HISTORY
OF
MERCHANT SHIPPING
AND
ANCIENT COMMERCE.

BY
W. S. LINDSAY.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

With numerous Illustrations.

LONDON:
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, LOW, AND SEARLE.
CROWN BUILDINGS, 188 FLEET STREET.
1874.

LONDON.
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Dom John of Portugal prosecutes his researches for India—Expeditionunder Vasco de Gama, 1497—Description of the ships—The expeditionsails 9th July, 1497—Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 25thNov.—Sights land at Natal, 25th Dec., 1498—Meets the first nativevessel and obtains information about India—Arrives at Mozambique,10th March—Departs for Quiloa, 8th April—Arrives at Melinde,29th April—Sails for Calicut, 6th August—Reaches the shores ofIndia, 26th August—Arrives at Calicut—Vasco de Gama disembarksand concludes a treaty with the king—His treachery—Leaves Calicutfor Cananore—Enters into friendly relations and leaves Cananore,20th Nov.—Reaches Melinde, 8th Jan., 1499—Obtains pilots and sailsfor Europe, 20th Jan.—Doubles the Cape of Good Hope—Death ofPaul de Gama—The expedition reaches the Tagus, 18th Sept., 1499—Greatrejoicings at Lisbon—Arrangements made for further expeditions—Departureof the second expedition, 25th March, 1502—ReachesMozambique and Quiloa, where De Gama makes known his powerand threatens to capture the city—His unjust demands—Arrives atMelinde—Departs, 18th Aug., 1502—Encounter with the Moors—Leviestribute, and sails for Cananore—Disgraceful destruction of aCalicut ship and massacre of her crew—De Gama’s arrangement withthe king of Cananore—Departure for Calicut—Bombards the city—Horriblecruelties—Arrives at Cochym 7th Nov., where he loads, andat Coulam—Opens a factory at Coulam—Calicut declares war againstDom Gama—Success of the Portuguese—Desecration of the Indianvessels, and further atrocities—Completes his factory and fortificationsat Cananore, and sails for Lisbon, where he arrives, 1st Sept., 1503—DeGama arrives in India for the third time 11th Sept., 1524—Hisdeath, 24th Dec., 1524—His character as compared with that ofColumbus—Discovery of the Pacific by Vasco Nuñez de Bilboa—Voyageof Magellan	Pages [1]-[48]
CHAPTER II.
Progress of maritime discovery—Henry VII., 1485-1509—His encouragementof maritime commerce and treaties with foreignnations—Voyages to the Levant—Leading English shipowners—Patentto the Cabots, 1496—Discovery of the north-west coast ofAmerica, June 21, 1497—Second patent, Feb. 3, 1498—Rivalclaimants to the discovery of the North American continent—SebastianCabot and his opinions—Objects of the second expedition—Thirdexpedition, March 1501—How Sebastian Cabot was employedfrom 1498 to 1512—He enters the service of Spain, 1512—Letter ofRobert Thorne to Henry VIII. on further maritime discoveries—SebastianCabot becomes pilot-master in Spain, 1518, and afterwards(1525) head of a great trading and colonising association—Leavesfor South America, April 1526, in command of an expedition to theBrazils—A mutiny and its suppression—Explores the river La Platawhile waiting instructions from Spain—Sanguinary encounter withthe natives—Returns to Spain, 1531, and remains there till 1549,when he settles finally in Bristol—Edward VI., A.D. 1547-1553—Cabotforms an association for trading with the north, known as the “MerchantAdventurers”—Despatch of the first expedition under Sir H.Willoughby—Instructions for his guidance, probably drawn up byCabot—Departure, May 20, 1553—Great storm and separation of theships—Death of Sir H. Willoughby—Success of Chancellor—His shipwreckand death at Pitsligo—Arrival in London of the first ambassadorfrom Russia, Feb. 1557—His reception—Commercial treaty—Earlysystem of conducting business with Russia—The benefits conferredby the Merchant Adventurers upon England—The Steelyardmerchants partially restored to their former influence—Cabot losesfavour with the court, and dies at an advanced age	[49]-[87]
CHAPTER III.
Henry VIII. resolves to establish a permanent Royal Navy—Deriveshis first supply of men from English fishermen—Royal fleet equippedand despatched from Portsmouth—Its first engagement—Increase ofthe French fleets—Extraordinary exertions of the English to meetthe emergency—The rapidity with which they supplied men andvessels—Outfit of the ships—The Great Harry—Number and strengthof the fleet at the death of Henry VIII., 28 Jan., 1547—The GreatMichael—Trade monopolies—Mode of conducting business—Mistakenlaws—The Bridport petition—Chartered companies—Prices regulatedby law, and employment provided—The petition of the weavers—Stateof the currency, A.D. 1549—Its depreciation—Corruption ofthe government—Recommendation of W. Lane to Sir W. Cecil, whoacts upon it, A.D. 1551, August—The corruption of the council extendsto the merchants—Accession of Elizabeth, A.D. 1558—War withSpain—Temporary peace with France, soon followed by another war—Demandfor letters of marque—Number of the Royal fleet, A.D.1559—The desperate character of the privateers—Conduct of theSpaniards—Daring exploits and cruelty of Lord Thomas Cobham,and