Transcriber's Notes

All obvious spelling errors have been corrected.

The Greek word Ὠθεὰ has been corrected to Ὠ θεὰ.

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YORK AND LANCASTER

1399-1485

COMPILED BY

W. GARMON JONES, M.A.

ASSISTANT LECTURER IN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL

LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. 1914

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvements.

S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

I have to thank Sir E. Maunde Thompson and the Council of the Royal Society of Literature for so readily permitting me to quote from Sir E. Maunde Thompson's edition of Adam of Usk's Chronicle. With three exceptions, the sources quoted in this volume are contemporary, and, where I have employed non-contemporary material, I have endeavoured to justify its use in a prefatory note to the extract.

W. G. J.

Postscript.—Mr. C. L. Kingsford, in his valuable critical account, English Historical Literature in the Fifteenth Century, recently published, argues strongly against the accepted authorship of the Vita et gesta Henrici Quinti (quoted on pp. 15-19). Hearne erroneously attributes it to Thomas Elmham. Mr. Kingsford shows that the date of its composition lies between 1446 and 1449, and that its anonymous author was, in all probability, a foreigner.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

YORK AND LANCASTER

1399-1485

THE CORONATION OF HENRY IV. (1399).

Source.—The Chronicle of Adam of Usk, edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, pp. 187, 188. (Royal Society of Literature, 1904.)

On the eve of his coronation, in the Tower of London and in the presence of Richard late King, King Henry made forty-six new knights, amongst whom were his three sons, and also the earls of Arundel and Stafford, and the son and heir of the earl of Warwick; and with them and other nobles of the land he passed in great state to Westminster. And when the day of Coronation was come (13th October), all the peers of the realm, robed finely in red and scarlet and ermine, came with great joy to the ceremony, my lord of Canterbury ordering all the service and duties thereof. In the presence were borne four swords, whereof one was sheathed as a token of the augmentation of military honour, two were wrapped in red and bound round with golden bands to represent twofold mercy, and the fourth was naked and without a point, the emblem of the executioner of justice without rancour. The first sword the earl of Northumberland carried, the two covered ones the earls of Somerset and Warwick, and the sword of justice the King's eldest son, the prince of Wales; and the lord Latimer bore the sceptre, and the earl of Westmoreland the rod. And this they did as well in the coronation as at the banquet, always standing around the King. Before the King received the crown from my lord of Canterbury, I heard him swear to take heed to rule his people altogether in mercy and in truth. These were the officers in the Coronation feast: The earl of Arundel was butler, the earl of Oxford held the ewer, and the lord Grey of Ruthin spread the cloths.

While the King was in the midst of the banquet, sir Thomas Dymock, knight, mounted in full armour on his destrier,[1] and having his sword sheathed in black with a golden hilt, entered the hall, two others, likewise mounted on chargers, bearing before him a naked sword and a lance. And he caused proclamation to be made by a herald at the four sides of the hall that, if any man should say that his liege lord here present and King of England was not of right crowned King of England, he was ready to prove the contrary with his body, then and there, or when and wheresoever it might please the King. And the King said: "If need be, sir Thomas, I will in mine own person ease thee of this office."

[1] Destrier = a charger, a war-horse.

CONSPIRACY OF THE EARLS (1400).

Source.—Capgrave's Chronicle of England, pp. 275, 276 (Rolls Series).

In the second year of this King the earls of Kent, Salisbury and Huntingdon, unkind to the King, rose against him. Unkind were they, for the people would have them dead and the King spared them. These men, thus gathered, purposed to fall on the King suddenly at Windsor, under the colour of mummeries in Christmas time. The King was warned of this and fled to London. These men knew not that, but came to Windsor with four hundred armed men, purposing to kill the King and his progeny, and restore Richard again unto the crown. When they came to Windsor, and thus were deceived, they fled to a town where the queen lay, fast by Reading, and there, before the queen's household, he blessed him this earl of Kent. "O benedicite," he said, "who may this be that Harry of Lancaster hath taken the Tower at London, and our very King Richard hath broken prison, and hath gathered a hundred thousand fighting men." So gladded he the queen with lies, and rode forth to Wallingford, and from Wallingford to Abingdon, warning all men by the way that they should make them ready to help King Richard. Thus came he to Cirencester, late at even. The men of the town had suspicion that their tidings were lies, (as it was indeed,) rose and kept the entries of the inns, that none of them might pass. There fought they in the town from midnight unto nine of the clock in the morrow. But the town drove them out of the Abbey and smote off many of their heads. The earl of Salisbury was dead there; and worthy, for he was a great favourite of the Lollards, and a despiser of the sacraments, for he would not confess when he should die.

The earl of Huntingdon heard of this and fled unto Essex. And as often as he assayed to take the sea, so often was he born off with the wind. Then was he taken by the Commons and led to Chelmsford and then to Pleshy, and his head smote off in the same place where he arrested the Duke of Gloucester.

DE HERETICO COMBURENDO (January, 1401).

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, 2 Henry IV., c. xv.

Item, Whereas it is shewed to our Sovereign Lord the King on behalf of the Prelates and Clergy of his realm of England in this present Parliament, That although the Catholic Faith builded upon Christ and by his Apostles and the Holy Church sufficiently determined, declared and approved, hath hitherto by good and holy and most Noble Progenitors of our Sovereign Lord the King... [been] most devoutly observed, and the Church of England most laudably endowed and in her Rights and Liberties sustained.... Yet divers false and perverse People of a certain New Sect of the Faith ... do perversely preach and teach these days, openly and privily, divers new Doctrines, and wicked, heretical and erroneous Opinions contrary to the same faith.... They make unlawful Conventicles and Confederacies, they hold and exercise Schools, they make and write Books, they do wickedly instruct and inform People, and, as much as they may, incite and stir them to Sedition and Insurrection, and maketh great Strife and Division among the people, and other Enormities horrible to be heard daily do perpetrate and commit, in subversion of the said Catholic Faith and Doctrine of the Holy Church.

Then follow clauses forbidding the Lollards to preach without license, or to hold Schools for teaching the new doctrines, and a clause punishing by fine and imprisonment all offenders who abjure their heresy; finally:—

If any Person within the said Realm and Dominions, upon the said wicked Preachings, Doctrines, Opinions, Schools and heretical and erroneous Information ... be before the Diocesan, and do refuse duly to abjure, or by the Diocesan of the same place or his commission, after the abjuration made by the same person, fall into relapse so that according to the Holy Canons he ought to be left to the secular Court, whereupon credence shall be given to the Diocesan of the same place, or to his Commissionaries in this behalf; then the Sheriff of the County of the same place, and Mayor and Sheriffs or Sheriff, or Mayor and Bailiffs of the City, Town and Borough of the same County shall be personally present in preferring of such sentences; and they, the same persons and every one of them, after such a sentence promulgate, shall receive them, and before the People in an high place do them to be burnt; that such punishment may strike in fear to the minds of others, whereby no such wicked doctrines and heretical and erroneous opinions ... against the Catholic Faith, Christian Law and Determination of Holy Church, which God forbid, be sustained or in any wise suffered.

THE GLENDOWER WAR (1401-1402).

Source.—Chronicle of Adam of Usk, edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, pp. 237, 238, 246, 247.

In this autumn (1401), Owen Glendower, all North Wales and Cardigan and Powis siding with him, sorely harried with fire and sword the English who dwelt in those parts, and their towns, and specially the town of Pool. Wherefore the English, invading those parts with a strong power, and utterly laying them waste and ravaging them with fire, famine, and sword, left them a desert, not even sparing children or churches, nor the monastery of Strata-Florida, wherein the King himself was being lodged, and the church of which and its choir, even up to the high altar, they used as a stable, and pillaged even the patens; and they carried away into England more than a thousand children of both sexes to be their servants. Yet did the same Owen do no small hurt to the English, slaying many of them, and carrying off the arms, horses and tents of the King's eldest son, the prince of Wales, and of other lords, which he bare away for his own behoof to the mountain fastnesses of Snowden.

In these days, southern Wales, and in particular all the diocese of Llandaff, was at peace from every kind of trouble of invasion or inroad.... The commons of Cardigan, being pardoned their lives, deserted Owen, and returned, though in sore wretchedness, to their homes, being allowed to use the Welsh tongue, although its destruction had been determined on by the English, Almighty God, the King of Kings, the unerring Judge of all, having mercifully ordained the recall of this decree at the prayer and cry of the oppressed....

... On the day of St. Alban (22nd June, 1402) near to Knighton in Wales, was a hard battle fought between the English under sir Edmund Mortimer and the Welsh under Owen Glendower, with woeful slaughter even to eight thousand souls, the victory being with Owen. And alas! my lord, the said sir Edmund ... was by the fortune of war carried away captive. And, being by his enemies in England stripped of all his goods and hindered from paying ransom, in order to escape more easily the pains of captivity, he is known by common report to have wedded the daughter of the same Owen; by whom he had a son Lionel, and three daughters, all of whom, except one daughter, along with their mother are now dead. At last, being by the English host beleagured in the castle of Harlech, he brought his days of sorrow to an end, his wonderful deeds being to this day told at the feast in song.

In this year also the lord Grey of Ruthin,[2] being taken captive by Owen, with the slaughter of two thousand of his men, was shut up in prison; but he was set free on payment of ransom of sixteen thousand pounds in gold. Concerning such an ill-starred blow given by Owen to the English rule, when I think thereon, my heart trembles. For, backed by a following of thirty thousand men issuing from their lairs throughout Wales and its marches, he overthrew castles, among which were Usk, Caerleon, and Newport, and fired the towns. In short, like a second Assyrian, the rod of God's anger, he did deeds of unheard-of cruelty with fire and sword.

[2] Glendower's revolt arose out of a quarrel with Lord Grey of Ruthin.

THE PERIL OF HENRY (1403).

Source.—Ellis's Original Letters, second series, vol. i., pp. 17-19. (London: 1827.)

[French.]—Our most redoubted and sovereign Lord the King, I recommend myself humbly to your Highness as your lowly creature and continual orator. And our most redoubted and sovereign Lord, please you to know that from day to day letters are arriving from Wales, containing intelligence by which you may learn that the whole country is lost, if you do not go there as quick as possible. For which reason may it please you to prepare to set out with all power you can muster, and march day and night for the salvation of these parts.... Written in great haste at Hereford, the 8th July.

Your lowly creature
Richard Kingeston,
Archdeacon of Hereford.

