.
BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
General Editors: S.E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.
WAR AND MISRULE
(1307-1399)
SELECTED BY
A. AUDREY LOCKE
OXFORD HONOURS SCHOOL OF MODERN HISTORY
LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1920
INTRODUCTION
This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.
Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.
In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.
The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.
We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.
S.E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.
NOTE TO THIS VOLUME
I have to thank Sir E. Maunde Thompson and the Council of the Royal Society of Literature for permission to quote from Sir E. Maunde Thompson's translation of Adam of Usk's Chronicle. The sources used in this book are for the most part contemporary.
A.A.L.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
[Introduction]
DATE
1310.[ Bill of Articles presented to Edward II.]
1311.[ The Successes of King Robert Bruce]
1312. [Peter Gaveston and the Friars Preachers]
1313. [An Unworthy King]
1313. [Corruption in the Papal Court]
1314. [The Battle of Bannockburn]
1314. [Vagabond Friars]
1319. [Charges against the Despensers]
1322. [Popular Feeling about the Earl of Lancaster's Death]
1322. [The Revocation of the Ordinances]
1327. [The Murder of the King]
1327. [Character of Edward II.]
1327. [Accession of Edward III.]
1327. [The Manner of the Scots]
1328. [The Rule of Isabella]
1330. [Why Mortimer was Condemned Unheard]
1332. [The War of the Disinherited]
1334. [For the Safe-Keeping of the City of London]
1339. [First Invasion of France: the Campaign of 1339]
1340. [Before Sluys]
1340. [The Battle of Sluys]
1340. [The King of France ignores the King of England's Challenge]
1340-1341. [Archbishop Stratford incurs the King's Displeasure]
1340-1341. [The "Libellus Famosus"]
1341. [Trial by Peers]
1346. [The Battle of Crecy]
1346. [David Bruce Invades England]
1346. [A Fighting Prior]
1347. [The Surrender of Calais]
1349. [Penitents and Jews]
1350. [A Statute of Labourers]
1350. [Prosperity of the Landless Labourer]
1350. [First Statute of Provisors]
1355. [The King of England refuses the French King's Challenge]
1355-1356. [The Balliols Resign to the King of England]
1356. [The Battle of Poitiers]
1359. [The Treaty of London]
1360. [The Siege of Paris and the Treaty of Calais]
1361. [The Fateful Footprints of the English]
1362. [No Subsidy on Wool without Assent of Parliament]
1363. [Regulation of Wearing Apparel by Statute]
1367. [The Haughtiness of the English]
1376. ["Time-Honoured Lancaster"]
1376. [Lament for the Black Prince]
1376-1377. [Renewal of the War]
1377. [John of Gaunt attacks William of Wykeham]
1377. [Master John Wiclif]
1377. [A Torchlight Procession]
1377. [The King of France Equips a Fleet]
1377. [Character of Edward III.]
1381. [The Peasants' Revolt]
1381. [Wondrous and Unheard-of Prodigies]
1382. [Heretical and Erroneous Conclusions of Wiclif]
1382. [The Followers of this Master John]
1384. [The Parliament of 1384]
1385. [The Plot against Lancaster]
1385. [The French in Scotland]
1385. [The Death of Wiclif]
1386. [Charles VI.'s Frustrated Invasion of England]
1386. [The State of England]
1386. [The Wonderful Parliament]
1387. [Richard Appeals to the Judges]
1387. [Defeat of the King's Friends]
1388. [The Merciless Parliament]
1394. [On the Truce between England and France]
1397. [Supposed Plots]
1397. [Richard's Revenge]
1397. [The "Appeal" of the Appellants]
1399. [The State of Ireland]
1399. [The Betrayal of the King]
1399. [Abdication and Death]
1399. [Character of Richard II.]
1399. [Richard the Redeless]
1399. [Isabella of France returns to her Own Country]
[Appendix: Education in the Fourteenth Century:]
[A Normal Schoolboy]
[Beggar's Brats are Book-Learned]
[Causes of the Impairing of Our Language]
BILL OF ARTICLES PRESENTED TO EDWARD II
BY THE BARONS IN THE PARLIAMENT OF 1310.
Source.—Annales Londonienses in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II. (Rolls Series), ed. Stubbs, i. 169.
To our lord the King showing the great perils and damages which from day to day will appear, unless there is some hasty redress, both destruction of the freedom of holy Church and the disinheritance and dishonour of yourself and your royal power, and the disinheritance of your crown and the damage of all the people of your kingdom both rich and poor: from which perils neither you nor the good men of your kingdom may escape unless some immediate remedy be ordained by the advice of the prelates, earls and barons and the most wise of your realm:—
To begin with, while you are ruler of this land and sworn to maintain peace in your land, you are led by unworthy and bad council and are held in great slander in all lands; and so poor are you and so devoid of all manner of treasure that you have nothing wherewith either to defend your land or keep up your household, except by extortions, which your officers make from the goods of holy Church and your poor people, without paying anything, against the form of the great charter; which charter they pray may be held and maintained in all its force.
Further, Sire, whereas our lord the King your father, whom God assoil, left you all your lands entire, England, Ireland and all Scotland, in good peace, you have lost Scotland and grievously dismembered your crown in England and Ireland etc. without the assent of your baronage and without pretext.
Again, Sire, showing you that whereas the commonalty of your realm give you the 20th penny from their goods in aid of your Scotch war and the 24th penny, in order to be freed of prises and other grievances; the which pennies are all levied and foolishly spent and wasted by unworthy counsel, and your wars do not advance, nor are your poor people freed from prises and other grievances, but they are more oppressed from day to day, than before. For which cause, Sire, your said good people pray you humbly, for the salvation of yourself and of them and of the crown, which they are bound to maintain, by virtue of their allegiance, that you will consent to this, that these and other perils may be wiped out and redressed by ordinances of your baronage.
[This bill was followed by the appointment of the Lords Ordainers.]
THE SUCCESSES OF KING ROBERT BRUCE (1311).
Source.—The Book of Pluscarden in Historians of Scotland, x. 182.
In the year 1311, after having routed and vanquished all his foes everywhere he went, and, for the most part, taken and levelled to the ground the castles and forts which offered him resistance, King Robert Bruce twice invaded and ravaged England, making great havoc with fire and sword, and bringing untold plunder back to Scotland. And thus, by the power of God, that faithless English nation, which had again and again unjustly tortured many a man, was now by God's righteous judgment made to undergo scourgings; and whereas it had once been victorious over other kingdoms, it now sank vanquished and groaning and became a gazing stock to others. The following year, in 1312, the then very strong walled town of Perth was taken, and all in it were put to the sword, some drawn, some beheaded, some slain in the fight, and the rest hanged on the gallows. But the King was moved to compassion for the guiltless rabble, and forgave them and received their submission. And thus:
"Did England drink the gall itself had brewed."
And the same year Edward, called of Windsor, the eldest son of the King of England, was born at Windsor, of the daughter of Philip, King of France; and he was the source of many wars. Through this Edward, that most cruel and most heinous war with France broke out.
PETER GAVESTON AND THE FRIARS PREACHERS (1312).
Source.—Adam Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum (Rolls Series), 17-18.
This year, about the feast of St. John the Baptist [June 24], the King desired Peter Gaveston for his safety's sake to be brought to him by Adomar de Valence, Earl of Pembroke. When they were at Danyntone (Deddington), near Banbury, the said Earl left him in the night and went on to another place, for no apparent reason. And on the morrow at dawn came Guy, Earl of Warwick, with a small, noisy following, and surprised the said Peter, and carried him off with him to his Castle of Warwick. There, having held counsel with the chief men of the kingdom, especially with Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, he finally dismissed him from prison to go where he would. And when he had gone out of the town of Warwick and had come to a place called, as though prophetically, Gaveressich (Gaversike), he found there many men raising hue and cry after him with voices and horns, as they would after one of the enemies of the King and kingdom lawfully outlawed or exiled; and finally they beheaded him, as though he were one of these, on the 19th day of June. And one of the Friars Preachers carried away Gaveston's head in his hood (and brought it to the King). Afterwards the friars of the same order found the body[1] and kept it at Oxford with solemn vigils for a year and more. But finally it was buried at Langley, where the King founded a religious house of Friars Preachers for the salvation of his own soul; and there establishing a large number of student friars, he provided for their sufficient sustenance from his treasury in London.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] According to the Annales Londonienses in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II. (Rolls Series), i. 207, the body was carried to Warwick by four shoemakers, but the Earl of Warwick sent it back to the place where the beheading had taken place, outside his fief, and "the Jacobin Friars carried the body to Oxford, and guarded it with much honour; wherefore they were held in great odium by the aforesaid earl."
AN UNWORTHY KING (1313).
Source.—Vita Edwardi II. [possibly by a monk of Malmesbury] in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward II. and Edward III. (Rolls Series), ii. 191-192.
Behold now our King Edward had reigned six whole years, nor had he accomplished anything praiseworthy or fit to be remembered; except that he married royally and raised for himself a fine heir to his kingdom.... Oh! would that our King Edward had borne himself well at the beginning of his reign, and had not followed the counsel of pernicious men, he should in truth have been more renowned than any of his ancestors. Then God had enriched him with the gifts of all virtues and had made him equal to, nay, more excellent than, other Kings. For if anyone had wished to describe those things which ennobled our King, they could not have found his peer in the land. His ancestral fathers handed him down his generosity; those fathers whose successions now extend themselves to the tenth degree. He had riches, the most in his kingdom; an opulent country, and the favour of the people.
He was kinsman to the King of France; near relative to the King of Spain. If he had adhered to the counsel of his barons he would have humiliated the Scots with no loss. Oh! if he had employed himself in the pursuit of arms, and excelled the valour of King Richard [I.]. Indeed, his make-up was fitted to this; he was tall of stature and a finely formed man of great strength, with a handsome face. But why delay to describe him? If he had given as much energy to the pursuit of arms as he spent in rustic pursuits, England would have prospered well; his name would have resounded throughout the land. O what things were hoped of him as Prince of Wales! All hope vanished when he became King of England. Peter of Gaveston ruled the King in an unseemly way, disturbed the land, consumed the treasure, submitted three times to exile, and, afterwards returning, lost his head. But still some of Peter's companions and his own family remain in the King's court, and they disturb the peace of the whole country, and urge on the King to seek vengeance. Give peace, O Lord, in our days, and make the King of one mind with his barons.
CORRUPTION IN THE PAPAL COURT (1313).
Source.—Vita Edwardi II. in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II. (Rolls Series), ii. 197-199.
Money does everything in the [Papal] Court. If perchance you do not know this, turn to the custom and ways of the Roman Court. It loves causes, suits, quarrels, because they cannot be carried on without money; and a cause, which once enters the court, proves to be almost unending; ... Anyone ought to be satisfied with one Church, as is ordained in the Section De multa;[2] nevertheless, high persons are made exceptions, and receive dispensation indiscriminately so long as they give sufficient money. This marvellous vanity, and the detestable cupidity of the Court, has aroused scandal against it throughout the whole world....
