VOL. I 1917-1918

THE
WISCONSIN MAGAZINE
OF HISTORY

PUBLICATIONS OF THE
STATE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN.

Edited by

MILO M. QUAIFE,

Superintendent

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I

INCREASE A. LAPHAM

VOL. I, NO. 1 SEPTEMBER, 1917

WISCONSIN MAGAZINE
OF HISTORY

PUBLICATIONS OF THE
STATE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN.

Edited by

MILO M. QUAIFE,

Superintendent

CONTENTS

Copyright, 1917, by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

INCREASE ALLEN LAPHAM, FIRST SCHOLAR OF WISCONSIN

By Milo M. Quaife

The most characteristic and comprehensive theme in all American history is that of the westward movement. From the time of the first feeble landings at Quebec, at Plymouth, and at Jamestown, the history of our country has been characterized by a steady westward surge of the population, reaching out eagerly for new lands to conquer, and in the process carrying the banner of civilization ever westward and establishing successive new communities and states. The present generation of students of American history has not been unmindful of the importance and interest which attaches to this westward movement, and has not failed to accord it, in the main, all due recognition. With the doings and deserts of our pioneer farm, canal, railroad, and city builders, our hewers of wood and drawers of water, in a word, historians have long made us familiar. Unfortunately, however, too little attention has been given, and too little recognition accorded, the equally important service of those among our western pioneers who laid the foundations of our spiritual and intellectual civilization. That man may not live by bread alone was stated long ago on excellent authority. The hewing down of the forests and breaking of the prairies, the building of houses, highways, and cities were all essential steps in the process of transforming the wilderness into an abode of enlightened civilization. Equally essential was the establishment of institutions of learning and religion, and the development of a taste for literature and art. The blossoming of these finer fruits of civilization inevitably tended to sweeten and refine the society of the pioneers, which otherwise,

engrossed in a stern physical struggle with the wilderness, must have become hard and gross in character.

Fortunate indeed is the pioneer community which numbers among its settlers intellectual and spiritual leaders fired with enthusiasm and endowed with ability. Fortunate it was for Wisconsin when in the very year of her birth as a territory, Increase Allen Lapham cast his lot for the remainder of his life with her. The service rendered by the intellectual aristocracy of pioneer Massachusetts and the other New England colonies has long been accorded ample recognition. The valiant labors of Increase Lapham in the service of the state of his adoption have largely gone unheeded and unrewarded to the present moment. Yet it is safe to predict that when the future historian shall come to scan the record of the first half century of Wisconsin’s history as a territory and state, he will affirm that no man brought greater honor to her or performed more valuable services in her behalf than did the modest scholar, Increase Allen Lapham.

The frontier has ever been proud of its self-made men, esteeming chiefly, not who a man might be but rather what he was able to do. Lapham was a true frontiersman in this respect at least, that he was a wholly self-made scholar. He was born in March, 1811, at Palmyra, New York, “two miles west of the Macedon locks on the Erie Canal.” His father, Seneca Lapham, was an engineering contractor, the pursuit of whose profession necessitated frequent family removals. Thus, in 1818 the family was located at Pottsville, Pennsylvania, where the father was employed on the Schuylkill Canal; two years later he was back on the Erie Canal and the family was residing for a second time at Galen, New York; the next few years witnessed further removals to Rochester and Lockport in New York, and to several points in Ohio.

The boy, Increase Lapham, was evidently a precocious youth. At thirteen years of age he “found frequent sale”

for his drawings of the plan of the locks his father had assisted in constructing at Lockport. About this time he gained employment, first at cutting stone for the locks and then as rodman on the canal. While engaged in stonecutting, he wrote in later years, “I found my first fossils and began my collection. The beautiful specimens I found in the deep rock cut at this place gave me my first ideas of mineralogy and initiated a habit of observation which has continued through all my life. I found amusement and pastime in the study of nature, leading to long walks in the country, and as I found no others of similar tastes these rambles were usually without companions.”

When fifteen years of age the youth followed his father to Ohio where he worked for a short time on the Miami Canal, removing at the close of the year, 1826, to undertake similar employment at Louisville. At this time, apparently, he first attracted the attention of members of the world of scholarship, for we find the renowned scientist, Professor Silliman of Yale, writing to thank him “for the liberal spirit which you manifest in encouraging a work designed to promote the public good”—the work in question being the American Journal of Science, of which Silliman was the founder and editor. Within a few months the boy made his first contribution to scholarship by sending to Silliman, for publication in the American Journal of Science, a comprehensive description of the canal around the Ohio Rapids.

At this time he was only sixteen, and his opportunities for schooling had been exceedingly scant. Yet his habits of observation and his powers of reasoning and of expressing himself in clear and convincing English might well be coveted by the average college undergraduate of today. A convenient illustration of these powers is afforded by Lapham’s journal entry for October 24. 1827:

A smoky day. Mr. Henry, the engineer [of the canal], is of the opinion that the smoke occasioning our Indian summer, as the smoky weather is called, does not originate in the burning prairies in the West,

or in other extensive fires; but that it is from the decay of vegetation. (If it is possible for vegetables to be converted into smoke without combustion this will appear very probable!!!!)

He relates an instance of a very smoky day at New Madrid being followed by an earthquake; this he supposed to be the smoke that had arisen through the ground. I told him that I supposed it was owing to a peculiar state of the atmosphere which was unfavorable to the decomposition of smoke; to this he made no reply.

The years of Lapham’s youth and early manhood from 1827-36 must be passed in rapid review. Two years in all were spent on canal work at Louisville; over three more followed at Portsmouth, Ohio; in April, 1833, the Ohio State Board of Canal Commissioners installed the young engineer (now twenty-two years of age) as its secretary at an annual salary of $400. Thereafter for three years his headquarters were in the state capitol at Columbus, his work being that of secretary of the canal commission. Meanwhile the elder Lapham, advised and financially assisted by his sons, Darius and Increase, had abandoned the calling of canal contractor and settled upon a farm near Mount Tabor. This became the permanent family home, and here Seneca Lapham acquired a well-deserved repute among his fellows both for his sobriety of character and for his progressive ideas and practices with respect to farming operations. In the years under review Increase Lapham continued to pursue with enthusiasm his scientific studies and investigations, the range of his interests and observations widening with every passing year. Relations of acquaintance and friendship were established with a large number of scientific investigators, all of them, doubtless, much older than was Lapham himself. The study of botany and zoölogy, and investigations with respect to more scientific methods of farming were begun. In a communication on “Agriculture in Ohio,” contributed to the Genesee Farmer in 1833, the modern doctrine with respect to rotation of crops and scientific renovation of the soil through the use of fertilizers was laid down. A third of a century later, but still over a third of a century in

advance of the recent movement for the conservation of the natural resources of the country, Lapham followed up this general line of thought by writing and publishing as a Wisconsin legislative document a comprehensive argument in favor of the conservation of the state’s forest resources. Happy had it been for both state and nation if heed had been given in time to the vital problem to which he thus early called attention.

To a practical application of the Jacksonian theory of spoils politics was due the migration of Lapham from the capital of Ohio to the new-born town of Milwaukee in the spring of 1836. In later years he humorously explained that he was “reformed” out of office and employment in Ohio; at the time, there is reason to believe, the blow was not considered in a humorous light. Early in his canal career Lapham had worked under Byron Kilbourn, who now had thrown in his fortunes with the rising young village of Milwaukee. As a leading promoter of the coming metropolis Kilbourn had extensive business projects in view, among them that of procuring the construction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal, which would, it was fondly believed, go far toward realizing for the nascent city her dreams of metropolitan greatness. There was much demand for men possessed of engineering ability, and Kilbourn, who had conceived a friendship for Lapham which was to prove lifelong, now brought him to Wisconsin on a salary of $1,000 a year. Thus Wisconsin became his permanent home, for he left Milwaukee only to remove in old age to a farm near Oconomowoc.

At the mouth of the Milwaukee River Lapham found, on his arrival on July 3, 1836, fifty houses where a few months before had been but two or three. In coming from the older settled portion of Ohio to Milwaukee he had entered a new world. Chicago was still in the height of its first mad speculative boom and conditions at Milwaukee differed only

in detail from those which prevailed at Chicago. Indeed, on reaching Detroit on his westward journey, Lapham wrote to his brother: “I am now, and have been since I arrived at Sandusky, in what might very properly be called the world of speculators: everybody you meet is engaged in some speculation; everything you hear has some speculation at the bottom. The hotel where I am now writing has suspended on the walls of the barroom plats of new towns; I have added the ninth.” No wonder the impecunious young man, engulfed in such an atmosphere, proceeded, immediately upon his arrival at Milwaukee, to purchase three town lots for $5,000, payable “one-half in one one-half in two years.” How did he expect to provide the money to meet this obligation? He did not expect to provide it; he “bought them for the purpose of selling them again at a higher price.”

Lapham, however, was never designed for a business man, and he never acquired more than a very modest competence in life. I have spoken of the speculative mania which then pervaded all the newer West merely to illustrate the sincerity of the young immigrant’s devotion to scholarship, from the pursuit of which even the thrill and intoxication of perhaps the greatest boom the country has ever witnessed could detain him only momentarily. Within two weeks of his arrival at Milwaukee he records that he has made a map of the county (possibly a professional matter) and “done a little botanizing.” Even earlier, while at Detroit en route to the West, he had taken time to write Professor Asa Gray an offer to collect for him specimens from the new region to which the writer was going. “Let me entreat you to pay particular attention to my pets, the grasses,” wrote the noted botanist in reply; “I will see that you have due credit for every interesting discovery.” Six weeks after his arrival at Milwaukee Lapham wrote to another botanical friend that he found many new plants at Milwaukee; and that “in order to inform my friends of what plants are found here and to

enable them to indicate such as they want I think of publishing a catalogue of such as I find.”

Thus was conceived the idea responsible for the first publication of a scientific character within the bounds of the present state of Wisconsin, for before the close of the year there issued from the office of Milwaukee’s newly founded newspaper a Catalogue of Plants and Shells, Found in the Vicinity of Milwaukee, on the West Side of Lake Michigan, by I. A. Lapham. It would probably be safe to affirm that this was the first scientific work to be published west of the Great Lakes, at least to the north of St. Louis. For in literary matters Chicago, whose commercial progress Milwaukee never succeeded in equalling, must yield the palm of leadership to her early North Shore rival. Leaving out of consideration one or two lyceum lectures which were printed after delivery, the earliest Chicago imprint of a scholarly character of which I have any knowledge is Mrs. Kinzie’s well-known story of the Chicago massacre, published as a pamphlet in 1844; and this, a reminiscent family narrative, does not deserve to be regarded as scholarly in the true sense of the term.

In 1838, two years after his arrival, Lapham began the collection of material for a gazeteer of Wisconsin. Published at Milwaukee in 1844, it constitutes both Wisconsin’s first book of history and the state’s first home-made book of any character to be published in more durable binding than paper. So attractive were its merits that an unscrupulous rival author, Donald McLeod, more adept at wielding the scissors than the pen, promptly and brazenly plagiarized a large portion of its contents for his History of Wiskonsan, published, appropriately enough, by “Steele’s Press” at Buffalo, in 1846: and a copy of this fraudulent publication was recently offered for sale by a dealer, with due encomiums upon its rarity and worth, for the modest sum of thirty dollars.

Thus far we have followed Lapham’s career in due chronological order. Some thirty years were yet to elapse before his death in 1875, years crowded with earnest, self-effacing labors in the cause of scholarship. In what follows I shall treat of his various scholarly interests and achievements in topical order, without regard to chronology.