of other privateers or marauders—Piratical cruises of the mayorof Dover—Prompt retaliation of the king of Spain—Reply of Elizabeth—Elizabethattempts to suppress piracy, 29th Sept., 1564—Herefforts fail, but are renewed with increased vigour, though invain—Opening of the African slave-trade—Character of its promoters—JohnHawkins’ daring expedition—Fresh expeditions sanctionedby Elizabeth and her councillors—Cartel and Hawkins—They differand separate, 1565—Hawkins reaches the West Indies with fourhundred slaves, whom he sells to much advantage, and sails forEngland—Fresh expeditions, 1556—They extend their operations,1568—The third expedition of Sir John Hawkins departs, October1567, and secures extraordinary gains—Attacked by a Spanish fleetand severely injured—Reaches England in distress—Prevails on theQueen to make reprisals—Questionable conduct of Elizabeth—Vigorousaction of the Spanish ambassador—Prompt retaliation—Injuryto English trade less than might have been supposed—Hatredof the Catholics—Increase of the privateers, 1570—Theirdesperate acts, 1572	[88]-[140]
CHAPTER IV.
Certainty of war with Spain—Secret preparations for the invasion ofEngland, and restoration of the Catholic faith—Philip intrigueswith Hawkins, and is grossly deceived—The Spanish Armada, andEngland’s preparations for defence—Destruction of the Armada,July 19, 1588—Voyages of discovery by Johnson—Finner and MartinFrobisher—Drake’s voyage round the world, 1577—His piratical actsand return home, 1580—First emigration of the English to America—Discoveryof Davis’s Straits—Davis directs his attention to India—Freshfreebooting expeditions—Voyage of Cavendish to India, 1591,which leads to the formation of the first English India Company,in 1600—First ships despatched by the Company—The Dutch alsoform an East India Company—Extent of their maritime commerce—Theytake the lead in the trade with India—Expedition of Sir HenryMiddleton—Its failure and his death—Renewed efforts of the EnglishEast India Company—They gain favour with the Moghul Emperorof India, and materially extend their commercial operations—Treatybetween English and Dutch East India Companies—Soon broken—Lossesof East India Company—Sir Walter Raleigh’s views on maritimecommerce, 1603—His views confirmed by other writers opposedto his opinions—The views of Tobias, 1614—His estimate of theprofits of busses—The effect of these publications—Colonising expeditionsto North America—Charles I. assumes power over thecolonies—English shipowners resist the demand for Ship-Money—Itspayment enforced by law—Dutch rivalry—Increase of Englishshipping—Struggles of the East India Company—Decline of Portuguesepower in India—The trade of the English in India—Increaseof other branches of English trade—Ships of the Turkey and MuscovyCompany—The Dutch pre-eminent—The reasons for this pre-eminence	[141]-[181]
CHAPTER V.
English Navigation Laws—First Prohibitory Act, 1646—Further Acts,1650-1651—Their object and effect—War declared between GreatBritain and Holland, July 1652—The English capture Prizes—Peaceof 1654—Alleged complaints against the Navigation Acts of Cromwell—NavigationAct of Charles II.—The Maritime Charter ofEngland—Its main provisions recited—Trade with the Dutch prohibited—TheDutch navigation seriously injured—Fresh war with theDutch, 1664—Its naval results—Action off Harwich, 1665—DutchSmyrna fleet—Coalition between French and Dutch, 1666—Battleof June 1 and of July 24, 1666—Renewed negotiations for peace,1667—Dutch fleet burn ships at Chatham, threaten London, andproceed to Portsmouth—Peace concluded—Its effects—The colonialsystem—Partial anomalies—Capital created—Economical theoriesthe prelude to final free-trade—Eventual separation from the mother-countryconsidered—Views of Sir Josiah Child on the NavigationLaws—Relative value of British and Foreign ships, 1666—Britishclearances, 1688, and value of exports—War with France—Peace ofRyswick, 1697—Trade of the Colonies—African trade—Newfoundland—Usagesat the Fishery—Greenland Fishery—Russian trade—Peterthe Great—Effect of the legislative union with Scotland, 1707—Themaritime commerce of Scotland—Buccaneers in the West Indies—Stateof British shipping, temp. George I.—South Sea Company,1710	[182]-[214]
CHAPTER VI.
English voyages of discovery, 1690-1779—Dampier—Anson—Byron—Wallisand Carteret—Captain Cook—His first voyage, in the Endeavour—Secondvoyage, in the Resolution—Third voyage—Friendly,Fiji, Sandwich, and other islands—His murder—Progress of theNorth American colonies—Commercial jealousy in the West Indies—SevenYears’ War, 1756-1763—Its effect on the colonies—Unwiselegislative measures—Effect of the new restrictions—Passing of theStamp Act—Trade interrupted—Non-intercourse resolutions—Recourseto hostilities—Position of the colonists—Fisheries—Shipping ofNorth American Colonies, A.D. 1769—Early registry of ships not alwaysto be depended on—Independence of United States acknowledged,May 24, 1784—Ireland secures various commercial concessions—Scotchshipping—Rate of seamen’s wages—British Registry Act,Aug. 1, 1786—American Registry Act—Treaty between France andEngland, 1786—Slave-trade and its profits—Trade between Englandand America and the West Indies re-opened—Changes produced bythe Navigation Laws consequent on the separation—New disputes—EnglishOrders in Council—Negotiations opened between Mr. Jayand Lord Grenville—Tonnage duties levied by them	[215]-[256]