This is the eighth year and more that Pope Clement V. has ruled the whole Church, but whatever he did to benefit mankind escaped the memory. At Vienna he gathered a council, and settled the Templars; conceded indulgences for the Holy Land, and collected an immense amount of money, but in no way benefited the Holy Land. He conceded tithes to Kings, and despoiled the churches of the poor. Far better were it for the rectors if there were no Pope, than to be daily subject to such exactions. But whether or no this is possible is not for me to discuss, because it is equivalent to sacrilege to question the power of that Prince. Among all other provinces of the world England feels most the oppressive Lord Pope; for out of the fulness of power he takes much on himself, and neither the Prince nor the people gainsay him; he reserves all rich rents to himself, and immediately excommunicates those who rebel; the legates come and despoil the land, others come bearing bulls and sell up the prebends. Every deanery is held by a foreigner, whereas the law orders natives to be preferred. Residence of deans is now abolished, and the number of canons is greatly decreased.... Lord Jesus, either take away the Pope from our midst, or lessen the power which he assumes over the people.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Decr. Greg. IX., lib. iii., p. 5, c. 28.
THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN (June 24, 1314).
Source.—Fabyan's Chronicle (ed. Ellis, 1811), 420.
In this vii year, for to oppress the malice of the Scots, the King assembled a great power, and by water entered the realm of Scotland and destroyed such villages and towns as lay or stood in his way. Whereof hearing, Robert le Bruce, with the power of Scotland, coasted towards the Englishmen, and upon the day of the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist, met with King Edward and his host at a place called Estryvelyn, near unto a fresh river, that then was called Bannockburn, where between the English and the Scotch that day was fought a cruel battle; but in the end the Englishmen were constrained to forsake the field. Then the Scots chased so eagerly that many of them were drowned in the fore-named river, and many a nobleman of England that day was slain in that battle, as Sir Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Edmund of Morley, the King's steward, with other lords and barons to the number as witnesseth Guy de Columpna of xlii, and of knights and baronets to the number of lxvii, over xxii men of name, which that day by the Scots were taken prisoners, and the King himself from that battle escaped with great danger, and so, with a few of his host that with him escaped, came unto Berwick, and there rested him a season. Then the Scots inflamed with pride, in derision of Englishmen, made this rhyme as followeth:
"Maidens of England, sore may you mourn
For your lemans you have lost at Bannockbourn,
With a heave and a ho!
What weeneth the King of England
So soon to have won Scotland,
With a rumbelow!"[3]
This song was after many days sung in dances, in carols of the maidens and minstrels of Scotland, to the reproof and disdain of Englishmen, with divers others which I pass over.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] Christopher Marlowe introduced this ballad into his drama of Edward the Second (written about 1590), in Act II., Scene 2:
Lancaster. And thereof came it, that the fleering Scots,
To England's high disgrace, have made this jig:
Maids of England, etc.
VAGABOND FRIARS (1314).
Source.—H.T. Riley, Memorials of London (London, 1868), 111-113.
Edward by the grace of God, King of England, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London greeting. Whereas from trustworthy relation we have heard that certain Friars of the Order of Preachers, who have made profession in that Order, despising such their profession and throwing away the religious garb, are wandering and running to and fro, arrayed in secular habit, in the city aforesaid; and that certain others, still wearing the garb aforesaid, but deserting their due obedience, are dwelling in the same city without the close of the same Friars, and do not fear to take part in various matters that are not beseeming to them to the peril of their souls, the scandal of the said Order, and the injury of ecclesiastical propriety—we, for the especial affection which for the same Order we do entertain, and have long entertained, wishing to restrain the malevolence of such insolent persons, and to provide for the repose and honour of the Friars of the said Order, so far as in good manner we may, do command you, that all vagabond Friars of the said Order found within the city aforesaid, so often as and when in future you shall be requested by the Prior of the same Order in the city aforesaid, or other the Friars by him thereunto deputed, you will cause to be arrested without delay, and to the house of the same Friars securely to be conducted, unto the brethren of the same house there to be delivered, by them, according to the discipline of their Order, to be chastised. And forasmuch as we have understood that the apostates aforesaid, contriving to the utmost of their power how to palliate the heinousness of their errors, and by false suggestions to vilify the Order aforesaid, have published defamatory writings, and have caused the same in public places within the city aforesaid to be read and recited, and have left copies of the same in those places fixed upon the walls, that so they might the more widely defame the same Order, and withhold the devotion of the faithful from the same; and still from day to day do not desist to do the like, and even worse, against the same Order; as, also, that many men are assisting the same apostates in the premises giving them aid and favour therein—we do command you, strongly enjoining, that on our behalf you will cause in the city aforesaid strict prohibition to be made that any person shall, on pain of heavy forfeiture to us, write any such manner of writings containing defamation of the said Order, or publish the same, or give aid to those writing or publishing the same, either secretly or openly; or shall presume to inflict loss, injury, or grievance upon the Friars of the said Order whom we have taken under our own especial protection and defence. And if you shall find any persons transgressors of such our prohibition, you are to cause them in such manner to be punished, that through their example others may be duly restrained from the commission of such offences. Witness myself at York this 18th day of September in the 8th year of our reign.
CHARGES AGAINST THE DESPENSERS (1319).
Source.—Holinshed's Chronicle, iii. 327.
Articles wherewith the barons charged the Despensers:
1. Amongst other things it was alleged; first that Hugh Spenser the son, being on a time angry and displeased with the King, sought to ally and confederate himself with the lord Gifford of Brimsfield, and the lord Richard Gray, to have constrained and forced the King by strong hand to have followed his will and pleasure.
2. Secondly, it was alleged, that the said Spensers as well the father as the son, had caused the King to ride into Gloucestershire, to oppress and destroy the good people of his land, contrary to the form of the great charter.
3. Thirdly, that where the Earl of Hereford and the lord Mortimer of Wigmore, had gone against one Llewelyn Bren, who had raised a rebellion against the King in Glamorganshire, while the lands of the Earl of Gloucester were in the King's hands, the same Llewelyn yielded himselfe to the said earl, and to the Lord Mortimer, who brought him to the King, upon promise that he should have the King's pardon, and so the King received him. But after that the said Earl and lord Mortimer were out of the land, the Spensers taking to them royal power, took the said Llewelyn and led him into Cardiff, where after that the said Hugh Spenser the son had his purparty[4] of the said Earl of Gloucester's lands, he caused the said Llewelyn to be drawn, headed and quartered, to the discredit of the King, and of the said Earl of Hereford and Lord Mortimer, yea and contrary to the laws and dignity of the imperial crown.
4. Fourthly, the said Spensers counselled the King to forejudge Sir Hugh Audley, son to the lord Hugh Audley, and to take into his hands his castles and possessions. They compassed also to have attainted the lord Roger D'Amorie, that thereby they might have enjoyed the whole earldom of Gloucester.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] = Share, part.
POPULAR FEELING ABOUT THE EARL OF LANCASTER'S DEATH (1322).
Source.—Henry Knighton's Chronicle (Rolls Series), 426-427.
The Earl therefore having died for the sake of Justice, Church, and State, as it seemed to the people, crowds hurried from all parts with gifts of offerings in order to show honour and reverence to the body of the Earl according to his desert, and they ceased not until the King, aroused by the Despensers, sent armed men to prevent them from entering into the church, and ordered, under pain of imprisonment, that no one should go into the church to offer honour or reverence to the body. And when the people saw that they were prevented from entering the church by the royal power, they turned the seat of their devotion to the place where the Earl had died, and were rushing thither in greater numbers (for which cause the more intense severity of the King was directed against the pilgrims), until the soil of all the field was moved away, and a church was built there with chaplains serving God and by no means poorly endowed.... It is to be remarked that all those who consented to the death of the Earl afterwards finished by a shameful death. First of all the King himself; his two brothers, namely Thomas Earl Marshall and Edmund Earl of Kent, both of whom had been raised and promoted at the instance of the said Earl of Lancaster; the Earl Warrenne; the Earl of Arundell; Lord Hugh Despenser the father, and Lord Hugh the son; the Earl of Richmond; the Earl of Pembroke; Lord Aylmer de Valence; but among them there was not one who ended life honourably, neither them nor any of their adherents.
THE REVOCATION OF THE ORDINANCES (1322).
Source.—Statutes at Large (ed. 1762), i. 372.
Since our lord the King Edward, son of King Edward, the 16th day of March in the third year of his reign, to the honour of God and for the good of himself and his realm granted to the prelates, earls and barons of his realm that they should choose certain persons from among the prelates, earls and barons and other loyal men whom it should seem meet to call to them, in order to ordain and establish the estate of the household of our lord the King and of his realm according to right and reason and in such manner that their ordinances should be made to the honour of God and to the honour and benefit of holy church and to the honour of the said King and his benefit and to the benefit of his people according to right and reason and the oath which our said lord the King made at his Coronation, and the Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England and the prelates, earls and barons chosen for that purpose made such ordinances which began: "Edward by the grace of God, etc." ... which ordinances our said lord the King caused to be rehearsed and examined at his Parliament at York, three weeks from Easter in the 15th year of his reign, by the prelates, earls and barons among whom were most of the said ordainers who were then alive, and by the commons of the realm summoned thither by his command. And because it was found by this examination in the said Parliament, that by those things which had been ordained, the true power of our said lord the King was restrained in many ways contrary to the due embellishment of his true lordship and injurious to the estate of the crown; and moreover that in times past by such ordinances and purveyances made by subjects over the true power of the ancestors of our lord the King, troubles and wars had arisen in the realm by which the land had been emperilled; it was agreed and established in the said Parliament by our lord the King and by the said prelates, earls and barons and all the commonalty of the realm, in this Parliament assembled, that everything ordained by the said ordainers and contained in the said Ordinances for future should cease and lose for ever all force, virtue and effect, the statutes and establishments duly made by our lord the King and his ancestors before the said ordinances obtaining in their force, and that henceforth, at all time, any manner of ordinances or purveyances made by the subjects of our lord the King or his heirs, by whatever power or commission this may be done, over the true power of our lord the King or his heirs or against the estate of our lord the King or of his heirs or contrary to the estate of the Crown, shall be null and of no manner of value or force. But the matters which are to be established for the estate of our lord the King and his heirs and for the estate of the realm and of the people shall be treated, accorded and established in Parliaments by our lord the King, and by the consent of the prelates, earls and barons and the commonalty of the realm, according as it hath been heretofore accustomed.
THE MURDER OF THE KING (1327).
Source.—Christopher Marlowe's Edward the Second (1592).
Act V., Scene 5.
Scene: In Berkeley Castle.
(Matrevis and Gurney having received the Bishop of Hereford's well-known cryptic message, through the hands of Lightborn, a creation of Marlowe's own mind, the King is called up from the dungeon.)