Although himself self-taught Lapham’s active interest in educational institutions persisted throughout his life. In 1843 he secured the adoption by the territorial legislature of a resolution to Congress petitioning a grant of land for the purpose of establishing in Wisconsin an institution for the instruction of the deaf and dumb, and blind, and an asylum for the insane. He is the real father of the Milwaukee public high school system. In 1846 he donated thirteen acres of land lying within the city limits for the purpose of establishing the first high school. In the spring of 1848 he was commissioned by the city as its agent to secure a loan of $16,000 in the East for the building of schoolhouses, and he made the long trip to New York and Boston on this public mission. In the same year he proffered the newly authorized University of Wisconsin the gift of “a pretty extensive herbarium” of 1,000 or 1,500 species of plants. In March, 1848, by a meeting of citizens held at the council house “it was deemed expedient to establish a college in this city” and an executive committee of five townsmen was appointed with full power to consummate the desired object. Lapham was one of the five men charged with this weighty responsibility, and out of this movement proceeded the “Milwaukee Female Seminary,” which today is represented by the Milwaukee-Downer College, one of the state’s noble institutions of higher learning. In August, 1850, as president of the executive board of the college, Lapham had the satisfaction of delivering to its first two graduates their diplomas. When, in later years, he was offered a professorship in the school he declined the position, modestly explaining that his

lack of education and of teaching experience rendered him unfit to discharge the trust.

With our own State Historical Society his connection was long and honorable. Before coming to Wisconsin he had actively engaged in the work of the Ohio Historical and Philosophical Society. He hailed with joy the formation of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin in 1849 and was one of the committee of three which drafted its first constitution. The society being formally organized, he at once began to labor to promote its collections. He served as its vice-president for twelve years, and as president for ten additional years. With the Smithsonian Institution he established relations of mutual helpfulness almost immediately upon its organization. Of his relations with this and other learned institutions more will be said in connection with certain lines of investigation which he carried on.

In 1849 Dr. Lapham proposed to the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Massachusetts, to make an extensive survey of the mounds and other ancient remains in Wisconsin provided the society would defray the actual outlay of money involved. The enterprise thus proposed was adopted by the Antiquarian Society, as a result of which the survey was made, the fruits of it being given to the scientific world a few years later in Lapham’s Antiquities of Wisconsin. This work, published under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution, is filled with the author’s drawings, beautifully executed, of the numerous earthworks and mounds he had located. Students of American archeology will always owe the patient author a heavy debt of gratitude for having carefully plotted and described these evidences of aboriginal habitation in Wisconsin before the work of destruction which inevitably attended the advance of white settlement had gained much headway.

Thus in many departments of learning—in geology, botany, conchology, in meteorology, history, and archeology—Lapham

busied himself, acquiring repute among the scholars of Europe as in America, all the while earning his simple living by such professional work as he permitted himself the time to do. Perhaps no single achievement of his possesses more of interest to the world in general or has directly added more to the well-being and comfort of every one of us than his work in securing the establishment of a weather-service bureau by the national government. It cannot be claimed that he fathered the idea of such a service and its attendant possibility of foretelling weather conditions far enough in advance to make the information of real commercial value. Neither can Robert Fulton be credited with having fathered the idea of the steamboat. Yet we rightly regard Fulton as its real inventor, since he was the first to demonstrate the practicability of the idea. So with Lapham and the weather bureau. For twenty years he urged upon the Smithsonian Institution, the Wisconsin legislature, and other agencies of society the practicability and the immense advantage of such a government service. For twenty years, as a private individual he made records and observations, seeking to demonstrate his claims. But in the nature of the case (as Lapham repeatedly pointed out) only some powerful agency like the national government could take the many observations at different points necessary to the success of the work, assemble their results, and make them known throughout the nation in time to be of practical use to the public. Finally, the persistent seeker after the public good succeeded in attracting the notice of men powerful enough to compel the attention of Congress. As a result the law for the incorporation of the signal service was passed. How the result was achieved by Lapham may best be told in the words of a man to whom he had appealed for assistance. At the meeting of the National Board of Fire Underwriters, held in New York in April, 1875, a resolution to appoint a special committee to correspond with the United States Signal Service Department in

relation to wind as an element in fire risks was under consideration when Hon. E. D. Holton rose and said:

There is a little man who lives in my town about so high (holding his hand a little lower than his shoulders) who lives in an obscure part of the town, and is known to comparatively few people in the town. You go to his house and find it filled with all the evidences of science, specimens from the vegetable world and the mineral world. Going to London a few years ago I was given by this little man a letter of introduction to Sir William Hooker, custodian of the Kew Gardens, which secured for me eminent entertainment and influence. Five years ago as I was about to leave my house to go to Richmond, Virginia, to attend a meeting of the National Board of Trade, he came to my house and had a resolution drawn to be submitted to the National Board of Trade, declaring that the national government should organize a service to look after the winds of the continent of America.

When I came to Richmond I presented that resolution. It received a most eloquent second from the late General Wolbridge, an eminent citizen of New York. The National Board of Trade immediately passed the resolution. As soon as it was passed I sent it to my friend, General Paine, then member of Congress from my district in Wisconsin, and in an incredibly short space of time for that august body—which is supposed to have at least as much red tape as the National Insurance Company—it was passed. I did not expect that the wind question would meet me at this angle of the insurance trade, but it seems it has.

That gentleman I will name. I rise to make these remarks and I wish to speak his name in this connection, because out of his labors so persistent, in his humble house, so unknown to his countrymen—for he is better known in foreign circles of science than in his own country—and through his labors and instrumentality, this thing has been brought into its present shape. His name is Dr. Increase Allen Lapham of Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

And how, it may be asked, did Lapham’s fellow-men requite his lifelong labors devoted to the public good? The answer which must be made affords much support to the proverbial belief in the ungratefulness of republics. When in 1870 Congress passed the bill providing for the weather-signal service, its execution was entrusted to the chief signal officer of the army. By him Lapham was employed for a short time as special assistant in the War Department at a yearly salary of $2,000. When he sent home (he was stationed at Chicago) to his daughter the proceeds of his first month’s wages, she wrote to her brother as follows:

Last Friday father sent home $128.03 to be deposited as the first money of any amount he ever received for any scientific occupation (regular salary at least) and Thursday afternoon I was down town and met B. He said he had been around among some of father’s friends and collected $100 to make father a life member of the Chicago Astronomical Society—(You know this society owns the “big telescope” at Dearborn Observatory).

I forbear to quote the daughter’s delighted remarks which follow; more profitable will it be for us to consider for a moment the bitter irony of this situation. After more than forty years of zealous public service to receive so pitiful a salary, his first tangible reward, and to have this discontinued within a few months time! To be fitted both by inherent tastes and lifelong training to enjoy and profit by membership in such an association, and yet unable, because our countrymen estimate the services of scholars so low, to pay the paltry membership fee! Here, indeed, is the cross on which in the United States today we crucify scholarship.

One other matter and I shall conclude. Before he left Ohio Dr. Lapham had labored to induce the legislature to make provision for a geological survey of that state. From the time of his arrival in Wisconsin he strove as an individual to carry out such a survey here. Necessarily in order to do it thoroughly and to publish its results the power of the state must be brought into play. At length in 1873 provision was made by statute for a geological survey of Wisconsin and Governor Washburn appointed Dr. Lapham chief geologist to have the direction of the enterprise. The work was pushed vigorously and efficiently throughout the seasons of 1873 and 1874. Suddenly, in January, 1875, Governor Taylor removed Dr. Lapham in order to make a place for one of his spoils-seeking supporters. According to the American Journal of Science the new geologist’s “sole recommendation for the position was political services, no one having ever heard of him before as acquainted with geology or any other science.” Thus finally did our state requite its first scholar—first

certainly from the viewpoint of chronology, and probably first from every other viewpoint. “Knowing that time, which cures all things,” wrote the three assistant geologists he had chosen two years before, “will do you ample justice, and feeling most strongly the irreparable loss that the state has sustained in the disseverment of your connection with the survey, we remain with the most sincere respect, Your obedient servants.” As an indication of the quality of the assistants selected by Dr. Lapham it may be noted that one of the men who thus testified this appreciation of their deposed chief was Thomas Chrowder Chamberlin, who has been for many years chief geologist of the University of Chicago.

Time indeed cures all things, notwithstanding that the mills of the gods grind slowly. Of Dr. Lapham’s spoilsman successor as chief geologist of Wisconsin, it may still be said, as at the time of his appointment, that his reputation as a scientist yet remains to be made. Governor Taylor, who made the removal, sleeps in silent Forest Hill within sight of the capitol where formerly he ruled a state; while in the holy of holies of the beautiful new state capitol, the governor’s reception chamber, in the midst of famous soldiers, explorers, and legislators, an eminent artist has chosen to depict the application of scientific knowledge to the benefit of mankind in the person of Doctor Lapham seated at his desk, before him an open manuscript, and on the wall nearby, supported by two children typifying the winds, his map of the United States, showing the first storm traced across the country. More recently still, prompted by the urging of citizens of the locality, the federal government has given to the highest eminence in Waukesha County, overlooking the beautiful lake region which Dr. Lapham so loved in life, the name of Lapham Peak. Time is slowly proving his worth. More fitting memorials than these he could not have asked.

A FOREST FIRE IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN

By John L. Bracklin[1]

I had been running a steamboat on Lake Chetak and Birch Lake in Sawyer County, Wisconsin, during the summer of 1898 and had finished my work September 25. I arrived in Rice Lake with the expectation of having a couple of weeks’ rest before again taking up my duties as foreman of one of Knapp, Stout, and Company’s logging camps for the winter. I had been in town one day, about long enough to get cleaned up, when I went down to the company’s office to draw some money. While I was in the general office some one said: “Your father wants to see you in his office.” I walked into his office and sat down. He had a map showing camp locations and other data spread out on the desk before him, which he studied for a few moments and then turned to me, saying: “John, how soon can you get ready to go to the woods?” This, as you know, could have but one answer, and that was, “Now!” “All right,” he said, “I am somewhat alarmed about this long-continued dry spell and fires might spring up at any moment, and none of the camps or dams in your locality have any fire protection, such as back-firing and water-barrels at hand. Therefore I wish you would pick up a few men and whatever you might need and get up to your camp, make your headquarters there, and look after the camps in that vicinity, namely: Mulvaney’s, Aronson’s, Knutson’s, Max Down’s, Thompson’s, and the old Ahern Camp on Sucker Creek.”

I swallowed the disappointment of a contemplated trip to Minneapolis to see the only girl I ever thought very much of, whom I had not seen for about eight months, and stepping over to the shipping clerk’s desk, I wrote up a list of food supplies and a requisition for a team to move the same, expecting to start the following morning. I went out on the street to pick up some men and came across Lee Miller and Frank Wirth, inseparable pals, who had worked for me the previous winter. I asked them how soon they would be ready to go to the woods, and they said, “Right now.” “All right,” said I, “pack your sacks and be here at six in the morning, and we will load the team and go.” While we were talking, another man came along, Julius Peterson by name, a hunchback, who, notwithstanding his deformity, was considered one of the best sawyers that ever felled a tree. He also was willing to start immediately, so I went over to the hotel and wrote the only girl—who, by the way, has been my wife for the past seventeen years—that I would have to defer that visit for another seven or eight months. I got my clothes packed again, and at six-thirty the following morning we were on our way to my camp at the head of Birch Lake, a distance of about thirty miles.

