The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Reformation and the Renaissance (1485-1547), by Frederick William Bewsher

BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS

General Editors: S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.

THE REFORMATION
AND
THE RENAISSANCE
(1485-1547)

COMPILED BY
FRED. W. BEWSHER, B.A.
ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL

SECOND EDITION

LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1916

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. Winbolt.

Kenneth Bell.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

The purpose of this volume is to supply several of those documents which are of great historical importance, and which, at present, find no place in the series of documents published by the Oxford University Press. Further, while most of the more important historical events are dealt with, an attempt has been made to introduce the student to the Tudor Atmosphere, and to reproduce as much as possible, both the mental and bodily energy, the prosperity, and the general virility of the period.

F. W. B.

St. Paul's School,
September 1912.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE REFORMATION AND
THE RENAISSANCE
(1485-1547)

DEVICE FOR THE CORONATION OF KING HENRY VII. (1485).

Source.—Rutland Papers, p. 12. Published by the Camden Society, 1842.

This done, the Cardinal, as Archbishop of Canterbury, shewing the King to the people at the iiij parties of the said pulpit, shall say in this wise; "Sirs, I here present Henry, true and rightful, and undoubted inheritor of the laws of God and man, to the crown and royal dignity of England, with all things thereunto annexed and appertaining, elect, chosen, and required by all three estates of the same land, to take upon him the said crown, and royal dignity, whereupon ye shall understand that this day is prefixed and appointed by all the peers of this land for the consecration, enunciation, and coronation." Whereunto the people shall say, with a great voice, "Yea. Yea. Yea. So be it King Henry! King Henry!"

Soon upon the said Cardinal, as Archbishop of Canterbury, being reuysshed[1] as appertaineth for celebration of mass and also the foresaid Bishops of Exeter and Ely on both sides as above, with other Bishops, and with the Abbot of Westminster, who oweth always to be near the King for his information in such things as concerneth the solemnity of the coronation, the King shall be brought honourably from his said seat unto the high altar, where the Chancellor of England shall set down the chalice, and likewise the Bishop of Chichester his patten.

The Queen following the King thither, going afore her the lords as above bearing her crown, sceptre, and rod, and the abovesaid Bishops sustaining her, for her shall be ordained, on the left side of the high altar, a folding stool wherein she shall sit while the King shall be required of the keeping of the customs and laws of England, and that done, whilst "Veni Creator Spiritus" is a singing, and all the while the King is anointed, she shall kneel praying for the King and her self.

At the which altar the King ought to offer a pall, and a pound of gold, xxiiij^li[2] in coin, which shall be delivered unto him by the Chamberlain; and, forthwith, the pavement afore the high altar worshipfully arrayed with carpets and cushions, the King shall then lie down grovelling, whilst the said Cardinal as Archbishop, say upon him, "Deus humilium," which done, the said Cardinal may, at his pleasure, command some short sermon to be said, during the which the said Cardinal shall sit before the altar, his back towards the same, as is the custom, and the King shall sit opposite him, face to face, in a chair prepared as to his high estate accordeth.

The sermon ended, if any such be, the Cardinal and the King that is to be crowned so sitting as is above said, the same Cardinal with an open and distinct voice shall ask the King under this form: "Will ye grant and keep, to the people of England, the laws and customs to them as of old rightful and devout kings granted, and the same ratify and confirm by your oath and especially the laws, customs, and liberties to be granted to the clergy and people by your noble predecessor and glorious King Saint Edward?" The King shall answer, "I grant and promise." And when the King, before all the people, hath promised truly to grant and keep all the promises, then shall the said Cardinal open unto him the special articles whereunto the King shall be sworn, the same Cardinal saying as followeth: "Ye shall keep, after your strength and power, to the Church of God, to the clergie, and the people, whole peace, and goodly concord." The King shall answer, "I shall keep."

"Ye shall make to be done after your strength and power, equal and rightful justice in all your dooms and judgements, and discretion with mercy and truth." The King shall answer, "I shall do." "Do ye grant the rightful laws and customs to be holden, and promise ye, after your strength and power, such laws as to the worship of God shall be chosen by your people by you to be strengthened and defended?" The King shall answer, "I grant and promise."

[1] = revested.

[2] = £24 in coin.

YEOMEN OF THE GUARD FIRST BROUGHT IN. THE SWEATING SICKNESS (1486).

Source.—Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. III., p. 482. (London, 1808.)

Shortly after for the better preservation of his royal person, he constituted and ordained a certain number as well of archers, as of divers other persons, hardy, strong, and active to give daily attendance on his person, whom he named yeomen of his guard, which precedent men thought that he learned of the French king when he was in France. For it is not remembered that any king of England before that day used any such furniture of daily soldiers. In this same year a kind of sickness invaded suddenly the people of this land, passing through the same from the one end to the other. It began about the one and twentieth of September, and continued until the latter end of October, being so sharp and deadly that the like was never heard of to any man's remembrance before that time.

For suddenly a deadly burning sweat so assailed their bodies and distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that scarce one amongst an hundred that sickened did escape with life; for all in manner as soon as the sweat took them, or within a short time after, yielded the ghost. Beside the great number which deceased within the city of London, two mayors successively died within eight days and six aldermen. At length, by the diligent observation of those that escaped (which marking what things had done them good, and holpen to their deliverance, used the like again), when they fell into the same disease the second or third time as to divers it chanced, a remedy was found for that mortal malady which was this. If a man on the day time were taken with the sweat, then should he straight lie down with all his clothes and garments and continue in the sweat four and twenty hours after so moderate a sort as might be. If in night he chanced to be taken, then should he not rise out of his bed for the space of four and twenty hours, so casting the clothes that he might in no wise provoke the sweat, but lie so temperately that the water might distil out softly of its own accord. And to abstain from all meat if he might so long suffer hunger and to take no more drink neither hot nor cold than would moderately quench and assuage his thirsty appetite. Thus with lukewarm drink, temperate heat and measurable clothes many escaped: few which used this order (after it was found out) died of that sweat. Marry! one point diligently above all other in this cure is to be observed, that he never did put his hand or feet out of the bed to refresh or cool himself, which to do is no less jeopardy than short and present death. Thus this disease coming in the first year of King Henry's reign, was judged (of some) to be a token and sign of a troublesome reign of the same king, as the proof partly afterwards shewed itself.

LAMBERT SIMNEL (1486).