King Edward. And there in mire and puddle, have I stood
This ten days' space; and lest that I should sleep,
One plays continually upon a drum;
They give me bread and water, being a King;
So that for want of sleep and sustenance
My mind's distempered and my body's numbed,
And whether I have limbs or no I know not.
O, would my blood dropp'd out from every vein,
As doth this water from my tattered robes!
Tell Isabel, the Queen, I look'd not thus,
When for her sake I ran at tilt in France,
And there unhors'd the Duke of Cleremont.
Lightborn. O, speak no more, my lord! this breaks my heart.
Lie on this bed, and rest yourself awhile.
K. Edw. These looks of thine can harbour nought but death;
I see my tragedy written in thy brows.
Yet stay a while; forbear thy bloody hand,
And let me see the stroke before it comes,
That even then when I shall lose my life
My mind may be more steadfast on my God.
Light. What means your highness to mistrust me thus?
K. Edw. What mean'st thou to dissemble with me thus?
Light. These hands were never stained with innocent blood,
Nor shall they now be tainted with a King's.
K. Edw. Forgive my thought for having such a thought.
One jewel have I left; receive thou this: (Giving jewel.)
Still fear I, and I know not what's the cause,
But every joint shakes as I give it thee.
O, if thou harbour'st murder in thy heart,
Let this gift change thy mind, and save thy soul!
Know that I am a King: O, at that name
I feel a hell of grief! Where is my crown?
Gone, gone! and do I remain alive?
Light. You're overwatch'd, my lord; lie down and rest.
K. Edw. But that grief keeps one waking, I should sleep;
For not ten days have these eye-lids clos'd.
Now, as I speak, they fall; and yet with fear
Open again. O wherefore sitt'st thou here?
Light. If thou mistrust me, I'll be gone, my lord.
K. Edw. No, no; for if thou mean'st to murder me,
Thou wilt return again; and therefore stay. (Sleeps.)
Light. He sleeps.
K. Edw. (waking) O!
Let me die; yet stay, O stay a while!
Light. How now, my lord?
K. Edw. Something still buzzeth in mine ears,
And tells me, if I sleep, I never wake;
This fear is that which makes me tremble thus;
And therefore tell me, wherefore art thou come?
Light. To rid thee of thy life.—Matrevis, come.
Enter Matrevis and Gurney.
K. Edw. I am too weak and feeble to resist.—
Assist me, sweet God, and receive my soul!
Light. Run for the table.
K. Edw. O, spare me, or despatch me in a trice.
(Matrevis brings in a table. King Edward is murdered by holding him down on the bed with the table.)
Light. So, lay the table down, and stamp on it,
But not too hard, lest that you bruise his body.
Mat. I fear that this cry will raise the town,
And therefore let us take horse and away.
Light. Tell me, sirs, was it not bravely done?
Gur. Excellent well; take this for thy reward.
(Stabs Lightborn, who dies.)
Come, let us cast the body in the moat,
And bear the King's away to Mortimer, our lord:
Away. [Exeunt with bodies.
CHARACTER OF EDWARD II.
Source.—Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward II. and Edward III. (Rolls Series), ii. 91.
King Edward ... was indeed fine in body and distinguished among men, but, as it is commonly said, very different in his manners. For, caring little for the company of princes, he made friends with singers, actors, grooms, sailors, and with others of this kind, artists and mechanics, believing more in the counsel of others than in his own; prodigal in giving, bounteous and splendid in entertainments, quick to anger, unreliable as to his word, dilatory against foreign enemies, easily enraged against his servants, and ardently attached to some one familiar friend whom he would cherish, enrich, and promote, not enduring to be absent from his presence, and honouring him before all others; whence came hatred of the lover, and abuse and ruin of the one loved, injury to the people, and loss to the kingdom. Moreover he promoted unworthy and unfit men to be ecclesiastics; these afterwards in his time of trouble deserted him.
THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD III.
Source.—Harleian MS. (British Museum), 2261, fols. 388-388b.
Edward, son of King Edward, after the conquest the third, of xv. years in age, was crowned into King in the feast of the Purification of our blessed Lady at Westminster, his father being in life and under keeping. In the beginning of whom the earth began to give much fruit, the air temperance, the sea tranquillity, the Church liberty. Edward sometime King was brought from Kenilworth to the castle of Berkeley, where he was slain.... Wherefore many people say that he died a martyr and did many miracles; nevertheless keeping in prison, vileness, and opprobrious death cause not a martyr, but if the holiness of life afore be correspondent; for it is well and if that[5] vile death do away sin in him and diminish his pains. But women loving to go in pilgrimage increase much the rumour of such veneration, until that a feeble edifying fall down.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] = If.
THE MANNER OF THE SCOTS (1327).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 31.
The Scots are bold, hardy, and much inured to war. When they make their invasions into England, they march from twenty to four-and-twenty leagues without halting, as well by night as day, for they are all on horseback, except the camp-followers, who are on foot. The knights and esquires are well mounted on large bay horses, the common people on little galloways. They bring no carriages with them, on account of the mountains they have to pass in Northumberland; neither do they carry with them any provisions of bread or wine, for their custom and sobriety is such, in time of war, that they will live for a long time on flesh half sodden without bread, and drink the river water without wine. They have therefore no occasion for pots or pans, for they dress the flesh of their cattle in the skins, after they have taken them off; and being sure to find plenty of them in the country which they invade, they carry none with them. Under the flaps of his saddle each man carries a broad plate of metal, behind the saddle a little bag of oatmeal; when they have eaten too much of this sodden flesh, and their stomach appears weak and empty, they place this plate over the fire, mix with water their oatmeal, and, when the plate is heated, they put a little of the paste upon it, and make a thin cake, like a cracknell or biscuit, which they eat to warm their stomachs; it is therefore no wonder that they perform a longer day's march than other soldiers.
THE RULE OF ISABELLA (1328).
Source.—Sismondi, Histoire des Français (Paris, 1828), x. 14-17.
Edward III., King of England, was only aged sixteen years; the administration of affairs was absolutely in the hands of his mother, Isabella of France, who was beginning to realise how hateful she was to the nation which she governed. A foreigner, and surrounded by foreigners, she was polluted in the eyes of the English by the blood of her husband, shed by her, and by her licentious conduct with Roger de Mortimer, her favourite. Fearing at any time a rebellion, she sought above all to diminish the number of her enemies, and to escape the possibility of a foreign war. With this end in view, she first made treaty[6] with Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, fully recognising the independence of his kingdom, surrendering to him all the titles and all the crown jewels, which Edward I. had taken from the Scots, and marrying her daughter Joan to David Bruce, son of Robert, and his heir-apparent, only seven years old.
This transaction, of the 1st of March, 1328, still more augmented the resentment of the English: they passionately desired to conquer Scotland, and they believed the moment to be very favourable since Robert Bruce was ill; in fact it was not long before he died, leaving his crown to a child. The agitation against the Queen increased; one of the adversaries whom she most feared was her brother-in-law, Edmund, Earl of Kent; all her skill was directed towards drawing him into a trap: she succeeded, in fact, in less than a month, in implicating him in a conspiracy, for which he suffered the extreme penalty.
But so long as Isabella felt herself to be so unsafe on the throne of England, she could hardly think to dispute that of France; she contented herself with protesting for the preservation of what she called the rights of her son. She wrote on the 28th of March in the name of Edward III. to the chief princes of Gascony, Navarre, and Languedoc, that the King intended to recover his heritage and his rights in every good way that he knew and could, that he prayed them then and charged them on their faith to work secretly to gain for him the heart of the nobles and the commons who were not under obedience to him that they might aid him when the time should come. On the 16th of May she gave power to the bishops of Winchester and Chester to demand and recover all the rights which belonged to him [Edward III.] as legitimate heir to the kingdom of France; on the 28th of June she caused letters of reprisals to be given to stop the goods and merchandise of all the French, as pledges for the reparation of certain hostilities which they had committed. The 28th of October, however, the effects thus seized were released under caution, and the violences committed between the two kingdoms were referred to tribunals.
Philip VI. was little concerned about these pretensions of his cousin, since she appeared to be too badly circumstanced to be able to take action; he judged with reason that, after he had been King for some time, the nation would feel itself bound in honour to defend his title. He appeared only to occupy himself with gaining the favour of certain princes, who were rather the friends than the feudatories of France. In the month of June he put forth an ordinance in favour of the Duke of Brittany, by which he recognised that the courts of this Duchy were in no way dependent upon the Parliament of Paris; he reconciled the Dauphin, Guigues VIII., with the Count of Savoy, and by this negotiation obtained the recognition of these two princes. Both were dependent on the Empire, but they spoke the French language, and they looked on the French Court as the most notable for fêtes and magnificence, where princes might acquire a reputation for chivalry, and where they might, at the same time, enjoy the greatest pleasures. This superior elegance, this attraction which Paris had for foreign princes, had a signal effect on politics during the whole of the century.
FOOTNOTES:
[6] The "Foul Peace" of Northampton.
WHY MORTIMER WAS CONDEMNED UNHEARD (1330).
Source.—Adam Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum (Rolls Series), 62.
And immediately the same earl [Roger Mortimer] was sent to the Tower until the meeting of Parliament, which was a little before the Feast of St. Andrew [November 30]. At this Parliament at Westminster, on the vigil of St. Andrew, the same earl was condemned to death by his peers. Nevertheless, he did not come before them, nor was he allowed to answer; nor was it to be wondered at, since, from the time of the death of the Earl of Lancaster until the death of this earl, all nobles had been handed over to death without being heard, and had perished without lawful conviction, as appears by precedents, as it is wisely written, anyone who places himself as judge of another stands to be judged by him, etc., and in the same measure that they meet out to others it shall be meeted to them. And that same vigil of St. Andrew was the said Earl of March hung at Elmis upon a common thieves' gallows, where he hung for two days, and afterwards was buried in London at the Friars Minors, but, a long time afterwards, was translated to Wigmore.
THE WAR OF THE DISINHERITED (1332).
Source.—Robert of Avesbury's De Gestis Edwardi Tertii (Rolls Series), 296.
Lord Edward Balliol, son and heir of the said Lord John Balliol, living in England in the year of our Lord, 1332, the 6th year of Edward, the Third after the Conquest, was, about the Feast of St. Lawrence, preparing to set out for Scotland, which belonged to him by hereditary right. Since the King of England was unwilling for him to enter the country from the realm of England, since David, son of the said Robert [Bruce], had married the sister of the King of England, coming by ship he entered Scotland without the consent of the King of England, taking with him the lords Henry de Beaumont and Ralph de Stafford, barons, and also Sir Walter Manny and other vigorous soldiers and armed men and archers to the number of 1,500, both footmen and horsemen together. And then, indeed, he was engaged in a fierce conflict, lasting from sunrise to the ninth hour of the day, against the Scots who came in great numbers to resist him at Kynghorn. But Christ, ever favouring justice, preserved the English unhurt, and threw to the ground before them more than 20,000 of the Scots. Indeed many of the Scots, because of their impetuosity and haste, falling over their own companions, rushed into battle, fell without a blow, and were crushed by their own companions rushing on over them, so that the mountainous heap of Scots there killed and crushed reached one stadium, [60 feet 9 inches, English], in length, and 6 cubits and more in height.