[Postscript in English.]—And for God's love, my liege Lord, think on yourself and your estate, or, by my troth, all is lost else; but and you come yourself with haste, all other will follow after. And note on Friday last Carmarthen town is taken and burnt, and the castle yielded by Roger Wigmore, and the castle Emlyn is yielded; and slain of the town of Carmarthen more than fifty persons. Written in right great haste on Sunday; and I cry you mercy and put me in your high grace that I write so shortly; for, by my troth that I owe to you, it is needfull.

THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY (1403).

Source.—Chronicle of Adam of Usk, edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, pp. 252, 253.

In the next year, on behalf of the crown of England claimed for the earl of March, a deadly quarrel arose between the King and the house of Percy of Northumberland, as kin to the same earl, to the great agitation of the realm...; and a field being pitched for the morrow of Saint Mary Magdalene (23rd July), the King, by the advice of the earl of Dunbar of Scotland, because the father of the lord Henry Percy and Owen Glendower were then about to come against the King with a great host, anticipating the appointed day, brought on a most fearful battle against the said lord Henry and the lord Thomas Percy, then earl of Worcester. And after that there had fallen on either side in most bloody slaughter to the number of sixteen thousand men, in the field of Berwick (where the King afterwards founded a hospice for the souls of those who there fell) two miles from Shrewsbury, on the eve of the said feast, victory declared for the king who had thus made the onslaught. In this battle the said lord Percy, the flower and glory of Christendom, fell, alas! and with him his uncle.... There fell also two noble knights in the King's armour, each made conspicuous as though a second King, having been placed for the King's safety in the rear line of battle. Whereat the earl of Douglas of Scotland, then being in the field with the said lord Henry, as his captive, when he heard victory shouted for King Henry, cried in wonder: "Have I not slain two King Henries (meaning the said knights) with mine own hand? 'Tis an evil hour for us that a third yet lives to be our victor."

FRENCH AID FOR GLENDOWER (1404).

Source.—Ellis's Original Letters, second series, vol. i., pp. 33, 34. (London: 1827.)

William Venables and Roger Brescy to the King.

Most puissant and redoubted liege Lord, we recommend us to your sovereign Lord in all ways respectful and revered. May it please your Royal Majesty to understand that Robert Parys, the deputy constable of Carnarvon Castle, has apprized us through a woman, because there was no man who dared to come—for neither man nor woman dare carry letters on account of the rebels of Wales,—that "Oweyn de Glyndour," with the French and all his other power, is preparing to assault the town and castle of Carnarvon, and to begin this enterprize with engines, sowes[3] and ladders of great length; and in the town and castle there are not in all more than twenty-eight fighting men, which is too small a force; for eleven of the more able men who were there at the last siege of the place are dead; some of the wounds they received at the time of the assault, and others of the plague; so that the said castle and town are in imminent danger, as the bearer of this will inform you by word of mouth, to whom your Highness will be pleased to give full faith and credence, as he can inform you most accurately of the truth.... Written at Chester the 16th day of January.

Your poor lieges
William Venables of Kinnerton
and Roger Brescy.

[3] A machine for mining the walls.

THE MANNER OF ELECTION OF KNIGHTS OF THE SHIRE (1406).

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, 7 Henry IV., c. xv.

Item our Lord the King, at the grievous complaints of his Commons [in this present Parliament] of the undue election of the Knights of Counties for the Parliament, which be sometimes made of affection of the Sheriff, and otherwise against the form of the writs directed to the Sheriff, to the great slander of the Counties and the hindrance of the business of the Commonalty of the said County; Our Sovereign Lord the King, willing therein to provide a remedy, by the assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, hath ordained and established, that from henceforth the elections of such knights shall be made in the form that followeth: That is to say at the next County to be holden after the delivery of the writ of the Parliament, proclamation shall be made in the full County of the day and place of the Parliament, and that all they that be there present, as well suitors duly summoned for the same cause as other, shall attend to the election of their knights for the Parliament; and then, in the full County, they shall proceed to the election freely and indifferently, notwithstanding any request or command to the contrary; and after that they be chosen, the names of the persons so chosen, be they present or absent, shall be written in an Indenture under the Seal of all them that did choose them, and tacked to the same Writ of Parliament; which indenture, so sealed and tacked, shall be holden for the Sheriff's return of the said writ touching the knights of the Shires. And in the writs of Parliament to be made hereafter this Clause shall be put: Et electionem tuam in pleno Comitatu tuo factam distincte et aperte sub sigillo tuo et sigillis eorum qui electioni illi interfuerint nobis in cancellaria nostra ad diem et locum in brevi contentos certifices indilate.[4]

[4] And thy election in thy full county made, distinctly and openly under thy seal and the seals of those present at that election, certify without delay, to us in our chancery, at the day and place contained in the writ.

MONEY-GRANTS TO INITIATE IN THE COMMONS (1407).

Source.—Rotuli Parliamentorum (Record Commission), vol. iii., p. 611, § 21.

Be it remembered that on Monday the 21st day of November, the King our sovereign lord being in the Council Chamber in the Abbey of Gloucester, there being in his presence the lords spiritual and temporal at this present Parliament assembled, there was a discussion among them concerning the state of the realm and the defence of the same to resist the malice of the enemies, who on every coast appeared to be harassing the said realm and the faithful subjects of the same.... And thereon it was demanded of the said lords, what aid would be sufficient and necessary in this case. To which demand and question the lords replied severally, that considering the necessity of the King on the one part, and the poverty of his people on the other part, a less aid could not suffice than to have a tenth and a half from the cities and boroughs, and a fifteenth and a half from other laymen. Further, to grant an extension of the subsidy on wool, leather and woolfels, and three shillings on the ton, and twelve pence in the pound, from Michaelmas next until Michaelmas in two years next ensuing. Thereon, by command of the King our said lord, it was conveyed to the Commons of this present Parliament that they should send to our said lord the King and the said lords a certain number of persons of their company to hear and to report to their colleagues what they should have as a command of our said lord the King. And thereupon the said Commons sent to the presence of the King our said lord, and the said lords, twelve of their number: to whom, by command of our said lord the King, was declared the question above-mentioned and the reply of the aforesaid lords to it. This reply it was the will of our said lord the King that they should convey to the rest of their colleagues [in the Commons]; finally that they (of the Commons) should conform as near as possible to the purpose of the aforesaid lords. This report thus conveyed to the said Commons, they were greatly perturbed by it, saying and affirming this to be in great prejudice and derogation of their liberties; and when our said lord the King heard this, not wishing that anything should be done at present nor in the future, which could turn in any wise against the liberty of the estate for which they were come to Parliament, nor against the liberties of the lords aforesaid, willed and granted and declared, with the advice of the said lords, in the following manner: That is to say, that it is lawful for the lords to debate among themselves in this present Parliament, and in every other [Parliament] in time to come, in the absence of the King, touching the state of the realm and the remedy necessary for it. And that, in like manner, it is lawful for the Commons, on their part, to debate together touching the state and remedy aforesaid. Provided always that the lords on their part and the Commons on theirs, make no report to our said lord the King of any grant granted by the Commons and assented to by the lords, nor of the communications concerning the said grant, before the said lords and Commons shall be of one assent and of one accord in this matter, and then in the manner and form that is customary, that is to say by the mouth of the Speaker of the said Commons for the time being, so that the said lords and Commons should have the agreement of our said lord the King. Also our said lord the King wills, also with the assent of the aforesaid lords, that the communications held in this present Parliament as aforesaid shall not be treated as an example for the future, nor be turned to the prejudice or derogation of the liberty of the estate for which the Commons are now come together, neither in the present Parliament nor in any other in the future. But he [the King] wills that the said, and all the other estates, be as free as they had been before.

PRINCE HENRY AND THE HERETIC (1410).

Source.—Gregory's Chronicle in the Collections of a London Citizen (Camden Society), pp. 105, 106.

And that year there was an heretic, that was called John of Badby, that believed not in the Sacrament of the Altar, and he was brought into Smithfield for to be burnt, and bound unto a stake; and Sir Harry Prince of Wales counselled him to hold the very right belief of Holy Church, and he should fail neither lack no good. Also the Chancellor of Oxford, one Master Courteney, informed him in the faith of Holy Church, and the Prior of Saint Bartholomew brought the Holy Sacrament with twelve torches and brought it before him. And it was asked him how that he believed. And he answered and said that he wist well that it was holy bread, and not God's own blessed body. And then was the tonne put over him and fire put unto him; and when he felt the fire he cried mercy. And anon the prince commanded to take away the fire, and it was done so anon. And then the prince asked him if that he would forsake his heresy and believe on the faith of all Holy Church, and he would give him his life and goods enough while he lived; but he would not, but continued forth in his heresy. And then the prince commanded him up to be burnt at once, and so he was. And John Gylott, vynter, he made two weavers to be taken, the which followed the same way of heresy.

THE DEATH OF HENRY IV. (1413).

Source.—Fabyan's Chronicle, edited by Ellis, p. 576. (London: 1811.)

In this year and 20th day of November, was a great council holden at the White Friars in London, by the which it was among other things concluded, that, for the King's great journey that he intended to make in visiting of the holy sepulchre of our Lord, certain galleys of war should be made, and other purveyance concerning the same journey. Whereupon all hasty and possible speed was made; but after the feast of Christmas, while he was making his prayers at Saint Edward's shrine, to take there his leave, and so speed him upon his journey, he became so sick that such as were about him feared that he would have died right there, wherefore they for his comfort bore him into the Abbot's place and lodged him in a chamber, and there upon a pallet laid him before the fire, where he lay in great agony a certain of time. At length when he was come to himself, not knowing where he was, he enquired, of such as there were about him, what place that was; the which showed to him that it belonged to the Abbot of Westminster, and for he felt himself so sick, he commanded to ask if that chamber had any special name, whereunto it was answered that it was named Jerusalem. Then said the King: "Loving be to the Father of Heaven, for now I know that I shall die in this chamber, according to the prophecy of me before said, that I should die at Jerusalem"; and so after he made himself ready and died shortly after.

ELECTORS AND ELECTED TO PARLIAMENT TO BE RESIDENT (1413).

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, 1 Henry V., c. 1.

... That the Knights and Esquires and others which shall be choosers of those knights of the shires be also resident within the same shires in manner and form as is aforesaid. And moreover it is ordained and established, That the citizens and burgesses of the cities and boroughs be chosen men, citizens and burgesses resident, dwelling and free in the same cities and boroughs, and no other in any wise.

THE DAUPHIN'S REPLY TO HENRY (1414).

Source.—"Chronicle of King Henry V.," printed in Nicolas's Battle of Agincourt, pp. viii-ix. (London: 1827.)