We arrived at Cedar Lake Dam for dinner and at camp about eight o’clock the night of September 27, 1898. We opened the door of the cook-shanty very cautiously, so as not to disturb a family of skunks who yearly took up their abode under the floors of the camps during the summer months. They did not approve of being disturbed, and from past experiences we decided not to make any unnecessary noise, such as moving tables and heavy boxes along the floors, until such time as they might be more accustomed to our presence. We built a fire in the stove and made some coffee, and after what we called a “store-feed,” consisting of cheese, crackers, and sardines, we spread our blankets upon the floor to sleep as only men of that day could. We arose about five-thirty

on the morning of the twenty-eighth, had another store-breakfast, unloaded the wagon, and started the team back to town. Then the great question confronted us as to who was to do the cooking. The regular cook for the winter, Herman Gottschalk, could not be had for at least two weeks, as he was cooking for the rafting-crews at Reed’s Landing. Frank Wirth finally agreed to a compromise: he was to do the cooking until such time as the first man should kick and then said man was to cook until someone else should kick, to which we all agreed.

Leaving Wirth at the camp to cook up a regular dinner, Miller, Peterson, and I left for Mulvaney’s Camp to see what condition it would be in, if we had the unexpected fire. We arrived there about ten o’clock and opened up the blacksmith shop, got out empty barrels, cooking utensils, and everything that would hold water, and started Miller out to round up a couple of yokes of cattle. He returned in an hour or so with about ten head. We selected two yokes out of the bunch and, hooking them up to a breaking-plow, plowed about a dozen furrows around the camp, after which we turned them loose. They immediately started off in a westernly direction, which you may call animal instinct if you will, for we afterward found that to be the only possible direction they could have taken and evaded the fire, which unbeknown to us was so soon to follow. We sat down and smoked our pipes and joked about the unnecessary precaution of filling the barrels, as at that time it was one of the prettiest autumn days I have ever seen, not a cloud in the sky, not a breeze stirring, no sign of smoke anywhere, and no possible chance, apparently, of there ever being a fire. Nevertheless, we were carrying out instructions and we set to work to fill up the barrels, which took about an hour.

We had just filled the barrels on the roof of the long barns, when Miller, who was on top of one of the barns, called my attention to a cloud of smoke that had suddenly sprung

up on the horizon about five or six miles to the south and west of us. I climbed up on the roof of the barn, where I could get a better view. The wind suddenly arose and within ten minutes it had attained the velocity of a cyclone; what followed happened so quickly it has never as yet been quite clear to me. I can remember the black cloud settling down and in less time than it takes to write this, the fire was upon us—not on the ground as you might imagine, but in the air. The heat became terrific and the first sign of a blaze sprang up in the top of a broken stump about twenty feet in height and a hundred feet from the sleeping-shanty.

I jumped off the roof of the barn, grabbed up a water bucket, Peterson doing the same, and ran for the sleeping-shanty, a distance of about 150 feet. Before we could reach it, it was afire. We threw several buckets of water upon it, but the water might have been kerosene for all the good it did. Seeing it was useless to try to save the sleeping-shanty or the cook-shanty, which were only a few feet apart, we ran back to the barns, thinking to save them. This may sound dubious, but it all happened within twenty minutes of the time we first saw smoke four or five miles away. As quickly as we reached the barn I motioned to Miller to dump the barrels of water which we had placed there; those buildings, if you remember them, were each about sixty feet in length, standing parallel, with a hay shed between, which contained about ten tons of baled hay left over from the previous winter. While Miller ran to the far end of the barn, upsetting the six or seven barrels as he ran, Peterson and I were throwing water on the hay shed. I don’t suppose we had thrown more than ten or twelve buckets when the roof of the barn took fire. As I said before, the fire seemed to be in the very air, for strange as it may seem, the dry grass and leaves around the buildings were not yet burned. In less than a minute the roof was afire from one end to the other. I motioned to Miller to jump off. He did so and ran towards

me. When he got near enough so that I could hear, he yelled: “What in hell will we do now, and which way will we go?”

Then for the first time I realized the danger we were in. A glance around showed only one way open and that was due north towards a wall of virgin green timber, a distance of about 500 yards. The ground between us and the edge of the timber had been logged the previous winter, leaving treetops and brush piled up here and there in great heaps—you know how it would look after being logged. How we got to the edge of the timber I can hardly remember, but in the excitement I still had the empty water-bucket in my hand. We reached the timber to find that the fire had beaten us. Perhaps a burning brand from one of the buildings had dropped just at the edge of the timber among the dry leaves and had burned a strip of ground about 200 feet in width, leaving the ground perfectly bare. Luckily for us the timber was green, with no underbrush to hold the fire, for when we reached there, there was nothing left on the ground but the smouldering ashes of the leaves. We stopped to get our breath, and then it dawned upon us how useless it was to run. I said to Miller, “If we ever get out of this, it will be by staying right here.” He gave me one look, which I shall never forget, as much as to say, “Man, you are crazy,” and again started to run, Peterson following. I then turned and looked back whence we had come. There was a solid wall of fire similar to a great wave, extending as far to each side as one could see and mounting fifty feet in height. It is hard to express just what my feelings were, but I remember that I ceased to be afraid, knowing that our time had come, there being not a possible chance to come out alive. The main body of the fire by that time had reached a point about where the camps had stood. I was almost tempted to start to run, when I turned to find Miller and Peterson again at my side. They had run only a short distance into the tail end of the advance fire and had come back. I remember Miller lying on

his face on the ground with his head stuck into a hole that he had dug out with his hands. The ground at the roots of the trees was damp, and the only way we could breathe was by lying on the ground, for when we stood up the heat and smoke were so thick we could not breathe.

It is interesting to hear people relate their experiences and close encounters with death. After hearing them, I can judge just how close they really have been to real death. For as I see it, it has four stages—first, the excitement; then fear; then resolution; then death itself. At about this time we had reached the point of resolve; Miller and Peterson were on their knees praying, while as for myself, nothwithstanding I have lived a somewhat better life since, I concluded that as I had never asked God for anything prior to that, it was a very poor time to start in now that I was about to die. So I concluded to go just as I was, believing, as I still do, that a death-bed confession would avail me nothing. You can best realize our position when I tell you that we were never over four feet apart for at least four hours and during that period there was not one word exchanged among us. At the end of that time I was standing leaning up against a tree. Other trees were falling all around us, and as I stood there wishing one might fall on me and end it all, it started to rain. It must have poured, for before I realized what had happened I was wet to the skin. That brought me back to my senses and I realized that I was alive and that I still wanted to live. I ran a short distance and it came to me like a flash that I was going the wrong way to get out. I turned and ran back, and as I ran, stumbled over Peterson, who was still on his knees. The first word to break the dull silence of those hours was spoken then, when he said, “What in hell are you trying to do?” We made our way out to the old tote road, and after walking about a mile west, got out of the range of the fire.

We made our way back to camp to find Wirth all excited. His greeting was, “Gee, you ought to have been here this afternoon, for everything at the dam”—meaning Birch Lake dam—“has burned, camps and all, for I could see the hay stacks as they would catch fire and the flames shoot up in the air hundreds of feet.” Then the thought flashed upon me: The dam, suppose it should burn out. With an eleven-foot head of water on Birch Lake and Big Chetak, what would happen to the country below? Miller and Peterson being all in, I asked Wirth if he would go with me and try to make the dam. The rain had lasted only about half an hour and the fire, which had again got under way, but with no wind, was fortunately not burning as furiously as earlier in the day. The road to the dam took us back into the edge of the fire, but on making several detours we reached the dam to find both wings afire. Pete Null, and four or five men who had been stationed there at the Birch Lake Camp, were making a desperate fight to save the dam, but they were almost played out, having fought in vain all afternoon to save the camps.

One glance and I saw what to do. Wirth and I picked up a couple of peavies, and climbing down to the apron, ripped up four or five planks and stuck them on end down under the bed plates, or stringers, leaving them standing pointing up stream at an angle of forty-five degrees. We then climbed back upon the dam and raised the gate four or five inches. When the current struck those planks it threw a spray of water all over both wings of the dam and inside of ten minutes we had the fire completely out.

MAP PREPARED BY MR. BRACKLIN TO ILLUSTRATE HIS NARRATIVE

We all sat down and rested for about half an hour; then Wirth and I took a boat and rowed back to camp, a distance of about two miles. When we reached there, about midnight, the rain set in and it rained until noon the following day. Miller and Peterson were still unable to move around much, as their faces and hands were badly blistered and their

eyes pained them terribly. As for myself, aside from being unable to speak above a whisper, I was in pretty good shape, and knowing it would only be a couple of days until father, as soon as he could reach us, would be there to look the situation over—plans for the coming winter of logging would have to be changed to include all the timber that had been burned, for in that country a tree though slightly burned would be worm-eaten inside of a year unless cut—I started out with Wirth the next morning to find, if we could, just how far the fire had extended east and west and to look up a site for a camp to replace the Mulvaney Camp which had burned. We found that the fire had taken a course similar to that of a cyclone, about three miles in width and about twenty miles in length, extending from a point four miles south and west of Cedar Lake Dam, crossing the narrows between Cedar Lake and Hemlock up the east shore of Cedar Lake to a point about opposite Stout’s Island, and then north to the shores of Big Chetak just west of the Aronson Camp in Section 4—in all an area of about seventeen miles in length and two to four miles in width.

Father and L. S. Tainter arrived the next day and after looking over the site for the new camp we came back to the scene of our experience of a few days before. We had about reached the point when father turned to me saying, “John, did I understand you to say you were here during this fire?” I answered “Yes.” He looked at me for a moment with, you will remember, that peculiar squint of his and then he said, “John, you lie, for no man could have been here when this fire passed and lived to tell the tale.” Nevertheless we were there, and are still living.

[1] The author of this narrative is a native of Rice Lake, Wisconsin. His father, James Bracklin, was for over thirty years superintendent of logging and log-driving for the Knapp, Stout, and Company lumbering corporation. Under his tutelage the son received his training for his life-calling of woodsman and lumberman. The present narrative was prepared in the form of a letter to Mr. Henry E. Knapp of Menomonie, to whom we are indebted for the opportunity to put it into print.

BANKERS’ AID IN 1861-62[2]

By Louise P. Kellogg

When the news of the firing upon Fort Sumter aroused the North, all eyes were turned upon New York, not only as the monetary center of the country, but as a city most closely allied in financial interests with the South. The moneyed men of that city responded to the country’s danger. Upon the stock exchange cheers were given for Major Anderson, and April 17, 1861, resolutions were passed pledging the loyalty of the institution to the government. Anderson and his command from Fort Sumter reached New York on April 18, and on Saturday, April 20, a monster mass-meeting was held in Union Square, where five speaker’s stands had been erected. The resolutions adopted at this meeting not only pledged the loyalty of the city, but provided for a Union Defense Committee, comprising thirty of the most prominent financiers and bankers headed by General John A. Dix, recently secretary of the treasury under President Buchanan. The mayor and the comptroller of the city were ex-officio members of this committee. The city council appropriated $1,000,000 for the immediate needs of the New York troops, and raised the funds by the sale of Union Defense bonds. The Committee of Union Defense acted ex-officio as a federal agent, attending to the equipment and dispatching of regiments, purchasing steamers for transportation, feeding and sheltering the troops, without waiting for the action of the federal authorities. At one time three members of the committee were entrusted with $2,000,000 federal money without security or compensation. By these means the Seventh New York

Regiment was dispatched for the protection of Washington, and other troops were moved toward the front. The Union Defense Committee was maintained for about one year. Its later duties were concerned with the care of funds raised for the benefit of the volunteers and their families. It collected and disbursed for this purpose about $1,000,000.

Meanwhile the city banks were loyally endeavoring to prevent a financial crisis. April 25, 1861 they determined to hold all their specie as a common fund, this being a precautionary measure to sustain public confidence. There were in New York City fifty-four banks with a capital of $69,907,000. Much of their paper was held in the southern states, where debts to northern holders were quickly repudiated. Nevertheless, in the entire state of New York only five banks suspended during 1861, and none of these in New York City.