CHAPTER VII.
Great Britain, A.D. 1792—War with France, Feb. 1, 1793—Commercialpanic—Government lends assistance—High price of corn—Bountiesgranted on its importation—Declaration of Russia, 1780—Confederacyrenewed when Bonaparte had risen to power—Captureof merchant vessels—Do “free ships make free goods?”—Neutralnations repudiate the English views—Their views respecting blockades—Rightof search—Chief doctrines of the neutrals—Mr. Pittstands firm, and is supported by Mr. Fox—Defence of the Englishprinciples—Nelson sent to the Sound, 1801—Bombardment ofCopenhagen—Peace of Amiens, and its terms—Bonaparte’s opinionof free-trade—Sequestration of English property in France notraised—All claims remain unanswered—Restraint on commerce—Frenchspies sent to England to examine her ports, etc.—Aggrandisementof Bonaparte—Irritation in England—Bonaparte’s interviewwith Lord Whitworth—The English ministers try to gain time—Excitementin England—The King’s message—The invasion ofEngland determined on—War declared, May 18, 1803—Joy of theshipowners—Preparations in England for defence—Captures ofFrench merchantmen—Effect of the war on shipping—Complaints ofEnglish shipowners—Hardships of the pressing system—Apprentices—Suggestionsto secure the Mediterranean trade, and to encourageemigration to Canada—Value of the Canadian trade	[257]-[289]
CHAPTER VIII.
Mr. Fox tries to make peace with France, 1806—Napoleon’s Proclamation—EnglishOrder in Council, April 8, 1806—Berlin Decree, Nov. 10,1806—Its terms, and the stringency of its articles—Napoleon’s skilland duplicity—Russian campaign conceived—Berlin Decree enforced—Increasedrates of insurance—English Orders in Council, 1807—Preambleof third Order in Council—Terms of this Order—Neutrals—TheOrders discussed—Embargo on British ships in Russia—MilanDecree, Dec. 17, 1807—Preamble and articles—Bayonne Decree, April17, 1808—Effect of the Decrees and Orders in Council in England—Interestsof the shipowners maintained—Napoleon infringes his owndecrees—Moniteur, Nov. 18, 1810—Rise in the price of produceand freights, partly accounted for by the Orders in Council—Ingenuityof merchants in shipping goods—Smuggling—Licencesystem in England—Cost of English licences—Their marketablevalue—Working of the licensing system in England—Simulatedpapers—Agencies for the purpose of fabricating them	[290]-[319]
CHAPTER IX.
Effect of the Orders in Council on American trade, A.D. 1810—Complaintsof the Americans against England—Policy of Napoleontowards neutrals—Non-intercourse Act—Secret terms with America—Partialityof the United States towards France—Contentions at homerespecting the Orders in Council—Declaration of war with America—Motivesof the Americans—England revokes her Orders in Council—Condemnationof the conduct of the United States—Impressment ofAmerican seamen—Fraudulent certificates—Incidents of the system—Warwith America—Necessity of relaxing the Navigation Laws duringwar—High duties on cotton—Great European Alliance—Napoleonreturns to Paris—Germans advance to the Rhine—Treaty of Chaumont—TheAllies enter Paris—End of the war by the Treaty ofParis, 1814—Napoleon’s escape from Elba—His landing in Franceand advance on Paris—British troops despatched to Belgium—Subsidiesto European Powers—Fouché—Last campaign of Napoleon,and defeat at Waterloo—Reflections	[320]-[344]
CHAPTER X.
United States of America—Her independence recognised, 1783—Commercialrights—Retaliatory measures—Threatening attitude ofMassachusetts—Constitution of the United States—Good effects ofan united Government—Maritime laws and laws respecting Neutrals—Feelingon both sides the water—Treaty between Great Britainand United States—The right to impose a countervailing tonnageduty reserved—Difficulty of the negotiation—Remarkable omissionrespecting cotton—Indignation in France at the Treaty—The Frenchprotest against its principles—Interest of England to have privateproperty free from capture at sea—Condemnation of ships in theWest Indies and great depredations—Outrages on the Americans—Torturepractised by French cruisers—The advantages of the warto the Americans—Impulse given to shipping—Progress of Americancivilisation—Advances of maritime enterprise—Views of Americanstatesmen—The shipwrights of Baltimore seek protection—GreatBritain imposes countervailing duties—Effect of legislative measureson both sides—Freight and duty compared—Conclusions drawnby the American shipowners—Alarm in the United States at theidea of reciprocity—Objections to the British Navigation Act—Threateneddestruction to American shipping—Popular clamour—Opinionsin Congress—Great influence of the shipowners—Earlystatesmen of the United States—Their efforts to develop maritimecommerce—First trade with the East—European war of 1803—Itseffect on their maritime pursuits	[345]-[380]