FOR THE SAFE-KEEPING OF THE CITY OF LONDON
(December 13, 1334).
Source.—H.T. Riley, Memorials of London (London, 1868), 192-193.
A Proclamation in the Time of Reynald de Conduit, Mayor of London.
Forasmuch as our Lord the King, whom may God save and preserve, is now engaged in his war against his enemies in Scotland, and every man ought to be most tender of keeping and maintaining his peace;——it is ordained and granted by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the City of London, for maintaining the peace between all manner of folks in the said city, that no person, denizen or stranger, other than officers of the City, and those who have to keep the peace, shall go armed, or shall carry arms, by night or by day, within the franchise of the said city on pain of imprisonment, and of losing the arms.
Also, it is agreed that whosoever shall draw sword, or knife, or other arm, in affray of the people, shall be forthwith attached and shall have imprisonment, without being left to find surety, according to the discretion of the Mayor and of the Aldermen of the City.
Also we do forbid, on behalf of our Lord the King, and on behalf of the Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty of the City of London, that for any offence that shall or may be committed in time to come, as between any and singular persons, the people of the trades to which such offenders belong, shall make alliance or understanding as among them, to support or embolden such offenders; or that any man of the said trades shall seek vengeance against another, under colour of such offence. But if they shall be able to make good accord between the parties, let them make it; and if not, let them bring the parties before the officers of the City; and before them let them have their recovery, according as law and right demand.
Also it is ordained and assented to, that no person shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to go wandering about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out at St. Martin's le Grand; unless it be some man of the City of good repute, or his servant; and that, for reasonable cause, and with light.
And whereas misdoers, going about by night, commonly have their resort more in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge and watch their time for evil-doing; it is forbidden that any taverner or brewer shall keep the door of his tavern open after the hour of curfew aforesaid, on the pain as to the same ordained; that is to say, the first time, on pain of being amerced in 40 pence; the second time, half a mark; the third time, 10 shillings; the fourth time, 20 shillings; and the fifth time he is to forswear the trade.
Also we do forbid, on the same pain of imprisonment, that any man shall go about at this Feast of Christmas with companions disguised with false faces,[7] or in any other manner, to the houses of the good folks of the City, for playing at dice there; but let each one keep himself quiet and at his ease within his own house.
FOOTNOTES:
[7] Visors, or masks.
FIRST INVASION OF FRANCE: THE CAMPAIGN OF 1339.
Source.—Robert of Avesbury's De Gestis Edwardi Tertii (Rolls Series), 306-308.
[Edward III.'s letter to his son and his Council giving an account of his campaign.]
Edward, etc., to our dear son and to the honourable fathers in God, John [Stratford] by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury etc.... greeting. The cause of our long sojourn in Brabant we have ofttimes made known to you before now, and well known it is to each one of you; but, for that of late scarce any aid hath come to us out of our realm, and that the delay was to us so grievous, and our people in such great straight and our allies too slow in business, our messengers also, who had so long tarried over against the cardinals and the Council of France to treat for peace, did bring us never other offers save that we shall not have one handbreadth of land in the realm of France, and again our cousin Philip of Valois had ever sworn, as we do have report, that we should never make a sojourn for a single day with our host in France, but that he would give us battle.—We, ever trusting in God and our right, did make to come before us our allies, and did surely make shown to them that for nought would we longer wait, but would go forward in pursuit of our right, taking the grace that God should give us; and they, seeing the dishonour which should have come to them if they should have tarried behind us, agreed to follow us. A day was taken for all to be on the march within France on a certain day, at which day and place we were all ready and our allies came after, as well as they could. The Monday, on the eve of St. Matthew [September 20], we passed out of Valenciennes, and on the same day they did begin to burn in Cambresis, and they burnt there all the week following, so that that country is clean laid waste, as of corn and cattle and other goods. The Saturday following we came to Marcoing, which is between Cambray and France, and they began to burn within France the same day; and we did hear that the said lord Philip was drawing nigh towards us at Peronne on his march to Noyon. So we held ever our road forward, our people burning and destroying commonly to the breadth of twelve or fourteen leagues of country. The Saturday next before the Feast of St. Luke [October 18] we passed the water of Oise, and lodged and sojourned there the Sunday; on which day we had our allies before us, who showed unto us their victuals were near spent and that the winter was nigh at hand, that they could not tarry, but that they must needs withdraw on the march back, when their victuals should be spent. In truth, they were the more shortly victualled by reason that they thought that our said cousin should have given us speedy battle. On the Monday morning there came letters unto my lord Hugh of Geneva from the master of the crossbowmen of France, making mention that he wished to say to the King of England, as from the King of France, that he would give him battle within the Thursday next following. On the morrow, to do always what destruction we could, we marched on. On the Wednesday after came a messenger to the said Sir Hugh, and brought him letters of the King of Bohemia and of the Duke of Lorraine, with their seals hanging, making mention that whatever the said master of the crossbowmen had said, on the part of the King of France, touching the battle, he would keep covenant. We, regarding the said letters, immediately on the morrow withdrew towards Flamengerie, where we stayed the Friday, all the day. At vespers three spies were taken and were examined, each by himself, and they agreed in saying that the said Philip would give battle on Saturday, and that he was a league and a half from us. On the Saturday we stood in the field full a quarter before dawn, and took our ground in a fitting place for us, and for him, to fight. In early morning some of his scouts were taken, and they told us that his advance guard was in front of the field in battle array, and coming out toward us. The news coming to our host, although our allies before bore themselves sluggishly towards us, they were surely of such loyal intent that never were folk of such good will to fight. In the meantime was one of our scouts, a German knight, taken, who had seen all our array and showed it in his plight to our enemy; so that now he made withdraw his vanguard, and gave orders to encamp, and they made trenches around them, and cut down the large trees, in order to prevent the approach to them. We tarried all day in battle array, until, towards vespers, it seemed we had tarried enough; and, at vespers, we mounted our horses and went near unto Avesnes, a league and a half from our said cousin, and made him to know that we would await him there all the Sunday; and so we did. And other news of him we send not, save that on the Saturday when we mounted our horses at the departing from our ground, he thought that we should come towards them; and, such haste had he to take stronger ground, that a thousand horsemen all at once were foundered in the marsh at his passage, so came each one upon the other. On the Sunday was the lord of Fagnolle taken by our people. On the Monday morning had we news that the said Lord Philip and all his allies were scattered and withdrawn in great haste. And so would our allies no longer afterwards abide. And touching what is further to be done we shall take counsel with them at Antwerp on the morrow of St. Martin [November 11]. And from thence afterwards [we will send news] speedily of what may be meanwhile done.
Given under our privy seal, at Brussels, the 1st day of November.
BEFORE SLUYS (1340).
Source.—Robert of Avesbury's De Gestis Edwardi Tertii (Rolls Series), 311.
[Before the Battle of Sluys, Edward III., unheeding the news that Philip of France had collected a large navy, to bar his passage, prepared to cross into Flanders with a small force, early in June, 1340.]
But the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury advised the King that the lord Philip de Valois, his French adversary, cautiously forseeing his [the King of England's] crossing, had secretly sent over a large navy with a large fleet of armed ships to confront him in the port of Swyna [Sluys], and advised him to wait and provide himself with a larger force, lest he and his should perish in the crossing. To whom the King, having no faith in the warning, replied that he was going to cross anyhow. The Archbishop immediately placed himself outside the King's council, and, retiring, gave up the Chancellor's seal. But the King, calling to him Sir Robert de Morley, his Admiral, and a certain sailor called Crabbe, who were searching out the truth, asked them if there was danger in crossing; they answered him as the said Lord Archbishop of Canterbury had told him. To whom the King replied, "You and the Archbishop are confederating together to hinder my passage." And being offended he said to them: "Though you are unwilling, I will cross, and you who fear, where there is no fear, shall remain at home." Then the said Admiral and the sailor swore, under pain of death, that, if the King then crossed, he himself, and all who went with him, would inevitably be subject to peril. Nevertheless, they said, that, if he wished to sail then, they would precede him, even though it should mean death. Hearing this, the King sent immediately for the lord Archbishop of Canterbury, his Chancellor, and, speaking gracious words to him, restored the Chancellor's seal to him. And he hastily made demands on all ports, both north and south, and also on London, for a larger navy, so that within ten days from thence he had sufficient ships, and an unexpected number of armed men and bowmen, greater even than he had wished for, so that he sent many back, and, setting sail, he came to the said port of Sluys on the Feast of St. John the Baptist.
THE BATTLE OF SLUYS (June 24, 1340).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 141, 142.
Sir Hugh Quiriel, Sir Peter Bahucet, and Barbenoir were at that time lying between Blanckenburg and Sluys, with upwards of one hundred and twenty large vessels, without counting others: these were manned with about forty thousand men, Genoese and Picards, including mariners. By the orders of the King of France, they were there at anchor, waiting the return of the King of England, to dispute his passage.
When the King's fleet was almost got to Sluys, they saw so many masts standing before it, that they looked like a wood. The King asked the commander of his ship what they could be, who answered that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans, which the King of France kept at sea, and which had so frequently done him much damage, had burnt his good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the Christopher.
The King replied, "I have for a long time wished to meet with them, and now, please God and St. George, we will fight with them; for, in truth, they have done me so much mischief, that I will be revenged on them, if it be possible."
The King then drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in front, and, on the wings, his archers. Between every two vessels with archers, there was one of men-at-arms. He stationed some detached vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help such as might be damaged.
There were in this fleet a great many ladies from England, countesses, baronesses, and knights' and gentlemen's wives, who were going to attend on the Queen at Ghent; these the King had guarded most carefully by three hundred men-at-arms and five hundred archers....
The Normans filled the Christopher, the large ship which they had taken the year before from the English, with trumpeters and other warlike instruments, and ordered her to fall upon the English.
The battle then began very fiercely: archers and crossbowmen shot with all their might at each other, and the men-at-arms engaged hand to hand: in order to be more successful they had large grapnels and iron hooks with chains, which they flung from ship to ship, to moor them to each other. There were many valiant deeds performed, many prisoners made, and many rescues.
The Christopher, which led the van, was recaptured by the English, and all in her taken or killed. There were then great shouts and cries, and the English manned her again with archers, and sent her to fight against the Genoese.
This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at sea are more destructive and obstinate than upon land, for it is not possible to retreat or flee—every one must abide his fortune, and exert his prowess and valour.
THE KING OF FRANCE IGNORES THE KING OF ENGLAND'S CHALLENGE (July 27, 1340).
Source.—Adam Murimuth, Continuatio Chronicarum (Rolls Series), 110-112.
[Edward III.'s personal challenge to Philip of Valois after the victory at Sluys and immediately before the Siege of Tournay, and the answer of the King of France.]
