldtime missions of Ituy; they devastated these towns, and seized four hundred and fifty captives, among them three parish curas, one of whom was sold by them for 2,500 pesos. These pirates were established in Burías Island for four years, from which center they harried the neighboring coasts. In 1799, the authorities decided that it was more expedient that the warfare with the Moros be carried on by the provincial authorities, with the direction and aid of the central government; and instructions to this effect were sent to all the alcaldes-mayor. In 1800 Aguilar established friendly and commercial relations with Bandajar, sultan of Borneo; and on November 4, 1805, his governor at Zamboanga, Francisco Bayot, made a treaty of peace with Mahamad Ali Mudin, sultan of Joló, in which the latter agreed to forbid any foreigners to reside in his dominions without the consent of the Spanish government, and in case of war to close his ports to enemies of Spain. In 1804–05 English cruisers were frequently seen off the coasts of Filipinas, and they even attempted to capture several villages on the Mindanao coast, but were repulsed.

Plan of a portion of Manila, showing new works constructed December 15, 1770–June 15, 1771, drawn by the engineer Dionisio Kelly, 1771

[From MS. map (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

On Aguilar’s death (August 8, 1806), the rule of the islands was assumed by the king’s lieutenant at Manila, Mariano Fernández de Folgueras; and his first measures were for the defense of Manila, as there were rumors of another attack by the English. In the summer of 1807, there arose a rebellion in the mountains of Ilocos Norte, begun by certain Spanish deserters from Vigan in conjunction with some vagabond Indians; afterward it spread to many of the Ilocans, who resented the government monopoly of wine and prohibition of native manufacture of basi (a liquor produced by the fermentation of the juice of sugar cane). This revolt was put down without much difficulty, and the leaders were hanged at Manila; much was accomplished by the Augustinian fathers of Ilocos in restoring peace. In February, 1809, the news arrived at Manila of the French invasion of Spain, and the captivity of Fernando VII; the Manila authorities promptly declared their loyalty to that monarch. Somewhat later a French schooner of war was captured off the coast of Batangas, and the French authorities at Isle de France endeavored to persuade those at Manila that England, not France, was the enemy of Spain, and that the people of Filipinas ought to support the French interests. Folgueras answered, refusing to accept any such propositions, and would do no more than to return the French prisoners from the captured vessel.

On March 4, 1810, the new proprietary governor Manuel González Aguilar, assumed his office. On February 14 preceding, a decree had been issued by the Spanish government granting to all the colonies in America and to Filipinas representation in the Spanish Cortes by deputies chosen by the various capital cities. The sessions of this Cortes began on September 24, 1810, and Filipinas was represented therein by acting deputies; afterward, one was duly chosen (Ventura de los Reyes) by the municipality of Manila, according to the forms required.[4] “In the jurisdiction of each village in the Philippine archipelago, there are extensive communal lands, in which the natives can keep, almost without cost and easily guarded, their herds of cattle and horses. In regard to these lands (which in that country are called estancias [“ranches”]), the new governor framed a useful ordinance, which remained in force, with good results, during a long period. (It has now fallen into disuse, and many of the communal lands have become the property, illegally acquired, of private persons.) Important service was rendered [to the country] by these ranches, on account of the increase of live-stock and its great cheapness; and a positive source of wealth for the provinces was initiated with the exportation of their cattle.” In the sessions of Cortes in 1811, a decree was issued (January 26) that trade in quicksilver should be free in all the Spanish dominions of Indias and Filipinas. In the summer of 1811, a new rebellion broke out among the natives of Ilocos Norte, some of whose chiefs attempted to found a new religion, in behalf of a deity whom they called Lungao;[5] they endeavored to persuade the heathen mountain-dwellers of Cagayan to join them, but the insurrection was quelled promptly by the Spaniards, and the ringleaders put to death. It was in González Aguilar’s time that the Indians were allowed to render the services required from them for public works on those in their neighborhood. In order to relieve the public anxiety and impatience caused by the dearth of news from the mother-country, the authorities of the colony undertook to publish a sort of gazette containing such information as was available from Europe—mostly received through English publications that came from Bengal. Accordingly, “the first newspaper in Filipinas made its appearance on August 8, 1811,”[6] the second number appearing three days later; it was published during the rest of 1811 and part of 1812, and must have ceased for lack of material.[7] “On account of the war which España was sustaining against the French invaders, the religious corporations agreed to contribute with their donations toward the expenses of so great an undertaking; the Order of Dominicans gave with that object, in August, 1812, the sum of 36,000 pesos. On March 19 the Constitution of 1812 was promulgated at Cádiz, and orders were issued that allegiance to it should be sworn in all the towns of the monarchy. The deputies signed it on the eighteenth, and among the signatures appears that of Don Ventura de los Reyes.” The Constitution was solemnly proclaimed in Manila on April 17, 1813, and the oath of allegiance was taken on the following day. A decree in Cortes (July 3, 1813) extended to the veteran troops of the over-seas colonies the same scale of rewards as had been recently granted to the soldiers of the Peninsula. In that same year a special effort was made by the Spanish government to add to its revenues by pushing in the colonies the sale of bulls of the Crusade.[8]

A new governor arrived at Manila assuming command on September 4, 1813; this was José de Gardoqui Jaraveitia, who also had appointment as chief of the naval station. This exasperated the treasury officials, for thus the entire naval force was under one head, that sent against the pirates [which Aguilar had stubbornly kept separate from the naval bureau—see “Events in Filipinas,” VOL. L, pp. 23–74] being now taken from their control, with all its opportunities for their personal profit; and they opposed Gardoqui in whatever he proposed or undertook.[9] On February 1, 1814, a fearful eruption occurred in the volcano Mayón, which partially or wholly destroyed many villages in Albay and Camarines; hot stones, sand, and ashes were poured forth from the crater, and villages were thus set on fire, and their inhabitants killed. The slain numbered 12,000, besides many more seriously injured; and those who escaped lost all their possessions. The most fertile and beautiful districts of Camarines were converted into a desert of sand.

“The introduction into Filipinas of the political reforms established at the metropolis [of Madrid] were the occasion, in certain localities of the archipelago, of lamentable disturbances of public order. The Indians understood that the proclamation of the political creed of 1812, solemnly made known to the country, signified exemption from tributes and public services; and this absurd belief spread to such an extent that the governor of the islands found himself obliged to publish an edict on February 8, 1814, explaining the extent of the benefits conferred [by the Constitution], and the necessity which exists in every nation for paying contributions for supporting the expenses of the State. These explanations did not satisfy the Indians, and uprisings occurred in various places, principally in Ilocos Norte; the people claimed that they ought to be relieved, as were the notables, from polos and services, or the obligation of laboring on public works, as bridges, highways, churches, convents, school-houses, etc.,—an exaction which, according to them, did not go with the equality which was established among all by the Constitution; and it cost the alcalde-mayor of the province his utmost efforts to restrain the Ilocanos from violence.” Still worse were the effects of the renewal of absolutism in Spain, on the return of Fernando VII from his captivity in France; for on May 4, 1814, he issued a decree abolishing the Cortes, and nullifying its acts, and immediately began a course of persecution and condemnation, even to death, of all the prominent Liberals in the country. He also reëstablished in Spain the Inquisition[10] (which had been abolished by the Cortes on February 22, 1813), and the Society of Jesus. When the royal decrees were received in Filipinas, the Indians believed that they were false, and concocted in Manila; one thousand five hundred Ilocanos seized their arms, and began plundering, killing, and destroying throughout the province. This was mainly, however, a rebellion of the common people (Tagal, cailianes) against the ruling class, the principalía or notables; and the latter finally took arms against the rebels, aiding the Spaniards to suppress the insurrection. On July 20, 1814, a treaty of peace was made between Spain and France. “Gardoqui, by an edict of December 1, 1814, prohibited the introduction of opium into Filipinas, imposing on those who should violate this law six years of confinement in a presidio and the confiscation of the opium; and to those who were found smoking the drug a fortnight’s imprisonment for the first offense, thirty days for the second, and four years in presidio for the third. A term of eight days was allowed in order that persons who might possess unsold stocks of the said drug could deposit them in the custom-house for reshipment to China. In the said year of 1814, there was built in the environs of the town of Laoag (Ilocos Norte) a leper hospital, at the expense of the charitable parish priest there, Fray Vicente Febras, an Augustinian; and this act is worthy of note, since this was the first establishment of the kind in the provinces of the Archipelago.” A royal decree of August 22, 1815, reëstablished the Jesuit order in the Indias and Filipinas; and another, dated December 11, commanded the seizure in the colonies of various political books and pamphlets, with penalties for their use in schools. After the death of Governor Aguilar, the Moro pirates were comparatively quiet for a time, but in 1813 they renewed their attacks on the Spanish territories, and during several years they harassed the latter, taking many captives, and even seizing several vessels, both Spanish and English, on the seas. Governor Raffles, of Java, after the restoration of that island by England to Holland, proposed to Gardoqui that they coöperate in occupying Joló and Mindanao; but the Spaniard declined this, protesting against any operations by the English in Spanish territory. “Gardoqui, during his term of office, caused the fortifications of Cavite to be repaired, making them very strong; he issued orders regulating weights and measures; he created the general administration for the revenues from wine; and he occupied himself greatly with the improvement and development of the tobacco plantations. The bandits, smugglers, and gamblers had been increasing at an alarming rate; and, in order that they might be promptly punished the governor appointed a military commission, headed by a lieutenant-colonel. Thanks to their energetic proceedings, the desired object was attained.” Gardoqui’s last days were embittered, and his end hastened, by the treacherous act of one of his secretaries, who, by substituting a false report for the one which Gardoqui had dictated in favor of retaining the naval bureau, procured the governor’s unwitting signature to the former and thus made him appear to report adversely to the bureau; as a result, the bureau was suppressed by a royal decree of March 23, 1815. His disappointment and wounded honor so grieved him that his death soon resulted (December 9, 1816).

The command ad interim was again assumed by Folgueras, who held it during nearly six years. On December 17, 1819, he reëstablished the “Royal Economic Society of Filipinas,” as a result of royal orders to that effect issued in 1811 and 1813; and five days later its first session was held, the governor presiding, only two members of the original society being still alive.[11] A month later, it met again, with sixty new members, and Manuel Bernáldez was chosen director of the association; and its new ordinances were approved by the governor on July 24 following. Folgueras, learning that certain immunities and advantages had been granted to Cuba and Puerto Rico for the encouragement of agriculture, requested from the home government similar help for Filipinas; the crown decreed an investigation of the subject, but the fulfilment of this was delayed from time to time, so that not until 1848 was even a definite statement and proposal for action in this direction made.[12] (This was done by Rafael Díaz Arenas, one of the four members of the Economic Society—to which the investigation had been referred—who had been appointed to prepare the data for a report to the crown; “but we do not know whether the Society accepted his proposal, or whether it reached any definite conclusion on the subject.”) In October of the year 1820, Manila was ravaged by a terrible epidemic of smallpox, which was especially fatal in the villages along the Pasig River; the corregidor of Tondo therefore issued an edict prohibiting the use of the river water. A public relief committee was organized to give the sick medical treatment and to furnish food to the poor; and the friars and the private citizens vied with the authorities in ministering to the victims of the pest. The medical men belonging to the ships anchored in the bay came to the city, and did all in their power to aid these benevolent efforts; but all these things only confirmed in the ignorant natives the fatal idea, already spread among them, that the disease was caused by the foreigners having poisoned the waters and used to this end the specimens of insects and other creatures which they had collected for scientific purposes. A crowd of armed Indians therefore gathered in the square of Binondo on October 9, attacked the houses of the foreigners, and murdered twenty-seven persons—among whom was not one Spaniard; nor did they, in plundering the houses, rob any Spaniard. The governor sent out some troops, but they accomplished nothing in checking the riot, which ended only at nightfall; and he did nothing to prevent further crimes of this sort, so that the mob renewed their acts of violence the next day,[13] plundering and killing many Chinese of the suburbs. This aroused Folgueras to activity, and he sent out a large force of soldiers to pursue the assassins; but the latter at once dispersed. A council of the authorities was called, but there were discordant opinions among them, and they seem to have taken no definite action. The municipal council of Manila called upon the governor for the proper legal proceedings in regard to this scandalous and lawless uprising; and for this purpose he appointed a commission.[14]

In October, 1820, was created the office of general intendant of army and treasury, separate from the superior government; and it was conferred upon Colonel Luis Urréjola, with a salary of 5,000 pesos. In May, 1821, the Constitution of 1812 was again proclaimed in Filipinas, only to be again abrogated in 1824, as a result of Fernando VII’s triumph (with French aid) over the Liberal party in Spain. “Folgueras gave great impulse to the Economic Society of Friends of the Country; and he attempted to found in Manila a school of medicine, surgery, and pharmacy, commencing for this purpose the indispensable documentary evidence [expediente], but he did not succeed in carrying out this plan—a failure much to be regretted, because nearly all of the towns [in the islands] had neither physician nor drug-store. As a compensation, the creation of the nautical academy was an excellent idea, for its practical results are of great value.” “In 1821 appeared the second periodical which was published in the country, entitled El Noticiero Filipino;[15] [i.e., “The Philippine Intelligencer”]; and in the same year were published two others, El Ramillete Patriótico [“The Patriotic Bouquet”] and La Filantropía [“Philanthropy”]. The life of all was of short duration.”

Folgueras was replaced by a proprietary governor, Juan Antonio Martinez, who began to exercise that office on October 30, 1822. He brought with him many military officers from the Peninsula, “a measure counseled by Folgueras, in view of the deficiency of officers in the regiments of Filipinas, and the little confidence which they inspired; and this was the cause or pretext which he advanced to the court to exculpate himself for not having adopted more energetic measures when the melancholy assassinations were committed by the Indians among the foreigners in 1820. The body of officers in the army of Filipinas was almost entirely composed of American Spaniards. These were greatly displeased at the increase of Peninsular officers, partly because they supposed that thus their own promotions would be stopped, and partly on account of race antagonisms.” They talked so much against the newcomers that the governor became distrustful, and finally discovered that the American officers were plotting and conspiring against authority; he consequently arrested the persons suspected of this intrigue, and sent them to Spain (February 18, 1823)—among them being Luis Rodríguez Varela, styled El Conde Filipino [“The Filipino Count”];[16] and the factor of the Company of Filipinas, José Ortega. Nevertheless, the plots continued, and the authorities sent him who appeared to be the leader in these, Captain Andrés Novales, to fight the pirates in northern Mindanao; he embarked (June 1, 1823), but was driven back by a storm, and immediately he and his accomplices determined to “declare themselves openly against the authority of España,” and set up a government of their own. The insurgents (some eight hundred in number) seized the cabildo house, and incarcerated therein the leading military chiefs and some magistrates; then they murdered Folgueras, and took from his pockets the keys of the city; and they fortified themselves in the royal palace, and attempted to seize the artillery quarters. Here they were resisted bravely by a few loyal officers and men, and word was conveyed to the governor, who collected the troops available and sent these against the palace. The insurgents there were soon overcome, and many abandoned their posts and fled; Novales was made a prisoner, taken before a court-martial—to whom he declared that he had no accomplices, and was alone guilty of seducing the troops—and with the sergeant Mateo (who had commanded the insurgent force in the palace) was shot that afternoon, as also was Lieutenant Ruiz, who had assassinated Folgueras. Amnesty was extended to all the remaining prisoners, except six officers, who were shot soon afterward. On October 26, 1824, great damage was done in Manila by a severe earthquake, which destroyed the barracks, several churches, and many houses; and this was followed (November 1) by a fearful hurricane, which ruined many buildings and wrecked a multitude of sailing vessels. In this same year the Economic Society founded a monthly periodical entitled Registro Mercantil[17] [“The Mercantile Register”].

The ravages of the Moro pirates continuing, and becoming each year more menacing,[18] Martínez sent out an expedition against them (February 29, 1824), which laid waste the shores of Joló and southern Mindanao, and killing a considerable number of Moros, among whom were three of their fiercest and most treacherous dattos. Martínez advocated such operations as this, as the only means of stopping the piracies of the Moros. During the period of 1823–29, the Augustinian missionary Fray Bernardo Lago succeeded in reducing to village life and converting more than eight thousand Tinguianes and Igorrots in the province of Abra, forming the mission of Pidigan. In 1825 Martínez was replaced by Mariano Ricafort Palacín y Abarca, and departed for Spain; a few days after leaving Manila he died, and was buried in Cochinchina.