Source.—Holinshed's Chronicle, Vol. III., p. 484. (London, 1808.)

Amongst other such monsters and limbs of the devil, there was one Sir Richard Simond, priest, a man of base birth and yet well learned, even from his youth. He had a scholar called Lambert Simnel, one of a gentle nature and pregnant wit, to be the organ and chief instrument by the which he might convey and bring to pass his mischievous attempt. The devil, chief master of such practices, put in the venomous brain of this disloyal and traitorous priest to devise how he might make his scholar the aforesaid Lambert to be reputed as right inheritor to the crown of this realm. Namely for that the fame went that King Edward's children were not dead, but fled secretly into some strange place, and there to be living: and that Edward, Earl of Warwick, son and heir to the Duke of Clarence, either was, or shortly should be put to death.

These rumours though they seemed not to be grounded of any likehood to the wise sort of men, yet encouraged this peevish priest to think the time come that his scholar Lambert might take upon him the person and name of one of King Edward's children. And thereupon at Oxford, where their abiding was, the said priest instructed his pupil both with princely behaviour, civil manners and good literature, declaring to him of what lineage he should affirm himself to be descended, and omitted nothing that might serve for his purpose. Soon after, the rumour was blown abroad, that the Earl of Warwick was broken out of prison. And when the priest, Sir Richard Simond heard of this, he straight intended now by that occasion to bring his invented purpose to pass, and changing the child's name of baptism, called him Edward, after the name of the young Earl of Warwick, the which were both of like years and of like stature.

Then he with his scholar sailed into Ireland, where he so set forth the matter unto the nobility of that country, that not only the Lord Thomas Gerardine, Chancellor of that land, deceived through his crafty tale, received the counterfeit earl into his castle with all honour and reverence, but also many other noble men determined to aid him (with all their powers) as one descended of the blood royal and lineage come of the house of York, which the Irish people evermore highly favoured, honoured and loved above all other. By this mean every man throughout all Ireland was willing and ready to take his part and submit themselves to him; already reputing and calling him of all hands king. So that now they of this sect (by the advice of the priest) sent into England certain privy messengers to get friends here.

Also they sent into Flanders to the Lady Margaret, sister to King Edward and late wife to Charles, Duke of Burgoyne, to purchase, aid and help at her hands. This Lady Margaret bore no small rule in the low countries, and in very deed sore grudged in her heart that the King Henry (being descended of the house of Lancaster) should reign and govern of the realm of England, and therefore though she well understood that this was but a coloured matter, yet to work her malicious intention against King Henry, she was glad to have so fit an occasion, and therefore promised the messengers all the aid that she should be able to make in furtherance of the quarrel, and also to procure all the friends she could in other places to be aiders and partakers of the same conspiracy.

King Henry, advertised of all these doings, was greatly vexed therewith, and therefore to have good advice in the matter he called together his council at the Charterhouse beside his manor of Richmond, and there consulted with them, by which means lest this begun conspiracy might be appeased and disappointed without more disturbance. It was therefore determined that a general pardon should be published to all offenders that were content to receive the same. This pardon was so freely granted that no offence was excepted, no not so much as high treason committed against the King's royal person. It was further agreed in the same council for the time then present that the Earl of Warwick should personally be shewed abroad in the city and other public places; whereby the untrue report falsely spread abroad that he should be in Ireland, might be among the community proved and known for a vain imagined lie.

When all things in this counsel were sagely concluded and agreed to the King's mind, he returned to London, giving in commandment that the next Sunday ensuing, Edward, the young Earl of Warwick, should be brought from the Tower through the most public streets in all London, to the cathedral church of St. Paul. Where he went openly in procession, that every man might see him, having communication with many noble men and with them especially that were suspected to be partakers of the late begun conspiracy, that they might perceive how the Irishmen upon a vain shadow moved war against the King and his realm. But this medicine little availed evil disposed persons. For the Earl of Lincoln, son to John de la Poole, Duke of Suffolk, and Elizabeth, sister to King Edward the Fourth thought it not meet to neglect and omit so ready an occasion of new trouble.

Wherefore they determined to uphold the enterprise of the Irishmen, so that consulting with Sir Thomas Broughton, and certain other of his most trusty friends, he proposed to sail into Flanders to his aunt, the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Burgoyne, trusting by her help to make a puissant army and to join with the companions of the new raised sedition. Therefore after the dissolution of the parliament which was then holden, he fled secretly into Flanders unto the said Lady Margaret, where Francis, Lord Lovell, landed certain days before. Here, after long consultation as how to proceed in their business, it was agreed, that the Earl of Lincoln and the Lord Lovell should go into Ireland, and there attend upon the Duchess her counterfeit nephew, and to honour him as a king with the power of the Irishmen to bring him into England.

Now they concluded, that if their doings had success, then the aforesaid Lambert (misnamed the Earl of Warwick) should by consent of the council be deposed, and Edward the true Earl of Warwick delivered out of prison and anointed king. King Henry supposing that no man would have been so mad as to have attempted any further enterprise in the name of the new found and counterfeit earl, he only studied how to subdue the seditious conspiracy of the Irishmen. But learning that the Earl of Lincoln was fled into Flanders, he was somewhat moved therewith, and caused soldiers to be put in readiness out of every part of his realm, and to bring them into one place assigned, that when his adversaries should appear, he might suddenly set upon them, vanquish and overcome them.

Thus disposing things for his surety, he went towards St. Edmund's Bury, and being certified that the Marquis of Dorset was coming towards his majesty to excuse himself of things he was suspected to have done when he was in France, he sent the Earl of Oxford to arrest the said Marquis by the way, and to convey him to the Tower of London there to remain till his truth might be tried. From thence the King went forth to Norwich and tarrying there Christmas Day, he departed after to Walsingham, where he offered to the image of Our Lady, and then by Cambridge he shortly returned to London. In which mean time, the Earl of Lincoln had gotten together by the aid of the Lady Margaret about two thousand Almains, with one Martin Sward, a valiant and noble captain to lead them.