And his lords gave him [Henry V.] counsel, to send ambassadors unto the King of France and his council, and that he should give up to him his right heritage, that is to say Normandy, Gascony, and Guienne, the which his predecessors had held before him, or else he would it win with dint of sword, in short time, with the help of Almighty God. And then the Dauphin of France answered our ambassadors, and said in this manner, that the King was over young and too tender of age to make war against him, and was not like yet to be no good warrior to do and to make such a conquest there upon him; and somewhat in scorn and despite he sent to him a tonne full of tennis balls because he would have somewhat for to play withal for him and for his lords, and that became him better than to maintain any war; and then anon our lords that was ambassadors took their leave and came to England again, and told the King and his Council of the ungoodly answer that they had of the Dauphin, and of the present the which he had sent unto the King; and when the King had heard their words and the answer of the Dauphin, he was wondrous sore aggrieved ... and thought to avenge him upon them as soon as God would send him grace and might, and anon made tennis balls for the Dauphin, in all haste; and they were great gun-stones for the Dauphin to play withal.

THE COMMONS AND LEGISLATION (1414).

Source.—Rotuli Parliamentorum (Record Commission), vol. iv., p. 22.

Item be it remembered, that the Commons presented to our sovereign lord the King in this present Parliament a petition, the tenor of which follows word for word.

Our sovereign Lord, your humble and true lieges that have come for the Commune of your land beseech your right righteousness, That so it hath ever been their liberty and freedom that there should no statute nor law be made unless they give thereto their assent: Considering that the Commune of your land, the which that is, and ever hath been, a member of your Parliament, be as well assenters as petitioners, that from this time forward, by complaint of the Commune of any mischief asking remedy by the mouth of their Speaker or else by petition written, that there never be no law made thereupon and engrossed as statute and law, neither by addition, neither by diminutions, by no manner of term or terms the which that should change the sentence and the intent asked by the Speaker's mouth, or the petitions beforesaid given up in writing by the manner aforesaid, without assent of the aforesaid Commune. Considering our sovereign Lord, that it is not in no wise the intent of your Communes, that it be so that they ask you, by speaking or by writing, two things or three or as many as them lust: But that ever it stand in the freedom of your high regality to grant which of those that you lust, and to refuse the remnant.

The King of his grace especially granteth that from henceforth no thing be enacted to the petitions of his Commune that be contrary to their asking, whereby they should be bound without their assent. Saving always to our liege Lord his real prerogative to grant and deny what him lust of their petitions and askings aforesaid.

THE CONSPIRACY OF CAMBRIDGE (1415).

Source.—Nicolas's Battle of Agincourt, p. lxxvii. (London: 1827.)

And then fell there a great disease and a foul mischief, for there were three lords which the King trusted much on and through false covetousness they had purposed and imagined the King's death and thought to have slain him and all his brethren or that he had taken the sea, which were named thus—Sir Richard, earl of Cambridge brother to the duke of York, the second was the lord Scrope Treasurer of England, the third was Sir Thomas Gray knight of the north country, and these lords aforesaid, for lucre of money, had made promise to the Frenchmen for to have slain King Henry and all his worthy brethren by a false train suddenly or they had beware. But Almighty God of his great grace held his holy hand over them and saved them from this perilous mien. And for to have done this they received of the Frenchmen a million of gold and that there was proved openly. And for their false treason they were all judged unto the death. And this was the judgement, that they should be led through Hampton and without Northgate there to be beheaded, and thus they ended their life for their false covetousness and treason.

THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT (October 25, 1415).

Source.—Elmham's Vita et gesta Henrici Quinti, pp. 59 et seq. (Oxford: 1727.)

A.—The Disposition and Order of the English Army.

The night being spent but Titan not yet risen above the horizon, scarce had Friday dawned (on which the day the martyrdom of the blessed Crispin and Crispinian is celebrated) than the King neglected not to lead out his troops into the field, having first said matins and heard mass, and thinking that his enemies would be more engaged in fighting than in plundering, he ordered the horses of his men and whatever other things his army had brought with them except their arms, to be left in the village in which they had been quartered in the night, and assigned to the care of a few soldiers.... But in order that his army, which was very small in comparison to the French, might be able to fight without a wide separation, he arrayed it for battle in this wise: to the middle battalion, which he himself led, and in which under the mercy of God he proposed to fight, he assigned and chose a likely place about the middle of the field, so that it might meet the middle battalion of the enemy. On his right, at scarcely any distance, he placed the vanguard of his army and joined it to the wing at his right hand. But on the King's left was the rearward of the army, to which the left wing was likewise joined. These being so placed the providence of the divine grace was manifestly displayed, which provided for so small an army so apt a field enclosed within hedges and bushes ... to protect them from being surrounded by the ambuscades of the enemy. Now the King was clad in strong and very glittering armour; on his head he bore a helmet with a large resplendent crest and a crown of gold glistening with precious stones; his body begirt with a surcoat with the arms of England and France, from which heavenly splendour there sprang forth, on the one side, three golden flowers in a field of azure, on the other side three golden leopards sporting in a ruby field.... [He], seated on a noble horse of snowy whiteness, having also horses following bedecked in kingly fashion with the richest trappings, wondrously incited his army to deeds of valour. The nobles also, by the King's side, were arrayed with coats of arms as became those about to engage in conflict. And when the King heard someone wishing that whatever nobles of the realm of England, who were well-disposed thereto, were present at this affair, with kingly steadfastness he thus replied, "Truly I would not that by one single person the number of this army should be increased. For if in the number of fighting men, we were equal to, or perhaps, stronger than, our enemies, and they were delivered into our hands by the hazards of war, our indiscreet judgement would attribute the victory to the greatness of our strength, and so due praise would by no means be accorded. But if, after God's own manifold chastisement for our sins, the divine judgement should determine to deliver us into the hands of the enemy,... certainly then our army would be too great to be exposed (which God forbid!) to so great a calamity. But if the divine mercy should deign to deliver so many adversaries to so trifling a force of fighting men, we should deem so great a victory certainly bestowed by God upon us and return thanks to Him and not to our own numbers. Lo! he who is splendidly and safely defended and armed in body is fortified in mind much more gloriously by stern hope and unbroken fortitude."

B.—The Disposition and Order of the French Army.

The enemy, despising the idleness and inaction of the King's army, endeavoured to prepare their numerous formations in proper order for battle.... They drew up their army after their own fashion, as the King had drawn up his; nevertheless the breadth of the field was not sufficient to draw up so numerous a host into proper battle array. For whereas the English army, throughout all its lines, was scarcely strengthened with files of four men, one behind another crosswise, all the French lines throughout their length were strengthened with files of twenty or more fighting men, one behind the other. Also, in the outermost flank of their army were placed a thousand soldiers, to break through the English lines with cavalry charges; also certain saxi-voma,[5] which might scatter the English when about to engage in battle, or at least throw them into disorder, were drawn up along the flanks of the army. But the number of standards and other warlike ensigns, which were displayed by the French army, fastened on the points of lances and rustling in the wind, seemed to exceed the multitude of lances in the English army....

[5] Engines for hurling stones.

C.—The Battle.

Thus drawn up across the fields on both sides and three bow shots, or thereabouts, distant from each other, each army awaited the movements of the other, but neither advanced against the other for some time. Yet the French cavalry, advancing a little into the field, were by the King's command forced to retreat hastily, through certain of the royal archers, on to their army. Also certain French barons, by their own wishes, came into the King's presence, and without being able to find out anything the King proposed to do, were soon ordered to return to their own army. Now King Henry, when he considered that a great part of the short day was already passed, and readily believing that the French were not disposed to move from their position, consulted the nobles and experts as to what they should do, viz., whether he should advance with his army, in the order in which it stood, against the enemy who refused to move against him. They, having fully considered the circumstances of so important a matter, decided that the King should advance with his army towards the enemy, and mightily charge them in the name of God.... Without delay both men-at-arms, unheeding their heavy arms, and the archers, leaving behind in the field their sharp stakes which they had previously prepared to meet the French cavalry, all having bowed the knee and taken lumps of earth in their mouths,[6] with a warlike shout piercing the heavens and with wonderful dash, flew fiercely along the plain, and their outward bearing shewed how much courage fired their hearts. And when they had approached within twenty paces of the ranks of the enemy, not far from Agincourt, and the sounds of the trumpets rending the air had stirred the spirits of the warriors to battle, the enemy, now for the first time moving, advanced to meet the English. Immediately the battle commenced with such fury that at the first attack of such brave warriors, by the dire shock of lances and the violent blows of swords the joints of their strong armour were broken, and the first rank on both sides dealt deadly wounds. But, on the other side, the warlike band of archers, with their strong and numerous volleys, darkened the air, shedding, like a cloud laden with rain, an unbearable multitude of piercing arrows, and, inflicting wounds on the horses, either threw to the ground the French cavalry who were drawn up to charge them, or forced them to retreat.... In this deadly conflict be it remembered among other things that that bright shining Titan of Kings so much exposed the precious treasure of his person to every chance of war that he thundered upon his enemies swift terrors and intolerable attacks.... After a while all the King's battalions, foremost and hindmost, were victorious, each wing having overthrown the enemy.... And, by divine mercy, having gained so glorious a triumph, the magnanimous King ... was gratefully minded to return thanks most devoutly for so great a victory. And, because so great a victory was vouchsafed to him on the feast of St. Crispin and Crispinian, every day throughout his life he heard mention of them in one of his masses.

[6] As a sign of their desire and an acknowledgment of their unworthiness to receive the Sacrament.

BOROUGH CUSTOMS (circa 1416).

Source.—"Customs of Hereford," in the Journal of the British Archæological Association, vol. xxvii., pp. 460 et seq. (London: 1871.)

[The customs of Hereford were placed on record in the reign of Henry V., and rewritten in 1486. Many of the customs were of much older date; even in 1486 some were of a duration from "time immemorial.">[

Election of Bailiff.—First of all we use at the Feast of St. Michael to choose unto us a bailiff of our fellow-citizens, by the whole consent of the city, who is powerful to labour and discreet to judge, holding some tenements or hereditaments in the fee of our Lord the King; and he to be our head next under the King, whom we ought, in all things touching our King or the state of our city, to obey chiefly in three things,—first, when we are sent for, by day or by night, to consult of those things which appertain to the King or the state of the city; secondly, to answer if we offend in any point contrary to our oath, or to our fellow-citizens; thirdly, to perform the affairs of our city at our own charges, if so be they may be finished sooner or better than by any other of our citizens.... And this shall be the oath of the bailiff when he is chosen. He shall not have respect to anyone's person who hath been heretofore elected.