CHAPTER XI.
A special mission sent to England—Concessions made in the Colonialtrade—Blockades in the Colonies, and of the French ports in theChannel—The dispute concerning the trade with the FrenchColonies—What is a direct trade?—Reversal of the law in England—Effectin America—Instructions to Commissioners—Proceedings ofthe shipowners of New York—Duties of neutrals—Views of theNew York shipowners—Conditions with respect to private armedvessels—Authorities on the subject—Negotiations for another treaty—Circuitoustrade—Commercial stipulations—Violation of treaties—Complaintsof the Americans against the French—Language ofthe Emperor—Bayonne Decree, April 17, 1808—American Non-interventionAct, March 1, 1809—Intrigues in Paris against England—Hostilefeelings in United States against England—Diplomaticproceedings in Paris—Convention with Great Britain—RetaliatoryActs to be enforced conditionally—Hostile legislation against GreatBritain—Bonds required—Treaty negotiations renewed—Dutchreciprocity—Bremen reciprocity	[381]-[407]
CHAPTER XII.
Earliest formation of wet docks and bonded warehouses—System oflevying duties—Opposition to any change—Excise Bill proposed,1733—but not passed till 1803—Necessity of docks for London—Depredationsfrom ships in London—The extent of the plunder—Instancesof robberies—Scuffle hunters—“Game” ships—Rat-catchers—River-pirates—Theiraudacity—Light-horsemen—Their organisation—“Drum-hogsheads”—Long-shoremen—Harbour accommodation—Notadequate for the merchant shipping—East and West Indiaships—Docks at length planned—West India Docks—Regulations—EastIndia Docks—Mode of conducting business at the Docks—LondonDocks—St. Katharine’s Docks—Victoria and Millwall Docks—Chargeslevied by the Dock Companies—Docks in provincial ports,and bonded warehouses—Liverpool and Birkenhead Docks—Portof Liverpool, its commerce, and its revenue from the docks—Extentof accommodation—Extension of docks to the north—Hydraulic liftsand repairing basins—Cost of new works—Bye-laws of the MerseyBoard—The pilots of the Mersey—Duties of the superintendents—Conditionsof admission to the service—Pilot-boats and rates ofpilotage	[408]-[442]
CHAPTER XIII.
East India Company—Early struggles—Rival company—Privatetraders—Coalition effected—Their trade, 1741-1748, and continueddifficulties up to 1773—Their form of charter—Rates of freight—Grossearnings—Evidence of Sir Richard Hotham before the Committeeof Inquiry—The effect of his evidence—Reduction of duties,August 1784—Extent of tea trade—Opposition of independentshipowners—India-built ships admitted to the trade—Board ofControl established, 1784—Value of the trade, 1796—Charterrenewed, with important provisions, from 1796 to 1814—Restrictionson private traders—East India Company’s shipping, 1808-1815—Thetrade partially opened—Jealousy of free-traders—Effortsof the free-traders at the out-ports—Comparative cost ofEast India Company’s ships and of other vessels—Opposition to theemployment of the latter—Earl of Balcarras—Her crew—Actionsfought by the ships of the Company—Conditions of entering theservice—Uniforms—Discipline—Promotion—Pay and perquisites—Abuseof privileges—Direct remuneration of commanders—Provisionsand extra allowances—Illicit trade denounced by the Court,and means adopted to discover the delinquents—Connivance ofthe officers of the Customs—Pensions, and their conditions—Internaleconomy of the ships—Watches and duties—Amusements—Gun-exercise—Courts-martial—Changein the policy of the EastIndia Company—Results of free-trade with India, and of theCompany’s trading operations—China trade thrown open, 1832-1834—Companyabolished, 1858—Retiring allowances to commandersand officers—Compensations and increased pensions granted—Remunerationof the directors—Their patronage	[443]-[488]
CHAPTER XIV.
Progress of shipping—Thetis, West Indiaman—A “Free-trader”—Internaleconomy—Provisioning and manning—Shipping the crew—Crimpsand agents—Duties on departure of ship—Watches—Dutiesof the Master—Who has control over navigation—Makingand shortening sail—Tacking, etc.—Ordinary day’s work, how arranged—Rightof the Master over the cabin—Authority and usagesin the English, Dutch, and Prussian marine—Danish and Norwegiansystem—Duties of Chief Mate—His duties in port—Tacking “’boutship”—Reefing topsails—Log-book—Mate successor in law to theMaster—Mode of address to Chief and Second Mates—Duties ofSecond Mate—Ordinary day’s work—Care of spare rigging—Stores—ThirdMate—His general duties—Carpenter—Sail-maker—Steward—Cook—Ableseamen, their duties—Division of their labour—Dutiesof ordinary seamen—Boys or apprentices—Bells—Helm—“Tricks”at the helm—Relieving duty—Orders at the wheel—Repeating oforders at wheel—Conversation not allowed while on duty—Colliers.	[489]-[538]
APPENDICES.
PAGE
Appendix No. 1	[541]
Appendix No. 2	[555]
Appendix No. 3	[557]
Appendix No. 4	[559]
Appendix No. 5	[561]
Appendix No. 6	[563]
Appendix No. 7	[564]
Appendix No. 8	[570]
Appendix No. 9	[572]
Appendix No. 10	[576]
Appendix No. 11	[578]
Appendix No. 12	[583]
Appendix No. 13	[585]
Appendix No. 14	[586]
Appendix No. 15	[588]
Index	[593]