With this power the Earl of Lincoln sailed into Ireland and at the city of Dublin caused young Lambert to be proclaimed and named King of England, after the most solemn fashion, as though he were the very heir of the blood royal lineally born and descended. And so with a great multitude of beggarly Irishmen almost all naked and unarmed, saving skins and mantles, of whom the Lord Thomas Gerardine was captain and conductor, they sailed into England with this new found king and landed for a purpose at the pile of Fowdreie, within a little of Lancaster, trusting there to find aid by the means of Sir Thomas Broughton, one of the chief companions of the conspiracy. The King had knowledge of the enemies' intent before their arrival, and therefore having assembled a great army (over which the Duke of Bedford and the Earl of Oxenford were chief captains), he went to Coventry where he was advertised that the Earl of Lincoln was landed at Lancaster with his new king. Here he took advice of his counsellors what was best to be done, whether to set on the enemies without further delay or to protract time a little. But at length it was thought best to delay no time but to give them battle before they should increase their power, and thereupon he removed to Nottingham, and there by a little wood called Bowres he pitched his field.

Shortly after this came to him the Lord George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Strange, Sir John Cheyne, right valiant captains, with many other noble and expert men of war, namely of the counties near adjoining, so that the King's army was wonderfully increased. In this space the Earl of Lincoln being entered into Yorkshire passed softly on his journey without spoiling or hurting any man, trusting thereby to have some company of people resort unto him. But after he perceived few or none to follow him, and that it was too late now to return back, he determined to try the matter by dint of sword, and thereupon direct his way from York to Newark-upon-Trent.

BENEVOLENCES (1490).

Source.—Holinshed, Vol. III., p. 496.

King Henry, sorely troubled in his mind therewith, determining no more with peaceable message, but with open war to determine all controversies betwixt him and the French King, called his high court of Parliament and there declared the cause why he was justly provoked to make war against the Frenchmen, and thereupon desired them of their benevolent aid of men and money towards the maintenance thereof. The cause was so just that every man allowed it and to the setting forth of the war taken in hand for so necessary an occasion, every man promised his helping hand. The king commended them for their true and faithful hearts. And to the intent that he might spare the poorer sort of the commons (whom he ever desired to keep in favour) he thought good first to exact money of the richest sort by way of a benevolence.

Which kind of levying money was first devised by King Edward the Fourth, as it appeareth before in his history. King Henry, following the like example, published abroad that by their open gifts he would measure and search their benevolent hearts and good minds towards him, and he that gave little to be esteemed according to his gift. By this it appeareth that whatsoever is practised for the prince's profit and brought to a precedent by matter of record, may be turned to the great prejudice of the people, if rulers in authority will so adjudge and determine it. But by this means King Henry got innumerable great sums of money, with some grudge of the people, for the extremity shewed by the commissioners in divers places.

THE REBELLION OF THE CORNISHMEN (1496).

Source.—Holinshed, Vol. III, p. 514.

These unruly people, the Cornishmen, inhabiting in a barren country and unfruitful, at the first sore repined that they should be so grievously taxed and burdened by the king's council as the only cause of such polling and pilling, and so being in their rage, menaced the chief authors with death and present destruction. And thus being in a rave, two persons of the affinity, the one called Thomas Flammock, a gentleman, learned in the laws of the realm, and the other Michael Joseph, a smith, men of stout stomachs and high courage, took upon them to be captains of this seditious company. They laid the fault and cause of this exaction unto John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Sir Reginald Bray, because they were chief of the King's council. Such reward have they commonly that be in great authority with kings and princes. The captains Flammock and Joseph exhorted the common people to put on harness and not be afeared to follow them in that quarrel, promising not to hurt any creature, but only to see them punished that procured such exactions to be laid on the people, without any reasonable cause, as under the colour of a little trouble with the Scots, which (since they were withdrawn home) they took to be well quieted and appeased. So these captains, bent on mischief (were their outward pretence never so finely coloured), yet persuaded a great number of people to assemble together and condescend to do as their captains would agree and appoint. Then these captains praising much the hardiness of the people, when all things were ready for their important journey, set forth with their army and came to Taunton, where they slew the Provost of Perin, which was one of the commissioners of the subsidy, and from thence came to Wells, so intending to go to London, where the King then sojourned.

When the King was advertised of these doings, he was somewhat astonished, and not without cause, being thus troubled with the war against the Scots and this civil commotion of his subjects at one instant. But first meaning to subdue his rebellious subjects and after to proceed against the Scots, as occasion should serve, he revoked the Lord Daubeney which (as you have heard) was going against the Scots, and increased his army with many chosen and picked warriors. Also mistrusting that the Scots might now (having such opportunity) invade the realm again, he appointed the Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey (which after the death of the Lord Dinham was made high treasurer of England) to gather a band of men in the county Palatine of Durham, that they, with the aid of the inhabitants adjoining and the borderers, might keep back the Scots if they chanced to make any invasion. The nobles of the realm, hearing of the rebellion of the Cornishmen, came to London every man with as many men of war as they could put in a readiness to aid the King if need should be. In the which number were the Earl of Essex and the Lord Montjoy, with divers other.

In the meantime, James Twitchet, Lord Audely being confederate with the rebels of Cornwall, joined with them, being come to Wells, and took upon him as their chief captain to lead them against the natural lord and king. From Wells they went to Salisbury, and from thence to Winchester, and so to Kent where they hoped to have had great aid, but they were deceived in that their expectation. For the Earl of Kent, George, Lord of Abergavenny, John Brook, Lord Cobham, Sir Edward Poinings, Sir Richard Gilford, Sir Thomas Bourchier, John Peche, William Scot, and a great number of people, were not only prest and ready to defend the country to keep the people in due obedience, but bent to fight with such as would lift up sword or other weapon against their sovereign lord, insomuch that the Kentishmen would not once come near the Cornishmen to aid or assist them in any manner or wise. Which thing marvellously dismayed the hearts of the Cornishmen when they saw themselves thus deceived of the succours which they most trusted upon, so that many of them (fearing the evil chance that might happen) fled in the night from their company and left them, in hope so to save themselves. The captains of the rebels, perceiving they could have no help of the Kentishmen, putting their only hope in their own puissance, brought their people to Blackheath, a four miles distant from London, and there in a plain on the top of an hill they ordered their battles either ready to fight with the King if he would assail them, or else assault the city of London; for they thought the King durst not have encountered with them in battle. But they were deceived, for the King, although he had power enough about to have fought with them before their coming so near to the city, yet he thought it best to suffer them to come forward, till he had them far off from their native country, and then to set upon them being destitute of aid of some place of advantage.