"Philip of Valois, for long have we made suit before you by embassies and all other ways which we knew to be reasonable, to the end that you should be willing to have restored unto us our right, our heritage of France, which you have long kept back and most wrongfully occupied. And, for that we see that you are minded to continue in your wrongful withholding, without doing us right in our demand, we have entered into the land of Flanders, as sovereign lord thereof, and have passed through the country. And we make known to you that, by the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our right, together with the power of the said land and with our people and allies ... we are drawing near to you to make an end of our rightful challenge, if you will come near.... We greatly desire that despatch be made, and for the avoiding of the death of Christians, seeing that the quarrel is manifestly ours and yours, that the trial of our challenge be made between our two bodies; whereunto we offer ourself for the reason aforesaid, albeit that we consider well the great nobility of your person, your prudence also and discretion. And, in case you would not choose this way, then should our challenge be laid to make an end thereof by battle between yourself, with one hundred of the fittest men of your side, and ourself, with so many others of our liegemen. And, if you will neither the one nor the other way, that you assign unto us a certain day before the city of Tournay to fight, power against power, within ten days next after the date of this letter....
"Given under our Great Seal at Chin, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of the month of July, the year of our Lord 1340."
To which letter, Philip of Valois, King of France, answered as follows:
"Philip, by the grace of God, King of France, to Edward, King of England. We have seen your letters, which were brought unto our Court, sent from you to Philip of Valois, wherein are contained certain demands which you make of the said Philip of Valois. And, for that the said letters came not unto us, and that the demands were not made of us, as clearly appeareth by the tenour of your letters, we make unto you no answer.
"Nevertheless, inasmuch as we have heard, by means of the said letters, and otherwise, that you have entered into our realm of France, bringing great harm to us and to our realm and to our people, led on by wilfulness, and without reason, and without regard to the faith that a liege man oweth to his lord, for you did enter into our liege homage, recognising us, as is right, to be King of France, and did promise obedience, such as one is bound to promise to his liege lord, as more clearly appeareth by your letters patent, sealed with your great seal, the which we have in our hands, and which you ought equally to have with you. Therefore, our intent is, when unto us it shall seem good, to cast you forth from our realm, to the honour of us and of our realm and to the profit of our people; and to do this we have steadfast hope in Jesus Christ, from whom all power cometh unto us. For, by your undertaking, which is of wilfulness and not reasonable, hath been hindered the holy passage beyond sea, and great numbers of Christian people have been slain, the service of God minished, and holy Church had in less reverence.
"And as to what you have written that you think to have the help of the Flemings, we take it, for certain, that the good people and commons of the land will bear themselves in such manner towards our cousin the Count of Flanders, their immediate lord, and us, their sovereign lord, that they will keep their honour and their loyalty. And that they have hitherto erred hath been from evil counsel of people who regarded not the commonweal nor the honour of the country, but their own profit only. Given in the fields near the priory of St. Andrew, under our Privy Seal in default of our great seal, the 30th day of July, the year of grace, 1340."
ARCHBISHOP STRATFORD INCURS THE KING'S DISPLEASURE (January 1, 1340-1).
Source.—Robert of Avesbury's De Gestis Edwardi Tertii (Rolls Series), 324-329.
Certain of the King's secretaries envying the Reverend Father in the Lord John de Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury ... roused the King to anger against him, imputing to him crimes and defects.... And the said Lord Archbishop, fearing the anger of the King, and the jealousy of his rivals, fled to safety to the priory church of Canterbury, and there remained for some time. Meanwhile he wrote to the King:
"Most gentle lord, please you to know that the most sovereign thing, that holdeth kings and princes in due and fitting estate, is good and wise counsel.... Sire, in your own time, you had certain counsellors by whom you did near lose the hearts of your people; from whom God delivered you as it pleased Him. And then, even till now, by good avisement of the prelates, peers, the great men and wise of the Council of the land, your affairs have been brought into such a state that you entirely have the hearts of your people, who, as well clerks as others, have given you aid, even as you shall have henceforth, or more, as never had King of England; so that by means of your good Council, the help of your people, and the grace which God hath given you, you have had the victory in presence of your enemies of Scotland, and of France, and of all parts; so that this day, honour be to God, you are held the most noble prince of Christendom. And now, by evil counsel, abetted by certain people of this land, which are not so wise as were needful, and by counsel of others, which seek rather their own profit than your honour or the safety of the land, you begin to seize divers clerks, peers and other folk of the land and to make suit, nothing fitting, against the law of the land ... the which things are done at the great peril of your soul and the minishing of your honour.... And forasmuch as certain, who are near to you, do falsely charge us with treason and falsehood, therefore they are excommunicate ... and also they say of some others that they have evilly and falsely served you, whereby you have lost the toun of Tournay and many other honours that you might have had there; be willing, Sire, if it please you, to make come the prelates, great men, and peers of the land, in fitting place, where we and others may securely come, and cause, if it please you, to see and enquire in whose hands, since the beginning of your war, wools moneys, and other things whatsoever, which have been granted to you in aid of your war even to this day, have come and have been expended, and by whose default you thus departed from Tournay; and those which shall be found guilty in any whit before you, as a good lord, make them to be chastised well according to law. And in whatsoever concerneth us, we will stand in all points at the judgment of our peers, saving always the estate of holy Church, of us, and of our order....
"Written at Canterbury the first day of January, by your chaplain, the Archbishop of Canterbury."
THE "LIBELLUS FAMOSUS" (February 10, 1340-1).
Source.—Wharton's Anglia Sacra, i. 23-27.
[The following is a passage from the libellus famosus put forth by Edward III. against Archbishop Stratford, and directed to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's.]
... Because we believed John, then Bishop of Winchester, now Archbishop of Canterbury, to be preeminent before all others, because of his faithfulness and discreetness, we followed his counsel in things spiritual and things temporal, above those which were advantageous to us for the safety of our own soul and for the increase and preservation of our kingdom. In such friendship was he held by us ... that he was named our father and was venerated by all as next after the King. And when the kingdom of France had devolved on us by right of succession, and was, according to report, occupied by Philip of Valois, the same Archbishop violently and earnestly persuaded us to enter into alliance with the German Princes and others against the said Philip of Valois, and to expose us and ours to the losses of wars, promising and affirming that it would be possible to meet abundantly the expenses attaching to such, from the fruits of our land and from some special subsidies, adding, moreover, that we should only make demands from persons experienced and active in wars, as he himself would procure sufficient for our necessities and their expenses. Whence we, having crossed the sea, put our hand to the task and made a great outlay, as was fitting, in warlike preparations, and bound our allies to us by large sums, trusting in the promised help. But, alas! we placed our faith, as it were, in the staff of a reed, on which, as the prophecy is [Isaiah xxxvi. 6], whosoever leans it shall enter into his hand and pierce it, and, driven by necessity, since the hoped-for subsidy had been withdrawn (would it had not been fraudulently), we contracted, under heavy usury, an almost insupportable burden of debts, and thus, any further expedition being prevented, we were forced magnanimously to desist for the time from our incomplete attacks on the enemy and to return to England. There, having laid our many calamities and never-to-be-forgotten misfortunes before our aforesaid Archbishop, and, a Parliament having been called, the prelates, nobles, and other faithful of our kingdom granted us such a subsidy (the ninth part of the tithes of sheep and wool, besides the tenth conceded by the clergy), that if it had been faithfully collected and acquired at a fitting time it would have provided payment for the debts accrued in the said expedition, and would have been of no small assistance towards the confusion of the enemy, nay, even, according to some, it might have sufficed altogether. The same Archbishop meanwhile promised faithfully to mediate with his parts [of the country] for the collection of the said subsidy and the administration of our necessities. Wherefore, trusting in his promises, men having been again collected, and a fleet having been gathered, we sailed towards Flanders, and engaged in a hard naval battle with the enemy, who had sworn our destruction and that of all the English people. By the compassion and mercy of Him who rules the wind and the sea, not by our own merit, we obtained a victory and triumph over the whole multitude of so many enemies. This being accomplished we set out thence with a powerful army for the recovery of our rights, and marked out a fort near the strong city of Tournay, in the siege of which we were perpetually occupied for some time, and, wearied out by continual expenses and labours, awaiting in silence, we were hoping day by day for the promised help; to be relieved, by the service of our Archbishop, from so many and so great necessities. At length, the conceived hope being frustrated, although by many messengers and many letters we fully signified to the aforesaid Archbishop, and to others of our Council who adhered to him, not only our poverty and the many perils to which we were exposed on account of the failure of the said subsidy, but also the advantage and the honour which, by the help of the money, we saw we could easily secure. Nevertheless we could not obtain emolument from them, because, caring for their own affairs rather than ours, and procuring their own welfare, they excused their sluggishness, (not to say their fraud, or their malice), by frivolous excuses and ornate rhetoric, like those mockers who, as says Isaiah, delight in deriding, saying: "Precept upon precept, precept upon precept, line upon line, line upon line, here a little, there a little." [Isaiah xxviii. 13.]
Whence alas, it came about that even when the near hope of triumphing over our enemies gracefully smiled upon us, poverty prevailing, we were obliged, unwilling though we were, to make truce, to the shameful retarding of our expedition, and the no little exultation of our rivals.... Wherefore we, directing the force of our mind to the discipline and correction of such of our officials, caused certain of them whom we held suspect, for probable causes, of bad administration, of the subversion of justice, of the oppression of our subjects, of corruption by acceptance of gifts and other grave offences, to be removed from their offices as it seems well to us; while others of inferior rank were placed in custody.... We ordered him [the Archbishop], through our faithful servant Nicholas de Cantilupe, specially chosen for this purpose, to hasten and come to London early to our presence, since we desired to have a personal interview with him. But he, always haughty in prosperity and cowardly in adversity, fearing where no fear was, alleged untruly that the peril of death, threatened and directed against him by our partisans, hung over him if he should leave the Church of Canterbury, although this, by witness of God and a pure conscience, never had come into our mind, or, we believe, into that of any of our partisans, in spite of the fact that by his demerits he had made himself hated by the clergy and people of the kingdom. But we, desiring all to come to our presence, and that all summoned to us by our letters should enjoy full security, sent our faithful Ralph de Stafford, seneschal of our guest chamber, to him [the Archbishop] to offer and make him a safe conduct; and we gave him our letters patent, signed under our seal, to present, demanding, a second time, that he should come to us personally, and should, first of all, have a private interview with us concerning the affairs of the kingdom, over which he had so long laboured, as aforesaid. But he, treating the lenity of our prayers and our mandates with contempt, answered indignantly that he would in nowise confer with us, save in a full Parliament, which at this time, for reasonable causes, it would not be expedient to summon....
TRIAL BY PEERS.
Source.—Statute, 15 Edward III., cap. ii. (1341).