THE
LIVERPOOL AND BIRKENHEAD
DOCKS.

Published by Sampson Low, Marston, Low & Searle, Crown Buildings 188 Fleet Street, London.

Engraved by Edw^d. Weller. Red Lion Square

Large Map

MERCHANT SHIPPING.

CHAPTER I.

Dom John of Portugal prosecutes his researches for India—Expedition under Vasco de Gama, 1497—Description of the ships—The expedition sails 9th July, 1497—Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 25th Nov.—Sights land at Natal, 25th Dec., 1498—Meets the first native vessel and obtains information about India—Arrives at Mozambique, 10th March—Departs for Quiloa, 8th April—Arrives at Melinde, 29th April—Sails for Calicut, 6th August—Reaches the shores of India, 26th August—Arrives at Calicut—Vasco de Gama disembarks and concludes a treaty with the king—His treachery—Leaves Calicut for Cananore—Enters into friendly relations and leaves Cananore, 20th Nov.—Reaches Melinde, 8th Jan., 1499—Obtains pilots and sails for Europe, 20th Jan.—Doubles the Cape of Good Hope—Death of Paul de Gama—The expedition reaches the Tagus, 18th Sept., 1499—Great rejoicings at Lisbon—Arrangements made for further expeditions—Departure of the second expedition, 25th March, 1502—Reaches Mozambique and Quiloa, where De Gama makes known his power, and threatens to capture the city—His unjust demands—Arrives at Melinde—Departs, 18th Aug., 1502—Encounter with the Moors—Levies tribute, and sails for Cananore—Disgraceful destruction of a Calicut ship, and massacre of her crew—De Gama’s arrangements with the king of Cananore—Departure for Calicut—Bombards the city—Horrible cruelties—Arrives at Cochym 7th Nov., where he loads, and at Coulam—Opens a factory at Coulam—Calicut declares war against Dom Gama—Success of the Portuguese—Desecration of the Indian vessels, and further atrocities—Completes his factory and fortifications at Cananore, and sails for Lisbon, where he arrives, 1st Sept., 1503—De Gama arrives in India for the third time, 11th Sept., 1524—His death, 24th Dec., 1524—His character as compared with that of Columbus—Discovery of the Pacific by Vasco Nuñez de Bilboa—Voyage of Magellan.

Dom John, of Portugal, prosecutes his researches for India.

While the Spaniards under Columbus were prosecuting their researches for India among the islands and along the coasts of a new-found world, Dom John, of Portugal, was vigorously following up the voyages of discovery which Prince Henry had commenced in the early part of the fifteenth century. “He had heard,” remarks Gaspar Correa,[1] “from a Caffre or Negro king of Benin, who in 1484 took up his quarters in Lisbon, many marvellous things about India, and its affairs.” But though this sable monarch spoke of “Prester John,” he does not appear to have had any idea of the position of the golden land, over which he was the traditional ruler. Dom John, however, resolved to ascertain this fact, and despatched “secretly two young men of his equerries, to learn of many lands, and wander in many parts, because they knew many languages.”

“The king,” continues Correa, “promised them a large recompense for their labour, and for such great services as they would be rendering him; and for as long as they should continue in this service, he would take good care for the support of their wives and children.” He directed them to separate and to go by different roads, giving to each of them letters of acknowledgment of the recompense which he promised them if they returned alive, or to their sons and widows if they should die in this service. He likewise ordered a plate of brass like a medal to be given to each of them, bearing an inscription engraved in all languages, with the name of ‘The King Dom Joam of Portugal, brother of the Christian King,’ which they might show to Prester John, and to whomsoever they thought fit.[2]

Expedition under Vasco de Gama, 1497.

Description of the ships.

The celebrated expedition of Vasco de Gama which followed this inquiry is generally described as consisting of three vessels, one of 120 tons, another of 100 tons, and the third somewhat less.[3] Correa says they were all very similar in size and equipment, in order that each ship might avail itself of any part of the tackle and fittings; and he describes their outfit and cargoes as follows: “The king ordered the ships to be supplied with double tackle and sets of sails, and artillery and munitions in great abundance; above all, provisions, with which the ships were to be filled, with many preserves and perfumed waters, and in each ship all the articles of an apothecary’s shop for the sick; a master, and a priest for confession. The king also ordered all sorts of merchandise of what was in the kingdom and from outside of it, and much gold and silver, coined in the money of all Christendom and of the Moors. And cloths of gold, silk, and wool, of all kinds and colours, and many jewels of gold, necklaces, chains, and bracelets, and ewers of silver and silver-gilt, yataghans, swords, daggers, smooth and engraved, and adorned with gold and silver workmanship. Spears and shields, all adorned so as to be fit for presentation to the kings and rulers of the countries where they might put into port; and a little of each kind of spice. The king likewise commanded slaves to be bought who knew all the languages which might be fallen in with, and all the supplies which seemed to be requisite were provided in great abundance and in double quantities.”