The city was in a great fear at the first knowledge given how the rebels were so near encamped to the city, every man getting himself to harness and placing themselves some at the gates some on the walls, so that no part was undefended. But the King delivered the city of that fear; for after that he perceived how the Cornishmen were all day ready to fight and that on the hill, he sent straight to John, Earl of Oxenford, Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex, Edmund de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, Sir Rise ap Thomas, and Sir Humphrey Stanley, noble warriors with a great company of archers and horsemen, to environ the hill on the right side, and on the left, to the intent that all byways being stopped and foreclosed, all hope of flight should be taken from them. And incontinently he himself, being as well encouraged with manly stomachs as furnished with a populous army and plenty of artillery, set forward out of the city, and encamped himself in Saint George's field, where he on the Friday at night then lodged.

On the Saturday in the morning, he sent the Lord Daubeney with a great company to set on them early in the morning, which first got the bridge at Dertford Strand, which was manfully defended by certain archers of the rebels, whose arrows (as is reported) were in length a full cloth yard. While the earls set on them on every side, the Lord Daubeney came into the field with his company, and without long fighting the Cornishmen were overcome; and first they took the Lord Daubeney prisoner, but whether it were for fear or for hope of favour, they let him go at liberty without hurt or detriment. There were slain of the rebels which fought and resisted, above two thousand men (as Edward Hall noteth), and taken prisoners an infinite number, and amongst them the blacksmith and other the chief captains, which were shortly after put to death. When this battle was ended, the King wanted of all his numbers but three hundred which were slain at that conflict.

Some affirm, that the King appointed to have fought with them not till the Monday and preventing the time set on them on the Saturday before, taking them unprovided and in no array of battle, and so by that policy obtained the field and victory. The prisoners as well as captains and others were pardoned, saving the chief captains and first beginners, to whom he shewed no mercy at all. The Lord Audley was drawn from Newgate to Tower Hill in a coat of his own arms painted upon paper reversed and all torn, and there was beheaded the four and twentieth of June. Thomas Flammock and Michael Joseph were hanged, drawn and quartered after the manner of traitors, and their heads and quarters were pitched upon stakes and set up in London and in other places, although at the first the King meant to have sent them into Cornwall to have been set up there for a terror to all others. But hearing that the Cornishmen at home were ready to begin a new conspiracy, lest he should the more irritate and provoke them by that displeasant sight, he changed his purpose, for doubt to wrap himself in more trouble than needed.

PERKIN WARBECK'S CONFESSION (1499).

Source.—Holinshed, Vol. III., p. 522.

The confession of Perkin as it was written with his own hand, which he read openly upon a scaffold by the Standard in Cheape.

"It is first to be known that I was born in the town of Turney in Flanders, and my father's name is John Osbeck, which said John Osbeck was controller of the said town of Turney, and my mother's name is Katherine de Faro. And one of my grandsires upon my father's side was named Diricke Osbecke, which died. After whose death my grandmother was married unto Peter Flamin, that was receiver of the forenamed town of Turney and dean of the boatmen that row upon the water or river called the Schelt. And my grandsire upon my mother's side was Peter de Faro, which had in his keeping the keys of the gate of St. John's within the same town of Turney. Also I had an uncle called Master John Stalin, dwelling in the parish of St. Pias within the same town which had married my father's sister whose name was Johne Jane with whom I dwelt a certain season. And after, I was led by my mother to Antwerp for to learne Flemish in a house of a cousin of mine, an officer of the said town called John Stienbeck, with whom I was the space of half a year. And after that I returned again to Turney by reason of wars that were in Flanders. And within a year following I was sent with a merchant of the said town of Turney named Berlo, to the mart of Antwerp where I fell sick, which sickness continued upon me five months. And then the said Berlo sent me to board in a skinner's house that dwelled beside the house of the English nation. And by him I was from thence carried to Barrow mart and I lodged at the 'Sign of the Old Man' where I abode for the space of two months.

"After this the said Berlo sent me with a merchant of Middlesborough to service for to learn the language, whose name was John Strew, with whom I dwelt from Christmas to Easter, and then I went into Portugal in company of Sir Edward Brampton's wife in a ship which was called the queen's ship. And when I was come thither, then was I put in service to a knight that dwelled in Lushborne, which was called Peter Vacz de Cogna, with whom I dwelt an whole year, which said knight had but one eye. And because I desired to see other countries I took licence of him and then I put myself in service with a Breton called Pregent Meno, who brought me with him into Ireland. Now when we were there arrived in the town of Cork, they of the town (because I was arrayed with some cloths of silk of my said master's) came unto me and threatened upon me that I should be the Duke of Clarence's son that was before time at Dublin.

"But forasmuch as I denied it, there was brought unto me the holy evangelists and the cross, by the mayor of the town which was called John Llellewyn, and there in the presence of him and others I took mine oath (as the truth was) that I was not the foresaid duke's son, nor none of his blood. And after this came unto me an English man whose name was Stephen Poitron and one John Water, and said to me, in swearing great oaths, that they knew well that I was King Richard's bastard son, to whom I answered with like oaths that I was not. Then they advised me not to be afeared but that I should take it upon me boldly, and if I would do so they would aid and assist me with all their power against the King of England, and not only they, but they were well assured that the Earl of Desmond and Kildare should do the same.

"For they forced not[3] what they took, so that they might be revenged on the King of England, and so against my will made me learn English and taught me what I should do and say. And after this they called me the Duke of York, second son to King Edward the fourth, because King Richard's bastard son was in the hands of the King of England. And upon this the said Water, Stephen Poitron, John Tiler, Hughbert Burgh with many others, as the aforesaid earls, entered into this false quarrel, and within short time others. The French King sent an ambassador into Ireland whose name was Loit Lucas and master Stephen Friham to advertise me to come into France. And thence I went into France and from thence into Flanders, and from Flanders into Ireland, and from Ireland into Scotland, and so into England."

[3] = cared not.

RECEPTION OF PRINCESS CATHARINE (1500).

Source.—Paston Letters, Vol. III., Letter 943. March 20th, 1500 A.D.

Henry VII. to Sir John Paston.

To our trusty and well beloved knight Sir John Paston.

By the King.