Following the example of New York, the banks of Boston and Philadelphia pooled all their cash reserves. The Boston banks, of which there were forty-two, with a capital of $38,231,000, and which had a clearing-house system, aided in preventing an immediate panic.

Western banks were less well prepared to meet the emergency. Most of them held southern state bonds as the basis of their currency system. During 1861 bank after bank went to the wall, and the notes of others depreciated with startling rapidity.

All the banks of that period were either state banks or private banking concerns. The national banking-system did not come into being until 1863. The first (though indirect) aid furnished by the banks in the national crisis of 1861 was the preservation of their own integrity, and therewith the entire credit system of the North, from collapse. This was accomplished through the instrumentality of the banks of the three chief cities of the East—New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. In the West, a few banks in Cincinnati, Chicago,

and Milwaukee were strong enough to support the situation, even while the larger part of the western banks went to the wall.

The direct aid furnished by the banks and bankers of the country to the state and federal governments during the early years of the Civil War may be classified under the three heads of contributions, loans, and agencies.

CONTRIBUTIONS

The call for troops awoke a patriotic fervor in many hearts, which led to an offering of money as well as of men. In this outpouring of gifts the bankers took their part, some giving as individuals, many in the name of their institutions. No complete record of these patriotic contributions is available. Harper’s Weekly of May 25, 1861, estimated that the individual gifts of more than $1,000 from counties, cities, societies, corporations, and other organizations totaled $27,000,000.

LOANS

The first necessity was that of temporary loans for both the state and federal governments.

Temporary loans to states. Patriotic impulse prompted the immediate offering of loans by the banks. In Massachusetts the bankers of Boston tendered the state government a loan up to ten per cent of their combined capital. In Illinois the banks of Springfield offered the state $100,000 on the day Lincoln called for troops. This was supplemented by the Chicago banks’ tender of $500,000. Throughout the early days of the war the banks in all localities were called upon for loans on the credit of the state. These were funded at seven per cent, then the usual interest for such transactions.

Temporary loans to the federal government. The treasury of the United States was in a desperate condition at the outbreak of the Civil War. Lacking resources even for its daily needs, it was totally unprepared for the great

strain immediately placed upon it. Secretary Chase did not have recourse to the bankers, however, until after the battle of Bull Run in July had proved that the war was not to be an affair of “three months.”

On the day that the news of the defeat at Bull Run reached Philadelphia, a young banker recently removed to that city from Ohio, an ardent partisan of Secretary Chase, drew up a paper offering to advance to the Secretary of the Treasury specified sums for sixty days at six per cent interest, returnable in specie or interest-bearing treasury notes. With this proposal he visited the principal banks and financial houses in his city, and raised for immediate government needs nearly $2,000,000 in one day. Chase was interested and grateful, and the fortunes of Jay Cooke, the young banker, were made from that day.

Early in 1862, when the government’s daily needs were increasing enormously, John J. Cisco, assistant treasurer of the sub-treasury at New York, made arrangements for a loan from the city banks of their temporarily idle funds. These were received on deposit for thirty days, subject to withdrawal thereafter on ten days’ notice. At first Cisco by this means secured much specie at four per cent; later, five and six per cent were paid for these advances. This money was largely used for the payment of the interest on the public debt. One banker in New York, it is said, became uneasy after lending the sub-treasury $1,000,000, and demanded its return. Cisco told him to send his carts for it immediately. The next day his faith in the government was restored and he concluded to leave his reserve with the sub-treasurer.

An instance of immediate aid to the government’s foreign diplomats is related in the biography of the late J. Pierpont Morgan. Morgan was in London on business for his house at a time when Charles Francis Adams was endeavoring to prove to the English government that certain vessels fitting in British ports were intended for Confederate privateers.

The officials were slow to accept Adams’ proofs, and he was much alarmed lest the commerce-destroyers should get to sea before he had succeeded in having an embargo placed on their departure. The British authorities finally agreed to detain the ships on condition that Adams should deposit £1,000,000 guarantee to indemnify the government should the owners not prove to be Confederates. Adams was in a dilemma: he could not well refuse such a proposition, but long before he could receive the money from America the cruisers would be at sea. He tried to borrow on his personal credit from London bankers, only to be rebuffed. Young Morgan heard of the situation, sought the ambassador, and promised to deliver $5,000,000 in gold into his hands in two days, asking only his personal receipt in return, while stipulating absolute secrecy concerning his patriotic action. In this wise two of the commerce-destroyers were detained in port, and the integrity of the American ambassador was vindicated.

Secured, or long-time, loans to states. Upon the news of the firing on Fort Sumter and the subsequent call for troops every northern legislature then in session appropriated a fund for war purposes. Indiana, for example, voted $500,000 for arms and equipment, and $100,000 for a contingent fund. Connecticut made an issue of $800,000 of war bonds. These funds were raised in various ways. In Massachusetts and Connecticut they were offered for popular subscription and sold at par. The western states placed their bonds on the New York stock market, where in many cases they sold at a considerable discount. Where the state’s credit was poor, and its banking-system insecure, the bonds could not be placed, and were recalled after being offered. Such was the case with Iowa and Wisconsin. Ohio recalled its bonds, after they had been advertised in New York, when it was learned that the federal government assumed all war expenses, and would refund these to the states.

Wisconsin adopted an ingenious plan, suggested to the State Bankers’ Association by Alexander Mitchell. The state banks had deposited with the state comptroller securities for their currency issues. The larger proportion of these securities was made up of the bonds of the southern or border states. Those of the secession states were considered worthless, while those of Missouri, large holdings of which were in Wisconsin, declined rapidly. The comptroller, as required by law, made assessments upon the state banks, which they found it difficult to meet. Mitchell proposed that the banks should purchase the bonds of the state war fund at par, and that the comptroller should accept them for the assessments. In this wise the credit of the state was improved and the currency secured. The details of the arrangement were that the banks took $800,000 of the war-fund bonds, seventy per cent of which was paid at once, three-fifths in specie and two-fifths in sound currency. The remaining thirty per cent was to be met in fifteen annual installments. The adoption of this expedient furnished the state with ready money, placed the banking currency on a sound foundation, and restored confidence to the community. Wisconsin’s banks resumed specie payments at the date fixed by law, December 1, 1861, and maintained them for some time after the New York banks had suspended such payments.

On the basis of these war-fund appropriations state agents flocked to New York to arrange for the purchase of war material. Arms and ammunition had to be largely secured from Europe. The New York banks arranged these transactions, and furnished exchange and information. The competition between the several state agents and those of the federal government raised prices inordinately. This was remedied when the federal government assumed full responsibility for all equipment.

The federal loans. The most important function of the banks was the aid they furnished the Secretary of the

Treasury in floating the great federal loans that were required by the war necessities. The special session of Congress which met in July, 1861, appropriated $250,000,000 for the immediate needs of the government, leaving large latitude with the Secretary of the Treasury as to the method by which this amount was to be raised.

The defeat at Bull Run put a very serious strain on the credit of the United States, and the forced sale of securities in a foreign market would have been disastrous to the future conduct of the war. In the dilemma in which he was placed, Secretary Chase paid a visit to New York, where Cisco, the assistant treasurer, invited the prominent financial authorities to meet him for consultation. Chase frankly stated the serious nature of the situation, and requested assistance and advice. From the standpoint of policy this was a wise measure, since previous to this time the New York bankers had held somewhat aloof from the operations of the federal treasury. Their prompt support at this crisis is to their perpetual credit, for although they largely profited in the end by this government connection, at the time of the operation the transactions were of daring boldness. The banks realized that without a firm government their own operations were imperiled, and thus they risked their all to support the government in its crisis.

At the first conference George E. Coe, president of the Exchange Bank, proposed an association to subscribe for the government loan. A committee appointed to develop a plan reported on August 15 for thirty-nine New York banks. Representatives from Boston and Philadelphia were likewise present, and the loan was apportioned among the three cities in accordance with the bank capital of each; that is, seventy per cent was to come from New York, twenty per cent from Boston, and ten per cent from Philadelphia. The association thus formed agreed to take immediately $50,000,000 of treasury bonds payable in three years with interest at seven and three-tenths per cent. This rate, representing a payment of

two cents a day on each one hundred dollars loaned, had been adopted by Secretary Chase in the hope of popularizing the bonds with the people. The banks composing the association were to pay over to the sub-treasuries of the three cities in specie ten per cent of the amount subscribed; the remainder was to be placed to the credit of the United States upon the books of the subscribing institutions. Meanwhile the bonds were to be offered to the people, both by the banks and the sub-treasurers, and no other United States securities were to be sold, except in Europe, while these subscriptions were being solicited. The associated banks also agreed to float a similar loan of $50,000,000 in October—if it had not by that time been taken by popular subscription—and another $50,000,000 in December.

This was the largest financial operation that had ever been attempted in the United States. Its successful accomplishment at that time was of the greatest possible value in maintaining public confidence, and in uniting the fortunes of the financiers with those of the federal government. It was a tribute to the organizing ability as well as to the patriotism of the founders of the bank association. The capital of the united banks was but $120,000,000, and their coin assets only $63,000,000. Their subscription to $150,000,000 of government securities was thus an act of faith.

In practice this agreement did not work out as the bankers had hoped. Chase refused to suspend the sub-treasury act, though authorized to do so by Congress, in order that the banks might pay the government’s creditors in clearing-house certificates; thus the specie began draining away from the banks into the sub-treasuries. The Secretary also began the issue of demand notes on the treasury in considerable amounts. Moreover, the public sales were less than had been anticipated. The bankers were accused of attempting to dictate to the government concerning the conduct of the war. The inevitable

result of all this friction was the suspension of specie payments by the New York banks December 30, 1861.

With the immense strain upon the government’s resources, the catastrophe of suspension would no doubt have occurred sooner or later; but financial historians believe that had Secretary Chase been more willing to accept the bankers’ propositions, had he coöperated with them more fully, the financing of the Civil War might have wrought less damage in the business world than it did.

AGENCIES

During the sale of the $150,000,000 bond issue Secretary Chase appointed a large number of agents in every part of the United States to secure the popular subscriptions. Most of these were presidents of local banks. The agents were allowed a commission of one-fifth of one per cent on the first $100,000, and one-eighth on later amounts. One hundred and fifty dollars was allowed for advertising purposes. A traveling agent went through the West, arranging for local agencies and assisting in advertising. It was proposed to allow the country bankers a larger commission with a view to stimulating wide sales, but this proposal the Secretary of the Treasury declined to adopt.

The western agents were not very successful in promoting this loan. Jay Cooke, of Philadelphia, sold more than one-fourth of all the bonds issued to the agents; but, in order to do so, spent more than the amount of his commission in advertising.

Secretary Chase became much interested in the measures adopted by this Philadelphia banker. As more and more pressure was put upon him for funds, he often consulted with Cooke, and frequently permitted the latter to buy United States securities to buoy up a falling market. On October 23, 1862 Chase appointed Jay Cooke sole agent for the conversion of legal tender treasury notes into the $500,000,000

six per cent five-twenty bonds authorized by Act of Congress February 25, 1862. By advertising on a larger scale than had hitherto been known, and by employment of 2,500 sub-agents, mostly bank presidents, in every part of the North, Jay Cooke accomplished his enormous task, the loan being finally over-subscribed by $11,000,000. His commission was three-eighths of one per cent on the first $100,000,000, of which one-eighth went to the sub-agent, and one-eighth to advertising and to placating the public press. The loan was sold in small denominations to every class of the population. Cooke patriotically resisted all proposals to sell large blocks of the bonds to European holders. He believed a bond issue held by the people was the safest means of financing and of prosecuting the war. He made the loan a great democratic institution. It is not too much to say that his success in selling this $500,000,000 bond issue “dispirited the South, gave Europe … useful evidence of the determined courage and material wealth of the northern people, and was a factor of vast importance in deciding the fate of the Union.”