Item. Whereas, before this time, the peers of the land have been arrested and imprisoned, and their temporalties, lands and tenements, goods and cattels asseised in the King's hands, and some put to death without judgment of their peers: It is accorded and assented, that no peer of the land, officer, nor other, because of his office, nor of things touching his office, nor by other cause shall be brought in judgment to lose his temporalties, lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, nor to be arrested, nor imprisoned, outlawed, exiled, nor forejudged, nor put to answer, nor to be judged but by award of the said peers in the Parliament, saving always to our Sovereign Lord the King and his heirs, the laws rightfully used, and by due process, and saving also the suit of the party....
THE BATTLE OF CRECY (August 26, 1346).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 325.
The English, who were drawn up in three divisions, and seated on the ground, on seeing their enemies advance, rose undauntedly up, and fell into their ranks. That of the Prince was the first to do so, whose archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or harrow, and the men-at-arms in the rear. The Earls of Northampton and Arundel, who commanded the second division, had posted themselves in good order on his wing, to assist and succour the Prince if necessary.
You must know that these kings, dukes, earls, barons, and lords of France, did not advance in any regular order, but one after the other, but any way most pleasing to themselves. As soon as the King of France came in sight of the English, his blood began to boil, and he cried out to his marshals, "Order the Genoese forward, and begin the battle, in the name of God and St. Denis."
There were about fifteen thousand Genoese cross-bowmen; but they were quite fatigued, having marched on foot that day six leagues, completely armed, and with their cross-bows. They told the Constable they were not in a fit condition to do any great things that day in battle. The Earl of Alençon, hearing this, said: "This is what one gets by employing such scoundrels, who fall off when there is any need for them."
During this time a heavy rain fell, accompanied by thunder, and a very terrible eclipse of the sun: and before this rain a great flight of crows hovered in the air over all these battalions, making a loud noise. Shortly afterwards it cleared up, and the sun shone very bright; but the Frenchmen had it in their faces, and the English in their backs.
When the Genoese were somewhat in order, and approached the English, they set up a loud shout, in order to frighten them; but they remained quite still, and did not seem to attend to it. They then set up a second shout, and advanced a little forward, but the English never moved. They hooted a third time, advancing with their cross-bows presented, and began to shoot. The English archers then advanced one step forward, and shot their arrows with such force and quickness that it seemed as if it snowed.
When the Genoese felt these arrows, which pierced their arms, heads, and through their armour, some of them cut the strings of their cross-bows, others flung them on the ground, and all turned about and retreated, quite discomfited. The French had a large body of men-at-arms on horseback, richly dressed, to support the Genoese.
The King of France, seeing them thus fall back, cried out, "Kill me those scoundrels, for they stop up our road, without any reason." You would then have seen the above-mentioned men-at-arms lay about them, killing all they could of these runaways.
The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly as before: some of their arrows fell among the horsemen, who were sumptuously equipped, and, killing and wounding many, made them caper and fall among the Genoese, so that they were in such confusion they could never rally again. In the English army there were some Cornish and Welshmen on foot, who had armed themselves with large knives: these, advancing through the ranks of the men-at-arms and archers, who made way for them, came upon the French when they were in this danger, and, falling upon earls, barons, knights, and squires, slew many, at which the King of England was afterwards much exasperated....
Early in the day, some French, Germans, and Savoyards had broken through the archers of the [Black] Prince's battalion, and had engaged with the men-at-arms; upon which the second battalion came to his aid, and it was time, for otherwise he would have been hard pressed. The first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent a knight (Sir Thomas Norwich) in great haste to the King of England, who was posted upon an eminence, near a windmill. On the knight's arrival, he said: "Sir, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Stafford, the Lord Reginald Cobham, and the others who are about your son, are vigorously attacked by the French; and they intreat that you would come to their assistance with your battalion, for, if their numbers should increase, they fear he will have too much to do."
The King replied: "Is my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly wounded that he cannot support himself?" "Nothing of the sort, thank God!" rejoined the knight; "but he is in so hot an engagement, that he has great need of your help." The King answered: "Now, Sir Thomas, return back to those that sent you, and tell them from me not to send again for me this day, or expect that I shall come, let what will happen, as long as my son has life; and say that I command them to let the boy win his spurs, for I am determined, if it please God, that all the glory and honour of this day shall be given to him and to those into whose care I have entrusted him."
DAVID BRUCE INVADES ENGLAND (October, 1346).
Source.—The Cronykil of Scotland in The Historians of Scotland, iii. 470 et seq.
Qwhen Kyng David passyt fra hame till[8] the Batell off Durame.
A thowsand and thre hundyr yhere
And sex and fourty to tha clere,
The Kyng off Frawns set hym to ras
And set a sege befor Calays,
And wrate in Scotland till oure Kyng
Specyally be thra[9] praying
To pas on were[10] in till Inglond;
... Oure Kyng Dawy
That wes yhowng, stowt, and rycht joly,
And yharnyd[11] for to see fychtyng,
Grawntyt the Kyng off Frawncys yharnyng
And gaddryd his folk haly bedene.[12]
Qwhat was thare mare? The Kyng Dawy
Gaddryd his ost in full gret hy;[13]
And with thame off the north cuntré
Till Saynt-Jhonystown than come he.
He passyd swne the Scottis Se,
And to the Marchis hym sped he,
Qwhare-in the Pele[14] wes off Lyddale,
His ost till hym assemblyd hale:
Thare-in wes Watter off Selby
On the Inglis mennys party.
That Pele assaylyd thei sa fast,
Qwhill it wes wonnyn at the last;
And all thai slwe, that thai fand then,
To sawff yhowng childyr and women.
Than consalyd Williame off Dowglas,
That off weris mast wys than was,
To turne agayne in thaire cuntré:
The Dowglas thare mycht noucht be herd.
Bot on thaire way all furth thai ferd;
And in the Abbay off Hexhame
All thare folk thai gert[15] aname,
And in till all thare ost thai fand
Off men armyd bot twa thowsande[16]
That wes to fewe a folk to fycht
Agayne off Ingland the mekill mycht.
Efftyr[17] swne thai passyd syne,
And held to Durame, or thai wald fyne;
And in a park well nere thare-by
Thai lugyd[18] thame, and tuk herbry.[19]
Thai had bene in till Ingland
Welle fourteyne dayis traveland,
That thei couth get na wyttyng
Off Inglis mennys gadryng:
The gwethir[20] thai assemblid were
In till a park besyd thame nere,
Fra Trent northwartis all the floure
Off folk, that owcht war off waloure.
Off archeris thare assemblíd wire
Twenty thousand, that rollyd[21] war,
But men off armys, that war thar,
Qwhare-off in abundance had they.
The Scottis men, that in the park than lay,
Wyst rycht nouht off that gadryng,
Made thame gret myrth and solasyng.
[Here[22] follows an account of the battle.]
Jhon of Copeland there took the King
Of force, noucht yholdyne in that takyng;
The King twa teth owt off his hevyd,
Wyth a dynt off a knyff hym revyd.[23]
FOOTNOTES:
[8] To.
[9] Eager.
[10] War.
[11] Yearned.
[12] Quickly.
[13] Haste.
[14] Fortification.
[15] Made to be.
[16] The English writers compute the Scottish numbers at threescore thousand, and state that fifteen thousand were left slain (cf. Baker's Chronicle).
[17] After.
[18] Lodged.
[19] Their station.
[20] Nevertheless.
[21] Enrolled.
[22] pp. 475, 476.
[23] p. 476.
A FIGHTING PRIOR.
Source.—Thomas Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum (Rolls Series), ii. 378.
When he had a small breathing space from his domestic rivalries, a greater trouble came upon Prior Thomas [of Tynmouth]. For the King of Scots, "David le Brus" by name, taking courage during the absence of King Edward (who at that time was fighting Philip, King of France, at Creçy), and being encouraged also by letters from the said Philip, gathered an army and entered the country, slaying many, taking others prisoner, burning the country, destroying the crops, extorting money for the safety of goods, and doing incalculable damage. But Thomas, unmoved by these things, stood firm, and so fortified his place with men and arms, and provisions, and weapons of war, that it would have been impossible for the enemy to injure his priory without great difficulty and danger.
At that time, William Douglas, leader of the army, in whom the whole hope of the Scots was set, being an arrogant man and a mocker, sent, according to his manner, a messenger to Prior Thomas to tell him to prepare a meal for him, since after two days he proposed to breakfast with him; this order he sent hoping to shake his determination. Nevertheless, he did not break his word, but in truth prophesied, as once did Caiaphas. For, after two days, he was taken and sent to Tynmouth for safe custody. The Prior then hastened to meet him, laughingly saying he had come well to the breakfast he had prepared for him. And William said, "Indeed this coming is painful to me." "Not at all," answered the Prior, "you come most opportunely."
At that time, the Scots being overwhelmed, David, the King, was taken prisoner, by which event the Prior was so much comforted that he recovered from a heavy infirmity, which his eyes had lately contracted. In fact, whereas he had not been able to see the light, suddenly, on hearing the news, he removed the plasters, threw off the bandages, and was never afterwards troubled by this kind of infirmity.
THE SURRENDER OF CALAIS (August 3, 1347).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 365-367.
"Sir Walter [Manny], you will inform the Governor of Calais, that the only grace he must expect from me is that six of the principal citizens of Calais march out of the town, with bare heads and feet, with ropes round their necks and the keys of the town and castle in their hands. These six persons shall be at my absolute disposal, and the remainder of the inhabitants pardoned."
Sir Walter returned to the Lord de Vienne, who was waiting for him on the battlements, and told him all that he had been able to gain from the King. "I beg of you," replied the Governor, "that you would be so good as to remain here a little, whilst I go and relate all that has passed to the townsmen; for, as they have desired me to undertake this, it is but proper they should know the result of it."
He went to the market-place, and caused the bell to be rung, upon which all the inhabitants, men and women, assembled in the town-hall. He then related to them what he had said, and the answers he had received; and that he could not obtain any conditions more favourable, to which they must give a short and immediate answer. This information caused the greatest lamentations and despair, so that the hardest heart would have had compassion on them; even the Lord de Vienne wept bitterly.
After a short time the most wealthy citizen of the town, by name Eustace de St. Pierre, rose up and said: "Gentlemen, both high and low, it would be a very great pity to suffer so many people to die through famine if any means could be found to prevent it; and it would be highly meritorious in the eyes of our Saviour if such misery could be averted. I have such faith and trust in finding grace before God, if I die to save my townsmen, that I name myself as first of the six."
When Eustace had done speaking, they all rose up and almost worshipped him: many cast themselves at his feet, with tears and groans. Another citizen, very rich and respected, rose up and said he would be the second to his companion, Eustace: his name was John D'Aire. After him James Wisant, who was very rich in merchandise and lands, offered himself as companion to his two cousins, as did Peter Wisant, his brother. Two others then named themselves, which completed the number demanded by the King of England.