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, letting you know that our dearest cousins, the King and Queen of Spain, have signified unto us by their sundry letters that the right excellent Princesse the Lady Catharine, their daughter, shall be transported from the parties of Spain aforesaid to this our Realm, about the month of May next coming, for the solemnization of matrimony between our dearest son the Prince and the said Princess. Wherefore we, considering that it is right fitting and necessary, as well for the honour of us as for the honour and praise of our said Realm, to have the said Princess honourably received at her arrival, have appointed you to be one among others to give attendance for the receiving of the said Princess; willing and desiring you to prepare yourself for that intent, and so to continue in readiness upon an hour's warning, till that by our other letters we shall advertise you of the day and time of her arrival, and where ye shall give your said attendance; and not to fail therein as ye tender our pleasure, the honour of yourself and this our foresaid Realm.

"Given under our signet at our Manor of Richmond, the xxth day of March."

CARDINAL MORTON'S FORK (1504).

Source.—Holinshed, p. 532.

The clergy was of two sorts, the one shewing themselves as they were wealthy, seemly and comely; the other pretending that which was not, poverty, bareness and scarcity, but both were of one mind, and devised all the ways they could to save their purses. The first being called alledged that they were daily at great charges and expenses in keeping of hospitalities, in maintaining themselves, their house and families, besides extraordinaries which daily did grow and increase upon them, and by that means they were but bare and poor, and prayed that they be borne with all and pardoned for that time. The other sort alledged that their livings were but small and slender and scarce able to maintain themselves with all which compelled them to go bare and to live a hard and poor life, and therefore (they having nothing) prayed that they might be excused. The bishop when he heard them at full and well considered thereof, very wittily and with a pretty dilemma answered them both, saying to the first: "It is true you are at great charges, are well beseen in your apparell, well mounted upon your fair palfreys and have your men waiting upon you in good order; your hospitality is good and your daily expenses are large, and you are for the same well reported amongst your neighbours; all which are plain demonstrations of your wealth and ability, otherwise you would not be at such voluntary charges. Now having store to spend in such order, there is no reason but that to your prince you should much more be well willing and ready to yield yourselves contributory and dutiful, and therefore you must pay." To the other sort he said: "Albeit your livings be not of the best, yet good, sufficient, and able to maintain you in better estate than you do employ it, but it appeareth that you are frugual and thrifty men, and what others do voluntarily spend in apparell, house and family, you warily do keep and have it lie by you; and therefore it is good reason that of your store you should spare with a good will and contribute to your prince, wherefore be contented, for you shall pay." And so by this pretty dilemma he reduced them to yield a good payment to the King.

THE MEETING OF HENRY VII. AND THE KING OF CASTILE (1506).

William Makefyn to Darcy and Alington.

Source.—Paston Letters, Vol. III., Letter 953. Jan. 17th, 1506.

To the right worshipful Master Roger Darcy and Master Giles Alington, being in the George in Lombard street, be this delivered in haste.

Right worshipful masters, I recommend me unto you, certifying you that the King's Grace and the King of Castile met this day at three of the Clock, upon Cleworth Green, 2 miles out of Windsor, and that the King received him in the goodliest manner that ever I saw, and each of them embraced the other in arms.

To shew you the King's apparell of England, thus it was: his horse of bay, trapped with neddlework; a gown of purple velvet, a chain with a George[4] of diamonds, and a hood of purple velvet, which he put not off at the meeting of the said King of Castile; his hat and his bonnet he doffed and the King of Castile likewise. And the King of Castile rode upon a sorrel hoby,[5] which the King gave unto him; his apparell was all black, a gown of black velvet, a black hood, a black hat, and his horse harness of black velvet....

These be the Spears: Master Saint John upon a black horse, with harness of Cloth of Gold, with tassels of plunkett[6] and white, a coat of plunkett and white, the body of goldsmiths' work, the sleves full of spangles.

John Carr and William Parr with coats alike, the horses gray, of Parr trapped with crimson velvet with tassells of gold and gilt bells. Carr's horse bay with an Almayn harness of silver, an inch broad of beaten silver, both the coats of goldsmiths' work on the bodies, the sleeves one stripe of silver, the other of gold.

Edward Neville upon a gray horse trapped with black velvet full of small bells, his coat the one half of green velvet, the other of white cloth of gold; these to the rutters of the spurs, with other divers well appointed.

Of the King of Castile's party, the Lord Chamberlain the chief, I cannot tell his name as yet; his apparell was sad, and so was all the residue of his company with cloaks of sad tawny black, guarded, some with velvet, some with sarsenet, not passing a dozen in number. It is said there is many behind which comes with the Queen of Castile, which shall come upon Tuesday.

When the King rode forth to Windsor Castle, the King rode upon the right hand of the King of Castile, howbeit the King's Grace offered to take him upon the right hand, the which he refused. And at the lighting the King of Castile was off his horse a good space or our King was alight; and then the King's grace offered to take him by the arm, the which he would not, but took the King by the arm, and so went to the King of Castile's chamber, which is the richestly hanged that ever I saw: 7 chambers together hanged with cloth of Arras, wrought with gold as thick as could be; and as for three beds of estate, no king christened can shew such three.

This is so far as I can shew you of this day, and when I can know more, ye shall have knowledge.

From Windsor this Saturday, at five of the Clock,

By your,

William Makefyn.

[4] = figure of St. George, i.e. part of the insignia of the Garter.

[5] = horse.

[6] = lead green.

SUPERSTITION (1509).

Source.—Erasmus, The Praise of Folly, p. 90. 1887. Hamilton Adams, Glasgow.

The next to be placed among the regiment of fools are such as make a trade of telling or inquiring after incredible stories of miracles and prodigies. Never doubting that a lie will choke them, they will muster up a thousand several strange relations of spirits, ghosts, apparitions, raising of the devil, and such like bugbears of superstition, which the farther they are from being probably true, the more greedily they are swallowed, and the more devoutly believed. And those diversities do not only bring an empty pleasure, and cheap divertisement, but they are a good trade, and procure a comfortable income to such priests and friars as by this craft get their gain.

To these again are related such others as attribute strange virtues to the shrines and images of saints and martyrs, and so would make their credulous proselytes believe, that if they pay their devotion to St. Christopher in the morning, they shall be guarded and secured the day following from all dangers and misfortunes. If soldiers when they first take arms, shall come and mumble over such a set prayer before the picture of St. Barbara, they shall return safe from all engagements. Or if any pray to Erasmus on such particular holidays, with the ceremony of wax candles, and other poperies, he shall in a short time be rewarded with a plentiful increase of wealth and riches. The Christians have now their gigantic St. George, as well as the Pagans have their Hercules: they paint the saint on horseback, and drawing the horse in splendid trappings, very gloriously accoutred, they scarce refrain in a literal sense from worshipping the very beast.