The Mayor's Oath.—First, that he shall be true to our Lord the King in all things; secondly, that as much as in him lies, as well by day as by night, he shall faithfully defend and keep the city of Hereford, the city of our Lord the King; thirdly, he shall defend and maintain the laws and customs of the city during his time;... fourthly, that he shall administer justice and judgement to every one, not having respect to any one's person; fifthly, that he shall not hold or keep the office of his mayoralty but for one year after his election; sixthly, if so be that he be a layman, he shall do all things belonging to his office by the counsel of his faithful citizens....

Concerning our courts, we use to keep them on a Tuesday, from the fifteenth day until fifteen days; unto which courts all citizens of our Lord the King ought to come, and chiefly all those which hold any tenement of our Lord the King; and especially to the two first courts holden after the feasts of Michaelmas and Easter, at which two courts the assize of bread and beer shall be ordained, and keepers to keep the same assize; and unto the said courts and other courts [shall come] all others who complain of any trespasses committed, or any other thing touching the state of the city or themselves, and they ought to speak the truth upon their own peril, not bringing with them any stranger ... because we do not use that strangers shall come and implead amongst us, and know the secrets of the courts, for divers dangers that thereby may ensue....

Night-Walkers.—And it shall be commanded ... that, among other things, it shall be proclaimed that no vagabond or night-walker be within our city, nor in the suburbs, after the ringing of our common bell; and if anyone be taken after the ringing of the bell, let him be brought unto the gaol of our Lord the King, and there he shall stay until the morrow.... Concerning our bell, we use to have it in a public place, where our chief bailiff may come, as well by day as by night, to give warning to all men living within the said city and suburbs. And we do not say that it ought to ring unless it be for some terrible fire burning any row of houses within the said city, or for any common contention whereby the city might be terribly moved, or for any enemies drawing near unto the city, or if the city be besieged, or any sedition shall be between any, and notice thereof given by any unto our chief bailiff.... Also we use that if any one of our citizens hath any tenements situate in the High Street of the city, or having over part of the pavement, and it be ruinous, so that danger may happen to us or to our children, or to others going along the city; and especially if the Lord our King, or any of his, should happen to pass along that street ... in such case our chief bailiff shall cause them to be warned that have such tenements, that they amend them in more safer manner within three days; and unless they do so, let three days more be given them, in the behalf of our Lord the King and the commonalty; and unless it be then done, our chief bailiff, taking with him the power of the city, if it be needful, shall go to such a tenement, and in his presence let it be thrown down at the costs of him to whom the tenement belongeth, or if needful, at the costs of the commonalty;...

Brewers to the Cucking-Stools.—... And if any brewer hath brewed and broken the assize of our Lord the King, allowed and publicly proclaimed in the said city, she ought by the bailiff to be amerced the first and the second time; and if she break the assize the third time, she ought to be taken by the bailiff and to be led to the judgement which is called the Gongestole....

Scolds.—Also it was agreed upon concerning scolding women, that by them many evils do arise in the city viz. by wrangling, fighting, defaming, troubling by night those which are at rest, and often times moving schisms between their neighbours, and by contradicting the bailiff and ministers and others; and in their prison, by speaking ill or cursing them,... wherefore, at all times when they shall be taken and convicted, they shall have their judgement, without any redemption to be made; and there they shall stand, with their feet bare, and their hair hanging about their ears, by so much time as they may be seen of all those which pass by that way ... and afterwards, the judgement being finished, let her (the scold) be brought to the gaol of our Lord the King, and there stay until she hath made redemption at the will of the bailiff. And if she will not be amended by such punishment, let her be cast out of the city.

THE EXECUTION OF SIR JOHN OLDCASTLE (1417).

Source.—Brief Chronicle of Sir John Oldcastle. ("Harleian Miscellany," vol. ii., pp. 276, 277.)

And upon the day appointed he was brought out of the Tower with his arms bound behind him, having a very cheerful countenance. Then was he laid upon an hurdle, as though he had been a most heinous traitor to the Crown, and so drawn forth into Saint Giles Field, where they had set up a new pair of gallows. As he was come to the place of execution, and was taken from the hurdle, he fell down devoutly on his knees, desiring Almighty God to forgive his enemies. Then stood he up and beheld the multitude, exhorting them, in most goodly manner, to follow the laws of God written in the Scriptures and in any wise to beware of such teachers as they see contrary to Christ in their conversation and living; with many other special counsels. Then was he hanged up there by the middle in chains of iron, and so consumed alive in the fire; praising the name of God so long as his life lasted. In the end he commended his soul into the hands of God, and so departed hence most christianly, his body resolved into ashes.

THE SIEGE OF ROUEN (1418).

Source.—John Page's "Poem on the Siege of Rouen" in the Collections of a London Citizen. (Camden Society.)

The Sufferings of the Inhabitants.

Meat and drink and other victual
In that city began to fail.
Save clean water they had enow,
And vinegar to put thereto,
Their bread was full nigh gone
And flesh, save horse, had they none.
They ate dogs, and they ate cats
They ate mice, horses and rats.

Then to die they did begin,
All that rich city within
They died faster every day
Than men might them in earth lay.
There as was pride in ray before,
Then was it put in sorrow full sore.
There as was meat, drink and song,
Then was sorrow and hunger strong.
If the child should be dead,
The mother would not give it bread.

The Surrender.

On the feast of St. Wulstan it fell,
That was upon a Thursday.
Our king then in rich array,
And royally in his estate
As a conqueror there he sate,
Within a house of Charity.
To him the keys of that city
Delivered unto him in fee.

There was neighing of many a steed,
There was shewing of many a weed,
There was many a jetton[7] gay,
Much royalty and rich array.
When the gates were opened there
And they were ready in for to fare,
Trumpetters blew their horns of brass,
Pipes and clarions both there was,
And as they entered they gave a shout
With a voice, and that a stout,
"St. George! St. George!" they cried on height,
"Welcome to Rouen, our king's own right."

[7] Jetton = a piece of metal or ivory bearing an inscription or device.

THE TREATY OF TROYES (1420).

Source.—Rymer's Fœdera, vol. ix., pp. 916-920. (London: 1709.)

Henry by the grace of God, King of England, Heir and Regent of France, and Lord of Ireland to perpetual mind, to all Christian people, and to all that be under our obedience we notify and declare that ... we have taken a treaty with our aforesaid father [Charles of France], in the which treaty it is concluded and accorded after the manner that followeth:

First, it is accorded between our aforesaid father and us that: for as much as, by the bond of matrimony between us and our most dear and most beloved Catherine, the daughter of our said father and of our most dear mother, Isabel his wife, the same Charles and Isabel having been made our father and mother, we shall have and worship, as it fitteth such and so worthy a Prince and Princess for to be worshipped, principally before all other temporal persons of this world.

Also, we shall not disturb, disseize nor let our said father, but that he hold and possess, as long as he liveth, as he holdeth and possesseth at this time, the Crown and dignity royal of France, and rents, fruits, and profits of the same....

Also, that the aforesaid Catherine shall take and have dower in our Realm of England, as Queen of England, towards her wont for to take and have—that is to say the sum of forty thousands scutes the year.

Also, that, after the death of our said father, and from thenceforward the Crown and realm of France, with all their rights and appurtenances, shall remainder and abide and be of us and of our heirs for evermore. Also, forasmuch as our said father is holden with divers sickness, in such manner as he may not attend in his own person for to dispose for the needs of the aforesaid realm of France, therefore, during the life of our said father, the faculty and exercise of the governance and disposition of the public good and common profit of the said realm of France, with the counsel of the nobles and wise men of the same realm,... shall be and abide to us....

Also that we, to our power, shall defend and keep all and every peers, nobles, cities, towns, commonalties and singulars[8] now or in time coming, subject to our said father, in his rights, customs, privileges, freedoms and franchises.

[8] Singulars = individuals as opposed to corporations.

Also, that we, to our power and as soon as it may commodiously be done, shall strive so to put into obedience of our said father all manner of cities, towns, castles, places, countries and persons with the realm of France, inobedient and rebel to our said father, holding the party being, or have been, of that party commonly called Dauphin or Armagnac.

Also, by God's help, when it happeneth us to come to the Crown of France, the duchy of Normandy and also all other places conquered by us in the said realm of France, shall be under the commandment, obedience and monarchy of the crown of France.

Also, that henceforward perpetually shall be still, rest and all manner of wise shall cease all manner of dissensions, hates, rancours, enemities and wars between the said realms of France and England....

THE DEATH OF HENRY V. (1422).

Source.—Monstrelet's Chronicles, translated by Johnes, vol. ii., pp. 371-372. (Hafod Press, 1809.)

King Henry, finding himself mortally ill, called to him his brother the Duke of Bedford, his uncle of Exeter, the earl of Warwick, sir Louis de Robesart and others, to the number of six or eight of those in whom he had the greatest confidence, and said that he saw with grief it was the pleasure of his Creator that he should quit this world. He then addressed the Duke of Bedford:—"John, my good brother, I beseech you, on the loyalty and love you have ever expressed for me, that you show the same loyalty and affection to my son Henry, your nephew, and that, so long as you shall live, you do not suffer him to conclude any treaty with our adversary Charles, and that on no account whatever the duchy of Normandy be wholly restored to him. Should our good brother of Burgundy be desirous of the regency of the Kingdom of France, I would advise that you let him have it; but should he refuse, then take it yourself. My good uncle of Exeter, I nominate you sole regent of the Kingdom of England, for that you well know how to govern it; and I entreat that you do not, on any pretence whatever, return to France; and I likewise nominate you as guardian to my son,—and I insist, on your love to me, that you do very often personally visit and see him. My dear cousin of Warwick, I will that you be his governor, and that you teach him all things becoming his rank, for I cannot provide a fitter person for the purpose. I entreat you all as earnestly as I can, that you avoid all quarrels and dissensions with our fair brother of Burgundy; and this I particularly recommend to the consideration of my fair brother Humphrey,—for should any coolness subsist between you, which God forbid, the affairs of this realm, which are now in a very promising state, would soon be ruined." ... The King then sent for his physicians, and earnestly demanded of them how long they thought he had to live. They delayed answering the question directly; but, not to discourage hope, they said that it depended solely on the will of God whether he would be restored to health. He was dissatisfied with this answer, and repeated his request, begging of them to tell him the truth. Upon this they consulted together, and one of them, as spokesman, falling on his knees, said, "Sire, you must think on your soul; for, unless it be the will of God to decree otherwise, it is impossible that you should live more than two hours." The King, hearing this, sent for his confessor, some of his household and his chaplains, whom he ordered to chant the seven penitential psalms. When they came to "Benigne fac Domine" where mention is made "Muri Hierusalem,"[9] he stopped them, and said aloud, that he had fully intended, after he had wholly subdued the realm of France to his obedience, and restored it to peace, to have gone to conquer the Kingdom of Jerusalem, if it had pleased his Creator to have granted him a longer life. Having said this, he allowed the priests to proceed, and shortly after, according to the prediction of his physicians, gave up the ghost.