SAN GABRIEL.

Such was the equipment of De Gama’s ships for this perilous and unknown voyage; and, though a man of indefatigable energy, he had to accomplish a task of an extraordinary character; no less than the discovery of a land of which nothing was known, but the vague idea that it lay beyond distant seas “where there would not be navigation by latitude nor charts, only the needle to know the points of the compass, and the sounding plummets for running down the coast.”[4]

On the Sunday fixed for the purpose of offering prayers before the departure of this memorable expedition, the king, with his nobles and most of the leading families of Lisbon, assembled in that beautiful cathedral which still adorns the northern bank of the Tagus, to hear mass from the Bishop Calçadilha, who with deep solemnity offered up prayers, beseeching God “that the voyage might be for His holy service, for the exaltation of His holy faith, and the good and honour of the kingdom of Portugal.” At the conclusion of mass, the king stood before the curtain where Vasco de Gama and his brother Paulo de Gama placed themselves, with the captains of the expeditions, on their knees, and devoutly prayed that they might have strength of mind and body to carry out the wishes of the king, to increase the power and greatness of his dominion, and to spread the Christian religion into other and far distant lands.

The expedition sails 9th July 1497.

Doubles the Cape of Good Hope, 25th Nov.

Sights land at Natal 25th Dec.

With these professed objects and amid splendid demonstrations, in which the whole population of Lisbon took part, Vasco de Gama set sail on the 9th of July 1497. Favoured by a northerly wind and fine weather, the expedition reached St. Iago, Cape Verde Islands, in thirteen days from the time of its departure. Having replenished his stock of provisions, De Gama shaped his course to the south, and on the 4th of November anchored in the bay of St. Helena, on the west coast of Africa. Though aided by the skill and knowledge of Pedro d’Alemquer, Dias’s pilot, it was not until the 22nd November that he succeeded in doubling the now famous Cape of Good Hope, entering on the 25th the bay to the eastward of it, which Dias had named San Bras. Here he encountered one of those storms so frequent on the Agulhas banks, which Correa graphically describes.[5] The ships were in imminent danger, the crews mutinied and resolved to put back; and the fine weather, as had been anticipated, did not restore either contentment or resignation. At length on Sunday, the 17th of December, they passed the Rio do Iffante, the limit of the discoveries of Dias, and on the 25th of that month sighted land. In commemoration of the birthday of Christ, De Gama gave to this spot the name of Costa de Natal. Continuing his course along the coast to the north-east, he arrived on the 22nd of January, 1498, at a river which he named the Rio de Bons Sinaes[6] (now called the Quillimane), where he was detained for a month, owing to an outbreak of scurvy among the crew. His ships, too, had suffered so severely, that they had to be careened and thoroughly caulked, and many of the ropes and shrouds replaced by others, to provide which the transport, as unworthy of repair, was broken up, and the best of her spars and stores appropriated to the equipment of the other vessels.

Meets the first native vessel, and obtains information about India.

When the ships were repaired “they sailed with much satisfaction along the coast, keeping a good look-out by day and night,” and at length fell in with a small native vessel, in which there was an intelligent Moor. From this man, whom the captain-major luxuriously entertained, a great deal of information was obtained as to the character and habits of the people on the coast; and, when spices were presented to him, he intimated that he knew where they could be obtained abundantly. Ultimately the Moor, who appears to have been a trader or broker in the produce of the East, agreed to conduct De Gama to Cambay of which he was a native, asserting that it was a rich country, and “the greatest kingdom in the world.”

Arrives at Mozambique, 10th March.

Having arrived at the island of Mozambique, which was then in the territory of the king of Quiloa, Vasco de Gama sent the Moor on shore with a scarlet cap, a string of small coral beads, and other presents, to conciliate the natives, and induce them to visit his ships. The sheikh of the district was naturally suspicious at first of the strangers, whom he took for Turks, the only white men known to him who had ships unlike the trading vessels of India. When, however, he was satisfied of their friendly intentions, he paid the Portuguese ships a visit in great state; but, on being shown samples of the merchandise brought to exchange for the produce of the East, though making many professions of assistance and friendship, he seems to have treacherously designed obtaining unlawful possession of them. In this scheme, however, he was frustrated by the Moor, who, faithful to his new friends, revealed the plot to De Gama, who was thus enabled to proceed in safety on his voyage.

Departs for Quiloa, 8th April.

From Mozambique the expedition proceeded to Quiloa, described as an important city, trading in “much merchandise,” which came from abroad in a great many ships from all parts, especially from Mecca. Here were “many kinds of people,” including Armenians, who “called themselves Christians” like the Portuguese; here also pilots could be obtained for Cambay. But the sheikh of Mozambique, frustrated in his treacherous designs, had anticipated the arrival of the expedition, by sending a swift boat to inform his chief, the king of Quiloa, that the strangers “were Christians and robbers who came to plunder and spy the countries, under the device that they were merchants, and that they made presents and behaved themselves very humbly in order to deceive, and afterwards come with a fleet and men to take possession of countries; and, therefore, he knowing that, had wished to capture them, and they had fled from the port.” This king appears to have been as treacherous as his sheikh; but though after sending many presents, he endeavoured, by means of false pilots, to run De Gama’s ships on the shoals at the entrance of his port, his plan signally failed.