What shall I say of such as cry up and maintain the cheat of pardons and indulgences? That by these compute the time of each soul's residence in purgatory, and assign them a longer and shorter continuance, according as they purchase more or fewer of these paltry pardons and saleable exemptions? Or what can be said bad enough of others, who pretend that by the force of such magical charms, or by the fumbling over their beads in the rehearsal of such and such petitions, which some religious impostors invented, either for diversion or what is more likely for advantage; they shall procure riches, honour, pleasure, health, long life, and lusty old age, nay, after death a sitting at the right hand of our Saviour in His kingdom.

Though as to this last part of their happiness, they care not how long it be deferred, having scarce any appetite towards a tasting the joys of heaven; till they are surfeited, glutted with, and can no longer relish their enjoyments on earth. By this easy way of purchasing pardons, any notorious highwayman, any plundering soldier, or any bribe-taking judge, shall disburse some part of their unjust gains, and so think all their grossest impieties sufficiently atoned for. So many perjuries, lusts, drunkeness, quarrels, bloodsheds, cheats, treacheries, and all sorts of debaucheries, shall all be as it were, struck a bargain for, and such a contract made, as if they had paid off all arrears and might now begin upon a new score.

And what can be more ridiculous, than for some others to be confident of going to heaven by repeating daily those seven verses out of the Psalms which the devil taught St. Bernard, thinking thereby to have put a trick on him, but that he was overreached in his cunning.

And of all the prayers and intercessions that are made to these respective saints the substance of them is no more than downright folly. Among all the trophies that for tokens of gratitude are hung upon the walls and ceilings of churches, you shall find no relics presented as a memorandum of any that were ever cured of folly or had been made one dram the wiser.

Almost all Christians being wretchedly enslaved to blindness and ignorance, which the priests are so far from preventing or removing, that they blacken the darkness, and promote delusion. Wisely forseeing that the people, like cows, which never give down their milk so well as when they are gently stroked, would part with less if they knew more, their bounty only proceeding from a mistake of Charity.

Now if any wise man should stand up, and unseasonably speak the truth, telling everyone that a pious life is the only way of securing a happy death; that the best title to a pardon of our sins is purchased by a hearty abhorrence of our guilt, and sincere resolutions of amendment; that the best devotion that can be paid to any saints is to imitate them in their exemplary life. If he should proceed thus to inform them of their several mistakes, there would be quite another estimate put upon tears, watchings, masses, fastings, and other severities, which before were so much prized, as persons will now be vexed to lose that satisfaction formerly they found in them.

THE MAKING OF BEGGARS AND THIEVES (1516).

Source.—Sir Thomas More, The First Booke of Utopia, 1516. Cambridge Press, p. 29, l. 18.

But let us consider those things that chance daily before our eyes. First, there is a great number of gentlemen, which cannot be content to live idle by themselves, like drones, of that which others have laboured for; their tenants I mean, whom they poll and shave to the quick, by raising their rents (for this only point of frugality do they use, men else through their lavish and prodigal spending likely to bring them to very beggary). These gentlemen, I say, do not only live in idleness themselves, but also carry about with them at their tails a great flock or train of idle and loitering serving men, which never learned any craft whereby to get their livings. These men as soon as their master is dead, or be sick themselves, be incontinent thrust out of doors. For gentlemen had rather keep idle persons, than sick men, and many times the dead man's heir is not able to maintain so great a house, and keep so many serving men as his father did. Then in the mean season they that be thus destitute of service, either starve for hunger, or manfully play the thieves. For what would you have them to do? When they have wandered abroad so long, until they have worn threadbare their apparell, and also appaired their health, these gentlemen, because of their pale and sickly faces, and patched coats, will not take them into service. And husbandmen dare not set them a work, knowing well enough that he is nothing meet to do true and faithful service to a poor man with a spade and a mattock for small wages and hard fare, which being daintily and tenderly pampered up in idleness and pleasure, was wont with a sword and buckler by his side to strut through the street with a bragging look, and to think himself too good to be any man's mate. Nay, by Saint Mary, Sir (quod the lawyer), not so. For this kind of men must we make most of. For in them as men of stouter stomachs, bolder spirits, and manlier courages than handycraftsmen and plowmen be, doth consist the whole power, strength, and puisance of our army, when we must fight in battle. Forsooth, Sir, as well you might say (quod I) that for war's sake you must cherish thieves. For surely you shall never lack thieves, while you have them. No, nor thieves be not the most false and faint-hearted soldiers, nor soldiers be not the cowardliest thieves: so well these two crafts agree together. But this fault, though it be much used among you, yet is it not peculiar to you only, but common also to most nations. Yet France, besides this, is troubled and infected with a much sorer plague. The whole realm is filled and besieged with hired soldiers in peace time (if that be peace) which be brought in under the same colour and pretence, that hath persuaded you to keep these idle serving men. For these wise fools and very archdolts thought the wealth of the whole country herein to consist, if there were ever in a readiness a strong and sure garrison, specially of old practised soldiers, for they put no trust at all in men unexercised. And therefore they must be forced to seek for war, to the end they may ever have practised soldiers and cunning manslayers, lest that (as it is prettily said of Sallust) their hands through idleness or lack of exercise should wax dull; but how pernicious and pestilent a thing it is to maintain such beasts, the Frenchmen by their own harms have learnt. For not only the kingdom but also their fields and cities by divers occasions have been overrunned and destroyed by their own armies beforehand had in a readiness. Now how unnecessary a thing this is, hereby it may appear that the French soldiers, which from their youth have been practised and inured in feates of arms, do not crack nor advance themselves to have very often got the upper hand and mastery of your new made and unpractised soldiers. But in this point I will not use many words, lest perchance I may seem to flatter you.