[9] "Do good in thy good pleasure unto Zion: build thou the walls of Jerusalem" (Ps. li. 18). The king's words were: "Good Lord, thou knewest that my mind was to re-edify the walls of Hierusalem" (Leland's Collectanea, ii., 489).

A BEGGING LETTER TO HENRY VI. (1422).

Source.—Ellis's Original Letters, second series, vol. i., pp. 95-96. (London: 1827.)

To the King our Sovereign Lord.

Beseecheth meekly your poor liegeman and humble orator Thomas Hostell, that in consideration of his service done to your noble progenitors of full blessed memory, King Henry IV. and King Henry V., whose souls God assoil; being at the Siege of Harfleur, there smitten with a dart through the head, losing one eye and his cheek-bone broken; also at the battle of Agincourt, and after, at the taking of the Carracks[10] on the sea, there with a rod of iron his plates smitten in sunder, and sore hurt, maimed and wounded; by means whereof he being sore enfeebled and bruised, now fallen to great age and poverty; greatly in debt, and may not help himself; having not wherewith to be sustained nor relieved but of men's gracious alms; and being for his said service never yet recompensed nor rewarded:—it please your high and excellent Grace, the premises tenderly considered, of your benign pity and grace, to relieve and refresh your said poor orator, as it shall please you, with your most gracious alms at the reverence of God and in work of charity; and he shall devoutly pray for the souls of your said noble progenitors and for your most noble and high estate.

[10] Carracks = ships. The event took place at the siege of Harfleur, 1416. "After a long fight the victory fell to the Englishmen, and they took and sunk almost the whole navy of France, in which there were many ships, hulks, and carracks, to the number of five hundred, of which three great carracks were sent to England" (Hall's Chronicle).

THE BATTLE OF VERNEUIL (1424).

Source.—Waurin's Chronicles, 1422-1431, pp. 73-78. (Rolls Series.)

The Duke of Bedford, the regent, took the field in very fair array, and rode on until he had passed the woods near Verneuil; and when he found himself in the plain he beheld the town and all the force of the French arranged and set in order of battle, which was a very fair thing to see; for without doubt I, the author of this work, had never seen a fairer company, nor one where there were so many of the nobility as there were there, nor set in better order, nor showing greater appearance of a desire to fight; I saw the assembly at Azincourt, where there were many more princes and troops, and also that at Crevant, which was a very fine affair, but certainly that at Verneuil was of all the most formidable and the best fought.... At the onset there was a great noise and great shouting with tumultuous sounds of the trumpets and clarions; the one side cried "Saint Denis!" and the others "Saint George!" And so horrible was the shouting that there was no man so brave or confident that he was not in fear of death; they began to strike with axes and to thrust with lances, then they put their hands to their swords, with which they gave each other great blows and deadly strokes; the archers of England and the Scots, who were with the French, began to shoot one against the other so murderously that it was a horror to look upon them, for they carried death to those whom they struck with full force. After the shooting, the opponents attacked each other very furiously, hand to hand; and this battle was on a Thursday, the seventeenth day of August, commencing about two hours after noon.... Many a capture and many a rescue was made there, and many a drop of blood shed, which was a great horror and irreparable pity to see Christian people so destroy one another, for during this pitiable and deadly battle mercy had no place there, so much did the parties hate each other; the blood of the slain stretched upon the ground, and that of the wounded ran in great streams about the field. This battle lasted about three-quarters of an hour, very terrible and sanguinary, and it was not then in the memory of man to have seen two parties so mighty for such a space of time in like manner fight without being able to perceive to whom the loss or victory would turn.... Elsewhere, the duke of Bedford, as I hear related, for I could not see or comprehend the whole since I was sufficiently occupied in defending myself, did that day wonderful feats of arms, and killed many a man, for with an axe which he held in his two hands he reached no one whom he did not punish, since he was large in body and stout in limb, wise and brave in arms; but he was very greatly harassed by the Scots, especially by the earl of Douglas and his troop, insomuch that one knew not what to think nor to imagine how the affair would terminate, for the French, who had more men by one-half than the English, fought only to conquer....

Then the French began to be dismayed, losing altogether the hope of victory which a little while before they thought was in their hands, but each one of them sought a place where he could save himself, taking flight as best he might, and abandoning the rest; some drew towards the town and others took the fields....

Finally, the English pursued the French so, that they obtained the complete victory on that day and gained the battle, but not without great effusion of their own blood.

TO KING HENRY VI. ON HIS CORONATION (1429).

Source.—Wright's Political Poems, pp. 141, 145. (Rolls Series.)

Most noble prince of christian princes all,
Flowering in youth and virtuous innocence,
Whom God above list of his grace call
This day to estate of knightly excellence,
And to be crownéd with due reverence,
To great gladness of all this region,
Laud and honour to thy magnificence,
And good fortune unto thy high renown.

God of his grace gave unto thy kindred
The palm of conquest, the laurel of victory;
They lovéd God and worshipped him indeed,
Wherefore their names he hath put in memory,
Made them to reign for virtue in his glory;
And since thou art born of their lineage,
Before all things that be transitory
Love God and dread, and so 'gin thy passage.

And that thou mayst be resemblable found,
Heretics and Lollards for to oppress,
Like the emperor, worthy Sigismund;
And as thy father, flower of high prowess,
At the 'ginning of his royal nobless,
Voided all cokil[11] far out of Sion,
And Christes Spouse sat there in stableness,
Outraging foreigns that came from Babylon.

Prince excellent, be faithfull, true and stable;
Dread God, do law, chastize extortion;
Be liberal of courage, unmutable;
Cherish the church with holy affection;
Love thy lieges of either region;
Prefer the peace, eschew war and debate;
And God shall send thee from the heaven down
Grace and good hap to thy royal estate.

[11] Cokil = weeds in corn.

BATTLE OF HERRINGS (1429).

Source.—Monstrelet's Chronicles, translated by Johnes, vol. ii., pp. 495, 496. (Hafod Press, 1809.)

The regent duke of Bedford, while at Paris, had collected about five hundred carts and cars from the borders of Normandy and from the Isle of France, which different merchants were ordered to load with provisions, stores and other things, and to have conveyed to the English army before Orleans.... This armament left Paris on Ash Wednesday, under the command of Sir John Falstaff, who conducted the convoy with his forces in good order, by short marches, until he came near the village of Rouvroi in Beauce, situated between Genville and Orleans. Many French captains, having long before heard of his coming, were there assembled to wait his arrival, namely Charles duke of Bourbon, the two marshals of France, the constable of Scotland and his son ... and others of the nobility, having with them from three to four thousand men. The English had been informed of this force being assembled from different garrisons which they had in those parts, and lost no time in forming a square with their carts and carriages, leaving but two openings, in which square they enclosed themselves, posting their archers as guards to these entrances, and the men-at-arms hard by to support them. On the strongest side of this enclosure were the merchants, pages, carters, and those incapable of defending themselves, with their horses. The English, thus situated, waited two hours for the coming of the enemy, who at length arrived with much noise, and drew up out of bowshot in front of the enclosure. It seemed to them that, considering their superior numbers, the state of the convoy, and that there were not more than six hundred real Englishmen, the rest being composed of all nations, they could not escape falling into their hands, and must be speedily conquered. Others, however, had their fears of the contrary happening, for the French captains did not well agree together as to their mode of fighting, for the Scots would combat on foot, and the others on horseback.... In the meantime the constable of Scotland, his son and all their men, dismounted and advanced to attack their adversaries, by whom they were received with great courage. The English archers, under the shelter of their carriages, shot so well and stiffly that all on horseback within their reach were glad to retreat with their men-at-arms. The constable of Scotland and his men attacked one of the entrances of the enclosure, but they were soon slain on the spot.... The other French captains retreated with their men to the places whence they had come. The English, on their departure, refreshed themselves and then marched away in haste for their town of Rouvroi, where they halted for the night. On the morrow they departed in handsome array with their convoy and artillery, and in a few days arrived before Orleans, very much rejoiced at their good fortune in the late attack from the French, and at having so successfully brought provision to their countrymen.

This battle was ever afterward called the Battle of Herrings, because great part of the convoy consisted of herrings and other articles of food suitable to Lent.

JOAN OF ARC RAISES THE SIEGE OF ORLEANS (1429).

Source.—Waurin's Chronicles, 1422-1431, pp. 171,172. (Rolls Series.)

... The troops in Orleans then seeing that they were very strongly pressed by the diligence of the besiegers, both by their engines and by the towers which they had made around the town, to the number of twenty-two, and that by the continuance thereof they were in danger of being placed in servitude and obedience to their enemies the English, prepared themselves for all risks and decided to resist with all their power and in all the ways that they well could, so that, the better to help, they sent to King Charles to obtain aid in men and provisions; and there were then sent to them from four to five hundred combatants, and soon after fully seven thousand were sent to them, and some boats loaded with provisions coming down the river under the guidance and protection of these men-at-arms, in which company was the maid Joan, who had not yet done anything for which she was held in much esteem.

Then the English captains holding the siege, knowing of the coming of the said boats and of those who convoyed them, at once and in haste endeavoured to resist by force in order to prevent them from landing in the town of Orleans, and on the other hand the French exerted themselves to bring them in by force of arms. On the vessels coming up to pass there was many a lance broken, many an arrow shot, and many a bolt shot by the engines, and so great a noise was made both by the besieged and by the besiegers, both by defenders and assailants, that it was horrible to hear them; but whatever force or resistance the English could make there, the French in spite of them brought their boats in safety into the town, at which the said English were much troubled and the French joyful at their good fortune, so they also entered the said town, where they were welcomed as well for the provisions they had brought as for the maid whom they had taken back with them, great rejoicings being made everywhere for the good succour King Charles sent them, whence they plainly perceived the good will that he had towards them, at which the inhabitants of the city rejoiced greatly, making such a clamour that they were heard quite plainly by the besiegers.