[2] This article was originally prepared as a memorandum for the information of the Wisconsin State Council of Defense, in response to the request of Charles McCarthy, secretary of the Council.

HARVEY REID
[From a photograph taken in 1910]

DOCUMENTS

THE DIARY OF HARVEY REID: KEPT AT MADISON IN THE SPRING OF 1861

With Introduction and Notes by Milo M. Quaife

The war time diary of Harvey Reid possesses elements of permanent interest and value. Aside from this, however, it should have a special interest now, when we are still passing through the initial stage of another great war in behalf of human liberty and human rights. With the events and emotions of the past few months still fresh in mind, it is well to relive with our eager diarist the opening scenes of the Civil War at the capital of Wisconsin. Madison is an interesting city, with a rich and interesting history; yet it would be impossible to select, from all its eighty years of life, a period more crowded with exciting events than were the three months of April, May, and June, 1861. Fortunately a bright and eager observer was at hand making his daily record of the thrilling life of this exciting time.

Harvey Reid, the diarist, typifies the choicest product of our American civilization. It was not given to him to play a prominent rôle in the drama of his time. Instead, he belonged to the great mass of Americans, of whom, as individuals, posterity will retain no memory. But he was honest, industrious, and loyal, faithful to his country alike in military and in civil life. Although his education was limited to the district school, and to the ten-weeks’ preparatory course at the University of Wisconsin covered by the diary, he retained a lifelong interest in educational affairs, laboring effectively for many years as school director and library trustee. His intellectual vigor is attested by the fact that after reaching

his sixtieth year he began and diligently pursued the study of geology. In the historical field two substantial volumes stand to his credit—a biography of Enoch Long, published by the Chicago Historical Society, and one of Thomas Cox, published by the State Historical Society of Iowa.

Reid was born in Washington County, New York, March 30, 1842, of Scotch-Irish ancestry. When two years of age he was taken by his parents to Wisconsin, the journey being made by way of the Erie Canal and then around the Lakes to Racine, which was reached in June, 1844. The elder Reid shortly removed to Yorkville, and several years later to Union Corners (now Union Grove) in Racine County. Thus Reid grew to manhood in pioneer Wisconsin, and became in the fullest sense a product of the Badger State. In 1859, at the age of seventeen, he began teaching school in an adjoining district at a salary of twenty dollars a month. A second winter was passed in the same way (the summers being devoted to helping his father), and then, in the spring of 1861, came the prized opportunity of ten weeks’ schooling at the state university. How fully the young man improved it the pages of the diary reveal.

Of the three room-mates in old North Hall from Union Grove, in the spring of 1861, Goldsworthy, Fuller, and Reid, only the first-named resumed his studies in the autumn. Reid again taught a winter term of district school in Racine County, and then followed his parents, who had removed to the new town of Shannon, Illinois. But in the summer of 1862, in response to Lincoln’s call for “six hundred thousand more,” he returned to Union Grove to enlist with a squad of boys from the old home neighborhood. Characteristic of the conduct of the Civil War is the fact that of the twenty-four boys of the “Union Grove Squad,” four died of disease, while but one was killed in battle. Reid enlisted at Racine, August 7, 1862, in the Twenty-second Wisconsin Infantry. The

close of the war terminated his service in June, 1865. During the war his father had removed to Sabula, Iowa. Following him thither, on being released from the army, Reid made his home in Jackson County, Iowa, until his death in 1910. He played a worthy, albeit quiet, rôle in life, and died sincerely mourned by the circle of his acquaintances.

The Civil War papers of Mr. Reid were presented to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin a year ago by his daughter, Mary A. Reid of Des Moines. They comprise, in addition to the diary here printed, a voluminous correspondence during the term of military service, with parents and sisters at home. At the beginning of his service Mr. Reid formed the design of writing his home letters in the form of a journal, instead of keeping, as so many Civil War soldiers did, a formal diary. Because of this fact, and of the high order of intelligence and ability possessed by the writer, the letters constitute a valuable record, well worthy of publication when the occasion shall offer.

UNIVERSITY DIARY

Mar. 22d.. to June 26th. 1862 [1861]

Friday, March 22, 1861. Started on the 11½ o’clock train for Madison. Arrived in Clinton at 4 P. M. Waited 20 minutes for the cars on the C & N. W. R. This road passes through the village of Shopiere and the city of Janesville. Arrived at Milton Junction about ½ past 4—then took the train on the M & P du C R. R. & arrived at Madison about 7½ O’Clk Went with J. G.[3] to Mr. Whites where he boards. Met Mr. Bradford[4] there.

Saturday 23. In the forenoon went to the Capitol where the Legislature was in session. Both the Senate and Assembly were in Committee of the whole on private and local bills. Was introduced by John to Mr Curtis,[5] one of the students in the University. In the P. M. went with Mr. Bradford to the State Historical Society’s rooms, where there is a large library and many portraits, pictures, and curiosities. Also went to Prof. Sterling’s[6] room, paid our tuition and room fees—$12.50 received tickets for our keys and for the library, and visited our rooms.

Monday, March 25, 1861. On Sunday went to the Episcopal Church in the A. M. the rector Mr. Britton[7] preached from Col. III. 2. In the evening went to the Baptist Rev. Dr. Brisbane.[8]

On Monday attended the University—Mr. J B. Parkinson[9] is the tutor in the Prep. Dept. Commenced Algebra, Geometry & Latin. Our goods not having arrived on Saturday eve, we must wait till this evening. We board with Mr. White in the meantime. In the Assembly at noon they were discussing the bill appropriating money to the Lady Elgin sufferers.[10] The bill was lost—Heard Bradford, D. H. Johnson & Capt. Knapp[11] speak.

Tuesday 26. Our goods arrived last night, but we could not get them then. They will send them to us today. It is

raining and freezing all forenoon. settled with Mr. White—paid him $1.75 each—our freight & cartage cost 2.87. occupied our room in the P. M. In the Assembly at noon, the Personal Liberty repeal bill was under consideration but they were only voting on amend. &c. so we heard no speaking. It was passed in the Assembly.

Wednesday 27. Went to the Capitol at noon the Assembly were taking the final votes on the amendment to the Banking Law. It finally passed with only five dissenting voices. Several of the students visited us today, and invited us to attend their Societies, of which there are two—the Hesperian and the Atheneum. There appears to be considerable rivalry between them. The meetings are on Friday evening. John will stay with us tonight and probably always after this.

Thursday, March 28, 1861. Bought 28 tickets for bread between us. Wrote a letter home describing our rooms &c. Went down town to the P. O. after 4. Nothing especial going on, but heard that the Legislature will hold an evening session.

Went to the Capitol in the evening. Assembly in Committee of the Whole, but soon had to rise on account of the noise and confusion, a number of private and local bills passed to a third reading and several of the same kind passed Bradford is going home tomorrow on a visit

Friday 29. Saw the 2 wonderful clocks & the thermometer[12] this morning. Attended both Societies this evening—went first into the Atheneum—they were discussing the question, “that the mentality of the sexes are equal.” a spirited debate sprang up on a proposition to amend the question by inserting “mental power,” instead of, “mentality.” but it was lost. Heard Messrs. Norcross, Green & Salisbury[13] & another whose name I do not remember speak.

In the Hesperian they were discussing whether “the war of 1812 was justifiable on the part of the U. S.” it was decided in the aff. John’s name & mine were presented for admission.

Saturday 30. After breakfast, about 8½ O’Clock, Will[14] & I went across the lake to the Asylum. Had considerable trouble in getting across a large crack in the ice in the middle of the lake. On arriving on the shore found that the Asylum folks were making sugar. An Irishman whom we found there took us immediately to the engine rooms, and showed us the gas works,—(retort & meter), the engines, a large wheel with fans for driving air into the principal buildings, the large force pump worked by steam, the laundry rooms, took us through the underground passage which leads between the two buildings. Found Uncle T. in the billiard rooms where a crazy half breed & two others were playing. Uncle T. looks quite healthy & appears somewhat better in mind than when he left home. He took [us] all over the building—let [?] into the ward in which he is—there we saw about a dozen insane some sitting, some walking back & forth the length of the hall, one lying down full length upon the floor, & 2 curled up in the window; one was a man named Jones, who came from Racine Co. and had often been at U. G. He had sometime been injured by a thrashing machine & showed us a scar where one of his ribs had been taken out. One was a preacher’s son, named Hall, he would speak to no one. One had a violin which he commenced playing shortly after we came in, and kept it up all the while we were there.

Uncle T. showed us in this ward, the water closet, where opening the door caused water to run through the seats: the bathing room, the reading room where they keep the daily & other papers for patients to read. We were invited to take dinner with the help. Mr. Griswold the keeper, told me that Uncle T. has improved much; when he came there he was a great bore. After dinner we went into the cooking room where most things are cooked by steam.

We went out and visited the Indian mounds between the Asylum & the beach. several are in the shape of men, and one is a very accurate representation of a rabbit. We went around the lake going home and had a pretty hard time of it.

Monday, April 1, 1861. Yesterday all 3 of us attended the Cong. Heard Prof. Butler[15] preach from John XVIII. 38. Joined Prof. Conover’s[16] Bible class in this church. In the eve. went with about 20 of the other students to hear Mr. Mason of the Universalist. His theme was the “mercy of the Lord,” and his discourse was strongly Universalist.

To-day, after the regular routine of school duties, John & I went down town about 5 o’clock so as to be at the depot when the cars arrived, & see if C. White came he did not arrive however, & we got home at 9 somewhat disappointed and very tired John & I hired a P. O. box between us No. 693.

Tuesday 2. Went to the depot in the evening to meet Mr. Bradford if he came, but were disappointed. Received two letters from the Grove—one from C. & Billy White[17] & one from Libbie. It is the first I have heard from the Grove since I have been here. Will also recd a letter.

No news of importance. It has been quite warm & thawing all day.

Wednesday 3. The sun rose clear and warm after a frosty night, & as we were sitting by our open window, we were startled by loud & frequent reports, which resembled the discharge of cannon, but Will says it is the ice cracking on the lake.

Went to the depot again to meet Bradford, but were again disappointed. Made arrangements to have bread baked by a woman near the Univ.

Thursday, April 4, 1861. The forenoon passed without incident worthy of remark, except that when I rose in the

morning I had a very sore throat which I am afraid will trouble me.

In the evening John & I again started for the depot to meet Bradford, but the cars having arrived before we could get there, we went to the Capitol to wait for him. He brought John’s things and also some summer clothes & a letter for me from Sarah. I sent several of the Univ. catalogues to our Eastern friends

Friday 5. By advice of Mr. Bradford I slept last night with a wet towel bound round my throat & this morning it is much better. Went down town after school, to the depot after the things which Mr. B. bro’t & then to Mr. White’s with John to get some of his things. Did not get back in time to be initiated into the Society tonight—attended both—the Hesperian the most of the evening—The Hesp’s discussed, “Res. that a man should resist a law which his conscience tells him is morally law [wrong].” decided in aff. The Ath’s. discussed “Res. That the character of Queen Elizabeth was worthy of emulation.” I dont know how it was decided.

Rained nearly all day & all of the evening

Saturday 6. Commenced with a rain storm, continued with a rain storm, and ended with a rain storm, i. e. it rained all day incessantly, which kept us in the house all of the time until about 4 o’clock when John & I went down town to make some purchases & there learned that 19 Wis. banks had been “thrown out” & every bill I had ($8) was on them.[18] Wrote a long letter home,—or rather, wrote one & commenced another—

Discredited money is worth 80 cts.