Yet this is not only the necessary cause of stealing. There is another, which, as I suppose, is proper and peculiar to you Englishmen alone. Your sheep that were wont to be so meek and tame, and so small eaters, now, as I hear say, be become so great devourers and so wild, that they eat up, and swallow down the very men themselves. They consume, destroy, and devour whole fields, houses and cities. For look in what parts of the realm doth grow the finest and therefore dearest wool, these noblemen and gentlemen, yea, and certain abbots, holy men no doubt, not contenting themselves with the yearly revenues and profits, that were wont to grow to their forefathers and predecessors of their lands, nor being content that they live in rest and pleasure nothing profiting, yea, much annoying the weal public, leave no ground for tillage, they enclose all into pastures; they throw down houses; they pluck down towns, and leave nothing standing, but only the church to be made a sheep house. And as though you lost no small quantity of ground by forests, chases, lands and parks, those good holy men turn all dwelling places and all glebeland into desolation and wilderness. Therefore that one covetous and insatiable cormorant may compass about and enclose many thousand acres of ground together within one pale or hedge, the husbandmen be thrust out of their own, or else either by coveyn[7] and fraud or by violent oppression they be put besides it, or by wrongs and injuries they be so wearied, that they be compelled to sell all; by one means therefore or by other, either by hooke or crooke they must needs depart away, poor, silly, wretched souls, men, women, husbands, wives, fatherless children, widows, woful mothers, with their young babes, and their whole household small in substance and much in number, as husbandry requireth many hands. Away they trudge, I say, out of their known and accustomed houses, finding no place to rest in. All their household stuff, which is very little worth, though it might well abide the sale; yet being suddenly thrust out, they be constrained to sell it for a thing of nought. And when they have wandered abroad till that be spent, what can they else do but steal, and then justly pardy[8]! be hanged, or else go about a begging. And yet then also they be cast in prison as vagabonds, because they go about and work not: whom no man will set at work, though they never so willingly profer themselves thereto. For one shepherd or herdman is enough to eat up that ground with cattle, to the occupying whereof about husbandry many hands were requisite. And this is also the cause why victuals be now in many places dearer. Yea, besides this the price of wool is so risen, that poor folks, which were wont to work it and make cloth thereof, be now able to buy none at all. And by this means very many be forced to forsake work, and to give themselves to idleness. For after that so much ground was inclosed for pasture, an infinite number of sheep died from the rot, such vengeance God took of their inordinate, unsatiable covetousness, sending among the sheep that pestiferous murrain, which much more justly should have fallen on the sheep masters own heads. And though the number of sheep increase never so fast, yet the price falleth not one mite, for there be so few sellers. For they be almost all come into a few rich mens hands, whom no need forceth to sell before they lust, they lust not before they may sell as dear as they lust. Now the same cause bringeth in like dearth of the other kinds of cattle, yea and that so much the more, because that after farms plucked down and husbandry decayed, there is no man that passeth for the breeding of young store. For these men bring not up the young of great cattle as they do lambs. But first they buy them abroad very cheap, and afterward, when they be fatted in their pastures, they sell them again exceeding dear. And therefore, I suppose, the whole incommodity hereof is not yet felt. For yet they make dearth only in those places where they sell. But when they shall fetch them away from thence where they be bred faster than they can be brought up; then shall there also be felt great dearth, store beginning then to fail, when the ware is bought. Thus the unreasonable covetousness of a few hath turned that thing to the utter undoing of your land, in the which thing the chief felicity of your realm did consist. For this great dearth of victuals causes men to keep as little houses and as small hospitality as they possible may, and to put away their servants: whither, I pray you, but a begging: or else (which these gentle bloods and stout stomachs will sooner set their minds unto) a stealing?

[7] = conspiracy.

[8] = pardieu.

ENCLOSURES (1520)

Source.—Holinshed, p. 659.

About this time the King having regard to the common wealth of his realm, considered how for the space of fifty years past and more, the nobles and gentlemen of England had been given to grazing of cattle, and keeping of sheep, and inventing a means how to increase their yearly revenues, to the great decaying and undoing of husbandmen of the land. For the said nobles and gentlemen, after the manner of the Numidians, more studying how to increase their pastures, than to maintain tillage, began to decay husband tacks[9] and tenements, and to convert arable land into pasture, furnishing the same with beasts and sheep, and also deer, so inclosing the field with hedges, ditches, and pales, which they held in their own hands, ingrossing[10] wools, and selling the same, and also sheep and beasts at their own prices, and as might stand most with their own private commodity.

Hereof a threefold evil chanced to the commonwealth, as Polydore noteth. One, for that thereby the number of husbandmen was sore diminished, the which the prince useth chiefly in his service for the wars: another for that many towns and villages were left desolate and became ruinous: the third, for that both wool and cloth made thereof, and the flesh of all manner of beasts used to be eaten, was sold at far higher prices than was accustomed. These enormities at the first beginning being not redressed, grew in short space to such force and vigour by evil custom, that afterwards they gathered to such an united force, that hardly they could be remedied. Much like a disease, which in the beginning with little pain to the patient, and less labour to the surgeon may be cured; whereas the same by delay and negligence being suffered to putrify, becometh a desperate sore, and then are medicines nothing available, and not to be applied. The King therefore causing such good statutes as had been devised and established for reformation in this behalf to be reviewed and called upon, took order by directing forth his commissions unto the justices of peace, and other such magistrates, that presentment should be had and made of all such inclosures, and decay of husbandry, as had chanced within the space of fifty years before that present time. The justices and other magistrates, according to their commission, executed the same. And so commandment was given, that the decayed houses should be built up again, that the husbandmen should be placed eftsoones in the same, and that inclosed grounds should be laid open, and sore punishment appointed against them that disobeyed.

These so good and wholesome ordinances shortly after were defeated by means of bribes given unto the cardinal: for when the nobles and gentlemen which had for their pleasures imparted the common fields, were loath to have the same again disparked, they redeemed their vexation with good sums of money; and so had licence to keep their parks and grounds inclosed as before.

Thus the great expectation which men had conceived of a general redress, proved void: howbeit, some profit the husbandmen in some parts of the realm got by the moving of this matter, where inclosures were already laid open, ere Mistress Money could prevent them; and so they enjoyed their commons, which before had been taken from them.

[9] = rented farms.

[10] = "cornering."

VISIT OF CHARLES V. TO ENGLAND (1522).

Source.—Rutland Papers (Camden Society), p. 79.

Remembrances as touching the Emperor's coming.

First, the certainty to be known how many messes[11] of meat shall be ordered for the Emperor and his nobles at the King's charge; viii messes, x messes more or less?

Item, how many of these messes shall be served as noblemen, and how many otherwise.

Item, how many messes of meat shall be served for my Lord Cardinal and his chamber at the King's charge; v or vi more or less? Or whether his grace will be contented with a certainty of money by the day to his diet, and cause his own officers to make provision for the same, and to serve it.