Then when the next day came, which was Thursday, when every one was refreshed, the maid Joan, rising early in the morning, spoke in council to some captains and chiefs of squadrons, to whom she showed by forcible arguments how they had come there on purpose to defend that city against the ancient enemies of the kingdom of France, who were greatly oppressing it, and to such a degree that she saw that it was in great danger if good provision were not speedily made for it; so she admonished them to go and arm themselves, and effected so much by her words that she induced them to do so, and said to them that if they would follow her she doubted not that she would cause such damage that it would ever be remembered, and that the enemy would curse the hour of her coming.

The maid preached so well to them that they all went to arm themselves with her; then they sallied out of the town in very fair array, and setting out she said to the captains: "Lords, take courage and good hope; before four days have passed your enemies will be vanquished." And the captains and men-of-war who were there could not wonder sufficiently at her words.

So they marched forward and came very fiercely to attack one of the towers of their enemies that was called the tower of Saint Leu, which was very strong, and therein were from three to four hundred combatants, who in a very short time were overcome, captured, or slain, and the tower burnt and demolished; then, this done, the maid and her people returned joyfully into the city of Orleans where she was generally honoured and praised by all kinds of people. Again the next day, which was Friday she and her men sallied from the town, and she went to attack the second tower which was also taken by a fine assault, and those within all slain or captured; and after she had caused the said tower to be broken down, set on fire, and entirely annihilated, she withdrew into the town, where she was honoured and exalted more than before by all the inhabitants thereof. The Saturday following, the maid sallied forth again and went to attack the tower at the end of the bridge, which was marvellously large and strong, and besides occupied by a great number of the best and most tried combatants among the besiegers, who long and valiantly defended themselves, but it availed them nothing, for at last, like the others, they were discomfited, taken, and slain; among whom died there the lord of Molines, Glacedale, a very valiant esquire, the bailly of Evreux and many other noble men of high rank.

After this brilliant conquest the French returned joyfully into the town.

THE FORTY-SHILLING FRANCHISE (1430).

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, 8 Henry VI., c. vii.

Item, Whereas the Elections of Knights of the shires to come to the Parliaments of our Lord the King, in many counties of England have now of late been made by very great, outrageous and excessive number of people dwelling within the same Counties, of the which the most part was of people of small substance and of no value, whereof every of them pretended a voice equivalent, as to such elections to be made, with the most worthy Knights and Esquires dwelling within the same Counties; whereby manslaughters, riots, batteries and diversions among the gentlemen and other people of the same counties shall very likely rise and be, unless convenient remedy be provided in this behalf: Our Lord the King, considering the premises, hath provided ordained and established, by the authority of this present Parliament, that the Knights of the Shires to be chosen within the same realm of England to come to the Parliaments, shall be chosen in every County by people dwelling and resident in the same, whereof every one of them shall have free land or tenement to the value of forty shillings by the year, at the least, above all charges; and that they which shall be so chosen shall be dwelling and resident within the same Counties.... And every sheriff of England shall have power to examine upon the Evangelists every such chosen, how much he may expend by the year.

THE CONDEMNATION OF THE MAID JOAN (1431).

Source.—Waurin's Chronicles, 1422-1431, pp. 239-244. (Rolls Series.)

... "It is a sufficiently common report already spread abroad, as it were everywhere, how this woman who caused herself to be called Joan the maid, a false soothsayer, for two years or more, against the divine law and the condition of her female sex, has clothed and conducted herself in the dress and manner of man, a thing displeasing and abominable to God, and in such condition was carried before our capital enemy and yours, to whom and to those of his party she often gave it out, and even to churchmen, nobles, and people, that she was sent by God, presumptuously boasting herself that she often had personal and visible communication with Saint Michael and a great multitude of other angels and saints of Paradise, with Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret; by which false givings-out, and by the hope of future victories which she promised, she turned away the hearts of many men and women from the truth, and turned them towards fables and lies: she also clothed herself with armour suitable for knights and esquires, raised a standard, and with too great excess, pride, and presumption demanded to have the very excellent arms of France, which in part she obtained, and bore them in many expeditions and assaults, that is to say, a shield with two fleurs-de-lis of gold on a field azure, and a sword with the point fixed upwards in a crown; and in this condition she has taken the field, with the leadership of men at arms and archers, in armies and great companies, to do and perpetrate inhuman cruelties, wickedly shedding human blood, and causing also commotions and seditions of the people, inciting them to perjuries, rebellions, superstitions, and false beliefs, perturbing all good peace and renewing mortal war, suffering herself to be revered and adored by many persons as a sanctified soul, and otherwise acting damnably in many other matters too long to express, which nevertheless have been well enough known in many places, whereby nearly all Christendom has been greatly scandalized. But the Divine Power having pity on His loyal people, whom He has not long left in peril, nor suffered them to remain in the vain, perilous, and novel cruelties into which they had thoughtlessly thrown themselves, has been pleased to permit it in His great mercy and clemency that the said shameful woman has been taken in your army and siege which you were then maintaining on our behalf before Compiègne, and put by your good help into our obedience and governance. And because we were afterwards requested by the bishop in whose diocese she had been taken that this Joan, branded and charged with crimes of high treason against God, we would cause to be delivered to him as to her ordinary ecclesiastical judge, as well for reverence of our mother holy church, whose sacred ordinances we desire to prefer to our own deeds and wishes as is right, as also for the honour and exaltation of our true faith, we caused the said Joan to be given up in order that he might try her, without wishing that any vengeance or punishment should be inflicted upon her by our secular officers of justice, as it was reasonably lawful for us to do, considering the great damages and inconveniences, the horrible homicides and detestable cruelties and evils, as it were innumerable, that she had committed against our seignory and our loyal and obedient people. This bishop, the inquisitor of errors and heresies being associated with him, and a great and notable number of famous masters and doctors of theology and canon law being summoned with them, commenced with great solemnity and due gravity the trial of this Joan, and after he and the said inquisitor, judges in this behalf, had on many different days questioned the said Joan, they caused her confessions and assertions to be maturely examined by the masters and doctors, and generally by all the faculties of learning of our very dear and much loved daughter the University of Paris, before which the said assertions and confessions were sent, according to whose opinion and deliberation the said judges found this Joan superstitious, a soothsayer by means of devils, a blasphemer of God and of the saints, a schismatic, and erring many times from the law of Jesus Christ. And to bring her back into the union and communion of our holy mother the church, to cleanse her from such horrible and pernicious crimes and sins, and to keep and preserve her soul from perpetual torment and damnation, she was often, during a long time, very lovingly and gently admonished that all her errors being rejected by her should be put away, and that she should humbly return into the way and straight path of truth, or otherwise she would put herself in great peril of soul and body; but the very perilous and mad spirit of pride and outrageous presumption, which is always exerting itself to try to impede and disturb the path and way of loyal Christians, so seized upon and detained in its bonds this Joan and her heart, that for no holy doctrine, good counsels or exhortation that could be administered to her, would her hardened and obstinate heart humble or soften itself, but she often again boasted that all things that she had done were well done, and she had done them at the commandment of God through the angels and the said holy virgins who visibly appeared to her: and what is worse, she recognized not, nor would recognize, any upon earth save God only and the saints of Paradise, rejecting the authority of our holy father the pope, the general council and the universal church militant. And then the ecclesiastical judges, seeing her said disposition pertinaciously, and for so long a space, remain hardened and obstinate, caused her to be brought before the clergy and people there assembled in very great multitude, in whose presence her case, crimes, and errors were preached, made known, and declared by a notable master and doctor of theology, for the exaltation of our faith, the extirpation of errors, the edification and amendment of Christian people. And there, again, she was lovingly admonished to return to the union of holy church, correcting her faults and errors, in which she still remained pertinacious and obstinate. This the judges aforesaid seeing and considering, they proceeded further and pronounced against her the sentence in such case by law prescribed and ordained; but before the said sentence was read through she began seemingly to change her disposition, saying that she wished to return to holy church, which willingly and joyfully heard the aforesaid judges and clergy, who thereto received her affectionately, hoping that her soul and body were redeemed from perdition and torment. Then she submitted herself entirely to the ordinance of the Church, and orally revoked and publicly abjured her errors and detestable crimes, signing with her own hand the schedule of the said revocation and abjuration; and so our pitiful mother holy church rejoicing over the sinner showing penitence, desiring to bring back to the shepherd, with the others, the returned and recovered sheep which had wandered and gone astray in the desert, condemned this Joan to prison to do salutary penance; but she was hardly there any time before the fire of her pride, which seemed to be extinguished, rekindled in her with pestilential flames by the breathings of the enemy, and the said unhappy woman immediately fell back into the errors and false extravagances which she had before uttered and afterwards revoked and abjured, as has been said. For which causes, according to what the judgements and institutions of holy church ordain, in order that henceforward she might not contaminate the poor members of Jesus Christ, she was again publicly preached to, and as she had fallen back into the crimes and faults she was accustomed, left to secular justice, which immediately condemned her to be burned. And then she, seeing her end drawing near, recognized clearly that the spirits which she had said had appeared to her many times before were wicked and lying spirits, and that the promises which these spirits had formerly made to her of delivering her were false, and so she confessed it to have been a mockery and deceit; and she was taken by the said lay justice to the old market-place in the town of Rouen, and was there publicly burnt in the sight of all the people."

THE EDUCATION OF HENRY VI. (November 9, 1432).

Source.—Paston Letters, vol. i., No. 18.

For the good rule, demising and surety of the King's person, and draught of him to virtue and cunning, and eschewing of anything that might give hindrance or let thereto, or cause any charge, default, or blame to be laid upon the Earl of Warwick at any time without his desert, he, considering that peril and business of his charge about the King's person groweth so that that authority and power given to him before sufficeth him not without more thereto, desireth therefore these things that follow.

First, that considering that the charge of the rule, demising and governance, and also of nurture of the King's person resteth upon the said Earl while it shall like the King, and the peril, danger, and blame if any lack or default were in any of these, the which lack or default might be caused by ungodly or unvirtuous men, if any such were about his person; he desireth therefore, for the good of the King, and for his own surety, to have power and authority to name, ordain, and assign, and for that cause that shall be thought to him reasonable, to remove those that shall be about the King's person, of what estate or condition that they be, not intending to comprehend in this desire the Steward, Chamberlain, Treasurer, Controller, nor Serjeant of offices, save such as serve the King's person and for his mouth.

Responsio.—As toward the naming, ordinance, and assignation beforesaid, it is agreed, so that he take in none of the four knights nor squires for the body without the advice of my Lord of Bedford, him being in England, and him being out, of my Lord of Gloucester, and of the remnant of the King's Council.