Ricafort assumed office on October 14, 1825, and by royal orders also took possession of the intendancy of exchequer, although Urréjola was continued in its charge; but in the following January Ricafort concluded that “this dual command was impossible,” and restricted the intendant to certain routine functions, at the same time asking the approval of the home government for this proceeding. He had brought with him a portrait of Fernando VII, presented by the king to his colony of Filipinas; the municipal council of Manila decided to pay this portrait the same honors as if the king himself had visited the islands, and during the week of December 19–25 festivities of every kind were conducted, with the utmost display and magnificence. (Five years later, orders from the Spanish government were received at Manila, censuring the extravagant expenditures on that occasion, said, to amount to some 16,000 pesos, as an unwarranted and blamable use of municipal funds, and regulating, for the future, expenditures of this sort.) A royal decree of June 8, 1826, ordained that the secularization of parish curacies should cease, and that those ministries should be restored to the religious orders, which was accordingly done. On September 15 of that year Fray Hilarión Diez, an Augustinian, took possession of the archbishopric of Manila, replacing Zulaibar, who had died on March 4, 1824. In June a circular letter was sent by Ricafort to the provincial governors, reminding them of the law (art. 26 of the “Ordinances of good government”) which forbade them to hinder in any way the trade in the products of the provinces, whether by Spaniards, natives, or mestizos, and whether in kind or with money, ordering them to permit trade freely everywhere, without any delays or exactions against those doing business. In 1827 Ricafort sent an expedition against Joló, which was kept off by the valor of the Joloans; but the Spaniards burned and ravaged the settlements on the shores of Illana Bay, doing the Moros much damage. In that same year the Spanish government reëstablished the naval bureau at Manila, independent of the captain-general, and Pascual Enrile was appointed as its chief; he proceeded to reorganize all branches of the service, including that intended to serve against the pirates, whom he was able to restrain to a great extent; and he constructed several cruisers and other vessels, one of which remained in active service for forty years. He established the jurisdiction of the bureau throughout the archipelago, creating port-captains for Iloilo, Capiz, Cebú, and Pangasinán. Ever since the insurrection of 1744 in Bohol, caused by the imprudence of the Jesuit Morales, the insurgents had (under their chief Dagohoy) maintained hostilities, not only against the Spaniards, but even harassing their own countrymen who occupied the coastal villages of that island. The Recollects, in charge of the missions of Bohol after the expulsion of the Jesuits, tried to persuade the rebels to submit to Spanish authority, and secured from Governor Raon a general amnesty for them; but it resulted only in their defying further the authority of the government, which was long unable to take any measures for subduing them. Finally, in 1827, the danger to the loyal villages of Bohol was so menacing that the authorities were compelled to protect them and reduce the insurgents; and to this end Ricafort sent powerful expeditions (May, 1827, and April, 1828), which after strenuous efforts compelled the rebels to submit.[19] That governor accomplished much during his term of office for the promotion of agriculture. He ordained (1825 and 1826) that the native gobernadorcillos should furnish to agriculturists the idle and unoccupied Indians within their jurisdictions, to work on the estates, these laborers being paid their daily wages; and on October 30, 1827, that all complaints in civil cases relating to farm laborers should be settled by the magistrates as promptly and simply as possible, “observing the contracts and usages of the Indians, when these are not unjust,” and that no Indian laborer should be imprisoned for a purely civil debt (save those to the royal exchequer), nor should his animals, tools, lands, or house be seized therefor. The Spanish minister of the exchequer, Luis López Ballesteros, also took a paternal interest in the islands, and secured royal decrees for the benefit of their industries. One of these (dated April 6, 1828) encouraged the importation into Filipinas of all machinery suitable for spinning and weaving cotton, offered public aid to private enterprises for improvement in weaving and dyeing, and promised protection and encouragement to all projects for promoting native manufactures of cloth; and made the exportation of raw cotton from the islands free, in order to promote the cultivation of that plant. Another decree (of the same date) permitted the free importation of all kinds of agricultural machinery and implements into Filipinas; and authorized premiums and rewards from the public funds to Filipino farmers who should first make large plantations of coffee, cacao, cinnamon, and cloves, as also to those who should make most progress in the plantations of Chinese cinnamon [canelón], tea, and mulberry-trees, and in raising silk, etc. Those who kept in cultivation a certain area of land, and day-laborers who continued to work for a certain number of years, were exempted from paying tributes; and the native farmers were allowed to keep cockpits in operation daily and without tax, on the estates which they cultivated. “In spite of so many privileges, not many of them were inclined to the cultivation of their fields.” Another royal order (April 6, 1828) made important regulations regarding the Chinese residing in the islands; they were to be gathered into villages, as were the Indians; their heads of barangay were to collect the tributes, as in the Indian villages, being allowed three per cent of the collections for their trouble; they were classified into three groups—those who were engaged in foreign or wholesale trade, those in domestic or retail trade, and artisans of all classes—who were obliged to pay a monthly tax of ten, four, and two pesos respectively; those who had settled in the islands, but were not married, must return to China within six months; and any Chinaman who failed to pay his tax for three months was to be sent to compulsory labor on some estate, at a specified wage, from which should be deducted two pesos a month until his tax dues should be paid.[20] Still another royal order of the same date gave free permission to any person of sufficient means to cultivate the opium poppy in Filipinas and export its product therefrom; and ordered that its culture should begin on lands close to Manila. Another decree ordained the establishment of a mint at Manila; but this desirable measure was not carried out until many years afterward, and the islands meanwhile had to suffer from the wretched clipped and debased currency which had so long prevailed there. On October 13, 1828, Ricafort published an edict that all money which came to the islands coined by the revolted Spanish colonies of America should be recoined at Manila, taxing it one per cent for this recoinage. On November 9 following, a long but not destructive earthquake occurred. In that same year a conspiracy was set on foot by some civil officials; it was discovered, and its promoters sent to Spain. As a result, the authorities created a public vigilance commission, and demanded more troops from Spain; a regiment was accordingly sent to Manila in 1830. By royal decree of October 27, 1829, it was provided that the post of superintendent of the exchequer should be filled by the intendant of the army and treasury; accordingly this charge was assumed (September 9, 1830) by Francisco Enriquez, who for two years had been intendant succeeding Urréjola. In January, 1829, an officer named Guillermo Galvey (whose duty it was to follow up smugglers in Pangasinán and Ilocos) conducted an expedition into the district of Benguet; an interesting account of this is found in the diary left by him. By royal decree of April 5, 1820 Spanish vessels were permitted to enter British ports just as British vessels were admitted to Spanish ports. Ricafort, having finished his government of Filipinas, sailed for Spain at the end of 1830. He was a governor of good judgment and much energy, and did much to improve the condition of Manila and of the country. He issued edicts imposing penalties on those who should sing obscene songs, and on blasphemers, gamblers, beggars, and parents who brought up their children in evil ways; and he “made provision for a general domiciliary visitation of Manila and the formation of a list of its citizens, which measure resulted in many persons of bad antecedents abandoning the capital. He also decreed standards for weights and measures, which unfortunately soon fell into disuse; and he created a military commission with power to execute evildoers, which fulfilled the object of its creation.”

Ricafort was succeeded (December 23, 1830) by Pascual Enrile y Alcedo, a most zealous and able governor. He personally visited the northern provinces of Luzón, accompanied by his relative and adjutant, José María Peñaranda (afterward the governor of Albay), a military engineer, who afterward made journeys and surveys in a large part of the rest of that island; this resulted in carefully prepared itineraries, plans, and maps, which were utilized in the construction of highways and bridges, and the establishment of postal routes, which opened up communication between regions before destitute of such facilities, and sometimes in places heretofore deemed impassable. The navigable rivers and bayous of Pangasinán were explored and mapped; a highway was made in Pampanga which should be safe from the overflow of Lake Canarem; and explorations were made from east to west in Luzón for the sake of bringing the shores of the island into communication with the fertile plains of the interior. On May 14, 1834, Peñaranda was made corregidor or governor of the province of Albay, “which experienced a complete transformation during his just and beneficent rule. To him it owed its most important roads, bridges, and public edifices, and the promotion of its agriculture, on which account his name is venerated by the inhabitants of Albay; they perpetuated the memory of this illustrious but modest patriot by erecting, some years after his death, a monument to him in the plaza of the capital of the province.” The Economic Society of Friends of the Country contributed to the development of agriculture, in the time of Enrile, by its reports, memoirs, and material support. We read with surprise, however, that in 1833 this Society, in an opinion requested from it by the home government, opposed the establishment of a mint at Manila, and informed Enrile that such institution was at that time unnecessary. In March, 1831, Galvey made an expedition into the country of the Igorrots; and in the following December, to the district of Bacún. A decree of May 9, 1831, established a custom-house in Zamboanga, “in order to prevent the frauds committed by foreigners in the port of Joló, and to facilitate and promote expeditions to that point.” A royal decree of April 24, 1832, substituted the garrote for the gallows in capital punishments. Another, dated February 16, 1833, provided for the adjustment and management of the funds belonging to the obras pías, which charge was entrusted later to a committee composed of the governor of the islands, some of the treasury officials, and the archbishop.[21] The treasury officials, by a decree of July 3, 1833, accepted the proposal of certain persons to establish “a lottery, at their own account and risk, offering to pay to the treasury forty per cent [of the receipts?], besides twenty-five per cent of the value of the tickets which composed each drawing, after furnishing adequate security as a guarantee for the fulfilment of their promise.” The exclusive privilege of this lottery was granted to these persons for a period of five years. Enrile created the Guía de forasteros [“Guide for Strangers”] of Filipinas; it first appeared in 1834. Our author reproduces (t. ii, pp. 539, 540) the table of contents of this annual. Fernando VII died on September 29, 1833, and was succeeded by his daughter Isabel II, to be until her majority under the regency of her mother, Maria Cristina; this was quickly followed by the Carlist insurrection, the reactionary party being headed by the young prince Carlos, who was proclaimed king as Carlos V, and civil war ensued, which for seven years stained the soil of Spain with the blood of her own sons. By royal order of August 10, 1834, the Chinese traders were restricted to the Parián, and those Chinese who were allowed to reside in the provinces must devote themselves to agricultural pursuits. Enrile issued an edict on October 1, 1834, removing the special duties imposed on the Chinese champans, and placing them under the same regulations as the vessels of other foreign nations. On February 2, 1835, the official despatches arrived from Spain which decreed the restoration of the constitutional regime and the convocation of the Cortes. Enrile strengthened the naval forces sent against the pirates [la marina sutil, composed of light-draught vessels], and was able to drive them away from the coasts of Visayas. He also increased the area planted in tobacco, enforced just weights and measures, endeavored to correct the evils resulting from the debased money of the islands, and caused a light-house to be erected on Corregidor Island. Our writer commends this governor as being “one of the most intelligent and industrious who have ever ruled Filipinas.” “To him the country owes material improvements of the utmost value, of so much importance as the great highways of Luzón, which have facilitated the intercourse between the provinces, bringing them into postal communication, one after another, by means of the mail-routes established by him; and the administration of the colony is indebted to him for regulations and procedures that are scientific and orderly, in all the branches that have contributed to the development of the general welfare, making considerable increase in the public wealth. Agriculture, commerce, and navigation likewise experienced the beneficial results of this illustrious governor’s judicious management; and his term of office was the source of the rapid progress which has been made from that time by these most important factors of the general welfare—in great part, thanks to the impulse received from the measures, dictated by him, which conduced to the natural development of those industries.” Enrile resigned his post, and returned to Spain early in 1835.

He was succeeded ad interim (March 1, 1835) by Gabriel de Torres, at the time the commander of the army [segundo cabo] under Enrile; as a military officer, he immediately proposed plans for the improvement of the military service; but these were checked by his premature death,[22] less than two months after entering on his office. In his place, the command was assumed (April 23) by the officer next him in rank, Juan Crámer; but he surrendered this office on September 9 following to the new segundo cabo, Pedro Antonio Salazar Castillo y Varona. The latter, on April 25, 1836, issued an edict that “the plain [sencillas] pesetas coined in the Peninsula should be accepted [in the islands] at their lawful value of four reals vellón instead of five, as if they were pillar coins [columnarias];[23] accordingly they began to circulate, having been recently introduced into the islands.” On June 11, 1836, the superintendency of treasury affairs was assumed by Urréjola in place of Enríquez.[24] On July 28, Salazar found it necessary to issue an edict for the enforcement of the laws which prohibited carrying gunpowder and firearms to the Indias, and selling them in countries hostile to Spain; this referred especially to Moroland, where evidently the pirates had been thus aided by unscrupulous traders to make their raids against the northern islands. Salazar thought that he could restrain those piracies by carrying on commerce with the Moros, and therefore made a treaty with the sultan of Joló, Mahamad Diamalud Quiram (September 22, 1836), which stipulated “that every three-masted ship which made port at Joló with Chinese passengers from Manila should pay 2,000 pesos fuertes, and smaller vessels in proportion to their size;” but “the most important cargo which went from Manila to Joló never exceeded 2,500 pesos. The Joloan barks which should go to Zamboanga were to pay a duty of one per cent, and those which entered at Manila two per cent; but no Joloan bark was accustomed to go to Manila.” The governor of Zamboanga also made a treaty with another Moro ruler; but it resulted only in increasing the insolence of the pirates, who paid no attention to their treaties. At the beginning of 1836, Salazar sent an expedition under Galvey to occupy the Igorrot country; but it was, despite Galvey’s remonstrances, sent in too great haste, and without adequate preparations, and too near the beginning of the rainy season; they reached that region, and built some forts, but so many of the soldiers were attacked by sickness that the expedition was forced to give up the undertaking and retire, “without any other result than the expenditure of several thousand dollars.”[25] In that same year, Peñaranda conducted with brilliant success an expedition to dislodge the pirates from Masbate Island, where they had fortified themselves. “Afterward, he established a system of signals in the provinces of the south, to watch the movements of those pirates.” On January 26, 1837, Salazar sent an urgent request to the Spanish government for the despatch of Spanish regulars to supply the parish curacies throughout the archipelago, as (for the same reasons advanced by former governors) he considered the Indian clerics unfit for that purpose. In view of the secularization of the orders that had been decreed in Spain,[26] he desired that some two hundred of the friars there should be sent to Filipinas, which, added to those already in the islands, would be sufficient for the parishes. The political disturbances in Spain found some reflection in the distant colonies; and in February, 1837, there was danger of a tumult arising, “some insisting that the Constitution should be proclaimed, in order that they might utilize the change to their own advantage;” among these were several officers of high rank. Absurd reports were circulated throughout Manila: that the governor was opposed to the proclamation, and was intending to banish certain persons from the country, and that he was a Carlist, etc. Violent measures were proposed by some of the radicals, but these were resisted by some of the cooler heads; and many citizens opposed the proclamation of the Constitution, fearing that serious disturbances would result. Salazar, being informed of these things, promised that when the royal despatches arrived he would open them in the presence of all, and fulfil whatever orders he should receive from the home government. This occurred on August 26 of that year, and the royal orders decreed that no change in political affairs should be made in Filipinas until the Cortes should decide the matter; this and Salazar’s tact reconciled the contending factions. At the same time he received a decree reducing in all departments the military forces of the islands; the authorities resolved to suspend the execution of this order, and sent an envoy to remonstrate with the government on this subject—for this purpose choosing one of the officers who had been most prominent in the recent controversy, and thus removing from Manila a person whose presence there was regarded as dangerous. By royal order of February 1, 1836 (published in the islands on March 31, 1837), order was given that there should be compiled and published in Manila every year tables of the values of the moneys from the new provinces of America, in order that their value might, in their circulation in Manila, be properly adjusted to the Spanish peso; consequently, the recoinage of American money was stopped. A later edict ordered that from June 1, 1837, “the coin called cuarto should circulate at the rate of twenty to the real,[27] instead of seventeen as hitherto, on account of the greater size and weight of the new coins; and to this new subdivision were adjusted the prices of the measures of tobacco established therefor, and the revenues from wine. Also the circulation of cigars [tabacos] in place of money was forbidden; the Indians had introduced this on account of the scarcity of copper coin, and because the greater part of that then current was counterfeit, on which account a multitude of disputes had arisen. The governor decided, moreover, that the Spanish peseta should be accepted at thirty-two cuartos, five [pesetas], therefore, corresponding to the peso fuerte.” A royal order of May 31, 1837, declared certain jurisdictions—Caraga, Samar, Iloilo, Antique, Capis, Albay, Camarines Sur, and Tayabas—to be those of governors, at once military and political, who should be military officers appointed by the War Department; all the rest (excepting Cavite, Zamboanga, and the Marianas, which also were filled like the foregoing) were classed as alcaldeships, and appointments thereto should be made from the attorney-general’s office [Ministerio de Gracia y Justicia]. The Constitution of 1837 was decreed and sanctioned by the Cortes on June 8 of that year; and it was ordained by that body that the provinces of Ultramar should be governed by special laws, a provision reiterated by succeeding constitutions. “From that time Filipinas lost its representation in the Cortes.”

Chart of the port of San Luis, in the Marianas Islands, 1738; by Adjutant Domingo Garrido de Malavar

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

On August 4, 1837, arrived at Manila the new governor of the islands, Andrés García Camba, a knight of the Order of Santiago. He had already spent ten years in Filipinas (April, 1825, to March, 1835), and had gone to Spain as the deputy of Manila to the Cortes, an honor twice again conferred upon him. He was received with the utmost enthusiasm, although the Liberals at Manila were irritated by the action of the Cortes in depriving the islands of representation therein; but Camba himself had liberal views, as well as a generous and kindly nature, and gained the good-will of that party. This made trouble for him, however, in another direction. The civil war in Spain aroused there great partisan bitterness, which spread to the colonies; and in Filipinas was a Carlist and reactionary faction, who opposed Camba in every way. “The regular clergy, as a body, were partisans of the Pretender, and not only gave him their sympathy but aided him, as well as the Carlist publications, with their money. The court of Madrid was aware of this attitude of the friars, and had already sharply censured Salazar for his indulgence and lenity toward them. Several Carlist partisans had been banished from Spain to the Marianas, but had gone to Manila instead, and were not only unmolested there, but visited and entertained by many of the most prominent people of the city, and especially by the ecclesiastical element. Camba found that Carlist reunions were being held in the convents of San Juan de Dios and Santo Domingo, and that even the archbishop, [Fray José Segui] was an avowed adherent of the Pretender; the governor tried to conciliate the disaffected, but with little success, since the clergy, the Audiencia, and many influential persons, both citizens and officials, were jealous and hostile toward him.”[28] He was obliged to compel the archbishop to deposit certain funds, belonging to the Cavite hospital, in the royal treasury, instead of the Dominican convent; also to arrest a Dominican friar for conducting treasonable correspondence with Carlists, and to send to Spain a military officer concerned therein. Notwithstanding Camba’s ability, integrity, and devotion to the interests of the islands, and his patience with his opponents, they exerted so much influence and carried on so many intrigues against him, not only in Manila but at Madrid, that they procured his recall to Spain;[29] and on December 29, 1838, he surrendered the governorship to his successor, Luis Lardizábal y Montoya. Notwithstanding the obstacles and difficulties which Camba continually encountered, he accomplished some important improvements in the administration,[30] the chief of these being the reorganization of the postal service, which from 1838 was conducted under one bureau and on modern lines; he improved the means of communication between the provinces, and pushed forward the reduction of the heathen tribes. He informed the Spanish government that the attempts to make treaties and alliances with the sultans of Joló were of no use in bringing any permanent or substantial advantage to Spanish navigation and commerce. In 1837 was published the Flora de Filipinas of the Augustinian Fray Manuel Blanco, the first attempt to form a compendium of Philippine botany.[31] A royal decree of October 24, 1838, “created in Spain a consulting committee for the administration of colonial affairs, as members of the same being appointed, among others, the ex-governors of Filipinas Ricafort and Enrile.”