Monday, April 8, 1861. Yesterday was a pleasant day again—Went with a large company of students to hear Prof. Butler preach, it being the last time he is going to preach for

the present. His text was 1 Cor. XI, 22, and a capital discourse. Mr. Bradford was with us in Prof. Conover’s Bible Class. To-day is another rainy day The morning duties passed as usual, at 3 o’clock, we were invited by some of the boys to go to the City Hall & hear Geo. B. Smith[19] speak on a lawsuit between Bird & Morrison The suit involves $180,000. Mr. Morrison committed suicide last winter, it is said because he had perjured himself in the suit. He was the def’t. Mr. Smith made a very able speech.

Tuesday 9. The day passed as usual, i. e. a continual rain storm. About 5 o’clock, went down town, and learned by hand bills that Moses M. Strong would review a speech of Jno. Y. Smith,[20] in the Assembly Chamber to-night. Went to hear him—His speech was on the secession question, arguing against war and a very sound effort.

A meeting was called after the speech & a resolution introduced favoring Pres. Lincoln & the war policy, which, after some talk pro & con, was laid on the table[21]

Wednesday 10. A pleasant day at last & the first one really I have seen since I have been in Madison. Was out with many others of the students playing on the green after school. Rec’d a letter from Couse & the Adv. from home.

Thursday, April 11, 1861. Went to the P. O. about 5 O’Clock and received a letter from Libbie. The “discredited Wis. money” is down to 75 cents in many of the stores.

Rec’d a letter from Libbie

Friday 12. is the day for the Prep. Rhetorical Exercises but our division does not come on this time. The declamations

& compositions were very good. At 4 o’clock went down town. In the Assembly they were talking on the Normal School Fund bill—which was passed. Several bills were ordered to third reading. Went into the City Hall tower & saw the clock, which struck while we were there. The view of the city from this tower is the finest I have yet seen.

In the Hesp. Soc. the question, “Res. that the U. S. ought to coërce the seceding states,” was decided in the neg. Hostilities in the South comc’d at 4 this morning.

Saturday 13. Visited this P. M. the Mendota Foundry, but there was nothing interesting going on. Went to the Capitol & found the Assembly taking an informal recess waiting for absentees. Mr. Bradford said he could go to the University now. We first went into the State Treasurer’s room saw Mr. Hastings—went also into the Secretary of State’s office, & into the State Journal office where they were printing by steam machinery.

Mr. Bradford visited our rooms & also saw Mr. Muir’s clocks & other curiosities.

Monday, April 15, 1861. Went to hear Mr. Taylor[22] the new Cong. minister, yesterday. He is a good preacher but preached a doctrinal sermon from Heb. II. 12. Learned in Prof. C’s Bible class that Spirit in the original means wind. Wrote a letter home for Mr. Bradford to carry.

In the Geometry recitation to-day the door of the recitation room opened and an old man entered whom I immediately recognized as Uncle Thompson. He said they had brought him over from the asylum to go home with Mr. B. but the Legislature had been reconvened by the Governor on acct. of the war news & Mr. B. could not go & he wished to go to Clinton to see Mr. Tinker, before he went home & would like to go right along I obtained permission to leave the class & accompanied him down town—sold my $5 bill for .65 cts. (but afterwards saw Mr. B. & bowd $3). carried his trunk to the depot and saw him safely off. Went with John into the country & got his straw bed filled & helped him carry it home, as we expected Charlie W. to-night. Went to the depot at 10½ P. M. but he did not come.

Tuesday 16th. Charlie came on the 3:45 train to-day. He brot packages from home for each of us—my linen coat & shaving tools & a letter. We took him into the Hist. Soc., then into the Assembly, & saw Mr. Bradford, who came to the University & took supper with us The Legislature held a session this evening which we all attended. A Banking law was passed a part of the debate on which we heard in the Senate.

Wednesday 17. Charlie heard the Algebra & Geometry classes & we also went to Prof. Carr’s[23] room & heard part of his lecture on Coral. At noon John & I were excused from further recitations & went with C. down town. the Legislature had adjourned & gone home. We found that books had been opened in the Gov. Guards Armory in the City Hall for receiving enlistments for the Southern army & that about ½ a dozen of the Univ. boys had enlisted.

The city is in a great military excitement

Thursday, April 18, 1861. Found that there were seven of the boys enlisted yesterday—Curtis, Frost, Wyse, High, Norcross, A. G. Miller & Reed & Bull[24]—but High was not accepted being under 17.

A meeting of citizens being called for tonight to provide for the maintenance of the families of those enlisting, we attended it at the Assembly Chamber, the chamber was crowded as full as they could stand, & the most enthusiastic meeting I ever attended. They commenced the meeting with singing the Star Spangled Banner, & then received subscriptions.

Men would get up & offer various sums as they were able—$500, 400, 200, 100 50 25 & 10 $7,490 were subscribed altogether. The citizens then escorted the Gov. Guards to their Armory, under the marshalship of Gen. Atwood.[25]

Friday 19. In the Prep. Rhetorical Exercises this P. M. I read a composition—“America & Italy”—John—“The Discovery of the Mississippi”—& Will a declamation—“The true vigor in government.” In the Hesperian Soc. tonight the question was, “Res. that expatriation is a natural right.” decided in the aff. While the Debate was going on, Curtis, Bull & Wyse, of the University Volunteers entered the room & were greeted with tremendous applause—After the Soc. had adjourned it was organized into a meeting, to express the feelings of the members on the war question,—Norcross having just entered was loudly called for & rec’d with uproarious cheering. The other volunteers, Bull, Curtis & Wyse also expressed their feelings in regard to the cause in which they had engaged, after which the principal members of the Society were called upon—Clawson, Allen, Ball, H. Vilas, M. Leahy, Parkinson Jr.,[26] two from town—Brush & Lockwood, Wallace,[27] and another volunteer belonging to

the Atheneans—E. G. Miller—spoke, & the enthusiasm was roused to the highest pitch. Then went into the Athenean where the same kind of exercises were being held, & heard Bull, Leahy, Ball, Church & Silverthorne[28] speak after which the meeting adjourned at 12½ o’clock with three rousing cheers for the University Volunteers.

Sat. 20th. The boys held a meeting at 4 P. M. for the purpose of organizing a military company here, but as we went fishing, we could not attend. Curtis has left the Gov. Guards, having rec’d a letter from home forbidding him to go. Wrote a letter home.

Monday, April 22, 1861. Got ready to go to the Presbyterian Church yesterday A. M. but it was so late when we got ready that we concluded not to go. Wrote a letter to Uncle Edward. In the evening went to the Baptist Church & heard Wm. Henry Brisbane, Jr., preach. Mr. B. is one of the volunteers in the war, & as he is going with his company this was his farewell sermon—His text was—St. Luke 22:36. & his subject our duty towards our government. He is a mere boy and his sermon was not remarkably sound. He wore his military dress in the pulpit Attack on Ft. Pickens—news came 21st.

222d.. Meeting of Univ. Guards this P. M. at 4 o’clock, when we U. G. boys joined it. They are about giving it up however, as it is not likely that they can get drill master from town. Drilled a while on the grounds by Campbell, a volunteer & Marsh,[29] a student.

Tuesday 23. The Univ. Guards again met this P. M. & the committee appointed at the first meeting, having reported yesterday that they had been unable to procure the services of a drill-master or arms, but that there was a company of young men organizing down town in which the students would have the first chance in joining &c.; they were instructed at yesterdays meeting to ascertain the terms of enlisting &c. & report today. They reported that the Co. would be organized there, and the boys could join without expense. & the boys having nearly all previously joined it, the Univ.

Guards were disbanded. The Volunteers will start tomorrow & it was voted that we go to the depot in a body and see them off.

Wednesday 24. On going to the Geometry recitation at 11 O’Clock, John & I found that we were the only ones there the rest of the boys having gone down town to see the soldiers off. We also got excused then. & went to the Capitol Park, where we found the Artillery Co. with their guns, & both the Fire Co’s preparing to accompany the soldiers to the depot. At ½ past 12 the procession started. The Madison Guards were accompanied by the German Turner Society, the Gov’s Guards by a procession of citizens & the sidewalks were crowded with a dense throng the whole length of the procession. Arriving at the depot the soldiers were addressed by Judge Vilas,[30] & Gov. Randall[31] & the Star Spangled Banner was sung by Miss Susan Denin,[32] actress. Three cars were standing on the track which the soldiers filled about 10 minutes before the time of starting & then bid goodby to their friends, Norcross & Bull of the Univ. boys stood it well, but Miller, Wyse & Smith were much affected. The boys drilled down town this evening, but as we could not get our supper on time to go with them, we did not get there till they had got through.

Thursday, April 25, 1861. All Wis. bills are refused today. I do not know yet how many will actually be thrown out It is said that a meeting of bankers will be held tomorrow to determine on their future course. I do not lose anything. Received a letter from Couse yesterday with $1.25 enclosed, being what I lent Rose. The boys had a drill again tonight but John & I did not attend

Friday 26. In the Rhetorical Exercises of Division A this P. M. I was appointed Gen. Critic, not belonging to that division—The exercises consisting mostly of Compositions &

were generally very good. The best was by Black—“The Wrongs of the Indians.”—The Athenean Soc. discussed—“Res. That the U. S. ought to coerce the seceding states”—Heard on the aff. Green, Heathcock, Wallace (called up) & Hall (sen.) on the neg. Holt, Black, High (called up) & Waterman[33] decided in aff. The Hesp. discussed “Res. that party spirit is beneficial to a country.” Did not hear much of it.

Saturday 27. Will, Muir & I. got a boat & went out on the lake this P. M. Lake quite rough. Rowed over to Picnic Point & washed out our towels &c. then rowed around the shore to the west & got back at sundown. Received a letter from Libbie.

Monday, April 29, 1861. Went yesterday to the Presbyterian Church. Mr Green[34] is a very entertaining preacher—His text was from Ps. 104:34 Wrote a letter home in the P. M. From the Presbyterian went to the Cong. Church to engage in Prof. Conover’s Bible class exercises.

Went down town this morning with John to deposit letters in the P. O. & also went down town again in the evening.

Tuesday 30. Bought some potatoes this morning & had them roasted for dinner—a rare treat—Received a letter from Sarah.

Wednesday, May 1. Went to the depot at 5 o’clock & saw two companies of soldiers who have arrived to rendevous with the 2d. Regiment at Camp Randall (the Fair Grounds) They were the La Crosse Light Guard & the Portage Light Guard. They were both partially uniformed & armed, & seemed pretty well drilled. They marched to camp, selected their quarters, then marched to the general mess room & partook of a warm supper.

Purchased a copy of the Wkly Journal & sent [it] home.

Thursday, May 2, 1861. The Beloit Guards arrived today They are without uniform or arms but a very fine looking company. Followed them to the camp but there was nothing going on there.

Before they came, Will & I went to the depot, expecting them but as they would not come for some time we walked on south from the depot & visited the ridge between Lakes Monona & Wingra This is a very high ridge & the top is covered with Indian mounds of all kinds & sizes. The Roman Catholic Cemet[e]ry is on the side hill, & we also visited it. Saw an Indian canoe in a dooryard on the way. Was told it belongs to Dr. Hunt.

Friday 3. On awakening this morning found that it was raining smartly, & it continued to do so until about noon when it turned into snow & did not clear off until nearly evening. In the Rhet. Exercise today I declaimed the extract from Judge Story’s oration, “Our duties to the Republic,” Will read “Letter from Jef. Davis.” John spoke “Men always fit for freedom”—Macauley—Going down town after school we learned that the “Belle City Rifles”[35] arrived this morning at 4. but we could not go to the camp after the late hour at which we returned—Athenean—Universal Suffrage question—Hesperian—Polygamy, laws against—

Saturday 4. We all visited the camp this A. M. Saw the Belle City Rifles & was very much surprised at seeing Geo. Lincoln[36] in the ranks. He is the only acquaintance with them. Fat Sheldon,[37] whom I have often seen before, was with them however.