Item, the said Earl desireth that where he shall have any person in his discretion suspect of misgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to be about the King, except the estates of the house, that he may put them from exercise and occupation of the King's service, till that he shall more have speech with my Lords of Bedford or of Gloucester, and with the other Lords of the King's Council, to that end that, the default of any such person known unto him, [they] shall more ordain thereupon as them shall think expedient and behoveful.

Responsio.—It is agreed as it is desired....

Item, that considering how, blessed be God, the King is growing in years, in stature of his person, and also in conceit and knowledge of his high and royal authority and estate, the which naturally causing him, and from day to day as he groweth shall cause him, more and more to grudge with chastising, and to loath it, so that it may reasonably be doubted lest he would conceive against the said Earl, or any other that would take upon him to chastise him for his defaults, displeasure, or indignation therefore, the which, without due assistance, is not easy to be borne. It like, therefore, to my Lord of Gloucester, and to all the Lords of the King's Council, to promise to the said Earl, and assure him, that they shall firmly and truly assist him in the exercise of the charge and occupation that he hath about the King's person, namely in chastising of him for his defaults, and support the said Earl therein; and if the King at any time would conceive indignation against the said Earl, my said Lord of Gloucester, and Lords, shall do all their true diligence and power to remove the King therefrom.

Responsio.—It is agreed as it is desired.

Item, the said Earl desireth that forasmuch as it shall be necessary to remove the King's person at divers times into sundry places, as the cases may require, that he may have power and authority to remove the King, by his discretion, into what place he thinketh necessary for the health of his body and surety of his person.

Responsio.—It is agreed as it is desired....

Item, forasmuch as the said Earl hath knowledge that in speech that hath been had unto the King at part and in privy, not in the hearing of the said Earl nor any of the knights set about his person, nor assigned by the said Earl, he hath been stirred by some from his learning, and spoken to of divers matters not behoveful, the said Earl doubting the harm that might fall to the King, and the inconvenience that might ensue of such speech at part as if it were suffered; desireth that in all speech to be had with the King, he or one of the four knights, or some person to be assigned by the said Earl, be present and privy to it.

Responsio.—This article is agreed, excepting such persons as for nighness of blood, and for their estate, owe of reason to be suffered to speak with the King.

Item, to the intent that it may be known to the King that it proceedeth of the assent, advice and agreement of my Lord of Gloucester, and all my Lords of the King's Council, that the King be chastised for his defaults or trespasses, and that for awe thereof he forbear the more to do amiss, and intend the more busily to virtue and to learning, the said Earl desireth that my Lord of Gloucester, and my said other Lords of the Council, or great part of them, that is to say, the Chancellor and Treasurer, and of every estate in the Council, spiritual and temporal, some come to the King's presence, and there to make to be declared to him their agreement in that behalf.

Responsio.—When the King cometh next to London, all his Council shall come to his presence, and there this shall be declared to him.

Item, the said Earl, that all his days hath, above all other earthy things, desired, and ever shall to keep his truth and worship unblemished and unhurt, and may not for all that let [prevent] malicious and untrue men to make informations of his person, such as they may not, nor dare not, stand by, nor be not true, beseecheth therefore my Lord of Gloucester and all my said Lords of the Council, that if they, or any of them, have been informed of anything that may be laid to his charge or default, and namely in his occupation and rule about the King's person, that the said Earl may have knowledge thereof, to the intent that he may answer thereto, and not dwell in heavy or sinister conceit or opinion, without his desert and without answer.

Responsio.—It is agreed.

Cromwell.
J. Ebor.
W. Lincoln
Suffolk.
J. Huntington.
H. Gloucester.
P. Elien.
J. Bathon. Canc.
J. Roffen.
H. Stafford.

PRECAUTIONS TO PROTECT THE KING AGAINST INFECTION (1439).

Source.—Rotuli Parliamentorum, vol. v., p. 31. (Record Commission.)

To the King our Sovereign Lord; Shewen meekly your true liege people, here by your authority royal in this present Parliament for the Commons of this your noble realm assembled; how that a sickness called the Pestilence, universally through this your realm runneth more commonly than hath been usual before this time, the which is an infirmity most infective; and the presence of such so infect most to be eschewed, as by noble physicians and wise philosophers before this time plainly it hath been determined and as experience daily sheweth. Wherefore we your poor liege people, above all earthly thing tendering and desiring the health and welfare of your most noble person, beseech your most noble grace, in conserving of your most noble person and in comfort of us all, in eschewing of any such infection to you to fall, which God defend, graciously to conceive how where that any of your said Commons, holding of you by Knight's service, oweth in doing you homage, by your gracious sufferance, to kiss you, to ordain and grant by the authority of this present Parliament, that every of your said lieges, in doing of their said homage, may omit the said kissing of you....

A NOBLEMAN REQUESTS A LICENCE FOR A SHIP TO CARRY PILGRIMS (1445).

Source.—Ellis's Original Letters, Second Series, vol. i., pp. 110, 111.

To the King our Sovereign Lord.

Please it unto your Royal Majesty of your grace especially to grant unto John Earl of Oxford, owner under God of a ship called the Jesus of Orwell, that the said ship, without any fine or fee to be paid unto you, may have licence, in the worship of God and of St. James, to make the first voyage unto St. James[12] with as many persons as therein would thitherward take their passage. Considering that by cause of the loss of another ship ... the said Earl hath done upon the said ship great cost to make it the more able to do you service and to withstand your enemies in time of need.

Endorsed—Donné à n're Palais de Westm. le xxviij jour de Feverer, l'an etc xxiij. [February 28, 1445.]

[12] The shrine of St. James of Compostella.

THE DISCOMFORTS OF PILGRIMS AT SEA (circa 1445).

Source.—Early Naval Ballads, vol. ii., pp. 1-4. (Percy Society.)

Man may leve all gamys,
That saylen to Seynt Jamys;
For many a man hit gramys,[13]
When they begyn to sayle.
For when they have take the sea,
At Sandwyche or at Wynchylsee,
At Brystow,[14] or where that hit bee,
Theyr herts begyn to fayle.

Anone the mastyr commaundeth fast
To hys shyp-men in all the hast,
To dresse hem soon about the mast
Theyr takeling to make.
With "howe! hissa!" then they cry,
"What, howte! mate, thou stondyst too ny,
Thy fellow may not hale the by;"
Thus they begyn to crake.

Thus menewhyle the pylgryms ly,
And have theyr bowls fast theym by,
And cry after hot malvesy,
"Thow helpe for to restore."

And some wold have a saltyd tost,
For they myght ete neyther sode ne rost;
A man myght soon pay for theyr cost,
As for one day or twayne.
Some layde theyr bookys on theyr knee,
And read so long they myght nat see,
"Allas! myne head woll cleve in three!"
Thus seyth another certayne.

Then commeth owre owner lyke a lorde,
And speketh many a royall worde,
And dresseth hym to the hygh borde,
To see all things be well
Anone he calleth a carpentere
And biddeth hym bryng his gere,
To make cabans here and there
With many a fabyl cell.

A sak of straw were there ryght good,
For some must lyg them in theyr hood;
I had as lefe be in the wood,
Without mete or drynk,
For when that we shall go to bedde,
The pump was nygh our bedde hede,
A man were as good to be dede,
As smell thereof the stynk.

[13] Troubles.

[14] Bristol.

CONCERNING PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS (1445).

Source.—Statutes of the Realm, 23 Henry VI., c. 14.

The statute recites 1 Henry V. c. 1 (see p. 13), and 8 Henry VI. c. 7 (see p. 35), then proceeds:

... By force of which statutes elections of knights to come to Parliament sometimes have been duly made and lawfully returned until now of late that divers sheriffs, for their singular avail and lucre, have not made due elections of knights, nor in convenient time, nor good men and true returned, and sometime no return of the knights, citizens and burgesses lawfully chosen to come to the Parliaments; but such knights, citizens, and burgesses have been returned which were never duly chosen, and other citizens and burgesses than those which by the mayors and bailiffs were to the said sheriffs returned; and sometimes the sheriffs have not returned the writs which they had to make elections of knights to come to the Parliaments, but the said writs have imbesiled, and moreover made no precept to the mayor and bailiffs, or to the bailiffs or bailiff, where no mayor is, of cities and boroughs, for the elections of citizens and burgesses to come to the Parliaments, by colour of these words contained in the same writs—"Quod in pleno comitatu tuo eligi facias pro comitatu tuo duos milites, et pro qualibet civitate in comitatu tuo duos cives et pro quolibet burgo in comitatu tuo duos burgenses;" and also because sufficient penalty and convenient remedy for the party in such case grieved is not ordained in the said statutes against the sheriffs, mayors, and bailiffs, which do contrary to the form of the said statutes: The King considering the premises hath ordained by Authority aforesaid, that the said statutes shall be duly kept in all points: and moreover that every sheriff, after the delivery of any such writs to him made, shall make and deliver without fraud a sufficient Precept under his seal to every mayor and bailiff, or to bailiffs or bailiff where no mayor is, of the cities and boroughs within his county, reciting the said writ, commanding them by the same precept, if it be a city, to choose by citizens of the same city, citizens; and in the same manner and form, if it be a borough, by burgesses of the same to come to the Parliament. And that the same mayor and bailiffs, or bailiffs or bailiff where no mayor is, shall return lawfully the precept to the same sheriffs by indenture betwixt the same sheriffs, and them to be made of the said elections, and of the names of the said citizens and burgesses by them so chosen; and thereupon every sheriff shall make a good and rightful return of every such writ, and of every return by the mayors and bailiffs, or bailiffs or bailiff where no mayor is, to him made.

HENRY VI. REFORMS THE GRAMMAR SCHOOLS OF LONDON (1446).

Source.—Excerpta Historica, p. 5. (London: 1833.)

Henry by the grace of God King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland: To our Chancellor of England greeting. Forasmuch as the right reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and the reverend father in God the bishop of London, considering the great abuses that have been of long time within our city of London that many and divers persons, not sufficiently instructed in grammar, presuming to hold common grammar schools in great deceit as well unto their scholars as unto the friends that find them to school, have of their great wisdom set and ordained five schools of grammar, and no more, within our said city. One within the churchyard of St. Paul's, another within the collegiate church of St. Martin, the third in Bow church, the fourth in the church of St. Dunstan in the East, the fifth in our hospital of St. Anthony within our said city; the which they have openly declared sufficient, as by their letters patent thereupon made it appeareth more at large. We, in consideration of the premises, have thereunto granted our royal will and assent. Wherefore we will and charge you that hereupon ye do make our letters patent under our great seal in due form, declaring in the same our said will and assent, giving furthermore in commandment by the same our letters unto all our subjects of our said city that they nor none of them trouble nor hinder the masters of the said schools in any wise, but rather help and assist them inasmuch as in them is. Given under our privy seal at Guildford the 3rd day of May, the year of our reign xxiiij.