A royal order of November 16, 1838, had prohibited the holding of provincial chapter-sessions in Filipinas; the Recollect procurator at Madrid remonstrated with the government against this, and the matter was referred to the governor and archbishop of Manila. Lardizábal decided that the chapters should meet, and that the senior auditor of the Audiencia should attend those sessions, as the representative of the vice-regal patron. By a decree of August 31, the governor regulated the status of the Chinese in the islands. They were “classified as transients, those spending the winter [in the islands], and permanent residents. They were allowed to choose the occupation which best suited them, without any restriction. The resident Chinese who should be arrested [as being] without official permit [cédula] or passport were condemned to labor on the public works; and deportation to Zamboanga, Misamis, Paragua, and Calamianes was decreed for all those who were serving a prison term for failure to pay their capitation-tax, in both Manila and Cavite, with the object of securing by this means a larger population for those places.” On July 6, 1839, a weekly publication was begun in Manila entitled, Precios corrientes de Manila [i.e., “Prices current at Manila”],[32] in the Spanish and English languages. A royal decree of October 4, 1839, provided for the introduction and circulation of books in the islands; the fiscal must designate those that merited examination, and then they must be passed upon by two censors, appointed by the governor and the archbishop respectively, whose opinion must be submitted to the fiscal; and if “there shall appear sufficient ground for prohibiting the circulation of any work, because it may contain principles, opinions, or doctrines opposed to the rights of the legitimate government or to the religion of the State, it shall be not only seized but reshipped.”[33] On July 15, 1840, was opened the School of Commerce, established at the request of the Board [Junta] of Commerce. “On November 11 Lardizábal repeated Ricafort’s edict of 1828, prohibiting foreigners from selling merchandise at retail and entering the provinces to trade.” At the end of this year important changes were made in the administration of financial affairs, all the revenues arising from government monopolies being united under one bureau; and another bureau was likewise created for the general administration of the tributes and some other branches of revenue, as those from cockpits, tithes, etc.; while in all the general offices of supervision was introduced the system of bookkeeping by double entry, which had been established in the royal accountancy of the exchequer in 1839. The governor also issued instructions for more careful and accurate accounting being made of municipal property and local imposts, in order to prevent abuses and waste of funds. Lardizábal was soon weary of his command, although faithful to his duties while governor, and so earnestly entreated the home government to allow him to return to Spain that finally he gained this permission; and he departed on that voyage (February, 1841), only to die a few days after leaving Manila; he was buried on an islet near Java. He was succeeded by Marcelino de Oráa Lecumberri.

[1] “Originally, when the port of the capital of Filipinas was visited only by vessels from the Asiatic nations and a few Spanish ships, the exaction of duties was in the hands of the royal officials, according to the laws of the Indias. In 1779 Basco y Vargas ordained that those functionaries should attend only to collecting duties from the ships which navigated to the coasts of Coromandel, Malabar, Bengala, Java, Cantón, Acapulco, and Cádiz; and that the duties proper to the entrance or outgo of products and commodities in the inter-island commerce should be in charge of the director of alcabala. From this originated the foundation of the custom-house, it being completed by royal decrees of 1786 and 1788, from which time it was provided with the necessary force of men for collecting the import and export duties.” (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[2] Cf. Forrest, Voyage to New Guinea, p. 368: “They believe the deity pleased with human victims. An Idaan or Maroot i.e., Caraga], a little way west of Pandagitan, which emits at times smoke, fire, and brimstone.” This evidently alludes to Mt. Butulan, a volcano (now apparently extinct), in the extreme southern point of Davao province, Mindanao. [↑]

[3] See account of this at end of “Events in Filipinas,” the first document in VOL. L. [↑]

[4] See post, near the end of this volume, the document on the representation of Filipinas in the Spanish Cortes. [↑]

[5] “A fanatic, who, styling himself a new Christ, appeared to the fishermen and announced to them their true redemption—freedom from monopolies and tributes, and whatever could allure the unwary. This fanatic and more than seventy of his following, called ‘apostles,’ were seized, with their gowns, litters, flags, and other articles with which ‘the new god,’ as was reported, must make himself manifest.” (Official despatch, cited by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[6] It may be noted that in 1809 Folgueras had, “in order to quiet the public anxiety” to know what was going on, published on two occasions a sort of gazette (called Aviso al público) of news regarding his encounter and correspondence with the French in that summer. (Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 390, 391.) [↑]

[7] See Retana’s Periodismo filipino (Madrid, 1895), appendix i (pp. 533–559), in which a detailed account of this gazette, with lists of the articles in most of the numbers, is given by J. T. Medina. He concludes that it had fifteen numbers, irregularly issued, the last of which was dated February 7, 1812. [↑]

[8] According to Jagor (Reisen, pp. 108, 109), “the receipts from the sale of the bulls of the Crusade in 1819 were $15,930, in 1839, $36,390, and in 1860, $58,954. In the two years 1844–45 they rose to $292,115, because the families and the heads of barangay were forcibly obliged to accept the certificates of indulgences, ‘with the assistance and supervision of the curas and subordinate officials’ (who for this received 8 and 5 per cent respectively), and thus they were distributed in the houses—certainly one of the most shameless applications of the repartimiento system.” [↑]

[9] A note by Montero y Vidal cites José R. Trujillo, a Philippine official, as stating (1887) that the chief opponent and plotter against Gardoqui was Joaquin Cirilo de la Cajigas, the chief accountant of the treasury board and head of the naval bureau; he left a great fortune to his descendants, “who even now figure as rich men in the country, while the naval chiefs and officers who served here at that epoch did not bequeath to their descendants more than poverty and honor, although some of them had risen to high positions in the naval forces.” [↑]

[10] “The Holy Office was, however, again abolished by the Cortes, in its session of 1820. [↑]

[11] “In 1797, when on account of the decadence of the Society and the opposition of Aguilar it practically ceased its functions, its president at that time, the auditor Don Francisco Javier Moreno, placed on deposit in the Consulate [of commerce] 6,000 pesos, which at that period constituted all its funds. At the time of its reëstablishment, the capital of the Society consisted of 34,224 pesos, two reals, one grano in ready cash; a debt owed by the convent of San Juan de Dios, of 7,525 pesos—the remainder of the sum of 15,890 pesos, four reals, one grano, which by decree of the government dated April 1, 1805, were ordered to be paid for the rebuilding of that convent’s edifice; and twelve gold medals and 241 of silver. It was agreed to invest these funds in commerce by sea or land, according to circumstances.” (Pamphlet cited by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[12] For a brief account of this Society’s work, see note on “Agriculture” at end of VOL. LII. [↑]

[13] An interesting account of this event is furnished in a letter by Peter Dobell, then Russian consul in the Philippines, which is preserved in the New York Public Library; it is printed in the Bulletin of that institution for June, 1903, at pp. 198–200. Dobell went to Macao for medical treatment in July, 1820, and this letter was written from that city, on November 28 of that year. He thus writes: “I arrived with my wife and daughter at Manilla last March, was received with great apparent attention, politeness & hospitality. After living there a couple of months, however, I perceived that there existed a vast deal of jealousy and envy, against all strangers, and particularly those who resided or intended to form establishments in the country. Those ignorant people could not divest themselves of this feeling, even toward those, whose capitals, talents and industry, were directed to the most laudable pursuits, and promised to produce great public as well as private advantages to the colony. At this crisis several french ships were in the port, one or two Americans and a English ship from Bengal. In the French ships, had arrived a naturalist sent out by the government to make collections, and some persons, who intended to remain in the Philippines to cultivate sugar, cotton &c. &c. In the month of July last, I discovered that I had in my travels, contracted a disease, called by the Doctr Hydrocele and becoming very troublesome to me, I determined as there are no good surgeons in Manilla to pay a short visit to Macao with my family & return to my post, as soon as circumstances would permit, after the operation. This I found, I could do the more conveniently, as my Nephew, a fine young Man of 23 years, had joined me at my arrival and I left him, in full charge of my office &c and departed. This envious disposition, on the part of the Spaniards, increased daily, against the Strangers, until an opportunity presented itself of gratifying their malignant hatred, in the most cruel & bloody manner & without themselves appearing to have any thing to do in the business. It is necessary first to tell you, that the new constitution, had been received during the prevalence of this feeling, giving extensive privileges & liberal encouragement to foreigners, who might think proper to settle in the Philippines & rendering the natives as free & equal, in rights, etc. as their former masters. This certainly made them a little unruly, but, if not secretly instigated, it would never have induced them to commit a crime, that makes humanity shudder. The ship from Bengal, was the Merope Captain Nichols and it was supposed she had brot into the colony the epidemic, that has ravaged all India, this year, under the name of the ‘Cholera Morbus.’ It made its appearance, in the beginning of October last, carrying off great numbers of the Indians every day. The humane French & other Strangers, who beheld these miserable wretches, dying around them without any medical aid, freely administered what medicines they had, and were actively & daily employed, in endeavoring to alleviate; the distress & cure the complaints of all those, who lived within the sphere of their exertions. This also became, a cause of jealousy and hatred and the villains, began immediately to exasperate the Indians by saying, ‘this poisonous disease, was introduced by the French & the other strangers, they have poisoned even the waters, and they administer poison to the sick, purposely to exterpate the whole race of Tagalians.’ The ferocious Indians wanted nothing farther to excite them to deeds of blood & plunder. On the 9th of October about 10 or 11 in the morning they collected, to the number of about 3,000 Men armed with pikes knives and bludgeons and proceeded coolly and deliberately to plunder and Massacre all the Strangers on whom they could lay their hands! I have not time to give you the details of this shocking business, but you will certainly read them in the gazettes as I have sent both to England and Russia very full accounts for publication. Suffice it now to say that the Governor & the authorities were vainly implored for assistance. They came, it is true, with the troops, but it was only to behold with sang froid the horrid spectacle. Not a musket was fired to save the lives of those unfortunate and defenceless strangers, who to the number of 39 were plundered & cruelly massacred; some of them were so cut up & mangled it was impossible to recognize them. As the most of them were Roman Catholics, they were all collected and thrown into a hole together without the shadow of a ceremony or a stone to mark their graves! What is worse, the last accts from there down to the 9th of November mention that not a spanish life was lost, nor has a single native as yet suffered punishment for this most atrocious & horrible deed. My house was attacked & pillaged, my Nephew & a Mr Prince of Boston, who lived with him, made prisonners, and, after being near two days in the hands of the Indians, suffering the most abominable treatment, they luckily escaped Death. Eighty five Chinese & 11 English seamen were also plundered & assassinated. I have been obliged to represent this affair in its full suit of Black to my Government and have at the same time declared my intention of going back to Siberia, next April, where I shall await the orders of His Imperial Majesty …. I leave the place & those miscreants to themselves, from the conviction, that its commerce is ruined forever. In the first place they held their productions too high & paid too low for European commodities, so that, when the allowance of the half duties granted to the importers of sugars shall cease, no french ships will visit the Philippines to pay from 7 to 9 Dollars a pecul for Sugars. The Cadmus, you say will make money. If she does, she will I fancy be the only American ship that profits by its trade to Manilla. All those, who came out last year lost money on the sales of their cargoes, &, from what we hear of prices in America, and on the Continent, they must lose by the returns. But what will give the death blow to the prosperity of the Philippines, is the late horrible massacre. All those french and other foreigners, who were anxious to have established themselves in commerce or on estates in the country, are now frightened off and certainly no one will find himself, confident enough to trust to a Government, which could permit such a massacre to take place, immediately under its eyes, when it had 5,000 men in arms, ready at a minutes notice to disperse the Mob. Thus situated, Manilla offers no chance of profit or Speculation; and I confess, however my hopes and wishes may have been disappointed, I turn from them with disgust & horror, better pleased to be ordered to live, in some remote corner of Siberia, on black bread & salt, than roll in wealth, amidst such an inhuman, illiberal and unchristianlike race of Men …. I must close my letter by informing you that the Captain General has refused all the applications for indemnification, from those who have been plundered; so that as yet, neither the punishment due to the assassins has been inflicted, nor redress made to the unfortunate people who were robbed.”

By the kindness of James A. LeRoy, the Editors have in their hands a copy (furnished by Dr. Pardo de Tavera from the original in his possession) of a decree issued by Governor Folgueras (dated at Manila, October 20, 1820), addressed “to the natives of the Filipinas Islands, and especially to those of the district of Tondo,” in which he rebukes them severely for thus violating the law of nations, under the influence of “a general frenzy,” and “led astray and infuriated by certain malicious persons.” He characterizes their belief that the strangers had poisoned the waters as a foolish and absurd notion, which “the mountain Negritos or the Moros of Joló and Mindanao would be ashamed to entertain;” and reminds them that the strangers whom they have plundered and slain were not only friends and brethren, but the very persons on whom the prosperity of the islands must depend, since they supplied a market for the produce of the country. He then presents the report which has been made by an official whom the governor had specially appointed (October 13) to investigate this idea of the foreigners’ crime, which is to the following effect: “As the evidence of guilt [cuerpo de delito, the same as the Latin corpus delicti] in the poisoning which is charged, the Indians have brought to us, among the spoils which they plundered from the houses of the Frenchmen, various animals of different forms, and among them a serpent, of quite the usual size, one of those which they call ‘house-snakes,’ in a dissected state; others, with some little shellfish, preserved in spirits of wine, in a crystal flask; in another, two granos of muriatic baryte; a quantity of Peruvian bark, which in my opinion would weigh about an arroba and a half; and a box of sheet-tin about a vara long, one-fourth as wide, and six dedos thick, in which also was found a mass of insects, but already decaying; and finally, in the house of a woman who had been accused of being an agent of the French for the alleged poisoning, a little package of some black powders in China paper [i.e., rice paper].” The official states that these animal specimens have evidently “no other object than to enrich cabinets of natural history,” and could not in any way have been used for injuring human beings. The muriatic baryte was for use in analyzing mineral waters, and was, moreover, useful in various diseases. The Peruvian bark was, as all might know, a useful medicine and had often been helpful in checking the cholera itself. The black powders, it was also decided, were also of medicinal value; and the entire story is characterized as a fiction and delusion. The official regrets that it was believed by so many persons who should have known better than to accept so gross an error; “but it is certain that they did, and, among them, many of the clergy; and with this the delusion attained such power that it has caused the very scandalous deeds which all good persons lament; for it is certain that there is no better way of propagating an error than for persons of authority to adopt it. There is no doubt, it appears, that this foolish idea of poisoning had its origin in the ignorance of the Indians; but there is as little doubt that malicious persons, imposing upon this folly and lack of knowledge in the Indians, incited them to perpetrate the assassinations and robberies of the disastrous days, October 9 and 10.” He adds that one of the books brought to him by the Indians, which they had taken from the house of the French naturalist, was filled with sketches of fishes, mollusks, and birds peculiar to the country, which plainly showed that he was only making zoological observations. In view of all these things, Folgueras calls upon the natives to repent of their sin, to surrender to the authorities the instigators of the tumult, to restore to the plundered foreigners what had been stolen from them, and to denounce the authors of the murders, that justice might be done to these evil persons. These exhortations are especially addressed to the inhabitants of Binondo, “which has been the theatre of the most horrible tragedy, and has covered itself with blood and ignominy.” This decree is published by Dr. Pardo de Tavera, from the original printed edition, in his Biblioteca filipina, pp. 45–47. [↑]

[14] In his scarce third volume of the Informe, Mas says that the governor, either wittingly or unwittingly, did well in not sending out the soldiers, who were natives, until the fury of the people had spent itself; as otherwise all discipline might easily have been lost, and the soldiers have joined with their kindred in the massacre. [↑]

[15] Our author gives the name of this periodical incorrectly; it should be El Noticioso Filipino—see Retana’s Periodismo filipino, appendix ii (pp. 561, 563). It was apparently begun on July 29, 1821; it was issued on Sundays. Its publication ceased before November 1 of that year. This information was furnished to Retana by Pardo de Tavera; he also supplied accurate data for La Filantropia (pp. 561–563), which began on September 1, 1821; it seems to have ceased publication in 1822. El Ramillete Patriótico is known only by an allusion in one of the numbers of Filantropia, which speaks of the former as having been “silenced” (presumably by the authorities). Pedro Torres y Lanzas gives (p. 565) a description of Nos. 27–37 (March 16–May 25, 1822) of Filantropia. [↑]

[16] Regarding this man and his works, see Retana’s El precursor de la político redentorista (Madrid, 1894); it is specially devoted to Varela’s Parnaso filipino (Sampaloc, 1814). Retana says of him: “It is unquestionable that his writings in prose and verse encouraged among the Indians the wrong interpretation which was given to the Constitution of 1812, from which resulted the series of insurrections, fortunately isolated, which took place in Filipinas.” [↑]

[17] This publication was begun in January, 1824, and continued until May, 1833; at first two hundred and fifty copies were printed. It was finally obliged to suspend publication, for lack of funds. See Retana’s Periodismo filipino, pp. 10–14, and 566; at the latter place, Torres y Lanzas describes a file of Nos. 49–109 (lacking two numbers) of this publication, which is presumably preserved in the Archivo general at Sevilla. [↑]

[18] In 1823 the pirates captured the provincial of the Recollects, with one of his friars; and that order had to furnish 10,000 pesos for their ransom. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 482.) [↑]

[19] General Ricafort published a relation of this enterprise, dated at Manila, December 30, 1829; he describes the island, presents an historical sketch of the insurrection in Bohol since 1744 and the efforts to quell it, and at the end furnishes a tabulated statement of the expeditions sent by his orders, with number of men, expenditures, etc., and of their results—a statement signed by Captain Manuel Sanz, the leader of the expedition, and dated at Talibon, August 31, 1829; to this is added the signed statement by the parish curas of Bohol that the numbers of insurgents who have been conquered or have submitted to the Spanish rule agree with their respective registers. According to this account, the number of insurgents reduced or submitted was 19,420; to this must be added 98 “banished for their rebellious dispositions,” and 395 “obstinate persons who died at the hands of the troops,” and an unknown (“for lack of information”) number of those killed in the year 1827 and on March 28 of 1828, and more than 3,000 souls who have fled to other provinces. Some of the troops were Spaniards from Manila, but the main part of the force was composed of Indians from Bohol and Cebú, to the number of 5,970 and 54 respectively; 294 of the former and 32 of the latter deserted the ranks, and 4,977 Boholans and 22 Cebuans were at the end disbanded, as being on the sick list; and very few were either killed or wounded in the campaign. The reduced insurgents were formed into the following new villages: Catigbian, with 1,967 souls; Batuanan, with 6,266 souls; Cabulao, with 790; Balilijan, with 2,100; and Vilar, with 930. In other villages were distributed the remaining insurgents. [↑]