The Oshkosh Guards and the Citizens Guards of Fox Lake having arrived this P. M. went to the camp to see them. Staid till 8 O’Clock & had considerable difficulty in passing the guard.

Sunday, May 5, 1861. Attended church at the Methodists to day. Did not hear the name of the preacher. Text—Romans 14:7. Rained during the whole of the service & we had a fine run through the rain to the Cong. Church to attend Bible class. Visited the camp in the P. M. George

had been on guard most of the day. Were kept there by the rain until nearly dark. & thereby were again made prisoners of war.

May 6th. Went down to camp again this P. M. Nothing of consequence occurred only that we were stopped by the guard again and had to be passed out by the corporal. They are very strict after 6 o’clock.

Tuesday 7. John and I went down town after school, & Will went to Camp Randall. When we came back we went down there too, but were refused admittance as they had made a rule that no one should be allowed in after 6 o’clock. While we were standing there, Will & George came to the gate and we shook hands with G. over the soldier’s bayonet.

Wednesday 8. The Trigonometry Class in which Will is, procured the instruments to day and were practicing surveying.

At 3 o’clock I went out with them and saw them take angles for measuring the height of University Hall. It proved to be 115.838 feet, if their work is correct.

Visited the camp again, Mr. Durand was there, and after the soldiers supper the Bible [Belle] City Rifles were marched to the Fine Arts Hall hill and drawn up in a line to hear a speech from him. He endeavored to persuade them all to remain with the Co. as an order has been rec^d that they must now enlist for 3 years or during the war, which many refuse to do.

Thursday, May 9, 1861. Will & I procured a boat after school and went out on the lake to try & get some fish. After being out two hours we speared one little bull head which we gave to the owner of the boat and agreed to go out with him to night and furnish light for him to fish. Started at 8, was out till 10 & caught two fish both of which we gave the boat owner.

Received a letter announcing the death of P. P. Taber.

Friday 10. Our fishing excursion caused us to oversleep ourselves, and when there was a loud rapping at our door about 15 minutes before 6, it did not wake me enough to comprehend what it was: but in about ½ an hour afterwards

Mr. Wildish[38] again came to our room and brot a box which he said a gentleman had left for me. I saw by the name on the box it was Seth Rice who had brot it from home. Thus by my sleepiness I missed seeing an acquaintance from U. G. John & I took a walk in the N. E. part of the town, past Gov. Farwell’s Octagon house, & visited the Cemetery. Attended Society’s meetings.

Saturday 11. Nothing particular going on until evening when the Hesperian celebrated the anniversary of the Dedication of their new Hall. Ball read a humorous poem, Baker declaimed “The Gray Forest Eagle,” and Allen[39] delivered an oration. After these exercises, speeches were made by Profs. Butler, Sterling, Reed[40] & Parkinson, by a graduate, Hale, Hesperian, Ball, Vilas, Leahy, Tredway, Clawson, Stewart, & Athenean Hall.[41]

George Lincoln was present until about 9 O’Clock.

Monday, May 13, 1861. Attended Methodist Church yesterday. Was too late to hear the text. Mr Yokem preached. attended Bible Class. Wrote letter home—took it to P. O. in the evening & attended Baptist Church. Was again too late to hear the text but Mr. Brisbane preached a very fine sermon. His subject was the natural depravity of man.

Nothing happened on Monday worthy of note.

Tuesday 14. This is Library day. Took out Vols. 1st & 2nd of Smithsonian Cont. to Knowledge, treating of Indian Mounds & other American Antiquities. Had one of the same books last week which contained I. A. Lapham’s[42] account of the mounds in Wisconsin which was very interesting. Went to the P. O. but received nothing. Went into

the Assembly Chamber to try & find out if Mr. Bradford had come but he had not. The Chamber is all ready to receive its occupants tomorrow.

Wednesday 15. Went to the Capitol at 3 O’Clk Assembly was in session, but almost immediately adjourned. Mr. Bradford has not arrived yet. As Will & I were Coming home again we were hailed from the opposite side of the street and looking up saw H. Foster, T. Graham & Alex. Adams[43] who have joined the B. C. Rifles in place of those who refused to enlist for three years. they told us that W. White was also with them & had [been] to the Univ. with G. L. to look for us. Went home & found them there. They left the Grove Sunday.

Had a fish for supper tonight & borrowed Holt & Black’s cooker.

Wrote a composition for Friday.

Thursday, May 16, 1861. Mr Bradford arrived on the 4 O’Clk train this morning. He came to the Univ. at 7 & brot letters for all of us & told [us] there were pkges at the depot for us. Went & got them at noon & found there were cakes, pies, butter & a chicken, & a dressing gown for me, which, however, proved too large. Went to camp after school, and found that I Martyne & H. Ginty[44] were with the new recruits. 2 Zouaves were on the grounds (one, dressed in full uniform) who entertained the regiment with specimens of their drill. Went down town about 5. & met Mr. Bradford there.

Friday 17. In the Rhetorical Exercises I read a composition—“Political Parties”—Will a composition—“A Great Discovery” John obtained an excuse, as he expected his mother on the cars. After school we washed out the floor of our rooms, which took so long that, as we had to go down town for victuals, I did not attend the Society’s meeting at all.

Saturday 18. Mrs. Goldsworthy arrived at 4 O’Clk this morning. Went to the Capitol at 11. Assembly had adjourned & most of the members were drilling on the park under command of Capt. Emery[45] of Portage City. Went

into the Senate they were debating a Banking bill & one to provide for volunteer’s families. Heard Messrs Virgin, Hazleton, Quentin, Maxon, A. I. Bennett, Gill, Hutchinson, and Worthington[46] speak. Sen. Worthington was Chn. of Com of the Whole when I first went in. At 7½ attended their evening session, with G. L., T. G., & H. F., from camp Sen Cox Ch’n. of Com. Bill providing for Volunteer’s families & the 6 Rgt bill were up. Heard Gill, Hazelton, Joiner, Quentin,[47] & another one speak

Monday, May 20, 1861. Yesterday commenced with a heavy [rain] which continued till about 9 O’Clock when Billy White & Wm. Sheldon of Burlington came from Camp Randall. On account of the very wet weather and also because our visitors did not wish to go I did not go to church in the A. M. & as it rained all P. M. I could not go then. The boys staid till nearly evening. John was at Mr. White’s nearly all day with his mother. Wrote a letter home last night & sent it with Mrs. Goldsworthy today. Visited the Capitol in the P. M. but Legislature had adjourned

Tuesday 21. Visited the Assembly Chamber this P. M. Assembly were in session, discussing the Military Bill; more especially the provision for paying the soldiers, and requiring the war loan to be taken, in coin. Heard Judge Spooner, Messrs. Bradford, Warner Atwood, & Ramsey[48] speak.

After the adjournment went to the camp, & returning to the Univ. took a bathe in the lake.

Wednesday 22. The Sophs & Freshs got a rich joke on the Seniors this morning. They had bills printed last night composed in Artemus Ward style, purporting to be an advertisement for their lost cushions, and this morning they posted [them] in the most conspicuous places around the University & down town. Went to the Capitol immediately after school. The Assembly were engaged in a very animated discussion on a proposition that the enlistments should be divided proportionally among the Cong. dists. It was lost. I went with Mr. B. to Camp & witnessed the dress parade of the Regt. John & I subscribed for the State Journal for 3 mos.

Thursday, May 23, 1861. The Assembly this P. M. were discussing a banking law, but it not being interesting I did not stay long. Went to the Post Office & from there to the Journal to read the news. They keep there a file of all the City dailies free to the public.

Friday 24. Mr. Bradford visited us in our rooms at noon today. He said the Milwaukee Zouaves, having arrived at 7 O’Clock this morning would drill at 2½. and the Legislature had adjourned to witness it. He attended our Latin recitation & then we all went down to camp with him. The Zouave maneuvers proved very interesting & we staid till the troops went to supper at 5½ O’Clock, then went to the P. O. George was on guard at the gate. Judge Larrabee,[49] being on the grounds was pointed out to us by Mr. B.

Saturday 25. Went to the Capitol at 11 O’Clock. The Senate had under consideration the war loan bill, which originated in the Ass. 15 amendments adopted by Sen. 3 of them non-concurred by Assem. 2 receded from by Sen. & the 3d.. was that the loan should be taken & soldiers paid in

coin. Sen. Gill moved that the Senate adhere to this amendment. A. I. Bennett said this was unusual & would be very discourteous to the Assem. as no Com. of Conference could be appointed if it were adopted. Sen. Hutchinson moved to amend that they insist instead of adhere. After warm discussion by Gill, Maxon, & Joiner, & Virgin, Hutchinson, A. I. Bennett & Hazelton it was carried that they adhere. On coming up in the Assem. this action of the Sen. was denounced by Frisby, Webb, Atwood, Spooner, D. H. Johnson & Hicks[50] & the Assem. insisted on their non-concurrence & asked a Com. of Conference, which was granted by the Senate & they proposed a bill which passed.

Monday, May 27, 1861. Attended the Cong. Church yesterday. Mr. Taylor’s Text was John III. 7 & I. 13., Also attended Prof. C’s Bible Class, Mr. Bradford was also there. In the P. M. the wind blew from the South a perfect gale. Wrote home & sent the letter with Mr. Bradford.

To-day went to the depot at noon to see Mr. Bradford off. After school went to the camp. The exercises on evening parade are changed today. Saw the maneuvers gone through with by Capts. Strong’s & Randolph’s Cos.[51] united but could not wait until the regular parade

Tuesday 28. Nothing worthy of note transpired to-day.

Wednesday 29. Seth Rice visited us today on his return from Richland Co. where he has been about three weeks. The train on which he came does not stop at the station (Stoughton) where he wishes to stop & he therefore lays over at Madison till the 4 o’clock train tomorrow morning.

He arrived about 4 o’clock & soon I went to the camp with him & we staid till after the evening parade. The exercise at this time now is—the companies form in line with their arms, come to parade rest. The band plays a tune & marches

in front of the regiment the whole length of the line & back again—the gun is fired and the flag comes down—The Adj. announces to the Col. “the Parade is formed ” The Col put them through the Manual. The Sergeants report they are dismissed.

Thursday, May 30, 1861. Got up before 4 o’clock this morning to see Mr. Rice off. As we were sitting in our room at noon, the door opened and Charlie White entered without any previous announcement even the ceremony of knocking. After attending our Latin recitation we went with him to the camp. He had not previously heard that Billie was here. We staid till after parade & then John & I went down town purchased some meat, & when we got home borrowed a cooker & had a warm supper.

Friday 31. As we could not prevail on Charlie to stay here until Monday we obtained excuse from recitations today, hired a boat and went over to the Asylum with him. Visited all the places we had seen when there before and also were shown into the lower ward, and women’s ward. The wind having risen & blowing from the S. W.—“almost directly ahead—we concluded it would be impossible to row 4 back in the small boat which we had, so John & Charlie went round the lake afoot and Will & I rowed across. We went first to Sugar Bush point, where sheltered by the point, from the wind we tried to catch some fish but did not succeed. After starting for home the wind blew so hard that we could not make an inch headway but a rain coming up the wind ceased.

Saturday, June 1. Charlie went home at 10 o’clock last night, via Milwaukee.

John & I took our hooks & went on the R. R. bridge to fish but could catch nothing. But Will & I went out with a Dutchman in the evening and speared 7 in all—“1 pickerel, 1 sucker, 2 bass & 3 bull heads. We took the sucker and pickerel & had them for dinner the next day.