The Lord John de Vienne then mounted a small hackney, for it was with difficulty that he could walk, and conducted them to the gate. There was the greatest sorrow and lamentation all over the town; and in such manner were they attended to the gate, which the Governor ordered to be opened, and then shut upon him and the six citizens, whom he led to the barriers, and said to Sir Walter Manny, who was there waiting for him: "I deliver up to you, as Governor of Calais, with the consent of the inhabitants, these six citizens: and I swear to you that they were, and are at this day the most wealthy and respectable inhabitants of Calais. I beg of you, gentle sir, that you would have the goodness to beseech the King, that they may not be put to death." "I cannot answer for what the King will do with them," replied Sir Walter; "but you may depend that I will do all in my power to save them."
The barriers were opened, when these six citizens advanced towards the pavilion of the King, and the Lord de Vienne re-entered the town.
When Sir Walter Manny had presented these six citizens to the King, they fell upon their knees, and, with uplifted hands, said: "Most gallant King, see before you six citizens of Calais, who have been capital merchants, and who bring before you the keys of the castle and of the town. We surrender ourselves to your absolute will and pleasure, in order to save the remainder of the inhabitants of Calais, who have suffered much distress and misery. Condescend, therefore, out of your nobleness of mind, to have mercy and compassion upon us." All the barons, knights, and squires, that were assembled there in great numbers, wept at this sight.
The King eyed them with angry looks (for he hated much the people of Calais, for the great losses he had formerly suffered from them at sea), and ordered their heads to be stricken off. All present entreated the King that he would be more merciful to them, but he would not listen to them. Then Sir Walter Manny said: "Ah, gentle King, let me beseech you to restrain your anger; you have the reputation of great nobleness of soul, do not therefore tarnish it by such an act as this, nor allow anyone to speak in a disgraceful manner of you. In this instance, all the world will say you have acted cruelly if you put to death six such respectable persons, who, of their own free will, have surrendered themselves to your mercy, in order to save their fellow-citizens." Upon this, the King gave a wink, saying: "Be it so," and ordered the headsman to be sent for, for that the Calesians had done him so much damage, it was proper they should suffer for it.
The Queen of England fell on her knees, and, with tears said: "Ah, gentle sir, since I have crossed the sea with great danger to see you, I have never asked of you one favour: now, I most humbly ask as a gift, for the sake of the Son of the blessed Mary, and for your love to me, that you will be merciful to these six men." The King looked at her for some time in silence, and then said: "Ah, lady, I wish you had been anywhere else than here: you have entreated in such a manner that I cannot refuse you; I therefore give them to you to do as you please with them." The Queen conducted the six citizens to her apartments, and had the halters taken from round their necks, new clothed, and served them with a plentiful dinner: she then presented each with six nobles, and had them escorted out of the camp in safety.
PENITENTS AND JEWS (1349).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 391, 392.
[Addition from two manuscripts in the Hafod Library.]
This year of our Lord 1349 there came from Germany persons who performed public penitencies by whipping themselves with scourges having iron hooks, so that their backs and shoulders were torn: they chaunted also, in a piteous manner, canticles of the nativity and sufferings of our Saviour, and could not, by their rules, remain in any town more than one night; they travelled in companies of more or less in number, and thus journeyed through the country, performing their penitence for thirty-three days, being the number of years Jesus Christ remained on earth, and then returned to their own homes. These penitencies were thus performed, to entreat the Lord to restrain his anger and withhold his vengeance; for, at this period, an epidemic malady ravaged the earth, and destroyed a third part of its inhabitants. They were chiefly done in those countries the most afflicted, whither scarcely any could travel, but were not long continued, as the Church set itself against them. None of these companies entered France, for the King had strictly forbidden them, by desire of the Pope, who disapproved of such measures, by sound and sensible reasons, but which I shall pass over. All clerks, or persons holding livings, that countenanced them were excommunicated, and several were forced to go to Rome to purge themselves.
About this time the Jews throughout the world were arrested and burnt, and their fortunes seized by those lords under whose jurisdiction they had lived, except at Avignon, and the territories of the Church dependent on the Pope. Each poor Jew, when he was able to hide himself, and arrived in that country, esteemed himself safe. It was prophesied, that for one hundred years, people were to come, with iron scourges, to destroy them; and this would now have been the case had not these penitents been checked in their mad career, as has been related.
A STATUTE OF LABOURERS (1350).
Source.—Statute, 25 Edward III., Statute I.
Whereas late against the malice of servants which were idle, and not willing to serve after the pestilence, without taking excessive wages, it was ordained by our Lord the King, and by assent of the prelates, earls, barons, and other of his council, (1) That such manner of servants, as well men as women, should be bound to serve, receiving salary and wages, accustomed in places where they ought to serve in the twentieth year of the reign of the King that now is, or five or six years before; and that the same servants refusing to serve in such manner should be punished by imprisonment of their bodies, as in the said statute is more plainly contained; (2) whereupon commissions were made to divers people in every county to enquire and punish all them which offend against the same. (3) And now, forasmuch as it is given the King to understand in this present parliament, by the petition of the commonalty, that the said servants having no regard to the said ordinance, but to their ease and singular covetise, do withdraw themselves to serve great men and other, unless they have livery and wages to the double or treble of that they were wont to take the said twentieth year, and before, to the great damage of the great men, and impoverishing of all the said commonalty, whereof the said commonalty prayeth remedy: (4) wherefore in the same parliament by the assent of the said prelates, earls, barons, and other great men of the said commonalty there assembled, to refrain the malice of the said servants, ordained and established the things underwritten:
Cap. I.—The year and day's wages of servants and labourers in husbandry.
First. That carters, ploughmen ... and all other servants shall take liveries and wages, accustomed the said twentieth year, or four years before, so that in the country, where wheat was wont to be given, they shall take for the bushel ten pence, or wheat at the will of the giver, till it be otherwise ordained. And that they be allowed to serve by a whole year, or by other usual terms, and not by the day. And that none pay in the time of farcling[24] or hay-making but a penny a day. And a mower of meadows for the acre five pence, or by the day five pence. And reapers of corn in the first week of August two pence, and the second three pence, and so till the end of August, and less in the country where less was wont to be given, without meat or drink or other courtesy to be demanded, given, or taken. And that all workmen bring openly in their hands to the merchant towns their instruments, and there shall be hired in a common place and not privy.
Cap. II.—How much shall be given for threshing all sorts of corn by the quarter. None shall depart from the town in summer where he dwelt in winter.
Item. That none take for the threshing of a quarter of wheat or rye over ii. d. ob. and the quarter of barley, beans, pease, and oats i. d. ob. if so much were wont to be given.... And that the same servants be sworn two times in the year before lords, stewards, bailiffs and constables of every town, to hold and do these ordinances. And that none of them go out of the town, where he dwelleth in the winter, to serve the summer, if he may serve in the same town, taking as before is said. [Certain exceptions follow] ... And that those who refuse to make such oath ... shall be put in the stocks by the said lords, stewards, etc.... by three days or more, or sent to the next gaol, there to remain, till they will justify themselves. And that stocks be made in every town by such occasion betwixt this and the Feast of Pentecost.
Cap. III.—The wages of several sorts of artificers and labourers.
Item. Carpenters, masons, etc.... A master carpenter, iii. d. t. Michael. And from that time less, according to the rate and discretion of the justices which should be thereto assigned....
Cap. IV.—Shoes &c. shall be sold as in the 20th year of King Edward III. Artificers sworn to use their crafts as they did in the 20th year of the King.
Cap. V.—The several punishments of persons offending against this statute.
Item. [Offenders] to be attached by their body, to be before the justices to answer of such contempts, so that they make fine and ransom to the King, in case they be attainted.... And in case that any of them come against his oath and be thereof attainted, he shall have imprisonment for forty days. And if he be another time convict, he shall have imprisonment of a quarter of a year, so that every time he offendeth and is convict, he shall have double pain....
Cap. VI.—No sheriff, constable, bailiff, etc., shall exact anything of the same servants. Their forfeitures shall be employed to the aid of the dismes and quinzimes granted to the King by the Commons.
Cap. VII.—The justices shall hold their sessions four times a year, and at all times needful. Servants which flee from one county to another shall be committed to prison.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] Carrying.
PROSPERITY OF THE LANDLESS LABOURER.
Source.—William Langland, Piers the Plowman, C. Passus ix., ll. 330-337.
Laboreres that han no londe . to liven on bot here hands[25]
Deyned noght to dyne a-day . night-old wortes.[26]
May no peny ale hem paye .[27] ne a pece of bacon,
Bote hit be freesh fleesch other fysh . fried other ybake;
And that chaud and pluschaud .[28] for chilling of here mawe.
Bote he be heylich yhyred .[29] elles wol he chide,
That he was a werkman ywroght . waryen the tyme.[30]
And thenne he corseth[31] the king . and alle the kynges Justices,
Suche lawes to lere .[32] laborers to greve.
Ac while Hunger was here mayster . wolde none chide,
Ne stryve agens the statute . he lokede so sturne.
FOOTNOTES:
[25] Have no land to live on, but (work with) their hands.
[26] "No longer deign to dine on the stale vegetables of yesterday."
[27] Penny-ale will not satisfy them.
[28] Hot-and-hotter.
[29] Highly paid.
[30] Bewail the time.
[31] Curseth.
[32] For making such laws.
FIRST STATUTE OF PROVISORS (1350).
Source.—Statute, 25 Edward III., Statute VI.
Cap. III.— ... That the free election of archbishops, bishops and of all other dignitaries and benefices elective in England, shall hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the King's progenitors, and the ancestors of other lords founders of the said dignities and other benefices.
That prelates and other people of holy Church which have advowsons of any benefices ... shall have their collations and presentments freely to the same in the manner as they were enfeoffed by their donors. And in case that reservation, collation or provision be made by the Court of Rome of any archbishopric, bishopric, dignity, or benefice, in disturbance of free elections, collations, or presentations aforenamed, that at the same time of voidance ... our Lord the King and his heirs shall have and enjoy for the same time the collations, etc., which be of his advowry, such as his progenitors had before that free election was granted.
Cap. IV.—And in case that the presentees of the King or the presentees of other patrons of holy Church ... be disturbed by such provisors, so that they may not have possession of their benefices by virtue of the presentments or collations to them made, or that they which be in possession of such benefices be impeached upon their said possessions by such provisors, their procurators, executors and notaries, shall be attached by their body, and brought in to answer. And if they be convict they shall abide in prison ... till they have made fine and ransom to the King ... and before that they be delivered they shall make full renunciation, and find sufficient surety that they shall not attempt such things in time to come....
Cap. V.—And that meanwhile the King shall have the profits of such benefices so occupied by such provisors, except abbeys, priories, etc., which have colleges or convents and in such houses the college or convent shall have the profits.
THE KING OF ENGLAND REFUSES THE FRENCH KING'S CHALLENGE (1355).
Source.—A. Paulin Paris, Les Grandes Chroniques de France, vi. 18.