[20] “The Chinese refused to accept their reduction into villages; more than eight hundred elected to return to their own country; four hundred odd were assigned to labor on the public works, as being insolvent; and about a thousand fled to the mountains in order to elude payment and punishment. The intendant, in view of the difficulty in collecting [their] taxes, explained to the government the expediency of modifying the enactment; and this was done in 1834.” (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[21] These funds were chiefly the obras pías which had been administered by the Jesuit order in Filipinas up to their expulsion from the islands; at that time, nearly half of these foundations were extinguished by the authorities, and such moneys as remained in them were covered into the royal treasury. Forty-five of the Jesuit obras pías were thus left, which were administered by the government in the following manner: The capital was divided (as had long been the custom of all the orders in Filipinas in administering obras pías) into three parts; one of these was invested in the commerce of Acapulco, another in that of the Coromandel Coast and China, and the other third remained on deposit as a reserve to make good any losses in the amounts invested. Much light is thrown on the management of these funds by the Jesuits, in the official report made (June 23, 1797), in pursuit of a command from the Spanish government, by Angel de la Fuente, the chief of the Bureau of Secular Revenues [Contaduría de Temporalidades] at Manila; the original MS. of this is in the possession of Edward K. Ayer, Chicago. Fuente examined the account-books which the Jesuits had kept of these funds, and found them full of confusion, discrepancies, and omissions; but after comparing and verifying them so far as he could, he made a list of them, with statement of their origin, amount, and application. He found that in seventeen of these funds there was no evidence that the money had been applied as directed by the donors, and only partial indications of this in fifteen others. He reported that many of these obras pías had been contributed for the advantage and benefit of the Jesuits themselves, and therefore, since that order had been suppressed, the funds might now justly be applied to any desirable pious purpose. To this end, he recommended that nineteen of the funds be placed in charge of the diocesan authorities, and twelve others used by the government for specified purposes, and that the rest be covered into the royal treasury. [↑]

[22] “In order to give aid to the widow of Torres, and pay the expenses of her voyage to España, a subscription was raised which produced 12,000 pesos; but we note that the promoter of this married the widow, and they returned to the Peninsula together.” (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[23] The “pillar dollar” was so called from the pillars on the reverse of the coin, which represent the pillars of Hercules, or the Straits of Gibraltar; this device was characteristic of the Spanish-American coinage. This dollar was the peso duro (or “hard dollar”), of eight reals; and its half, quarter, eighth, sixteenth, and thirty-second parts were represented by smaller coins. The greater part of the supply of pillar dollars were made in Mexico; but this coinage ceased in 1822. In the Peninsula, the coins were the dollar—formerly of ten reals, but now of twenty reals vellón—the half, the peseta or pistareen (which is one-fifth of the dollar, or four reals vellón), and the half and the quarter pistareen. After the Peninsular revolution of 1821, pillar dollars were struck for a short time at Madrid, but these are easily distinguishable from the true pillar dollar. In 1810–16, silver coins were used in Brazil, which were only the Spanish dollar, softened by annealing, and then restamped; the pillars may be distinguished underneath this surface, by close inspection. See Eckfeldt and DuBois, Manual of Gold and Silver Coins (Philadelphia, 1842), pp. 33, 77, 119, 122, See also chapter on Spanish coinage, especially that called “vellón,” in Lea’s Inquisition in Spain (New York, 1906–07), i, pp. 560 et seq.; this latter, although debased, was the standard of value until 1871, when it was replaced by the decimal system. [↑]

[24] “According to a memorial published by Don Francisco Enríquez on leaving his office, there were at that time in the funds [of his department] a surplus of 1,000,000 pesos, and in the storehouses over 275,000 bales of tobacco, the value of which exceeded 4,000,000 hard dollars.” (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[25] Hangers-on of the palace at Manila tried to throw on Galvey the blame for this failure; but Montero y Vidal cites Galvey’s diary, to show that he had to contend with overwhelming difficulties, inadequate supplies and lack of proper facilities, and the insalubrity of the country. He stated therein that he had made “forty-five expeditions into the hill-country, and had received therein four wounds, two of which were mortal.” He died in 1839. [↑]

[26] Royal decrees of 1835 and 1836 suppressed the Jesuit order throughout the Spanish empire; all the religious communities and colleges of men (excepting the colleges of missionaries for Asia, the clergy of the Escuelas Pías and the hospital convents of St. John of God), and the houses of the military orders; and all the beaterios whose inmates were not devoted to educational or hospital labors. [↑]

[27] “In Filipinas the peseta is worth only 32 cuartos.” (Vidal y Soler, Viajes por Jagor, p. 227; published in 1874.) [↑]

[28] Soon after his return to Spain he published a book (Cádiz, 1839) relating his experiences as governor of Filipinas. [↑]

[29] Camba’s wife died, three months after their arrival at Manila; and at her funeral certain military honors were paid her, as provided in the regulations of affairs in the Indias, and these were promptly approved by the home government. Camba’s enemies, however, accused him at Madrid of having had the same honors paid to his wife as were customary with royal persons; and, at the time, the artillery officials demanded from him pay for the powder used on that occasion. (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

[30] In conjunction with the Audiencia, he commissioned a magistrate, Francisco Otín y Duazo, to draw up new “Ordinances of good government,” in 1838. (Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 360.) [↑]

[31] Montero y Vidal says (iii, p. 21): “On March 21, 1840, the Economic Society of Friends of the Country made a grant of 500 pesos to Father Blanco for the expenses of printing and publishing the Flora which bears his name.” In 1845 a second edition appeared, corrected and enlarged by the author himself; and a third edition was issued (1877–80) at the cost of the Augustinian order. This last was in four volumes, a limited edition, with an atlas (in two volumes) containing 478 colored plates; it also included a previously unpublished MS. on Philippine botany, written late in the sixteenth century, and an appendix prepared by the editors of Blanco (Fathers Andrés Naves and Celestino Fernández-Villar) in which they endeavored to coördinate Blanco’s species with those of other authors and to enumerate all the species of Philippine plants then known. See an account of Blanco’s work and that of his later editors, with estimate of the scientific value of both, in Review of the Identifications of Species Described in Blanco’s “Flora” (Manila, 1905), by Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Bureau of Government Laboratories at Manila. [↑]

[32] In Retana’s Periodismo filipino (pp. 566, 567) Torres y Lanzas describes some copies of this periodical, dated October 5–November 9, 1839, and January 23–February 6, 1841; he cites a letter by Urréjola to show that Precios corrientes was published weekly, beginning July 6, 1839, by private enterprise. [↑]

[33] By a later royal decree, the fiscal was to settle any case of disagreement between the two censors, and any books seized by the authorities should be only sent back to the shipper, and not kept by them—the archbishop having demanded that confiscated books should be surrendered to him. (Note by Montero y Vidal.) [↑]

REMARKS ON THE PHILLIPPINE ISLANDS AND ON THEIR CAPITAL MANILA, 1819 to 1822

ADVERTISEMENT

The following remarks are drawn up by one but little accustomed to writing, and offered with much diffidence. In them the Spanish character will be found perhaps severely treated; but it is necessary to remark, that not only these observations are, from their very nature, general; but farther, that they have no reference to the genuine or European Spanish character—a character of which the writer has but little knowledge, and one as essentially different from that which falls under consideration in the following pages, as the society of all convict colonies is from that of the mother country.[1]

PART I

THE PHILLIPPINES

Of the numerous groupes of islands which constitute the maritime division of Asia, the Phillippines, in situation, riches, fertility, and salubrity, are equal or superior to any. Nature has here revelled in all that poets or painters have thought or dreamt of unbounded luxuriance of Asiatic scenery. The lofty chains of mountains—the rich and extensive slopes which form their bases—the ever-varying change of forest and savannah—of rivers and lakes—the yet blazing volcanoes in the midst of forests, coeval perhaps with their first eruption—all stamp her work with the mighty emblems of her creative and destroying powers. Java alone can compete with them in fertility; but in riches, extent, situation, and political importance, it is far inferior.

Their position, whether in a political or commercial point of view, is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to exceed credibility; the Phillippine Islands alone, in the hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened government, would have become a mighty empire:—they are—a waste!

This archipelago presents, in common with all the islands which form the southern and eastern barrier of Asia, those striking features which mark a recent or an approaching convulsion of nature: they are separated by narrow, but deep, and frequently unfathomable channels; their steep and often tremendous capes and headlands, though clothed with verdure to the very brink, appear to rise almost perpendicularly from the ocean; they have but few reefs or shoals, and those of small extent; and in the interior of the islands, numerous volcanoes, in activity or very recently so, boiling springs and mineral waters of all descriptions, minerals of all kinds on the very surface of the earth, and frequent shocks of earthquakes, all point to this conclusion, and offer a rich and unexplored field to the geologist[2] and mineralogist, as do their plants and animals to the botanist and zoologist;[3] the few attempts that have hitherto been made to examine them, having from various causes failed, or only extended to a short distance round the capital.[4]

The climate of these islands is remarkably temperate and salubrious. The thermometer in Manila is sometimes as low as 70°, and rarely exceeds 90° in the house during the N. E. monsoon. In the interior it is sometimes as low as 68° in the mornings, which are remarkably cool, so much so as to require at time$ woolen clothing. None of the mountains are within the limits of perpetual congelation; but I think some cannot be far from it, as I have seen something much resembling snow on the Pico de Mindoro, and there may be higher ones in the interior of Magindanao.[6]

Both natives and Spaniards live to a tolerable age, in spite of the indolent habits of the latter, and the debauches of both. The Spaniards are most commonly carried off by chronic dysentery, which is called by them “la enfermedád del pays” (the illness of the country): from its very frequent occurrence, at least 7 out of 10 of those who exceed the age of 40, fall victims to this disorder.[7] Acute liver complaints are very rare, as is also the chronic affection of that organ, unless as connected with the preceding disorder.

Fevers are not common amongst Europeans, in Manila. Amongst the natives, the intermittent is of common occurrence, particularly after the rains (in September and October), and in woody or marshy situations.[8] This appears to be owing as much to the thinness and want of clothing, together with their habits of bathing indiscriminately at all hours, as to miasmata; and, as their fevers are generally neglected, they often superinduce other and more fatal disorders, as obstructions, &c. Tetanos in cases of wounds is of common occurrence, and generally fatal.

Their population, by a census taken in 1817–18, amounted to 2,236,000 souls, and is increasing rapidly. In one province, that of Pampanga, from 1817 to 1818, there was an increase of 6,737 souls, the whole population being in 1817, 22,500; but I suspect some inaccuracy in this. The total increase from 1797 to 1817, 25 [sic] years, is by this statement 835,500, or 3,360 per annum! In this census are included only those subject to Spanish laws. About three quarters of a million more may be added for the various independent tribes,[9] which may be said to possess the whole of the interior of the islands, on some of which, as the large one of Mindanao (called by the natives Magindanao) there are only a few contemptible [Spanish] posts, the interior and a great part of the coast being still subject to the Malay sultans, originally of Arab race.

The population of the Marianas and Calamianes Islands, with that of Palawan, which are all included in “The Kingdom of the Phillippines,” are comprised in this number, but the whole of these does not exceed 19,000.

Of this number about 600 only are European Spaniards, with some few foreigners: the remainder are divided into various classes, of which the principal are, 1st, The Negroes, or aborigines; 2d, the Malays (or Indians, as they are called by the Spaniards); and the Mestizos and Creoles, who are about as 1 to 5 of the Indian population.

The Negroes [i.e., Negritos][10] are in all probability the original inhabitants of these islands, as they appear at some remote epoch to have been of almost all the eastern archipelago. The tide of Malay emigration, from whatever cause and part it proceeded, has on some islands entirely destroyed them. Others, as New Guinea, it has not yet reached, a circumstance which seems to point to the west as the original cradle of the Malay race. In the Phillippines, it has driven them from the coast to the mountains, which by augmenting the difficulty of procuring subsistence, may have much diminished their numbers. Still, however, they form a distinct, and perhaps a more numerous class of men than is generally suspected. They have in the present day undisturbed possession of nearly ⅔ds of the island of Luzon, and of others a still larger proportion.

These people are small in stature, some of them almost dwarfish, woolly-headed, and thick-lipped, like the negroes of Africa, to whom indeed they bear a striking resemblance, though the different tribes vary much in their stature and general appearance. They subsist entirely on the chase, or on fruits, herbs, roots, or fish when they can approach the coast. They are nearly, and often quite naked, and live in huts formed of the boughs of trees, grass &c., or in the trees themselves, when on an excursion or migration. Their mode of life is wandering and unsettled, seldom remaining long enough in one place to form a village. They sometimes sow a little maize or rice, and wait its ripening, but not longer. These are the habits of the tribes which border on the Spanish settlements. Farther within the mountains they are more settled, and even form villages of considerable size, in the deep vallies by which the chains of mountains are intersected. The entrances to these they fortify with plantations of the thorny bamboo, pickets of the same, set strongly in the earth and sharpened by fire, ditches and pit-falls; in short all the means of defence in their power are employed to render these places inaccessible. Here they cultivate corn, rice, and tobacco; the last they sell to Indians, who smuggle it into the towns. This being a contraband article, as it is monopolized by government, the defences are used against the Spanish revenue officers and troops, who on this account never fail to destroy their establishments when they can do so, though many are impregnable to any force they can bring against them, from the nature of the passes, and from the activity of the negroes, who use their bows with wonderful expertness. There are indeed instances of their repulsing bodies of one or two hundred native troops, but affairs of this magnitude are very rare.

To this predatory kind of warfare, as well as to the defective qualities, and often very reprehensible conduct of the missionaries, generally Indian priests (Clerigos), are perhaps to be in some measure attributed their unsettled habits. Those nearest the Spanish settlements carry on a little commerce, receiving wrought iron, cloth, and tobacco, but oftener dollars, in exchange for gold-dust, &c., or for wax, honey, and other products of their mountains. The circumstance of their receiving dollars, which they rarely use in their purchases, is a curious one; but it is a fact, and very large quantities of money are supposed to be thus buried; from what motive, except a superstitious one, cannot be imagined.[11]

Of their manners or customs little or nothing is known. Like all savage nations, they are abundantly tinctured with superstitions, fickle, and hasty. One of their customs best known is, that upon the death of a chief, they plant themselves in ambush on some frequented track, and with their arrows assassinate the first unfortunate traveller who passes, and not unfrequently two or three; the bodies are carried off as sacrifices to the manes of the deceased.[12] The communications between the Spanish settlements are often interrupted by this circumstance, as no Indian will venture out when the negroes are known to be “de luto” (in mourning): they are also said to have a “throwing of spears,” similar to those of New Holland, at the death of any eminent person. In fact, upon this, as upon all other points unconnected with masses and sermons, there exists a degree of ignorance which is almost incredible. The early missionaries, in their rage for nominal conversion, appear to have neglected entirely the history or origin of their neophytes; and, as in America, where the monuments of ages were crumbled to the dust to plant the cross, all that related to the history of their converts was considered as unprofitable, if not as impious, the devil[13] being compendiously supposed to preside over their political as well as religious institutions in all cases. In this belief, and in its consequent effects, the modern missionaries, who are mostly Indian priests, are worthy successors of their Spanish predecessors.

The government have many missions established for the purpose of converting them, but with little success. Like most savages, their mode of life has to them charms superior to civilization, or rather to Christianity (for here the terms are not synonimous); and they rarely remain, should they even consent to be baptized, but on the first caprice, or exaction of tribute, which immediately takes place, and sometimes even precedes this ceremony, return again to their mountains.

Exposed to all inclemencies of the weather, and with an unwholesome and precarious diet, they perhaps rarely attain more than forty years of age. Their numbers are supposed rather to diminish than increase; and in a few years this race of men, with their language, will probably be extinct. It is indeed a curious subject of enquiry, whether the language of those of the eastern islands has any, and what resemblance to those of Africa, or the southern parts of New Holland and Van Dieman’s Land?[14]

They are not represented as very mischievous; but if strangers venture too far into their woods, they consider it an aggression, and repel it accordingly with their arrows. Those who frequent the Spanish settlements are rather of a mild character; and there are instances of Spanish vessels being wrecked on the coast, whose people, particularly the Europeans, have been treated by them in the kindest manner, and carefully conducted to the nearest settlement.

The character of the different tribes appears, however, to vary in this particular: some are described as treacherous and cruel, and those which inhabit the north western coasts of the Bay of Manila are accused of having frequently attacked the boats of ships, when these were not sufficiently guarded in their intercourse with them. The natives of the town in the Bay of Mariveles, at the entrance of that of Manila, assured the writer of these pages, that it would be madness to attempt accompanying them into the woods, even in disguise; and in this they persisted, though money was offered them to allow him to proceed with them.

The Indians are the descendants of the various Malay tribes which appear to have emigrated to this country at different times, and from different parts of Borneo and Celebes. Their languages, though all derived from one stock (the Malay), has a number of dialects differing very materially; so much so, that those from different provinces frequently do not understand each other.

They differ too in their character, and slightly in their manners and customs. The most numerous class of them are the Bisayas,[18] (a Spanish name, from their anciently painting their bodies, and using defensive armour). These inhabit the largest part of the southern islands. Luzon contains several tribes, of which the most remarkable are the Ylocos, Cagayanes, Zambales, Pangasinanes, Pampangos, and Tagalos. These still retain their national distinctions and characters to such a degree, that they often occasion quarrels amongst each other. Of their general character as a nation we are now to speak.

The Indian of the Phillippine Islands has been strangely misrepresented. He is not the being that oppression, bigotry, and indolence, have for 300 years endeavoured to make him, or he is so only when he has no other resource. Necessity, and the force of example have made those of Manila, what the whole are generally characterized as—traitors, idlers, and thieves.

How, under such a system as will be afterwards described, should they be otherwise? Say rather, that all considered, it is surprising to find them what they are; for they are in general (I speak of the Indian of the provinces), mild, industrious, as far as they dare to be so, hospitable, kind, and ingenuous. The Pampango is brave,[19] faithful, and active; the fidelity of the Cagayan is proverbial; the Yloco and the Pangasinanon are most industrious; the Bisayan is brave and enterprising almost to fool-hardiness:—they are all a spirited, a proudly-spirited race of men; and such materials, in other hands, would form the foundation of all that is great and excellent in human nature.

But for 300 years they have been ground to the earth with oppression. They have been crushed by tyranny; their spirit has been tortured by abuse and contempt, and brutalized by ignorance; in a word, there is no injustice that has not been inflicted on them, short of depriving them of their liberty; and in a work published at Madrid in 1819 (Estado de las Yslas Filipinas, par [sic; for por] Don Tomas Comyn), whose author was a factor of the Phillippine company, a whole chapter (the 4th) is devoted to the mild and humane project “of establishing Spanish agriculturists throughout the islands,” who are, “to require a certain number of Indians from the governors of towns and provinces, who are to be driven to the plantations, where they are to be obliged to work a certain time, the price of their labour being fixed, and then to be relieved by a fresh drove!”[20]

Such a system, incredible as it may appear, has been proposed to a Spanish cortes; and still more wonderful, plans like these excited no reprobation in Manila. Such were Spanish ideas of governing Indians! Justice would almost tempt us to wish that this scheme had been carried into execution, and that the Indian had risen and dashed his chains on the heads of the authors of such an infernal project. And yet the Indian is marked out as little better than a brute; so many of them are, but to the system of government, and not to the Indian, is the fault to be ascribed.