Sunday, June 2^d Attended the Presbyterian Church today & Prof C’s Bible Class. Mr. Green had one of the most interesting sermons I ever listened to. He had four texts—Lev. X. 1. 2 & 3. The other three I have forgotten. Wrote a letter home in the P. M.

Monday, June 3, 1861. Going down town at noon today we learned by the dispatch on the Patriot bulletin board & by the crape hung around some of the stores, the sad intelligence of the death of Judge Douglas.[52] All of the flags in the city are at half mast and cannon are being fired every half hour till sundown at the Capitol & at Camp Randall. A meeting of the citizens was called for tonight, which we attended. Gov. Randall was appointed Ch’n & made a very affecting & pertinent speech. A committee was appointed to draft resolutions & speeches were made by E. A. Calkins, G. B. Smith, L. P. Harvey, M. H. Orton,—Gregory, & Col. Fairchild, & Chauncey Abbott.[53]

Tuesday 4. Went to the camp after school, to witness the parade. The boys say that a telegram was rec’d by Gov. Randall today from the Sec’y of War ordering the 2d.. & 3d. Regt’s. to Wash. as soon as they can be got ready, and they will probably go Monday. They have commenced having battalion drills today but, as they occur at three o’clock we can never see them. The flags are still flying at half mast and the com officers all wear crape on their left arms for 10 days.

Wednesday 5. An accident occurred on the R. R. last night. An axle of a freight car broke in crossing the bridge over the lake, threw the train off the track, and tore up the track and ties for some distance. It was a very dangerous accident as it occurred on the open bridge over quite deep water; but, fortunately, no one was injured. We finished the review of Geometry today, and now take propositions

promicuously anywhere in the book so as to be more thoroughly prepared for examination. We also commence today to review Latin. Went to the P. O. after school.

Thursday, June 6, 1861. Visited the camp this evening during parade. Heard that they nearly had a mutiny last night. The sentry at the gun challenged the “grand rounds” when the officer not giving the countersign right he pricked him with his bayonet when his gun was snatched away from him and he “pitched in” to the officer with his fists for which he was put into the guard house, which the Capt. of his comp’y (La Crosse) having heard, he ordered him to be taken out; that not being done he ordered his company to charge bayonets & the whole reg’t being roused they broke into the g. house & released the man & also all other prisoners who were there.

Friday 7. There were no Rhetorical Exercises today, as in the two weeks before examination students are supposed to be preparing for that event and cannot perform this extra duty. “Got stuck” on a sum in Algebra today, but mean to stick to it till I get it out.

Went down to the P. O. after school

Saturday 8. The ladies of Madison gave the soldiers a picnic today. The tables in the “Operative Machinery” room were spread with bread, butter pies, cakes & sweatmeats, to which the boys did ample justice after which came speeches, music by the brass band, singing of Star Sp. Banner, and dispersion. The parade was formed almost immediately after the supper and all present witnessed it. Rec’d letter from home enclosing a “Programme of Commencement of Ind. Univ.” from Willie Reid.

Sunday, 9th—Rev. Mr. Britton (Epis.) held a service on the camp at 9½ A. M. He preached a patriotic sermon from the 12th chap of Kings. Attended Bible Class & Mason’s in evening.

Monday, June 10, 1861. Went to camp in the evening & there learned that Mrs. Graham & Mrs. St. George had been there today to see their sons; also while we were there Cap. Strong told his men that 50 of them could go home that night to see their friends before starting for “the wars.”

T. G., T. St G.,[54] and W. White were among the no. who obtained permission to go. Geo. L. got out of the camp, & Will & I went with [him] to Father Norris’ to get the women to go home with their boys, but when we arrived at the depot we learned that an order had come from the Adj’^t Gen. forbidding their going at this time.

Tuesday 11. Obtained excuse from Geom. recitation and went to the camp to see if the boys are going today. They cannot go as they are being mustered in to the U. S. service. Mrs. G. & St G. were there when we arrived at the camp & went home at 1 O’Clock. Staid at the camp till 5 o’clock to see the ceremony of mustering in the troops by Capt. M^cIntyre of the U. S. Infantry. 7 companies took the oath today.

Wednesday 12. We were all excused from Latin recitation, and visited Madison High School. The teacher, Miss Cowes,[55] seemed unprepared for visitors, and the afternoon session being a short one we heard but two recitations, (reading & Philos[o]phy) of which the Philosophy (not being a regular recitation at that hour) was rather poorly recited. There were but three boys in the room, the school consisting principally of girls.

Received a letter from Libbie

Thursday, June 13, 1861. Visited the camp in the P. M. Two squads (14 & 18) have gone home from the B. C. Co. but the U. G. boys were in neither of them. The parade tonight was drill & uninteresting, so many of them having gone home.

Finished review of Geometry today and take original propositions for remainder of the recitations.

Got the key from Dr. Carr & visited the Mineralogical, Geological & Natural History Cabinet, with Will & Holt.

Was much interested in some of the curiosities to be seen there.

Friday 14. By invitation of the boys we took supper at the camp this evening and were well pleased with the fare. There is some prospect of the boys going home to-morrow. The regiment will probably start for the east Tuesday.

Finished the review of Latin today, and now the class is going to try and get through Liber Tertius by Tuesday.

Attended the Society’s meetings. The Hesperian discussed the property qualification question, and the Ath’s “That the legal profession presents greater inducement than the others” The A’s elected officers for the ensuing term—Griswold, Presd. Silverthorne, V. P. Fallows,[56] Secy. Holt, Censor.

Saturday 15. On visiting the camp at 9 O’Clk found that another squad had been made up to go home, and Geo. L. & T. St G. were among them. Went back to our rooms and wrote letters to send by them.

At 4 O’Clk, Billy W. came to our rooms & said that he, T. Graham & Alec. Adams had also got furloughs and were going home on the 10 o’clk train, expecting to hire livery from Milwaukee. Went with Billy down town where he got his picture taken and the boys ate supper with us.

Sunday 16th.—Heard Mr. Green preach & attended Bible Class—Prof. C. was not there & Mr Dudley took charge, which made it very dull.

Monday, June 17, 1861. Went to G. B. Smith’s law office to see if he would deliver the address at U. G. on the 4th. He was not in; but his student (Mr. Bird) told me tha[t] his engagements would prevent his accepting the invitation. Then wrote a letter to “Pump Carpenter”[57] for the same purpose, as he is now living on his farm 6 miles from

the city. Attended the panorama of Dr. Kane’s Arctic Expedition & was much pleased with it.

Tuesday 18. After school Will and I went with Frost across Lake Monona to his home, where we were treated to a warm supper, strawberry shortcake and strawberries & cream.

There is an encampment of Indians near by which we visited. There were two wigwams, in which or near by were 5 men, 4 squaws, & 7 children.

We also saw a young man & 2 boys in a canoe when coming down. There were two canoes in the river close by and Frost & Will got into one which came very [near] upsetting as it requires much practice to get used to them.

Picked up some clams in the lake & cooked them when we got home. The soup was very good but the clams were tough.

Wednesday 19. Examination commences today. At 9 O’clock & until 11, the Senior Class was examined by Prof. Read on International & Constitutional Law. This was by means of lectures by members of the class on different subjects connected with this study and proved very interesting From 11 to 12 Prof. Sterling’s class in Analytical Geometry was examined. This was “all Greek” to me, but the students seemed to understand the subject well especially as it was one of last term’s studies. Between 3 & 4 o’clock attended Prof. Butler’s class in Homer’s Iliad. M^cMynn[58] was present at this examination. From there we went into Prof. Read’s room where the Seniors were examined on Political Economy. Rec’d a letter from home.

Thursday, June 20, 1861. Went down to camp at 8 o’clock to see the boys off. The Belle City Co. (Co. F.) was in the “Operative Machinery” room, having just got there haversacks filled with provision. The regiment soon after formed on parade & were ordered by the Col. to repair to the pumps & fill their canteens; which being accomplished they formed in front of the speakers stand and were addressed by Gov. Randall. They then marched to the cars,

which had been run down to the camp ground and filled two trains one of 11 & the other of 13 cars. We stood near the car which the Racine Co. entered and shook hands with all the boys as they passed.[59] Attended Prof. Carr’s examination of the Chemistry class from 2 to 5 P. M.

Friday 21. Went strawberrying nearly all forenoon, and in the afternoon attended Dr. Carr’s examination. This exercise like his recitation consists of lectures by the students on subjects which the Dr. himself has previously discussed before the class. This P. M. was devoted principally to Geology, and, although the boys had only since last night to prepare their subjects, they were well handled both as orations and as recitations Visited Camp in the evening. 1 Co. of the 5th. Regt. has arrived (from Waukesha). The men are rather small but the Co. is well officered and present a pretty good appearance. In the Ath. discussed whether the time devoted to the Classics in College could not be better employed—Decided affirmative

Saturday 22. Went to the depot at 1 o’clock to learn the arrangement of trains &c. preparatory to going home. From thence up town—we visited the Jail. There are only about a dozen prisoners there now, much less, they told us, than usual. One had his feet in irons having been attempting to break jail lately. Three of them were crazy.

Sunday 23^d—Went to the Catholic Church this morning at 9, but the first mass was nearly over when we got there & as we did not know they would have another, we saw but little of their proceedings. Attended the Episcopal Church & Prof. C’s Bible Class. The Baccalaureate Sermon was preached by Prof. Butler in the Univ. Chapel at 4 P. M. His text was Sol. Song 4:4 & his sermon, or rather lecture, the finest I ever heard.

[3] John E. Goldsworthy, a student from Union Grove, who accompanied Reid to Madison and shared his room in North Hall, then used as a dormitory.

[4] Simeon S. Bradford, a member of the Wisconsin Assembly from Racine County. In his reminiscences Reid characterizes Bradford, who was for a time his teacher, as “a gentleman of excellent education, and a fluent, ready public speaker.” Reid further states that he was descended in direct line from Governor William Bradford of Plymouth. Before coming to Wisconsin he had been principal of an academy at Homer, Cortland County, New York, and had also published a paper there for several years.

[5] Joseph W. Curtis of Madison.

[6] John W. Sterling, dean of the faculty and professor of mathematics and natural philosophy. His connection with the university lasted from 1848 until his death in 1885. He was in turn acting chancellor, vice-chancellor, and vice-president of the university.

[7] Rev. James B. Britton, pastor of Grace Episcopal Church at Madison from 1855 until his resignation to become a chaplain in the Eleventh Wisconsin Infantry.

[8] Rev. W. H. Brisbane. He became pastor of this church in 1860, resigning at the outbreak of the war to become chaplain of the Second Wisconsin Cavalry.

[9] Prof. John B. Parkinson, now (1917) vice-president and emeritus professor of constitutional law of the university.

[10] The Lady Elgin was a steamer running between Milwaukee and Chicago. On September 8, 1860, the vessel was wrecked near Waukegan, as the result of a collision in the night-time with another vessel. The Lady Elgin had on board several hundred excursionists from Milwaukee, returning from a visit to Chicago. Of them all, only about 100 were saved. Among the victims were the editor of the New Orleans Picayune and his family, and the proprietor of the London Illustrated News.

[11] David H. Johnson was a member of the assembly from Bad Ax and Crawford Counties; Gilbert Knapp, from Racine County, was the founder and first white settler of the city of Racine. His title of “captain” was won by long connection with the United States internal revenue marine service and by his naval rank during the Civil War.

[12] The allusion is to the inventions of John Muir, who was then a student at the university. For the story of his inventions, and of his life at the University of Wisconsin, see his The Story of My Boyhood and Youth (Boston and New York, 1913), chaps. vii and viii.