Item, whether the emperor and his nobles shall be served with his own diaper,[12] or else with the king's? The Emperor and his court with the king's.[13]

Item, whether the Emperor shall be served with his own silver vessels, or else with the king's? At Dover with the king's.[13]

Item, how many of the emperors carriages shall be at the king's charge, and whether any parcell of the King's carriage shall be at the King's charge or us?

Item, whether any of the great officers, as my lord Steward, Master Treasurer, or Master Comptroller, shall give attendance upon the Emperor at Dover or not?

Item, whether there shall be any banquetting, and in what places? At[14] Greenwich, London, Richmond, and Windsor.

Item, placards to be had for the purveyors of the poultry and others.

Item, letters to be directed to the Lords both spiritual and temporal, for fishing of their ponds for dainties.

Item, a warrant to be had and directed to Master Micklow for ready money.

Item, to know whether the King's grace will have any of his sergeant officers to attend upon the emperor, or yeomen for his mouth daily or not?

Wines laid in divers places for the King and the Emperor between Dover and London.

Remembrances for my Lord Mayor of London.

First, to assign iiii bakers within the city of London to serve the noblemen belonging to the Emperor that be lodged in the Canons' houses of Paules and their abbots and other places within the City.

Item, to assign the King's wax chandler to serve them of torches.

Item, to assign a tallow chandler for white lights.

Item, to assign iiii butchers for serving of oxen, sheep, calves, hogges of gresse,[18] flitches of bacon, marrow bones, and such other as shall be called for.

Item, to assign ii fishmongers for provision of lynges to be ready watered, pikes, tenches, breams, caller salmon, and such other dainties of the fresh water.

Item, to appoint ii fishmongers for provision of sea-fish.

Item, to appoint iiii poulterers to serve for the said persons of all manner poultry.

Item, to provide into every lodging wood, coal, rushes, straw, and such other necessaries.

Item, it is requested that there may be always two carpenters in readiness to furnish every place with such things as shall be thought good, as cupboards, forms, boards, trestles, bedsteads, with other necessaries, where lack shall be.

Item, to see every lodging furnished with pewter dishes, and saucers as shall be thought sufficient.

Item, to furnish every house with all manner kitchen stuff, if there be any lack of such like within any of the said houses, as broches[19] of diverse sorts, pots and pans, ladles, skimmers, gridirons, with such other stuff as shall be named by the officers of the said noblemen.

Item, appoint ii men to serve all manner of sauces for every lodging.

Item, to appoint ii tallow chandlers to serve for all manner of sauces.

Item, to warn every owner of the house to put all their stuff of household in every office against their coming to be in a readiness.

Item, the King's grocers to be appointed to serve in all manner of spices.

Bill of fare for the ordinary dieting of the Emperor's attendants per diem.

ccviii noblemen and gentlemen, by estimation every of them to have a mess full furnished of this fare as followeth.

ccviii messes.

[11] A sufficient quantity of provisions for four persons.

[12] Linen.

[13] = the answer to the question in the original written in the margin.

[14] = the answer to the question in the original written in the margin.

[15] = cask.

[16] vat = about 20 gallons.

[17] alne = ell: i.e. 45 inches. This refers to the dimensions of the barrel.

[18] = fat hogs.

[19] = spits.

[20] = Goslings.

[21] A compôte of fruit.

[22] = Pasties.

[23] The recipe for Jussell was "grated bread, eggs, sage, saffron and good broth."

[24] A kind of sweet wine.

CARDINAL WOLSEY (1522).

"Why come ye not to courte."

Source.—John Skelton, Chalmers' Works of the English Poets. London, 1810. Vol. II., p. 274.

Once yet again

Of you I would frayne,[25]

Why come ye not to court?

To which court?

To the King's court?

Or to Hampton Court:

The king's court

Should have the excellence;

But Hampton Court

Hath the preeminence,

And Yorkes Place,[26]

With my lord's grace,

To whose magnificence

Is all the confluence,

Suits and supplications,

Embassies of all nations.

Be it sour or be it sweet

His wisdom is so discreet,

That in a fume or an heat—

"Warden of the fleet,

Set him fast by the feet!"

And of his royal power

When him list to lower,

Then, "Have him in the tower,

[27] 'Saunz aulter' remedy!

Have him for the by and by

[28] To the Marshalsea,

Or to the King's bench!"

He diggeth so in the trench

Of the court royal,

That he ruleth them all.

So he doth undermine

And such sleights doth find,

That the king's mind

By him is subverted,

And so straightly cöarted[29]

In credensynge his tales,

That all is but nutshells

That any other saith;

He hath in him such faith.

And, yet all this might be,

Suffered and taken in gre[30]

If that that he wrought

To any good end were brought:

But all he bringeth to nought,

By God, that me dear bought!

He beareth the king on hand,

That he must pull his land,

To make his coffers rich.

But he layeth all in the ditch

And useth such abusion

That in the conclusion

He cometh to confusion,

Perceive the cause why,

To tell the truth plainly

He is so ambitious

And so superstitious

And so much oblivious

From whence that he came,

That he falleth into a "caeciam"[31]

Which, truly to express,

Is a forgetfulness

Or wilful blindness.

"A caecitate cordis,"

In the Latin sing we,

"Libera nos, Domine!"

But this mad Amalecke

Like to a Mamelek,

He regardeth lordes,

No more than potsherdes,[32]

He is in such elation

Of his exaltation,

And the supportation

Of our sovereign lord,

That, God to record,

He ruleth all at will

Without reason or skill,

How be it the primordial

Of his wretched original,

And his base progeny,

And his greasy genealogy,

He came of the sank[33] royal,

That was cast out of a butcher's stall.

But however he was borne,

They would have the less scorn,

If he could consider

His birth and room together,

And call to his mind

How noble and how kind

To him he hath found,

Our sovereign lord, chief ground

Of all this prelacy

And set him nobly

In great authority,

Out from a low degree

Which he cannot see.

For he was, parde![34]

Nor doctor of divinity,

Nor doctor of the law,

Nor of none other saw;[35]

But a poore master of arte,

God wot, had little parte

Of the quatrivials,[36]

Nor yet of trivials,[37]

Nor of philosophy,

Nor of philology,

Nor of good policy,

Nor of astronomy,

Nor acquainted worth a fly

With honourable Italy,

Nor with royal Ptholomy,

Nor with Albumasar

To treate of any star

Fixed or else mobile;