It is not here meant to accuse the Spanish laws; many of them are excellent, and would appear to have been dictated by the very spirit of philanthropy. But these are rarely enforced, or if they are, delay vitiates their effect. That this colony, the most favoured perhaps under heaven by nature, should have remained till the present day almost a forest, is a circumstance which has generally excited surprise in those who are acquainted with it, and has as generally been accounted for by attributing it to the laziness of the Spaniards and Indians. This is but a superficial view of the subject; one of those general remarks which being relatively a little flattering to ourselves, pass current as facts, and then “we wonder how any one can doubt of what is so generally received.”—The cause lies deeper, man is not naturally indolent. When he has supplied his necessities, he seeks for superfluities—if he can enjoy them in security and peace;—if not—if the iron gripe of despotism (no matter in what shape, or through what form it is felt), is ready to snatch his earnings from him, without affording him any equivalent—then indeed he becomes indolent, that is, he merely provides for the wants of to-day. This apathy is perpetuated through numerous generations till it becomes national habit, and then we falsely call it nature. It cannot be too often repeated, that from the poles to the equator, man is the creature of his civil institutions, and is active in proportion to the freedom he enjoys. Who that has perused the History of Java by Sir S. Raffles,[21] and seen the effects of government planned by the talents of Minto in the spirit of the British constitution in that country, will now accuse the Javanese of unwillingness to work, if the fruits of his labour are secured to him? And yet we remember when a Javanese was another name for every thing that is detestable. It is ever thus—we blame the race, because that flatters our pride—we should first look to their institutions. I return to the Phillippines.

The cause, then, of their little progress is “because there is no security for property;” or in other words, the smallness of the salaries of the officers of justice, as well as of other members of government, and the profligacy inseparable from all despotic governments, have laid the inhabitants under that curse of all societies, venal courts of justice. Does an unfortunate Indian scrape together a few dollars to buy a buffalo, in which consists their whole riches? Woe to him if it is known; and if his house is in a lonely situation—he is infallibly robbed. Does he complain, and is the robber caught? In three months he is let loose again (perhaps with some trifling punishment), to take vengeance on his accuser, and renew his depredations.

Hundreds of Indian families are yearly ruined in this manner. Deprived of their cattle, on which they depend for subsistence, they grow desperate and careless of future exertion, which can but lead to the same results, and thus either drag on a miserable existence from day to day, or join with the robbers[23] to pursue the same mode of life, and to exonerate themselves from paying tributes and taxes, in return for which no protection is granted. In many provinces this has been carried to such an extent, that whole districts are rendered impassable by the robbers,[24] who even lay villages under contribution!

This is the state of the inland towns. On the coasts, and while a flotilla of gun-boats is maintained at an expense of upwards of half a million of dollars annually, there is no part safe from the attacks of the Malay pirates from Borneo, Sooloo, and Mindanao. These make regular cruises to procure slaves, and have even not unfrequently carried them off, not only from the bay of Manila,[25] but even from within gun-shot of its ramparts! The very soldiers and sailors sent for their protection plunder them. An Indian in whose neighbourhood troops are posted, or who sees the gun-boats approaching, can no longer consider his property safe; and in the very vicinity of Manila, soldiers ramble about with their loaded muskets, and pilfer all they lay hands upon at midday![26]

Does the Indian, in spite of all this, escape, and by patient industry make a little way in the world? he is vexed with offices; he is chosen Alguazil, Lieutenant, and Captain of his town; to these offices no pay is attached, they always occasion expenses and create him enemies; he is pinched or cheated by the Mestizos, a forestalling, avaricious, and tyrannical race. Does he suffer in silence? it is a signal for new oppressions: does he complain? a law suit. The Mestizos are all connected, they are rich, and the Indian is poor.

The imperfect mode of trial, both in civil and criminal cases (by written declarations and the decisions of judges alone), lays them open to a thousand frauds; for if the magistrate be supposed incorruptible, his notaries or writers (escribanos and escribientes) are not so; and from their knavery, declarations are often falsified, or one paper is exchanged for another whilst in the act of or before signing them.

To such a degree does this exist, that few Indians, even of those who can read Spanish tolerably, will sign a declaration made before a magistrate without threats, or without having some one on whom they can depend, to assure them they may safely do so. Nor is this to be wondered at, when it is known that declarations on which the life or fortune of an individual may depend are left, often for days, in the power of writers or notaries, any of whom may be bought for a doubloon; and some of them are even the menial servants of the magistrate! This applies to Luzon. In the other islands, this miserable system is yet worse: they have seldom but one communication a year with the capital, to which all causes of any magnitude are sent for decision or confirmation; and, as the papers are often (purposely) drawn up with some informality, the cause, after suffering all the first ordeal of chicane and knavery, experiences a year’s delay before it is even allowed a chance of being exposed to that which awaits it at Manila. Or should the cause be at length carried to the Audiencia, or Supreme Court, and there, as is sometimes the case, be judged impartially, the delay of the decision renders it useless—the sentence is evaded—or treated with contempt! This may appear almost incredible, but known to any person who has resided in Manila.

While the civil power is thus shamefully corrupt or negligent of its duties, the church has not forgotten that she too has claims on the Indian. She has marked out, exclusive of Sundays, above 40 days in the year on which no labour can be performed throughout the islands. Exclusive of these are the numerous local feasts in honor of the patron saints of towns and churches.[27] The influence of these extends often through a groupe of many islands, always to many leagues round their different sanctuaries; and often lasting three or four days, sometimes a week, according to his or her reputation for sanctity; so that including Sundays, the average cannot be less than 110 or 120 days lost to the community in a year. This alone is a heavy tax on the agricultural classes, by whom it is most severely felt; but its consequences are more so, from the habits of idleness and dissipation which it engenders and perpetuates. These feasts are invariably, after the procession is over, scenes of gambling, drinking, and debauchery of every description.

“And mony jobs that day begun,

Will end in houghmagandie.”[29]

Thus they unsettle and disturb the course of their labours by calling off their attention from their domestic cares; and by continually offering occasions of dissipation destroy what little spirit of economy or foresight may exist amongst so rude and ignorant a people. Nor is this all; they are subject to numerous other vexations and impositions under the title of church-services; such are, in some towns, five or six men attendant daily in rotation to bring the sick to the church to confess, or to carry the “Padre” with the host to their houses, and many others; all of which, though in themselves trifles, are more harassing, from their unsettling tendency, than pecuniary imposts. An encouragement to celibacy and its consequent evils is also to be found in the (to them) heavy expenses attendant on all the domestic offices of religion, as matrimony, baptism, &c., as well as in the increase of the poll-tax on married persons, for the whole of which the husband is responsible. The ecclesiastical expenses of a marriage between the poorer classes are about five dollars: the others, as christenings, buryings, &c., in proportion. These appear trifles; but if to these are added the confessions, bulas, [i.e., of the Crusade] and other exactions, it will be seen that these constitute no trifling part of the oppressive and ill managed system which has so much contributed to debase their real character.

I say nothing here of the natural effect of the Roman Catholic religion on an ignorant people, who imagine, that verbal confession and pecuniary atonements (rarely to the injured person) are a salvo for crimes of all magnitudes: that such is the case, is notorious to every one who has visited Catholic countries.

Let us for a moment retrace this picture. To whom after this is it attributable that the Indian is often a vicious and degraded being, particularly in the neighborhood of Manila?

If he sees all around him thieving and enjoying their plunder with impunity, what wonder is it that he should thieve also? If his tribunals of all descriptions afford him no redress, or place that redress beyond his reach, what resource has he but private revenge?[30] If he cannot enjoy the fruits of his labour in peace, why should he work? If he is ignorant, why has he not been instructed? There exist scarcely any schools to teach him his duties: the few that do exist teach him Latin! prayers! theology! jurisprudence! and some little reading and writing;[31] but he is only taught to read the lives of the saints, and the legends of the church, whose gloomy, fanatical doctrines and sanguinary histories have not a little contributed to make him at times revengeful and intolerant. Does he prevaricate and flatter? It is because he dare not speak the truth, and because a long system of oppression has broken his spirit.

Does he endeavour to advance himself a few steps in civilization? his attempts are treated with ridicule and contempt;[32] hence he becomes apathetic, careless of advancement, and often insensible to reproach. The best epithets he hears from Spaniards (often as ignorant as himself) are “Indio!” The God of nature made him so. “Bruto!” He has been and is brutalized by his masters. “Barbaro!” He is often so by force, example, or even by precept. “Ignorante!” He has no means of learning; the will is not wanting. In a word, the spirit of the followers of Cortes and Pizarro, appears to have left its last vestiges here, and perhaps the Indian has been saved from its persecutions only by the weakness of the Spaniard.

Such are some of the causes which have marked the character of the Indian, which is not naturally bad, with some of its prominent blemishes. I am far from holding up the Indian of the Phillippines as a faultless being; he is not so; the Indian of Manila[34] has all the vices attributed to him; but I assert, that the Phillippine islander owes the greater part of his vices to example, to oppression, and above all to misgovernment; and that his character has traits, which under a different system, would have produced a widely different result.

To sum up his character:—He is brave, tolerably faithful, extremely sensible to kind treatment, and feelingly alive to injustice or contempt; proud of ancestry, which some of them carry to a remote epoch; fond of dress and show, hunting, riding, and other field exercises; but prone to gambling and dissipation. He is active, industrious, and remarkably ingenious. He possesses an acute ear, and a good taste for music and painting, but little inclination for abstruse studies. He has from nature excellent talents, but these are useless for want of instruction. The little he has received, has rendered him fanatical in religious opinions; and long contempt and hopeless misery has mingled with his character a degree of apathy, which nothing but an entire change of system and long perseverance will efface from it.[36]

The Mestizos are the next class of men who inhabit these islands: under this name are not only included the descendants of Spaniards by Indian women and their progeny, but also those of the Chinese, who are in general whiter than either parent, and carefully distinguish themselves from the Indians. The Mestizos are, as the name denotes, a mixed class, and, with the creoles of the country, like those of all colonies, when uncorrected by an European education, inherit the vices of both progenitors, with but few of the virtues of either. Their character has but few marked traits; the principal ones are their vanity, industry, and trading ingenuity: as to the rest, money is their god; to obtain it they take all shapes, promise and betray, submit to everything, trample and are trampled on; all is alike to them, if they get money; and this, when obtained, they dissipate in lawsuits, firing cannon, fireworks, illuminations, processions on feast days and rejoicings, in gifts to the churches, or in gambling. This anomaly of actions is the business of their lives. Too proud to consider themselves as Indians, and not sufficiently pure in blood to be acknowledged as Spaniards, they affect the manners of the last, with the dress of the first, and despising, are despised by both.[37] They however, cautiously mark on all occasions the lines which separate them from the Indians, and have their own processions, ceremonies, inferior officers of justice, &c., &c. The Indian repays them with a keen contempt, not unmixed with hatred. And these feuds, while they contribute to the safety of a government too imbecile and corrupt to unite the good wishes of all classes, have not unfrequently given rise to affrays which have polluted even the churches and their altars with blood.

Such are the three great classes of men which may be considered as natives of the Phillippine Islands. The Creole[38] Spaniards, or those whose blood is but little mingled with the Indian ancestry, pass as Spaniards. Many of them are respectable merchants and men of large property; while others, from causes which will be seen hereafter, are sunk in all the vices of the Indian and Mestizo.

The government of the Phillippine Islands is composed of a governor, who has the title of Captain General, with very extensive powers; a Teniente Rey, or Lieutenant Governor; the Audiencia or Supreme Court, who are also the Council. This tribunal is composed of three judges, the chief of whom has the title of Regent, and two Fiscals or Attorney Generals, the one on the part of the king, the other on that of the natives, and this last has the specious title of “Defensor de los Indios.” The financial affairs are under the direction of an Intendant, who may be called a financial governor. He has the entire control and administration of all matters relative to the revenue, the civil and military auditors and accountants being under him. Commercial affairs are decided by the Consulado, or chamber of commerce, composed of all the principal, and, in Manila, some of the inferior merchants. From this is an appeal to a tribunal “de Alzada” [i.e., of appeal] composed of one judge and two merchants, and from this to the Audiencia, without whose approbation no sentence is valid.

The civic administration is confided to the Ayuntamiento (Courts of Aldermen or Municipality). This body, composed of the two Alcaldes, twelve Regidors (or Aldermen) and a Syndic, enjoy very extensive privileges, approaching those of Houses of Assembly; their powers, however, appear more confined to remonstrances and protests, representations against what they conceive arbitrary or erroneous in government, or recommendations of measures suggested either by themselves or others. They have, in general, well answered the object of their institution as a barrier against the encroachments of government, and as a permanent body for reference in cases where local knowledge was necessary, which last deficiency they well supply.

The civil power and police are lodged in the hands of a Corregidor and two Alcaldes: the decision of these is final in cases of civil suits, where the value in question is small, 100 dollars being about the maximum.[39] Their criminal jurisdiction extends only to slight fines and corporal punishments, and imprisonment preparatory to trial. The police is confided to the care of the Corregidor, who has more extensive powers, and also the inspection and control of the prisons.

To him are also subject the Indian Captains and Officers of towns, who are annually elected by the natives. These settle small differences, answer for disturbances in their villages, execute police orders, impose small contributions of money or labour for local objects, such as repairs of roads, &c. &c. They also have the power of inflicting slight punishments on the refractory. To them is also confided the collection of the capitation or poll-tax, which is done by dividing the population of the town or village into tens, each of which has a Cabeça (or head), who is exempt from tribute himself, but answerable for the amount of the ten under him. This tax is then paid to the Alcalde or Corregidor, and from him to the treasury. The Mestizos and Chinese have also their captains and heads, who are equally answerable for the poll-tax.

The different districts and islands, which are called provinces, and are 29 in number, are governed by Alcaldes. The more troublesome ones, or those requiring a military form of government, by military officers, who are also Corregidors. Samboangan on the south west coast of Mindanao, and the Marianas, have governors named from Manila, and these are continued from three to five years in office.

These Alcaldeships are a fertile source of abuses and oppression: their pay is mean to the last degree, not exceeding 350 dollars per annum, and a trifling per centage on the poll-tax. They are in general held by Spaniards of the lower classes, who finding no possible resource in Manila, solicit an Alcadeship. This is easily obtained, on giving the securities required by government for admission to these offices, which consist in two sureties[40] to an amount proportionable to the value of the taxes of the province, which all pass through the Alcalde’s hands.

Of the nature and amount of these abuses an idea will be better formed from the following abridged quotations, which are translated from the work of Comyn before quoted (p. 16).[41]

“It is indeed common enough to see the barber or lacquey of a governor, or a common sailor, transformed at once into the Alcalde in chief of a populous province, without any other guide or council than his own boisterous passions.

“Without examining the inconvenience which may arise from their ignorance, it is yet more lamentable to observe the consequences of their rapacious avarice, which government tacitly allows them to indulge, under the specious title of permissions to trade (indultos).

——“and these are such that it may be asserted, that the evil which the Indian feels most severely is derived from the very source which was originally intended for his assistance and protection, that is, from the Alcaldes of the provinces, who, generally speaking, are the determined enemies and the real oppressors of their industry.

“It is a well known fact, that far from promoting the felicity of the provinces to which he is appointed, the Alcalde is exclusively occupied with advancing his private fortune, without being very scrupulous as to the means he employs to do so: hardly is he in office than he declares himself the principal consumer, buyer, and exporter of every production of the province. In all his enterprises he requires the forced assistance of his subjects, and if he condescends to pay them, it is at least only at the price paid for the royal works. These miserable beings carry their produce and manufactures to him, who directly or indirectly has fixed an arbitrary price for them. To offer that price is to prohibit any other from being offered—to insinuate is to command—the Indian dares not hesitate—he must please the Alcalde, or submit to his persecution: and thus, free from all rivalry in his trade, being the only Spaniard in the province, the Alcalde gives the law without fear or even risk, that a denunciation of his tyranny should reach the seat of government.

“To enable us to form a more correct idea of these iniquitous proceedings, let us lift a little of the veil with which they are covered, and examine a little their method of collecting the ‘tributo’ (poll-tax).

“The government, desirous of conciliating the interests of the natives with that of the revenue, has in many instances commuted the payment of the poll-tax into a contribution in produce or manufactures: a year of scarcity arrives, and this contribution, being then of much higher value than the amount of the tax, and consequently the payment in produce a loss, and even occasioning a serious want in their families, they implore the Alcalde to make a representation to government that they may be allowed to pay the tribute for that year in money. This is exactly one of those opportunities, when, founding his profits on the misery of his people, the Alcalde can in the most unjust manner abuse the power confided to him. He pays no attention to their representations. He is the zealous collector of the royal revenues;—he issues proclamations and edicts, and these are followed by his armed satellites, who seize on the harvests, exacting inexorably the tribute, until nothing more is to be obtained. Having thus made himself master of the miserable subsistence of his subjects, he changes his tone on a sudden—he is the humble suppliant to government in behalf of the unfortunate Indians, whose wants he describes in the most pathetic terms, urging the impossibility of their paying the tribute in produce—no difficulty is experienced in procuring permission for it to be paid in money—to save appearance, a small portion of it is collected in cash, and the whole amount paid by him into the treasury, while he resells at an enormous profit, the whole of the produce (generally rice) which has been before collected!” Comyn, p. 134 to 138.

This extract, though long, is introduced as an evidence from a Spaniard (not of the lower order, or a disappointed adventurer, but a man of high respectability), of the shameless abuses which are daily practiced in this unfortunate country, and of which the Indian is invariably the victim: and it is far from being an overcharged one. Hundreds of other instances might be cited,[42] but this one will perhaps suffice to exonerate the writer of these remarks from suspicion of exaggeration, in pointing out some of the most prominent of them.