THE FRENCH RECOVER FOUGÈRES (1449).

Source.—"Le recouvrement de Normendie," par Berry, Herault du Roy, printed in Reductio Normannie, pp. 245 et seq. (Rolls Series, 1863.)

[Note.—The author of this and other extracts relating to the loss of Normandy was Jacques le Bouvier, surnamed Berry, the first King-of-Arms of Charles VII. of France.]

The duke of Bretagne everywhere sent to all his subjects, well-wishers, friends and allies, asking them to be so good as to help him to avenge himself upon the English, and to help him to recover his town of Fougères. And on this occasion to please the said duke of Bretagne, M. Jehan de Bressay, knight, a native of the country of Anjou, Robert de Flocques, esquire of the country of Normandy, bailly of Evreux, Jacques de Clermont, esquire of the country of Dauphiné and lord of Mannay, and Guillaume le Vigars, esquire, made the attempt to take the town and castle of Pont de l'Arche, on the river Seine, by means of a merchant of Louviers who often took a cart by the said Pont de l'Arche to go to Rouen, which is about four short leagues above it.... And the said merchant, with two others, upon a day in the month of May, being the Thursday before the Ascension of our Lord, set out from Louviers and went to take his cart, as he had often done, through the town of Pont de l'Arche, pretending that he was taking merchandize to Rouen; and in passing he asked the porter of the castle to be so good as to open the gate of the castle for him very early next morning, and he would give him a good gratuity, for he made him believe that he wished to return speedily to Louviers for some merchandize. And so the merchant passed through the town; and he returned about the hour of midnight, accompanied by many of the said ambuscade on foot; and they lodged at an inn in the country, adjoining the castle. They entered into the said inn secretly, where they found the wife in bed alone, (who was exceedingly terrified), for her husband was absent on his business. And when it drew near daybreak, the said merchant went all alone to call the said porter, who came to open the gate of the castle and the bulwark for him, as he had promised the day before; and immediately two persons came out of the inn to come to the bulwark along with the merchant, of whom the said porter was apprehensive when he saw them approach. But the said merchant told him that they were people of Louviers, and then he was satisfied. Then the merchant entered with all his wares, leaving the cart upon the bridge until such time as he had thrown upon the ground for his (the porter's) reward, two bretons and a placque; and as he was stooping to gather them, the merchant killed him with a dagger.... The men of the castle heard the noise, and an Englishman came down in his night-shirt, (a handsome fellow, young and brave), who attempted to raise the bridge of the said castle, because he saw that the said bulwark was already lost; but the said merchant hastened to go to him, and killed him before he could raise the bridge, which was a pity, for he was one of the bravest and most active young men of his party. And thus the castle was won.

And then all the foot-soldiers went along the bridge making great shouts, to enter the town which they took; for the greater part of the inhabitants were still in their beds, excepting one Englishman, who valiantly and for a long time defended the gate of the bridge, to hinder them from entering; but in the end he was killed and the town taken.

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE DECLARED WAR AGAINST THE ENGLISH, AND WHY; AND OF THE CAPTURE OF VERNEUIL (1449).

Source.—"Le recouvrement de Normandie," printed in Reductio Normannie, pp. 254 et seq. (Rolls Series, 1863.)

The King of France was duly informed of the war which the English made upon the realm of Scotland, which was comprehended in the truce; and also of the war which they made by sea upon the King of Spain, his ally, who was also in the said truce; and in like manner upon his subjects of La Rochelle and Dieppe, and elsewhere.... For as long as the truce had continued, the English came from Mantes, Verneuil and Loigny upon the roads from Paris and Orleans, robbing and murdering the merchants and the honest people who were travelling along the roads ... and they went by night to their houses in the open country, and took prisoners in their beds the gentlemen who were of the party of the King of France, cut their throats and murdered them vilely in their beds. And it was their custom to cut the throats of these gentlemen during the said truce. And these malefactors were called False-Faces, because, when they did these things, they disguised themselves with disorderly and frightful dresses and headpieces, painted with various colours, and other clothes, so that they should not be known....

At this time a miller of the town of Verneuil who had his mill opposite the walls of the town, was beaten by an Englishman who was going the rounds, because he was asleep at his post. And for revenge he went to the bailly of Evreux, and, after a certain treaty made between them, he promised that he would admit him within the said town. Hereupon assembled messire Pierre de Bressay, seneschal of Poitou, the said bailly of Evreux, Jacques de Clermont and others. They came on horseback and found themselves on Sunday 19th July in this year, at break of day, near the walls of the said town. The said miller (who had been on watch that night) made the others who kept watch with him go down from the wall sooner than usual, because (in order to accomplish his purpose) he made them believe that, as it was Sunday, they should hasten to go, the bell having rung for Mass. By the help of the miller the French placed their ladders to the right of the wall, and entered the town without anyone noticing them. Six score Englishmen were within, of whom some were slain and taken prisoners, and the others betook themselves in great haste to the keep of the castle.

THE BATTLE OF FORMIGNY (1450).

Source.—"Le recouvrement de Normendie," in Reductio Normannie, pp. 333 et seq. (Rolls Series.)

... On the fifteenth of April they (the French) came up with the English in a field near a village named Formigny, between Carentan [Triviers] and Bayeux. And when the said English saw and perceived them, they put themselves in order of battle, and sent very hastily for the said Matthew Gough, who had left them that morning to go to Bayeux, and he immediately returned. And then the French and the English were one in the presence of the other, for the space of three hours, skirmishing. And in the meantime the English made large holes and trenches with their daggers and swords before them, in order that the French and their horses should stumble if they attacked them. And at the distance of a long bowshot behind the English there was a little river between them, with a great abundance of gardens full of various trees, as apples, pears, elms, and other trees; and they encamped in this place because they could not be attacked in the rear.

And in the meantime the lord of Richmond, Constable of France, the lord of Laval, the lord of Loheac, marshal of France, the lord of Orval, the marshal of Bretaigne, the lord of Saint-Severe, and many others set out from Triviers, where they had slept that night, and joined them, to the number of three hundred lances, and the archers. And when the said English saw them come, they left the field, and the troops marched and came to the river to place it behind them; for they were afraid of the Constable's company, who had slept the night at a village named Triviers, and had put himself in order of battle upon the arrival of the said English at a wind-mill above the said Formigny. And then marched the troops of the said lord of Clermont and his company, in which were from five to six hundred lances and the archers, and they charged the said English, as did also those of the said Constable, who crossed the river by a ford and a little bridge of stone. And there they attacked the English on both sides very bravely, so that in the end they discomfited them close by the said river.

And there there were killed, by the report of the heralds who were there, and of the priests and good people who buried them, three thousand seven hundred and seventy-four English.

A FATHER'S COUNSEL (April 30, 1450).

Source.—Paston Letters, vol. i., No. 91.

["Whoever has read this affecting composition will find it difficult to persuade himself that the writer could have been either a false subject or a bad man."—Lingard.]

The Duke of Suffolk to his Son.

My dear and only well-beloved Son,

I beseech our Lord in Heaven, the maker of all the world, to bless you, and to send you ever grace to love him, and to dread him; to the which, as far as a father may charge his child, I both charge you, and pray you to set all spirits and wits to do, and to know his holy laws and commandments, by the which ye shall with his great mercy pass all the great tempests and troubles of this wretched world. And that also, wittingly, ye do nothing for love or dread of any earthly creature that should displease him. And there as any frailty maketh you to fall, beseech his mercy soon to call you to him again with repentance, satisfaction, and contrition of your heart never more in will to offend him.

Secondly, next him, above all earthly thing, to be true liege man in heart, in will, in thought, in deed unto the King our most high and dread Sovereign Lord, to whom both ye and I be so much bound to; charging you, as father can and may, rather to die than be the contrary, or to know any thing that were against the welfare or prosperity of his most royal person, but that as far as your body and life may stretch, ye live and die to defend it, and to let his highness have knowledge thereof in all the haste ye can.

Thirdly, in the same wise, I charge you, my dear son, as ye be bound by the commandment of God to do, to love, to worship your lady and mother, and also that ye obey always her commandments, and to believe her counsels and advices in all your works, the which dread not but shall be best and truest to you. And if any other body would stir you to the contrary, to flee the counsel in any wise, for ye shall find it nought and evil.

Furthermore, as far as father may and can, I charge you in any wise to flee the company and counsel of proud men, of covetous men, and of flattering men, the more especially and mightily to withstand them, and not to draw, nor to meddle with them, with all your might and power. And to draw to you and to your company good and virtuous men, and such as be of good conversation, and of truth, and by them shall ye never be deceived, nor repent you of. Moreover, never follow your own wit in no wise, but in all your works, of such folks as I write of above, ask your advice and counsel; and doing thus, with the mercy of God, ye shall do right well, and live in right much worship, and great heart's rest and ease. And I will be to you as good lord and father as my heart can think.

And last of all, as heartily and as lovingly as ever father blessed his child in earth, I give you the blessing of our Lord and of me, which of his infinite mercy increase you in all virtue and good living. And that your blood may by his grace from kindred to kindred multiply in this earth to his service, in such wise as after the departing from this wretched world here, ye and they may glorify him eternally among his angels in heaven.

Written of mine own hand

The day of my departing from this land

Your true and loving father
Suffolk.

THE MURDER OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK (May 5, 1450).

Source.—Paston Letters, vol. i., No. 93.

Right worshipful Sir,

I recommend me to you, and am right sorry of that I shall say, and so washed this little bill with sorrowful tears, that on these ye shall read it.

As on Monday next after May day there come tidings to London that on Thursday before the Duke of Suffolk come unto the coast of Kent full near Dover with his two ships and a little spinner; the which spinner he sent with certain letters to certain of his trusted men unto Calais wards, to know how he should be received; and with him met a ship called Nicolas of the Tower, with other ships waiting on him, and by them that were in the spinner the master of the Nicolas had knowledge of the duke's coming. And when he espied the duke's ships, he sent forth his boat to know what they were, and the duke himself spake to them, and said, he was by the King's commandment sent to Calais wards, etc.

And they said he must speak with their master. And so he, with two or three of his men, went forth with them in their boat to the Nicolas; and when he come, the master bade him "Welcome, Traitor," as men say; and further the master desired to know if the shipmen would hold with the duke, and they sent word they would not in no wise; and so he was in the Nicolas till Saturday next following.

Some say he wrote much things to be delivered to the King, but that is not verily known. He had his confessor with him, etc.