Arrives at Melinde, 29th April.

Soon after leaving Quiloa, the expedition fell in with a native vessel, which conducted them in safety to Melinde, described as a city on the open coast, containing many noble buildings, surrounded by walls, and of a very imposing appearance from the sea. Here they anchored in front of the city, “close to many ships which were in the port, all dressed out with flags,” in honour of the Portuguese, whose reputation for wealth and power had spread along the coast to such an extent as to induce the king’s soothsayer to recommend that they should “be treated with confidence and respect, and not as Christian robbers.” Large supplies of fresh provisions were sent on board of the vessels; and the king having spoken with his “magistrates and counsellors,” resolved that they should be received in a peaceable and amicable manner, because “there were no such evil people in the world as to do evil to any who did good to them.”

The king having arranged to visit the Portuguese ships, Vasco de Gama received him with royal honours, presenting him with many articles of European manufacture, which were highly prized. After frequent interchanges of civilities, the king informed De Gama that Cambay, of which he was in search, did not contain the produce he desired, for it was not of the growth of that country, but was conveyed thither “from abroad, and cost much there.” “I will give you pilots,” he added, “to take you to the city of Calicut, which is in the country where the pepper and ginger grows, and thither come from other parts all the other drugs, and whatever merchandise there is in these parts, of which you can buy that which you please, enough to fill the ships, or a hundred ships if you had so many.”[7]

Sails for Calicut, 6th Aug.

Towards the close of May, 1498, the expedition was again ready to sail, but finding they had little chance of successful progress, De Gama resolved to wait till the change of the monsoons. The interval was spent in a more thorough repair of their ships. The pilots whom the king had furnished appear to have been well skilled in their profession, and were not surprised when Vasco de Gama showed them the large wooden astrolabe he had brought with him, and the quadrants of metal with which he measured at noon the altitude of the sun. They informed him that some pilots of the Red Sea used brass instruments of a triangular shape and quadrants for a similar purpose, but more especially for ascertaining the altitude of a particular star, better known than any other, in the course of their navigation. Their own mariners, however, they explained, and those of India were generally guided by various stars both north and south, and also by other notable stars which traversed the middle of the heavens from east to west, adding that they did not take their distance with instruments such as were in use amongst the Red Sea pilots, but by means of three tables, or the cross-staff, sometimes described as Jacob’s staff. In those days the seamen of the eastern nations were, indeed, as far advanced in the art of navigation as either the Spaniards or the Portuguese, having gained their knowledge from the Arabian mariners, who, during the Middle Ages, carried on, as we have seen, an extensive trade between the Italian republics and the whole of the Malabar coast.

Reaches the shores of India, 26th August.

After a passage of twenty (or twenty-three) days, Vasco de Gama first sighted the high land of India, at a distance of about eight leagues from the coast of Cananore. The news of the strange arrival spread with great rapidity, and the soothsayers and diviners were consulted, the natives having a legend, “that the whole of India would be taken and ruled over by a distant king, who had white people, who would do great harm to those who were not their friends;”[8]—a prophecy which has been remarkably fulfilled, not merely by the Portuguese, but more especially as regards the government of India by the English people. The soothsayers, however, added that the time had not yet arrived for the realisation of the prophecy.

Arrives at Calicut.

Vasco De Gama disembarks,

On the arrival of the expedition at Calicut,[9] multitudes of people flocked to the beach, and the Portuguese were at first well received; for the king, having ascertained the real wealth of the strangers, and that Vasco de Gama had gold, and silver, and rich merchandise on board, to exchange for the pepper, spices, and other produce of the East, immediately sent him presents of “many figs, fowls, and cocoa-nuts, fresh and dry,” and professed a desire to enter into relations with the “great Christian king,” whom he represented. Calicut, the capital of the Malabar district, was then one of the chief mercantile cities of India, having for centuries carried on an extensive trade with Arabia and the cities of the West, in native and Arabian vessels. Hence among its merchants were many Moors,[10] who, holding in their hands the most profitable branches of the trade, naturally “perceived the great inconvenience and certain destruction which would fall upon them and upon their trade if the Portuguese should establish trade in Calicut.”[11] These men therefore took counsel together, and at length succeeded in persuading the king’s chief factor, and his minister of justice, that the strangers had been really sent to spy out the nature of the country, so that they might afterwards come and plunder it at their leisure. But, as Correa remarks, “it is notorious that officials take more pleasure in bribes than in the appointments of their offices,” so the factor and the minister did not hesitate to receive bribes, both from the Moors and from the strangers, and recommended the king, whose interests were opposed to his fears, to open up a commercial intercourse with Vasco de Gama. Accompanied by twelve men, of “good appearance,” composing his retinue, and taking with him numerous presents, De Gama at last presented himself on shore. The magnificent display of scarlet cloth, the crimson velvet, the yellow satin, the hand-basins and ewers chased and gilt, besides a splendid gilt mirror, fifty sheaths of knives of Flanders, with ivory handles and glittering blades, and many other objects of curiosity and novelty, banished, at least for the time, any doubts in the mind of the Malabar monarch with regard to the honest intentions of the strangers.

and concludes a treaty with the king.