While treating of the government of the Phillippines, we must not forget the ministers of their religion, and the share which they have in preserving these islands as dominions to the crown of Spain. This influence dates from the earliest epoch of their discovery. The followers of Cortes and Pizarro, with their successors, were employed in enriching themselves in the new world; and the spirit of conquest and discovery having found wherewith to satiate the brutal avarice by which it was directed, abandoned these islands to the pious efforts of the missionaries by whom, rather than by force of arms, they were in a great measure subdued; and even in the present day, they still preserve so great an influence, that the Phillippines may be almost said to exist under a theocracy approaching to that of the Jesuits in Paraguay.

The ecclesiastical administration is composed of an Archbishop (of Manila), who has three suffragans, Ylocos, Camarines, and Zebu; the first two on Luzon, the last on the island of the same name. The revenue of the Archbishop is 4000, and that of the bishops 3000 dollars annually. The regular Spanish clergy of all orders are about 250, the major part of which are distributed in various convents in the different islands, though their principal seats are in that of Luzon; and many of them, from age or infirmity, are confined to their convents in Manila.

The degree of respect in which “the Padre” is held by the Indian, is truly astonishing. It approaches to adoration, and must be seen to be credited. In the most distant provinces, with no other safeguard than the respect with which he has inspired the Indians, he exercises the most unlimited authority, and administers the whole of the civil and ecclesiastical government, not only of a parish, but often of a whole province. His word is law—his advice is taken on all subjects. No order from the Alcalde, or even the government[43] is executed without his counsel and approbation, rendered too in many cases the more indispensable from his being the only person who understands Spanish in the village.[44] To their high honour be it spoken, the conduct of these reverend fathers in general fully justifies and entitles them to this confidence. The “Padre” is the only bar to the oppressions of the Alcalde: he protects, advises, comforts, remonstrates, and pleads for his flock; and not unfrequently has he been seen, though bending beneath the weight of years and infirmity, to leave his province, and undertake a long and often perilous voyage to Manila, to stand forward as the advocate of his Indians; and these gratefully repay this kind regard for their happiness by every means in their power.

Their hospitality is equally praiseworthy. The stranger who is travelling through the country, no matter what be his nation or his religion,[45] finds at every town the gates of the convent open to him, and nothing is spared that can contribute to his comfort and entertainment. They too are the architects and mechanists: many of them are the physicians and schoolmasters of the country, and the little that has been done towards the amelioration of the condition of the Indian, has generally been done by the Spanish clergy.

It is painful, however, to remark, that much that might have been done, has been left undone. The exclusive spirit of the Roman church, which confines its knowledge to its priests, is but too visible even here: they appear to be more anxious to make Christians, than citizens, and by neglecting this last part of their duty, have but very indifferently fulfilled the first,—the too common error of proselytists of all denominations, which has probably its source in that vanity of human nature, which is as insatiable beneath the cowl as under any garb it has yet assumed.

Some of them too have furnished a striking but melancholy proof of the eloquent moral,

“It is not good for man to be alone.”

Let us draw a veil over these infirmities. He who has lived amidst the busy hum of crowds, amidst the wild whirl of human passions and interests, can have but little conception of the state of that mind, which perhaps feeling alive to the blessings of social intercourse, is cut off for years from civilized men; and thus buried mentally, is constrained to seek all its resources within itself.[46] That heart is one of powerful fibre which does not sometimes show itself to be human ….

There are instances indeed of some of them forgetting in a great measure their language! and of others who have become almost idiots while yet in the vigour of life![47]

The next and lowest order of ecclesiastics are the Indian clergy (clerigos); they are in number from 800 to 1000, and though from the want of Spaniards, the administration of many large districts and towns is confided to them, they are as a body far from being worthy of such an important charge. The majority of them are ignorant to the last degree, proud, debauched, and indolent: in a word, they unite the vices of the priesthood to those of the Indian, and form a class of men who may almost be said to be distinguished by their vices only.

This arises from various causes, of which the principal appears to be that of their being entirely excluded from the higher ecclesiastical situations. This alone, by depriving them of the most powerful stimulus to correct conduct, together with the very confined education they receive, and the impassable line drawn between them and the Spanish clergy, whom they are never allowed to approach, and who treat them with much contempt, are sufficient to account, in a great measure, for their apparent demerit. The fact, however, is such, whatever be its cause; and seldom a week passes, or at most a month, but some of them are brought before the ecclesiastical tribunals, under accusations but little creditable to their cloth.

Their ordinary resort at Manila is the cockpit or the gaming table, where they shew an avidity and keenness which are disgraceful and shameless to the last degree. Yet to the guidance of beings like these is the unfortunate Indian in a great measure abandoned, even in his last moments: for from the very great proportion of these to the Spanish priests, and from the recluse lives of the latter, nearly nine-tenths of all the clerical duties are performed by the Indian clerigos, such as I have described them. The few who do form an exception, are men whose conduct is highly creditable to themselves, and more striking from its unfrequent occurrence.

A keen and deadly jealousy subsists between these and the Spanish ecclesiastics, or rather a hatred on the one side, and a contempt on the other. The Indian clergy accuse these last of a neglect of their ecclesiastical duties, of vast accumulations of property in lands, &c., which, say they, “belong to us the Indians.” The Spaniards in return treat them with silent contempt, continuing to enjoy the best benefices, and living at their ease in the convents. From what has been said, it will be easily seen, “that much may be said on both sides;” but these recriminations have the bad effect of debasing both parties in the eyes of the natives, and are the germs of a discord which may one day involve these countries in all the horrors of religious dissentions.[48]

Such are the civil and ecclesiastical government of the Phillippines. We turn now to the Revenue and Expenditure, Military establishments, &c.

Until very lately these rich islands have been a constant burden to the crown of Spain, money having been annually sent from Mexico to supply their expenses. The establishment of the monopoly of tobacco has principally contributed to supply this deficiency. It was established by an active and intelligent governor (Vasco) about 1745 [sc., 1785] and still continues to be the principal revenue of the country; and large sums have been from time to time sent home to Spain, as a balance against those received from Mexico. The sales of this article amount more or less to a million of dollars per annum. The extensive establishment which is kept up to prevent smuggling, and the expenses of purchase and manufacture, reduce its net produce to 500,000 dollars per annum. The plant is cultivated in the districts of Gapan in Pampanga, in a part of the province of Cagayan, and in the island Marinduque to the south of Luzon. It is delivered in by the cultivators at fixed prices, and sent to Manila, where it is manufactured in a large range of buildings dedicated to that purpose, and retailed to the public at about 18 to 19½ dollars per arroba of 25 lbs. (Spanish), the prices varying a little according to the harvests.

The administration, inspection, and manufacture of this article, employ several thousand persons of both sexes (the manufacturing process being almost wholly carried on by women). This is not only the most productive, but the best conducted branch of the revenue; while it is at the same time the least vexatious in its operations, though not exempt from those objections which are common to all government monopolies.

Another of these monopolies is that of Coco wine, as it is called (vino de Coco y nipa). This is a weak spirit produced from the juice of the Toddy tree (Borassus gomutus),[49] and from the nipa (Cocos nypa): of this, large quantities are used by the natives. The expense of collection is about 80,000 dollars, the net revenue to government varying from 2 to 300,000.

The poll-tax (tributo) is the other great branch of the revenue; the manner of collecting it is described in p. 29. Its amount to each individual is, with some exceptions and variations in different provinces, 14 rials, or 1¾ dollars for every married Indian, from the age of 24 to 60. The Mestizos pay 24 rials or 3 dollars, and the Chinese 6 dollars each: this last branch is generally farmed. The amount of Indian and Mestizo tribute may be stated in round numbers at 800,000 dollars: the expense of collecting it diminishes it to about 640,000. The exemptions from it are disbanded soldiers, who pay less than others, men above 60 years of age, and the cultivators of tobacco, or makers of wine for the royal monopolies.

The collection of this tax is always attended with much trouble, and it is detested by the Indians to the last degree. The exaction of it from the newly converted tribes,[50] and the extensive frauds which, as already detailed, are practised by means of it, render it the most oppressive of all impositions. The natives consider it (perhaps with some justice), as giving money to no purpose; and infallibly evade it by every means in their power.

The customs produce from 1 to 300,000 dollars per annum. The remaining part of the revenue is derived from various minor sources: such are the cockpits, which are farmed, and produce a net revenue of 25 to 40,000 dollars;—the Chinese poll-tax, 30,000 dollars;—“Bulas,”[51] (the sale of which is farmed, and produces from 10 to 12,000 dollars);—cards, powder (a monopoly), stamps, and other articles of minor importance; amongst which was formerly the monopoly of betel nut, which is now abolished.

The expenses of administration are as follows. The civil and ecclesiastical officers of government, 250,000 dollars. The military, including all classes, about 600,000; and the marine, about 550,000.

The excess of revenue over the expenditure is stated by Comyn to have been in 1809 about 450,000 dollars, but in this is included 250,000 received from Mexico.

In 1817, by an account published by order of the Ayuntamiento of Manila, the amount of the revenue was—

Receipts

Dollars
Poll Tax 638,976
Rentas (monopolies, farms, &c.) 810,784
Total 1,449,760[52]

of which a surplus would remain when all the expenses were liquidated. In preceding years, some surplus has been remitted to Spain.

The military establishment consists of three regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, a squadron of hussars, and a battalion of artillery, in all about 4500 regulars. The militia are numerous, but only one regiment is under arms: the total of men may be estimated at 5000, but on an emergency, large bodies of irregulars can be called into activity. In 1804, the governor, Don J. M. de Anguilar, [i.e., Aguilar] is said to have had upwards of 20,000 men under arms, being in expectation of an attack from the English.

These troops (which are all natives) are in general badly disciplined and officered, mostly by country-born officers, without the advantage of an European education, ignorant of their military duties to the last degree, many of them (more especially in the Mestizo regiments) connected with the soldiers by relationship, or at least by the tie of mutual indulgence, the soldier performing every menial office for the officer, who in return winks at the excesses of the soldier. This is carried to such an extent, that, not to mention such trifles as a garden wall or gate, a bathing house, or a stable, or at times a little smuggling; there are instances on record, where the commanding officer of a regiment has built himself a country house! the whole of the masonry and carpentry being performed by soldiers of his regiment! Another is of a captain collecting his debts by means of a piquet of infantry; taking possession of his debtor’s house until payment was made!

It will be easily conceived, that where these things are permitted, the soldiers are made subservient to other purposes; accordingly they have been employed to punish the paramours of their officers’ wives—to eject a troublesome tenant—or at times to take vengeance for affronts, in cases where it might not be safe for the injured person to do so.[53]

These remarks apply more particularly to the Mestizo officers. The Spaniards, and some of the creoles, who are but very few in number, form a respectable class of military men, of whom some few may be cited as models of spirit and discipline: but they are not sufficiently numerous for their example to influence the despicable beings with whom they are unavoidably associated; and the wealth and influence being generally on the side of the native-born officers, these abuses are permitted, and the complaints of others disregarded.

It is but just, however, to remark, that their pay is excessively mean; it is a bare, and miserable subsistence; and due weight should be given to this circumstance in extenuation. A captain of regulars has not more than 80 dollars per month! and so on in proportion, and when we reflect, that from the low value of the circulating medium, a dollar will barely command more than a rupee in any part of India, much must be allowed for men so situated.

Hence, though the men, arms, and accoutrements are not bad, the troops are, from abuses, embezzlement, and neglect, miserably deficient in a military point of view, and but poorly calculated to answer any efficient purpose. To this description, the regiment of artillery and Pampango militia are exceptions: the style of equipment and discipline of the first are a high testimony of the activity and military talents of their colonel. The queen’s regiment is by far the most respectable of the infantry.

Their cavalry are badly mounted, the horses being very small, and by no means good. The men too are clumsily equipped, with swords manufactured apparently in the 14th century, being straight, disproportionably long, and furnished with a steel poignet or basket, above which is a cross, resembling the rapiers of that time.

Their marine is still more miserably deficient in the requisite qualities for essential service, and suffers more from the mal-administration of its various branches. All work done in the royal arsenal is computed to cost at least 40 per cent. more than that by individuals! The marine consists of a flotilla of 40 or 50 gun-boats, and as many feluccas,[54] of which about one half, or fewer, may be in constant activity; with what effect has been already remarked.

Like the army, the navy is almost entirely officered by creoles and Mestizos, whose pay is but a subsistence, and consequently no prospect is offered to young men of family and enterprise who may have other resources.

The arsenal at Cavite, about 10 miles from Manila, is well provided with officers and workmen, but has no docks. Vessels, however, may heave down with great safety; and the work, though expensive, is remarkably well executed.

The agriculture of this very fertile country is yet in its infancy. Oppressed with so many enemies to his advancement, and placed in a climate where the slightest exertion insures subsistence, the Indian has, like the majority of his Malay brethren, been content with supplying his actual wants, without seeking for luxuries. Hence, and from the expulsion of the Jesuits, they have made no advances beyond the common attainments of the surrounding islanders.

This spirited and indefatigable order of men, who, both by precept and example, encouraged agriculture, not only as the source of national greatness, but as preparatory to, and inseparable from, conversion to Christianity, which they well knew did not consist alone in ceremonies, but in fulfilling the duties of citizens and men, and who, whatever were their political sins, certainly possessed more than any other the talent of converting men from savage to civilized life, have left in the Phillippines some striking monuments of their wide-spreading and well-directed influence. Extensive convents (the ground stories of which were magazines), in the centre of fertile districts formerly in the highest state of cultivation, but now more than half abandoned,—tunnels,—canals,—reservoirs and dams, by which extensive tracts were irrigated for the purposes of cultivation, attest the spirit with which they encouraged this science; and if their expulsion was a political necessity, it certainly appears to have been in this country a moral evil.

The restraints imposed on commerce were another insuperable bar to their prosperity, as depriving them of a market for their produce. Since foreigners have been allowed free intercourse with them, their agriculture has in some degree improved by the increased demand of produce; but under the present system, but little can be expected from it.[55]

The soil is in general a rich red mould, with a great proportion of iron, and in some districts volcanic matters; it is easily worked and very productive: that in the immediate vicinity of Manila, and for four or five miles round it, extending to that distance from the coast of the Bay, is an alluvial soil, formed by the confluence of the numerous rivers with the ocean; it is stiff, and in all respects very inferior to the other. In some parts are extensive tracts, the reservoirs of the waters from the mountains in the rainy season, which first yield an amazing supply of fish,[56] and then a good crop of rice or pasture for the buffaloes.

The frequent rains, and the numerous rivers and streams with which the country is every-where intersected, adds to its extraordinary fertility: it is seldom, if ever, afflicted with droughts, but is at times devastated by locusts (perhaps once in 10 or 15 years), and these make dreadful havoc amongst the canes. Their attacks, however, are partial, and generally take place after the rice is harvested, in December, disappearing before the rains. In 1818, nearly the whole of the canes were destroyed by them, and the Ayuntamiento of Manila expended from 60 to 80,000 dollars in purchasing large quantities of them, which were thrown into the sea.[58]

The buffalo is universally used in all field labours, for which, however, he is but poorly calculated: the slowness of his pace, and his great suffering from heat, which obliges the labourer to bathe him frequently, occasion a very considerable loss of time, which is scarcely compensated by his great strength and little expense in keeping. Indeed, the bullock should perhaps be on all occasions substituted for him, excepting only in the cultivation of rice fields. In a few districts, this is the case; but it is with reluctance that the native uses him in preference to the buffalo.

Their breed of horses is small, but very hardy: they are never used for agricultural purposes, though but few of the peasants are without one for riding, and many of them have two or three. In the province of Pampanga (the finest tribe of Indians in the Phillippines), they risk considerable sums on races! of which they are very fond.

Their plough is of Chinese origin: it has but one handle, and no coulter or mould-board, the upper part of the share, which is flat, and turned to one side, performing this part of the work. The common harrow is composed of five or six pieces of the stems of the thorny bamboos, which at the lower part are almost solid; these are united by a long peg of the same, passing through all the pieces: to these the hard branches of thorns are left appending, and being cut off at a short distance from the stem, form the teeth of the instrument, which, rude as it is, performs its work well, and usefully, and is seldom out of order.

For cleaning and finally pulverizing the ground, they have another harrow of Chinese origin, (or an invention of the Jesuits?) It is of wrought iron, and for simplicity and utility it is, I think, unequalled. By means of it they can extirpate the Lallang grass (Andropogon caricosum), called by them Cogon,[60] and which no other instrument will perform so well, that I am acquainted with.

A hoe, like that of the West Indies, answers the purposes of a spade; and (with the basket) of a shovel. A large knife (the Malay Parang), called “Bolo,” completes the list of their agricultural instruments. Machinery they cannot be said to possess, except a rude mill of two cylinders for cane, and another for grinding their rice, can be called such. The greater part of the rice is beaten from the husk in wooden mortars, and by hand.

The rainy season commences with the S. W. monsoon, and ends in October. The rice (the aquatic sorts) is planted by hand in July and August, and reaped in December. The upland rice, of which they have two varieties, is planted earlier, and comes sooner to maturity. The cane is planted in the manner called “en canon” by the French, that is, the plant piece is stuck diagonally into the ground; and thus, from the roots being often on the surface, the plant suffers frequently from drought, and they have seldom two crops from a piece of cane: their sugar, though clumsily manufactured, is of excellent grain, and highly esteemed by the refiners of Europe.

The indigo plant is very fine; and though, as in all countries, a precarious crop, yet it is far from being so much so as in India: it has been manufactured equal to Guatemala, but in the present day is of a very inferior quality: this arises from various causes, of which the principal are ignorance in the manufacture of it, a want of capital, and spirit of enterprise. They have no tanks of masonry, the whole process being carried on in two wooden vats of a very moderate size, from which the fecula is taken once a week. It is needless to remark, that the quality of the indigo is materially injured by this alone: it is also subject to many adulterations in the hands of the Mestizos, before being brought to market.

The coffee plant was almost entirely unknown about 40 years ago, a few plants only existing in the gardens about Manila. It was gradually transported from thence to the towns in the neighbourhood of the lake, where it has been since multiplied to an amazing degree by an extraordinary method. A species of civet cat with which the woods abound, swallows the berries,[61] and these passing through the animal entire, take root, and thus the forests are filled with wild plants. This fact may be depended upon, and the major part of all the coffee exported from Manila is produced from the wild plants, and is equal or superior in flavour to that of Bourbon. The government, in 1795 or 96, made an attempt to force its cultivation in the province of Bulacan, but forgot, as one of their own officers naivement observes, “Que no habia compradores ni consumidores”—that there were neither consumers or customers for it! It of course fell to the ground, and in the next passage of the same work, the Indian is partly blamed for it!