In this year '55, the King of England came to Calais at the end of the month of October and rode to Hesdin; and broke the park and burnt the houses which were in the park; but he did not enter the castle or the town. And the King of France, who had made the demand at Amiens, as soon as he heard of the coming of the said King of England when he was in the said town of Amiens, went thence with the people who were with him to go against the said English King. But he did not dare wait, but returned to Calais as soon as he had heard the news that the King of France was coming towards him, burning and pillaging the country through which he passed. The said King of France sent after him to St. Omer, and challenged him, by the Marshal d'Odenham and many other knights, to fight with him if he would, either in single combat or power against power. But the said King of England refused battle, and crossed back over the sea without doing anything more this time, and the King of France returned to Paris.
THE BALLIOLS RESIGN TO THE KING OF ENGLAND THEIR PRETENDED RIGHT (1355-56)
Source.—The Book of Pluscarden in The Historians of Scotland, x. 227.
In the year 1355, on the 1st of February, Edward of Windsor, chafing at the capture of Berwick, assembled an army and prepared to besiege the said town. But, when the garrison of the town saw this, they feared they could not defend the town for many reasons:—first, because there were few able-bodied men supplied with arms; secondly, because they had no provisions; thirdly, because they feared the said king's ungovernable ferocity; fourthly, because they had no hope of any succour reaching them from their own chiefs. They therefore took the wisest course, and treated for an agreement for the surrender of the town, their lives and property being spared and with a free pass to return to their own country; and they surrendered the town to the King of England, and went home again, enriched with the wealth of the English. After this Edward Balliol broke out in the following words before the King of England, then at Roxburgh, and said: "Most excellent prince, and most mighty above all mortals of the present day, I do here before all your chivalry, entirely, fully, altogether and absolutely resign, yield, give and relinquish to you all my right which I have, claim, or may hereafter have to the throne of Scotland, to the end that you may avenge me of mine enemies, those infamous Scots, who ruthlessly cast me off that I should not reign over them. In proof whereof I will here with my own hand, in token of the said resignation and gift, hand over to you, in the presence of all, the royal crown, the sceptre together with some earth and a stone of the said land of Scotland, in token of possession and investiture, that you may acquire in perpetuity the kingdom formerly my due." Upon this it should be remarked first, that he had no right to it originally, as was seen above; and, if he had any right, he there publicly renounced and resigned that right, which, even though he had been the true king, he could by no means renounce or resign without the consent of the three estates, and that into the hands of him who should have the power of instituting another, which the King of England could not have, as he had formerly entirely, purely, and simply resigned and quitclaimed all his right, pretended or true, as was seen above; nor, even if he had been the true king, could he have resigned without the superior's consent. Also several Kings of England had resigned into the hands of the King of Scotland following upon discussion and a bond, all their pretended right, as aforesaid.
THE BATTLE OF POITIERS (1356).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 420-439.
[This passage begins with the report of the French spies.]
"Sir, we have observed accurately the English: they may amount, according to our estimate, to about two thousand men-at-arms, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred footmen. They are in a very strong position; but we do not imagine they can make more than one battalion: nevertheless, they have posted themselves with great judgment, have fortified all the roads along the hedge-side, and lined the hedges with part of their archers; for, as that is the only road for an attack, one must pass through the midst of them. This lane has no other entry; and it is so narrow, that scarcely can four men ride through it abreast. At the end of this lane, amidst vines and thorns, where it is impossible to ride or march in any regular order, are posted the men-at-arms on foot; and they have drawn up before them their archers, in the manner of an harrow, so that it will be no easy matter to defeat them."
The King asked in what manner they would advise him to attack them: "Sir," replied Sir Eustace, "on foot; except three hundred of the most expert and boldest of your army, who must be well armed and excellently mounted, in order to break, if possible, this body of archers; and then your battalions must advance quickly on foot, attack [the] men-at-arms hand to hand, and combat them valiantly. This is the best advice that I can give you; and if anyone know a better, let him say it."
The King replied, "Thus shall it be then."
It often happens, that fortune in war and love turns out more favourable and wonderful than could have been hoped for or expected. To say the truth, this battle which was fought near Poitiers, in the plains of Beauvoir and Maupertius, was very bloody and perilous; many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known, and the combatants on each side suffered much. King John himself did wonders; he was armed with a battle-axe, with which he fought and defended himself....
There was much pressing at this time, through eagerness of taking the King [of France]; and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out, "Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man!" In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the King of England—his name was Denys de Morbeque—who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished, in his younger days, from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight that he was at the time near to the King of France, when he was so much pulled about; he, by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd, and said to the King in good French, "Sire, sire, surrender yourself." The King, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked, "To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin, the Prince of Wales? If I could see him, I would speak to him." "Sire," replied Sir Denys, "he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him." "Who are you?" said the King. "Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois; but I serve the King of England, because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there." The King then gave him his right-hand glove, and said: "I surrender myself to you." There was much crowding and pushing about, for everyone was eager to cry out, "I have taken him!" Neither the King nor his youngest son Philip were able to get forward, and free themselves from the throng.
The Prince of Wales, who was as courageous as a lion, took great delight that day to combat his enemies. Sir John Chandos, who was near his person, and had never quitted it during the whole of the day, nor stopped to make prisoners, said to him towards the end of the battle: "Sir, it will be proper for you to halt here, and plant your banner on the top of this bush, which will serve to rally your forces, that seem very much scattered; for I do not see any banners or pennons of the French, nor any considerable bodies able to rally against us; and you must refresh yourself a little, as I perceive you are much heated."
Upon this, the banner of the Prince was placed on a high bush; the minstrels began to play, and trumpets and clarions to do their duty.
THE TREATY OF LONDON (1359).
Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 518, 519.
The truce [of Bordeaux] having expired the first day of May, 1359, from that period the English and Navarre garrisons made war for him [King Edward] as King of France, and continued so to do daily....
At that time also, the King of England and the Prince of Wales came to Westminster, to meet the King of France and Lord James de Bourbon; when these four assembled together in counsel, and agreed on a peace, without any arbitrator between them, upon certain conditions which were written down, and also a letter was indited to be sent to France to the Duke of Normandy....
It appeared to the King of Navarre, the Duke of Normandy and his brothers, as well as to the Council of State, that the conditions of peace were too hard;[33] and they gave a unanimous answer to the two lords who had brought them, that "they would much rather endure the great distress they were in at present, than suffer the Kingdom of France to be diminished, and that King John must remain longer in England." ...
The King of England, on receiving their answer, said that since it was so, before the winter was over, he would enter France with a most powerful army, and remain there until there was an end of the war by an honourable and satisfactory peace.
He began by making more splendid preparations than he had ever done before.
FOOTNOTES:
[33] King John, for whom a ransom of 4,000,000 golden crowns was to be paid, promised to yield the sovereignty of the empire of Henry II. in France to Edward, who promised to help King John against Charles of Navarre, then England's ally. This treaty was not only received with the liveliest indignation in France, but it resulted in peace between the Regent of France (Charles of Normandy) and the King of Navarre, since Edward had abandoned the latter.
THE SIEGE OF PARIS AND THE TREATY OF CALAIS (1360).
Source.—Henry Knighton's Chronicon (Rolls Series), ii. 110, 111.
In the year of grace, 1360, all laymen, of whatever condition, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, were arrayed. And the best armed bowmen of these were sent to the admirals at the sea for the defence of the kingdom.
One admiral was John Wesnam, Prior of the Hospital, and others appointed by the King. It was said that a very strong navy of the enemy was at sea.
The archbishops and bishops conceded great indulgences, throughout their sees, to all those going over the sea against the enemy in defence of the kingdom, and that each one should be able to choose for himself a confessor, according to pleasure. The bishops also, abbots and priors, rectors, vicars, and chaplains, and all ecclesiastical men were prepared, just as the abbots had been; some to be armed men, some to be bowmen, and they were chosen by the mandate of the bishops. And the beneficed who were not able to give personal service, were ready to furnish through their goods a complement of other persons, if the French should enter the land, and the occasion should be opened to them.
Then the admiral, with 160 ships from London, reached the sea by the Thames. And first he ploughed the high sea as far as Boulogne, thence to Honfleur, to crush the insolence of the enemy, who had proposed to attack the land of England. And thus our people did much harm to the French in this peregrination. When, therefore, the King had lain at Rheims for seven weeks, he crossed to Chalons, and thence went into Burgundy. And the Duke of Burgundy came and treated with the King,[34] and the King conceded to him a truce for three years, for him and his, for 200,000 motons[35] paid to the King. In the following Lent King Edward entered into a treaty with the French, and one cardinal and one legate were present, but nothing came of it. Thus the King moved his army towards Paris, burning, killing, and devastating everywhere. And there, near the feast of Easter, he pitched his tents two leagues from the city.
And on Monday after Easter Day, the King placed his army in three lines of battle before the city, trumpets and clarionets blaring, and other musical instruments sounding. The King was in the second line with his men, the Duke of Lancaster, and the Earls of Northampton and Salisbury with theirs in the first line. In the third line, the Prince and the barons with the rest of the people awaiting attack from those who were in the city of Paris, as before they had promised them. However, no one came out of the city to meet them. Thereat King Edward, much displeased, ordered a great part of the suburbs to be set on fire that they might provoke them to battle. Nevertheless none came out to resist them. At length thirty soldiers in good order with their lances advanced straight forward to the gate of the Parisians, seeking from them military operations according to the law of arms. And sixty came out of the city with spears, and much brave fighting took place on both sides; but by the grace of God, which was ever present with the English in all their undertakings, the English conquered the French, and caused them to flee back into the city, leaving some dead, some mortally wounded; but our men, thanks be to God, escaped without any serious injury. Then the King removed to other parts, and handed over the custody of the castles which are in the vicinity of Orleans and Catenesia to the Earl of Lancaster. At that time the Count de Armenak fought in Gascony with the Count de Foy, an ally of the King of England. And on the side of the said count were killed 15,000 men and on our part no one of note, thanks be to God. In this campaign many English nobles died in France; among them the Earl of March, marshall of the army, Guy of Warwick, firstborn of the earl, a most famous soldier, and many other renowned soldiers, knights, and squires. For in their return from the city of Paris towards the district of Orleans in Beauce, suddenly a terrible storm arose with severe thunder and lightning, and killed men without number and more than 6,000 horses, so that the transport of the army almost failed altogether, and made it necessary to retire at once towards England, but God turned the misery of necessity to the honour of the King's majesty. For the Pope sent solemn messengers with letters to the King of England, to treat concerning peace and concord. And they deliberated at Morancez near Chartres, and the discussion was continued to the 5th day of May.... About the Translation of St. Thomas [July 3] John de Valois, King of France, and other prisoners crossed to Calais and deliberated with the French princes concerning the final peace between the kingdoms of England and France.[36]
FOOTNOTES:
[34] The Treaty of Guillon.
[35] Gold coin, so called from having a figure of a sheep impressed on it.
[36] This was the Treaty of Calais, more commonly known as the Treaty of Brétigny. As a matter of fact, only the preliminaries were signed at Brétigny in May, 1360; the definitive treaty was made at Calais in the following October.