The cultivation of cotton is as yet but very partial. It is of the herbaceous species, of a very fine quality, almost equalling the Bourbon, but excessively adherent to the grain: so much so indeed, that none of the attempts to separate it from the seed by machinery have hitherto succeeded; the grains passing through the rollers, and staining the cotton. It is cleared by the natives by means of a hand-mill, very clumsy in its construction, and performing so little work, that the cleaning costs six dollars per pekul.

The principal part of the cotton comes from the province of Ylocos, where large quantities of stuffs are manufactured. The brown cotton, for which a prize was offered in 1818 by the Society of Arts, grows in great quantities, and is manufactured into durable cloths and blankets. The prices of agricultural labour vary from 1 rial[63] per day near Manila to ¾ and ½ rial in the provinces—a plough with two buffaloes and a man, 2½ rials. The workmen, like day labourers in all countries, are often “looking for sunset;” but when allowed task work, are willing and industrious. A plough will go over rather more than a loan[64] of ground in a day—about a quinion in three months.

Of the produce of any given cultivation, it is difficult to speak with any degree of correctness: calculations of this kind are difficult to make amongst a people labouring each for himself, and all for the wants of the day: for, unaccustomed to generalize, each gives his own as the average, and hence the discrepancy which every person must have remarked who has had occasion to make inquiries of this description in half civilized countries, where a main point, the value of the labourer’s time, and of that of his animals, is invariably left out, as is also the difference of work for himself and for a master. The tables given at the conclusion of Comyn’s work are, as far as regards the vicinity of the capital, very erroneous. They are also very deficient in many points.[67] The following is a much nearer approximation.

A quinion of land requires four ploughings and three harrowings, say six ploughings in all.

Ds. Rs.
Now as 1 Quinion will occupy a hired labourer about 90 days at 2½ Rials = 28 Dollars 1 Rial, which for six times is 168 6
Fencing, 12 Ds.; Grubbing, &c., 15; Cane Slips, 25; Planting, 18; Weeding and Hoeing, 30; Carriage, 18; Manufacture, 45; Pilones, &c., 12 175 0
Cost 343 6
Produce at low average, 150 Pilones,[68] salable at 3½ Ds. 487 4
Profit 143 6

This supposes the proprietor of the cane to be possessed of a mill, buffaloes, &c. for the wear of which no estimate is made.

The 150 pilones of sugar, each weighing about 150 lbs. gross, will produce the refiner who has purchased them about 100 piculs of sugar, of which

S. Ds.
80 1st sort, worth 6¼ Dollars 500 0
20 2d ditto, and Molasses, &c. 3¾ 75 0
575 0
They have cost him about 487 4
Refiner’s allowance on 100 Pilones, S. Ds. 47 8

The profits of the refiner would appear high; and they have been so; but are far from what this statement appears to give, from various reasons, of which the chief are, the heavy capital sunk in buildings, interest on advances, &c. and from a want of knowledge, the enormous waste of labour in the process. A glance at this may give an idea of what trade is at these antipodes of commercial knowledge.

I have termed the process “refining;” it should rather be called claying and sorting—and it is as clumsily managed as the ingenuity of man could well devise. The trade is principally in the hands of three or four capitalists; advances are made by these to brokers, the provincial merchants, who annually bring their produce to the capital in small vessels,[69] and to the masters of coasting traders, in which the sugar merchants have shares. These are made to a large amount, 80 to 100,000 dollars; and as the interest of this must at least run for six months at 9 per cent. it forms a heavy item. Losses and defaulters form another, say ½ per cent. in all 5 per cent.

The pilones are delivered from November to May and June, and are received into extensive warehouses, which are provided with large court-yards and terraced roofs. Here the upper part of the pilone is cut off, and a quantity of manufactured sugar being pressed down on the top of it, a thin layer of the river mud is put on it; this is watered from time to time and changed once or twice, the pilone standing on a small foot, with the small hole at its apex left open, through which the molasses slowly drains, leaving the upper and broader part of the pilone of a fine white, gradually decreasing in goodness to the bottom, where it is little more than molasses—the pilone is then cut in two; the darker part is put by as second quality (or reboiled), and the whiter portion as firsts, of the sugar, the care taken in the process, the kind of mud used, &c. About two piculs of sugar from three pilones is a fair average, when these are of a good size. That from the province of Pampanga is by far the best; it is produced from a small red cane[70] about four feet high, and of the thickness of a good walking stick.

The sugar being thus clayed, is now to be mixed, pounded, and dried. The last process is performed by laying it on small mats in the sun, on the terraces and pavements of the court-yards. On the slightest appearance of rain, it must be hurried under cover, and brought out again when this is past. So that in a manufacture of any size, when from 3 to 400 Chinese are employed at 4½ dollars per month, fully ⅓d of their labour is expended on this operation alone. The management of the rest requires no comment.

The cost of production of any of the other articles cannot be estimated to any degree of correctness, from the very small scale on which they are cultivated, and the limited knowledge of the writer of these remarks. Those of Comyn are erroneous.

The Indians are the principal and almost the only cultivators of the soil, very few Mestizos or Chinese[71] being engaged in it. The few Spaniards and other Europeans who have attempted it, have been obliged to abandon their attempts to form plantations. These failures, or rather determination to abandon their speculations (even when in a promising state), have arisen from various causes; but the general one may be stated to be the very little security for life and property, in a country such as has been described. This is with the major part an insuperable objection; for from the moment they are established, and known to possess money for the payment of their workmen, they must be in expectation of an attack, and prepared to defend themselves; nor can they lie down at night free from the apprehension of seeing their establishments in flames before morning! either from robbers, or from malice of any individual who may think himself aggrieved:—the impossibility of obtaining justice so generally experienced by the Indians, and the many chances of escaping punishment, being strong inducements to the ill-disposed to adopt these modes of revenge. To this it may be added, that even were the foreigner to kill the most determined robber in the country, the circumstance of having done so in defence of his life and property, would by no means exonerate him from a fleecing by the inferior officers of justice, and from a long and tiresome process of depositions, declarations, &c. during which his affairs must be entirely neglected.[73]

In addition to this he must lay his account with another obstacle, and this none of the smallest—the chance of bad faith on the part of those with whom he is connected; a chance which by no means will diminish in proportion to his success; for, let no foreigner deceive himself on this head in Manila; if he cannot flatter as low, or bribe as high as his adversary, his cause is lost by some means or other.

The Phillippines also produce cacao of an excellent quality, though not sufficient for their consumption, a large quantity being imported from New Spain.

Pepper is also an article of exportation, but in very limited quantities, the utmost the Phillippine Company have been able to procure being about 60,000 lbs. in favourable years.

To these may be added the Abaca (Musa textilis), a species of plantain, from which the beautiful fibres are procured known by that name. This is becoming a very considerable article of exportation, both raw, and manufactured into cordage. The natives also consume large quantities of it in cordage, and as shirting cloth, into which a large portion of the interior and finer fibres are manufactured. Some of it is equal to the coarser sort of China grass cloth.[74]

In Gogo,[76] a gigantic climbing plant, whose trunk attains the size of a man’s body, is another remarkable production of these islands. Its branches being cut out into lengths, are coarsely pounded and dried in the sun: they are used as soap by all classes of people, the saponaceous fluid which is extracted from them being remarkably cleansing, and the fibres answering the purpose of a brush.

It is also used in large quantities in washing the earth of rivers and streams, to separate the gold from them. It is not cultivated, but exists in great abundance in the forests, in which are also the sapan-wood (called Sibacao), the sandal, ebony, and vanilla. They abound in gums and resins, large portions of which are washed down by the torrents; but these are for the most part useless, either from the ignorance of the natives, or from the impossibility of venturing far in the interior.

Their timber is excellent, and in a country so covered with forests, of course plentiful; but the want of roads and other conveniences of transport, renders it, in Manila, rather an expensive article.

The principal timber woods are, the “Mulave” [i.e., Molave], a compact, heavy, yellowish wood, and almost incorruptible, perhaps from the very great portion of tannin it contains. Tindalo,[78] a hard wood, much resembling the iron-wood of the Brasils, and like it used for screws, &c., &c. when great hardness is required. “Betis,” an excellent timber tree, which grows to a very great size, and for its durability is generally used for the main beams of churches, convents, and other large buildings. The “Narra,” of which there are two kinds, the white and red: this last is almost equal to mahogany in polish and durability. Banaba, a red wood resembling cedar; and many others of equal goodness. Of these the Banaba and Mulave are most used in shipbuilding, the first for planking, and the last for the framework. For masts, the Manga-chapuy and Palo-maria are generally used: the last is equal or superior to pine, both in strength and lightness.

Their forests are not infested with those ferocious animals which are the terror of those of other Asiatic countries. The tiger, elephant, and rhinoceros are unknown: the wild buffalo and hog are the only ones of which the native has any dread. These attain an enormous size, but are not mischievous, unless provoked. The dried flesh and hides of these animals, as well as of deer and wild cattle, which are in immense numbers, form a considerable article of trade amongst the natives, the “tappa” or dried flesh being used for food, and the hides for exportation.

Their serpents, however, attain an enormous size: the largest are those of the Boa species (Constrictor), and will devour a horse or a cow at a meal.[79] Of this genus there is one variety very beautifully marked, which frequents the houses, and is called by the Spaniards (Culebra casera), the house snake,[80] and by the Indians “Sawa.” These are often seen from 10 to 12 feet in length, but are very harmless. Few houses are without one or more of them in the cellars, stables, &c. but they are seldom disturbed, as they are said to devour rats and other noxious animals; though, when these fail them, they attack fowls, or even goats. They form a favourite article of food with the Chinese, who keep them in jars to fatten, and the Indians may be often seen carrying them through the streets for sale.

Of other varieties they have great numbers; some of which, as the “dahun palay,” or leaf of rice, of a deep green and yellow, which frequents the rice fields, and the “mandadalag,” or whip-snake, are excessively venomous: accidents from these animals are not, however, very frequent; from whence it may be concluded, that the superstition of the natives has greatly exaggerated the number of venomous ones: and this may be the more readily inferred, not only from their excessively superstitious character, and the common custom of all nations in this particular; but also from the thousand ridiculous fables told by them of the cameleon, which is very common in the woods, and perfectly harmless. The Indian name for it is “Ynyano.”

Of minerals they have an inexhaustible supply: gold is found in almost all the streams, and even in the sands of the shores of the Bay after blowing weather: no mines of it have as yet been wrought, though they are known to exist. The quantity obtained by the rude efforts of the natives merely washing the sands of the torrents, is very great, and certainly does not fall short of 4 to 500,000 dollars worth annually, as great quantities are expended in gilding for the churches, &c. &c.

Silver is also found, but in small quantities. Virgin copper is another produce of their mountains: pieces of it are frequently met with in the torrents, and on the shores of some of the islands (Masbate, Burias, and Ambil). The negroes have also been seen with rude ornaments, and even with utensils made from it.

Of iron they have whole mountains in the very vicinity of Manila! (provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan), some of the ores yielding 75 per cent. of metal, and of an excellent quality, this having been ascertained by some Biscayan iron-masters sent out for that purpose. It contains great numbers of magnets. There are some miserable establishments for working and smelting these ores, but on a very small scale; they have only produced cast iron articles, and those of an inferior quality. They have no forging machinery.[82]

Cinnabar, lead, and tin are supposed to exist; but of these last there is no certainty.

Sulphur is found in the neighbourhood of the volcanoes in considerable quantities, and is an article of export to Bengal and other places: the principal part of it is collected on the island of Leyté, which is next to Samar on the south side of the strait of St. Bernardino. It is collected on the edges of numerous small apertures, which emit at times flames and smoke. These are situated in an extensive plain near the sea-coast in the vicinity of the village of Dulag, on the eastern side of the island. With these natural advantages, and those are not few that still remain to be enumerated, the commerce of this country, like its agriculture, is still in its infancy: and this has been principally owing to two great causes—the trade to Acapulco, and the prohibitory system invariably pursued by Spain in regulating the intercourse with her colonies, and which here has been burdened with an additional weight, the monopoly of the Phillippine Company.

It were a task far exceeding the intention and ability of the writer of these remarks to point out the causes and effects of these extensive evils:—a few observations only will be made to elucidate such remarks as may follow on the commerce of Manila.

Of the prohibitory system pursued by Spain towards her colonies, it may perhaps be said, with as much justice as of her wars, that it was, “en faire un desert pour s’en assurer l’empire;”[83] for few systems could have been better calculated to assure the first object; the last has miserably disappointed its advocates, and left a striking lesson to the world, at which humanity has cause to rejoice.

With jealousy of foreigners exceeding even the bounds of credibility, she invariably refused them admittance,[84] whether for scientific or commercial purposes;[85] or when from accident or influence this was obtained, the people following, and often exceeding the lessons of their rulers, by civil and religious persecutions, and contempt, contrived to render their existence almost a burden. It would appear to have become an axiom amongst them, remarkable only for its illiberality, that “a dollar gained by foreigners was one taken from the pocket of a Spaniard;”[86] and that in all cases where the interests of the merchants of the mother country and those of the colonies were opposed, the latter were to be sacrificed.[87] Her own subjects were, from the same miserable narrow policy, embarrassed with restrictions and conditions—permissions from the Consejo de las Yndias, &c. &c. that it became by no means a trifling affair to be able to embark for the Phillippines, unless at the risk of being sent home from there by the local authorities.

Unable herself, from the want of manufactures and energy, to profit by her colonies, she obstinately refused to allow others to do so, and in this she invariably persisted. The fruits of such a system were such as might have been expected; the colonies submitted—(while they were obliged by force to do so), smuggled to a large amount, remonstrated, resisted, and declared themselves independent; and thus has Spain forever lost those advantages which a more liberal policy might have secured to her through a long course of time.[88]

In the Philippines, this system, though followed for a long time, has been of late years successively relaxed, and the good effects of this modification are visible to the most indifferent observer: it has however left deep traces of its operations, and much is still wanting: the foreign merchant or adventurer, how much soever he may be smiled upon and caressed, has still to contend against a rooted and long cherished jealousy of all that is not Spanish.

The Acapulco trade is another and a principal cause of the very confined state of the commerce of this valuable colony. A few remarks will be sufficient to justify the apparent paradox.

The merchant of Manila (says Comyn), is “entirely different from the merchant of other parts of the world; he has no extensive correspondence, no books, or intricate accounts; his operations are confined to a shipment of bales to Acapulco, and to receiving the silver in return: and in 40 years, only one or two instances have occurred wherein bankrupts have been able to produce a correct set of books to the Consulado (or Chamber of Commerce)!” This description was doubtless correct at the time when it was written (1809); but it is just to observe that they are now much improved, and though not excessively enterprising, are better acquainted with the true principles of commerce. Such were the merchants: let us examine a little the trade.

The basis of it was, and is, the funds called “Obras Pias”[89] (Pious Works). These are funds under various denominations, whose origin was the piety of well-meaning Spaniards, who dying rich have bequeathed large sums for the purpose of lending to deserving traders to commence or continue their career with. The administration of these is confided to various religious and charitable institutions, or to civil associations—the trustees forming a board, at which the sums to be lent, &c. are determined. Their statutes differ in many unessential points;[90] but their general tenour is the same, viz. that sums not exceeding two thirds of the fund shall be lent on respondentia at certain rates of interest, which are fixed according to the risk of the voyages; and these, when repaid, shall be added, principal and interest, to the original fund. The interests are 25 per cent. to Acapulco, 15 to Bengal, and so in proportion. The total of the capitals of these establishments (there are 12 or 14 of them), amounted to about three millions and a half of dollars in 1820, of which about two millions are due to the funds on various risks, principally those of New Spain: of this the major part is considered as lost by those best qualified to judge of the subject.

The principal employ of these funds has been in the commerce to Acapulco; and from the facility with which capital was procured, the excessive gambling spirit which this introduced, as well as the system of mutual accommodations from the trustees of different funds, and the utter absence of the wholesome restraint of public examinations of their accounts, it has resulted that more harm than good has been done by these establishments. The original intentions are entirely perverted, a few small sums being lent to young adventurers (when they have powerful friends), but far the greatest part is employed by the trustees themselves under the name of a relation or friend.[91]

When, without risking any capital of his own, the merchant might thus share the enormous profits of this trade, with no more exertion than signing the invoices and letters (they were written by Indian clerks), and receiving the treasure on the return of the vessel, it is not surprising that for nearly two centuries they neglected all the other commercial advantages which surrounded them, or that such a commerce produced such merchants: the history of it and of them for that period may be confined to a few words:—they were the agents of the merchants of Madras and Bengal, receiving and shipping their goods, and returning their proceeds, while their profits were confined to a large commission on them.[92]

This trade was anciently confined to a single ship annually, the famous Galleon. She was fitted out, manned and armed, at the king’s expense, and commanded by a king’s officer. This was reimbursed by a duty of 33⅓ per cent. on the registered cargo, the merchants contributing to her provisionment, and to the payment of 20,000 dollars as a bounty to her commander. She was calculated to carry 3,000 bales of a certain size, and the privilege of shipping these was confined to the holders of 1,000 tickets called “boletas,” which were divided amongst different public bodies, charitable and religious institutions, the widows of the officers, &c., these tickets being saleable to others:[93] and of the enormous profit on this trade, some idea may be formed, when it is known, that with the very heavy expenses attendant on every stage of it, 500 dollars have been paid for a ticket entitling the holder to ship three bales!

By regulation, the invoice was not to exceed 500,000 dollars; but this was always evaded. The vessels were crammed with goods, and generally netted 100 per cent. or even 150 on every thing taken out.[94] By applications from private merchants, the permissions have of late years been extended to their ships, and even brigs; but they still were encumbered with many useless restrictions and conditions, which of course were evaded by every means that could be devised.

By the adoption of the new constitution, and the late declaration of the independence of Mexico,[95] which began in the seizure of a convoy of nearly a million of dollars belonging to the merchants of Manila, this trade is now almost annihilated.

As has been remarked, their intercourse with the other countries is very limited. The Phillippine Company, who were in possession of the exclusive trade of Europe, have for many years taken no advantage of their privilege (the last ship which arrived from Spain was in 1817);[96] but private merchants were still debarred from doing so, till the promulgation of the constitution.[97] Foreigners have been, however, gradually admitted since 1800; and they have supplied the wants of the country by introducing European articles, and carrying off the surplus produce, when a sufficient quantity could be procured to employ their capital, which rarely happens without much delay. So rapid has been the augmentation of this trade, that though in 1813 only 15,000 pekuls of sugar were exported, it had increased in 1818 to 200,000, at from 6½ to 9 dollars per pekul. The other exports of the same year were as follows:—

Coffee, about 400 pekuls, at 28 dollars; Cotton, 1,000, at 20 to 25 dollars; Indigo, 1,000 quintals, at 90 to 110 dollars per quintal; wax, 600 pekuls at 40 to 50 dollars; red wood, &c. &c. in large quantities. In a printed account, the number of foreign vessels for that year (1818) are stated to be, English, 18; American, 10; French, 4; Portuguese, 2; Chinese Junks, 10, and 8 Spanish vessels. The value of imports as follows:

Goods, 2,296,272 dollars
Cash, 758,239
$3,054,511

The exports, 1,205,649 dollars; but this last is any thing but correct, not only from the very imperfect nature of the custom-house valuations, but from the smuggling, which is carried on to an immense amount. It will be nearer the truth to estimate the imports at about 3,8, or 3,900,000, and the exports at 3¼ or 3,500,000.[98]

The imports consist of piece-goods for the Acapulco market, and for home consumption from Bengal; cambrics and handkerchiefs of plaided patterns from Madras; woollens, wines, spirits, silks, printed cottons, hosiery, hardware, &c. from Europe (principally from France); bird’s nests, tortoise and mother-of-pearl shell, bich-de-mar [i.e., balate], wax, dried fish, &c. from Soolo, Borneo, and other islands of the Archipelago; toys, silks, nankeens, teas, and dollars from China; dollars from the United States; and from South America, silver, cochineal, and cacao. Of these articles the specie and cochineal are mostly exported to Bengal and Madras, and the produce of the Soolos and Borneo to China; the other exports have been noticed in a preceding page.

An active coasting trade[99] is carried on by the natives amongst the islands, though they suffer dreadfully from the pirates; but such is their enterprising turn, that with these in sight, they will often cross from one island to another, when they have a fair start; and frequently set out on a long trip in a small prow [i.e., prau], armed only with their spears and “campilans,”[100] though knowing the pirates to be in the neighbourhood of their track. They are well known in the piratical states, where a Manila slave always commands a higher price than any other. They have been much stigmatized in British country-ships, as the leaders of mutinies, &c.; but though no doubt can exist that they have often assisted in cutting off vessels, yet I question much whether the fault was not in a great measure to be attributed to a want of discrimination between the high spirit of the Philippine islander, and the meek sufferance of the patient Lascar—a fatal mistake, when both are trampled on, as it is to be feared they but too often are.

This trade is carried on in pontines,[101] galeras, feluccas, and prows or boats of all sizes. The pontines are stout-built vessels of European models, from 80 to 150 tons, with two long mat sails, like a Chinese junk. The “galeras” are smaller, and carry a lateen sail, like those of the Mediterranean. The feluccas have been already described, and their prows and boats resemble nearly those of their Malay brethren. Large property is often embarked in these vessels, and they are conducted entirely by natives.

They have but a few manufactures: the principal one is that of coarse gauzes, and rope from the Abaca plant, the first of which has a very extensive consumption and is universally worn by all classes of the natives. It is principally carried on in the province of Camarines, at the S. E. angle of the island.

Considerable quantities of coarse canvas and striped cloths are manufactured from cotton in the province of Ylocos; and in those in the more immediate vicinity of the capital, the striped cloths called “tapis” are universally worn by the native women over their petticoat. None of these articles except the Abaca rope are exported, and probably the whole of the cloths might be imported at a cheaper rate than they are made. The Phillippine Company, by a mistaken policy, expended large sums in endeavoring to render these manufactures articles of export to Spain and the Americas; but after heavy and repeated losses, the attempt was at length abandoned.

I am not certain whether there was not a clause in their charter, obliging them to attempt this; and from the interfering spirit of Spanish legislature throughout the last two centuries, it is more than probable it was so. For the Company must have seen the impropriety of endeavoring to establish manufactures in a country so thinly populated, and where the little security for property or power of enforcing contracts, must have exposed them to a thousand losses unknown in Europe.

This last circumstance is one which is at all times a severe check on the prosperity of any undertaking in this country. The most shameless frauds are daily committed, particularly by the Chinese and Chinese Mestizos, and for these there is no resource; complaint is unavailing, for the trouble of obtaining redress is greater than the injury, and it is a matter of common conversation—how so and so has been cheated in his contracts. They appear to mistake indolence for compassion, and allow themselves to be robbed with impunity, rather than pursue the offender, or, should they do so, the magistrate to whom they apply is but too apt, if the affair is intricate, to mistake procrastination for deliberation, and thus the culprit escapes unpunished. The losses of private merchants and the individuals in this way, would, if enumerated, exceed belief. Another and a most serious drawback to the commercial prosperity of the Phillippines, has been the negligence or ignorance, or both which have prevented the establishment of bonded warehouses, or a system of drawback duties on re-exportations. A glance at their position, and the consideration of the monsoons, will convince any one, that this was of all things that for which ample provision should have been made; and it would be no exaggeration to say, that this commerce would in a few years have increased tenfold with China alone, had this plan been adopted. The enormous duties and vexatious spirit of the Chinese government, together with, what must doubtless be often the case, the fleecing combinations of the Hong merchants;[102] would long ago have driven every vessel from their ports, could another have been found near enough to insure a supply of goods, which, from the enterprising spirit of the Chinese, could not have failed. Manila is this port. From Amoy and Nankin, the granaries and workshops of the eastern provinces, the most fertile and commercial part of the empire, it is but a short run to Manila; and thus, when the Chinese could freely trade in their favourite article, opium,[103] and find too an assortment of European and Malay goods, while the European could complete his investment of funds with the valuable produce of China,[104] without the expense of the measurement duties, and while the Malay could trade with both, an emporium might have risen, inferior only perhaps to Batavia or Calcutta.

An attempt was made in 1817, by a Spanish merchant, to commence something of this sort. He purchased a quantity of Turkey opium from an American, with an understanding that it was to be reshipped, on payment of a small additional duty. It was so, but a quantity of the opium was plundered from the custom-house godowns, and the proprietor was told “that the king was not responsible for losses.”

Plan of the environs, and a portion of the coast and bay adjacent to the city of Manila, 1779 (?)

[From original MS. map (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

It would be foreign to the object of a cursory sketch like the present to enter farther into the details of this subject. Enough has been said to bear out an assertion, which those who are acquainted with the trade will not think exaggerated, that had this system been fairly and equitably established, one half of the trade to China would before this have centered at Manila; and it is only at Manila that the advantages of such a transit could have been unknown or neglected in the 19th century. I proceed to make some observations on the capital and its inhabitants.[105]

PART II

MANILA

Manila,[106] the capital of the “kingdom of the Phillippines,”[107] in lat. 14° 26′ N. and long. 121° 3′ East of Greenwich, is situated on the eastern side of an extensive bay in the western coast of the island Luzon, or Luconia, as it is sometimes called. It is a captain general-ship (not a viceroyalty), and archbishopric, and the seat of the Audiencia, or Supreme Tribunal.

The city forms nearly a sector of a circle, of which the center is a point formed by the coast and the influence of a small but rapid river, the Passig, which flowing to the westward, and passing to the north of the city, discharges the waters of an extensive lake about 30 miles distant from the town. This river is navigable for vessels of 250 tons for a small distance from its entrance, which is formed by two fine moles, built by the municipality of the city. On the southern of these is a small semicircular battery for four guns, and on the other a light-house. The southern or outer mole is much out of repair.

The constant and rapid current of the river forms a bar at its entrance, over which there is 10, and at times 11 feet water at spring tides, in a narrow channel close to the battery.

The city is well fortified on the sea and land faces, but on that towards the river very indifferently, being only defended by a long curtain with a few ill-constructed bastions, which from their diminutive size are rather playthings than bastions. The curtain is narrow, and confined on the inside, and unfit for guns of calibre; the buildings within the city overlooking, and even joining the wall in some places. On the other side of the river, within 200 yards of this curtain, are a number of stone houses, along the whole length of its bank; and the bases of these being walls of eight and ten feet thick of solid masonry, would afford an immediate cover for an enemy, who might breach the curtain in ten minutes at so short a distance, and with perfect safety, the fire from some of these taking the whole of the works on the N. Eastern side in reverse. Indeed its only defence on this side is the river,[108] the current of which is always rapid.

Over it is a neat but narrow stone bridge of ten arches, which joins the city at its northern angle to the suburbs. On the city side of the bridge is a square tower, with an archway pierced through it, and with embrasures on the top. This is intended as a “tête de pont;” but it is too small for any effective purpose, and, like the bastions on this face, resembles a military plaything; and this defect is the more striking, as the fortifications, from this angle on the land and sea faces, are remarkably handsome and well proportioned.

At the north-western point of the city, which joins the mole, is the citadel of Santiago, a clumsy old-fashioned fortification, separated from the rest of the city by a narrow ditch with a stone bridge, but joined by the curtains of the bastions. It is incapable of any respectable defence, except from a semicircular bastion, which forms the point, and commands the moles and entrance to the river. It is now used as a state prison and magazine. The convicts employed in the public works are also lodged in it. This was the refuge of the unfortunate foreigners who escaped from the massacre on the 9th of October 1820; and to the honour of the commandant (Col. Don A. Parreno), and his lady be it recorded, they found there another home.

The length of the city within the walls is 1,300 yards Spanish, from N. W. to S. E.; its width 744, and circumference 4,166. The side towards the river, it has already been remarked, is, from the want of bastions, and from the encumbered state of the approaches to it, in a very defective state. The sea and land faces are exactly the reverse of this, being remarkably clear and strong.

The land face has a double ditch, and an esplanade of five or six hundred yards in breadth, which towards the river is marshy and swampy, and utterly unfit for military operations. Towards the sea, and for some miles along the coast, is an epaulement,[109] thrown up when in expectation of an attack from the English in 1804. On this esplanade formerly stood a church, from the tower of which the English under Sir W. Draper fired into the heart of the city:[110] it is now razed. There is also a small battery called Charles the Fourth’s, on an elevated spot in the marshy ground; it is about 350 yards from the fortifications and is mostly used as an exercising battery. Another redoubt of stone stands at the southern point of the outer ditch, and flanks the sea shore to a considerable distance to the southward: it also serves to cover the head of the outer ditch, which is not carried round the sea face, apparently for want of room, as its crest would nearly approach high water mark in this part.

There are six gates to the city, two on each face: those on the land side have neat stone bridges over the outer ditch, which are not mined, and, being of solid masonry, would be found cumbersome in case of an attack. The inner ones, and those on the sea side, are of wood or stone pillars with drawbridges. The ditches are wide and deep, but much encumbered with mud and weeds, from which last the fortifications also have suffered. The bastions on the sea and land sides are in many places without embrasures, the guns being “en barbette.”[111] The shore is not very flat, and will perhaps allow a frigate to lay within gunshot of the ramparts.

Within the walls of the city is the cathedral, the inside of which is very handsome, though the exterior is destitute of all symmetry, and seems to have been intended as a contrast to the majestic architecture of the interior.

The governor’s palace resembles a decent barn or warehouse, both externally and internally. It is large, dirty, and ill distributed, the basement being used as a prison.

The Cabildo, or Town House, is a handsome building, and the only one in the country which has any pretensions to symmetry, of which the architects of the Phillippines take every opportunity of shewing a sovereign contempt:—so much so, that it is rare to find even the doors and windows, or the angles of a room, correctly placed and laid out! These three buildings form three sides of a small square, the only one in the city, of about 100 yards on each side, the fourth side being occupied by private houses. In the centre is a handsome pedestal of reddish marble, on which no statue has yet been placed.[112]

The streets of the city are narrow and dirty; and the middle being a hollow, in rainy weather forms a continued puddle. They are paved at the sides with granite from China, the stone in the immediate neighbourhood of Manila being too soft. The pavement is not in good repair, and in some streets only occupies one side; the other, which is generally occupied by a large house, or the wall of a convent, being heaped up with dirt, rendered solid by long accumulation, and forming a hill against the wall, the receptacle of …. This is not confined to bye-lanes, but is most common in the great square (Plaza Constitucional) in front of the cathedral![113]

The city and suburbs are well lighted, and the European quarters of the last are cleaner than the city.

The convents, which occupy nearly one third of the whole area of the city! are more distinguished for their size and massy architecture, than for their beauty. The church and convent of St. Augustine, and that of the Jesuits (now fast falling to decay), are, however, neat and well built. That of San Domingo is the most extensive.

The hospital of St. John of God, a military order of Knights Hospitallers, is extensive, but for want of funds, is but indifferently entertained.[114] There is also a university (St. Thomas), two colleges for the instruction of Indians and mestizos, and three convents of nuns, who receive girls to educate. There are also two schools for girls, both endowed by the piety of single individuals; the first of these being a Spanish lady, who came out from Spain for the express purpose of devoting herself to the education of Indian and mestizo girls! The other is that of a mestizo woman of the village of Binondo, a suburb of Manila.

There are some large houses, but they are generally ill-built and inconvenient, the rooms being often excessively large, and always badly laid out. The ground floor is used for warehouses, stables, &c. and always includes a large court-yard. The first floor only is inhabited. The architecture of the lower part is very massive, being often walls of solid masonry of eight or ten feet thick, with large arches from side to side, and connected with massy beams. At the height of the floor, these walls are discontinued, and on them are raised at distances clumsy pillars of brickwork, or at times of wood (which is seldom straight). These pillars are connected at the top by large joists in all directions, having wooden forelocks driven through them close to the pillars; and on this framework are laid the rafters for the tiled roof; the interstices of the pillars, and divisions of the rooms, being filled up with brick and plaster. The ends of the floor timbers being allowed to project over the walls, form a gallery of eight or ten feet in width along the front of the house, and round it when insulated: this gallery is boarded for about four feet in height in front, and then filled up with sliding windows, the small panes of which are filled with plates of thin mother-of-pearl shell,[115] forming one continued window, like the front of a hot-house. The communication to this gallery is by wide folding doors from the rooms, a large one having four or five, which thus admit light and air into the apartments; but the shell windows, when closed against the sun, transmit an intolerable heat, and the houses are not in general cool ones. The galleries are often used as dressing, and even as bathing rooms; and as they overhang the streets, the passenger is often sprinkled from them, in consequence of this dirty practice.

The exterior of these galleries being painted a curious mixture of tawdry colours, such as black, grey, blue, yellow, and red, in panels, flowers, ovals, &c. on white or grey grounds, with their shell windows above, and the grated ones of the godowns below, gives a tawdry and unsociable appearance to the houses. The better sort, and those newly built, have venetians, which greatly improves both their appearance and comfort.

All the houses have a cross, and some two or three, on the roof or gables, as a preservative against evil spirits,[116] and lightning; and though few years pass without many accidents from the latter, the crosses are still preserved in preference to conductors, even in the magazines, not one of which is provided with this useful preservative, though that of the citadel contains many thousand pounds of powder.

The suburbs of the city are extensive, and contain many stone houses, in which some of the principal inhabitants reside, and generally all the foreigners, the vicinity of the river, and its many branches, rendering it more convenient for business.

The custom-house is a plain octagonal building of considerable extent, and contains a fine courtyard surrounded with an arcade, and extensive magazines for warehousing goods. These, from neglect and the ravages of the white ants, are fast falling to decay, and in a few years the building will be a ruin; it is now very dirty and ill-arranged, the entrance not being convenient to the river, and wanting quays and a crane. The officers of this establishment are in general attentive, civil, and indulgent to foreigners, though the length of their siestas does not contribute to the dispatch of business. There is no interpreter attached to this establishment, nor is the king responsible for goods or money deposited in it, this being solely at the merchant’s risk.

The “Calzada,” or public drive, is a broad neat carriage road, leading round the outer face of the outer ditch, from the bridge, round the land and sea faces of the fortifications to the river. It is planted with trees, and forms a good drive, having roads leading from it into the country, whose rich and cultivated appearance gives the stranger a high opinion of its fertility. The roads are however much in want of waterings in dry weather, the dust of the principal one being at these times insufferable.

On the road leading to the village of Santa Anna is the cemetery,[117] a building well worth the attention of strangers both as a novelty in itself, and as in some measure redeeming the character of the architecture of this country from its general want of interest and symmetry.

It consists of two concentric circular walls, about ten feet apart and fourteen in height, both surmounted with a balustrade. The inner wall forms the periphery of a circle of about 250 feet in diameter, and is pierced with three rows of small semicircular arches, which form the entrances to as many arched, oven-like receptacles, formed in the space betwixt the walls, and of a size just calculated to receive a coffin, to which purpose they are appropriated.

There are from two to three hundred of those receptacles; and when occupied, the entrances are walled up. The plot of ground in the centre is crossed by two broad stone walks, the borders of which are planted with flowers and shrubs; the remaining space is used for interments.

On the further side from the gate, and joined to the wall, is a handsome chapel of an oval shape, the roof being a dome. The interior of this chapel is remarkably neat; and the altar, which is white, and gold, is particularly so, from its elegant simplicity and chasteness of ornament: on each side of it are repositories for the remains of governors and bishops.

Without are flights of steps leading to the terrace joining the walls, and two passages leading to a smaller building at the back of the chapel, and in the same style as the large one. This is called the “Angelorio” and a recess in it the “Ossario.” The first is appropriated to the remains of infants and children, and the last to the bones which may in time accumulate. This purpose suggests the only objection which is apt to arise in viewing the building, which is, that, as in the course of time the receptacles must be filled up, those which have been first occupied must be opened, and the bones displaced to make room for others. To many this is a most revolting objection, and would appear to indicate a dulness of feeling and want of sentiment, which, though far from being uncommon at Manila, by no means accords with the spirit and style in which the building is executed, or with the reflections it is apt to excite.

There are no other buildings in the neighbourhood of Manila worthy the attention of the stranger. The appearance of the surrounding country is rich, and in some parts highly cultivated; but an air of neglect and dilapidation is visible throughout, which strikingly marks the apathetic character of both classes of its inhabitants. It is remarkable, too, that the neatness of the native villages, and the apparent comfort of the people, increase in direct proportion to their distance from the capital, as the influence of government is less felt, and the Indian, knowing no other authority than the “Padre,” retains more of his original character.

The vices of Spanish colonies have been often the theme of those who have visited them; and when speaking of Manila, they have seldom exaggerated.[118] It has been observed, and with some justice, that “to know the education of the children, is to know the character of a people.” If this be true, but little can be said for Manila, where this highly important duty is more neglected than perhaps in any civilized part of the globe.