Having concluded a treaty, whereby it was stipulated that the Portuguese should have security to go on shore and sell and buy as they pleased, and that they should be placed in all respects on the same footing as other foreign merchants, the king added his desire that the stranger should be treated “with such good friendship as if he was own brother to the king of Portugal.”[12]

His treachery.

De Gama was fully satisfied with the arrangement, and had he been dealing with the king only, it seems probable that everything would have gone on well; the more so as the Malabar monarch was already realising large profits from the new trade. But the merchant Moors were less easily satisfied. They knew from the covetous character of the king that so long as the Portuguese were willing to buy, he would continue to supply whatever they required, and that thus the market would be stripped of the articles best adapted for their annual shipments to the Red Sea. They felt that “whenever the Christians should come thither, he would prefer selling his goods to them to supplying cargoes for the Moors;” and that, in the end, they would be “entirely ruined;” a plea, indeed, repeatedly used in many other countries whenever competition first made its appearance. The Moors further argued that the Portuguese could not be merchants, but “evil men of war,” for they paid whatever price was demanded for the produce they required, and made no difference between articles of inferior and superior qualities. But the king refused to listen to their complaints until he had obtained all he desired from the strangers; then, giving heed to the reports of the Moors, and to the entreaties of his factor and minister, who had been doubly bribed, he turned round upon Gama, and by stratagem endeavoured to capture him and his ships. Finding it unsafe to remain any longer in port, the expedition, although only half laden, prepared to take its departure from Calicut, after a sojourn of about seventy days, the captain-major remarking that he was “not going to return to the port, but that he would go back to his country to relate to his king all that had happened to him; that he should also tell him the truth about the treachery of his own people with the Moors; and that, if at any time he should return to Calicut, he would revenge himself upon the Moors.”[13]

Leaves Calicut for Cananore.

Terrified by this threat of revenge, the king repented, and believing that the expedition would proceed to Cananore, wrote a letter to the king of that place giving him an account of all that had taken place and of his ill-treatment of the Portuguese, and, at the same time, entreating him to induce De Gama to return to his country, that he might “see the punishment he would inflict on those who were in fault, and complete the cargo of his ships.” The Portuguese, however, had seen enough of the fickle ruler of Calicut, and declined to accede to his urgent entreaties to return. In the king of Cananore they found a monarch equally disposed to trade, and one who, at the same time, having consulted his soothsayers, had decided that it would be alike profitable and politic to enter into commercial relations with strangers who could, if they pleased, destroy their enemies at sea or ruin their trade on land. How they were received and how they conducted their trade with this monarch is told at much length by Correa, in his quaint and graphic relation of the incidents of this remarkable voyage.[14]

Enters into friendly relations,

Suffice it to state that, after many fine speeches on both sides, the king swore eternal friendship with the Christian king of Portugal, and as a trustworthy proof of their oaths, presented to De Gama a sword, with a hilt enamelled with gold, and a velvet scabbard, the point of which was sheathed with that precious metal.

Abundant presents followed these solemn pledges—pledges made only to be broken; while gifts of golden collars, mounted with jewels and pearls, and chains of gold, and rings set with valuable gems, were offered to and accepted by the Portuguese as tokens of a friendship which was to last “for ever,” but which in a few years afterwards they rudely destroyed. “A factory,” said the king, “you may establish in this country; goods your ships shall always have of the best quality, and at the prices they are worth.” But as the sequel shows, in the case alike of the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the English, around the factory there arose fortifications, and from these there went forth, not merely traders to collect the produce of the country, but conquerors to overthrow ancient dynasties, and claim as their own the land to which a few years before they had been utter strangers.[15]

and leaves Cananore, 20th Nov.

Reaches Melinde, 8th Jan., 1499.

Having fully completed their cargoes, the Portuguese ships took their departure from Cananore on the 20th of November, 1498, but finding that the monsoons were not then sufficiently set in to be favourable for the homeward voyage, they anchored at “Angediva,”[16] an island on the coast of Malabar, where there were good water springs, and where they “enjoyed themselves much.” After remaining there ten days, they departed on their voyage to Melinde. They were, however, delayed for a time by corsairs, fitted out at Goa, in the hope that the Portuguese ships might be captured by stratagem, a hope which was rudely demolished; the fleet of “fustas” were entirely destroyed, and Vasco de Gama arrived, homeward bound, without further molestation or misfortune, safely at the African port (Melinde), on the 8th January, 1499.

Having been received with great rejoicings, De Gama, in reply to the affectionate welcome of the king, made a glowing speech, in which by the way he remarked that “the king, our sovereign, will send many ships and men to seek India, which will be all of it his, he will confer great benefits on his friends, and you will be the one most esteemed above them all, like a brother of his own; and when you see his power, then your heart will feel entire satisfaction.”

Obtains pilots, and sails for Europe, 20th Jan.

A letter, written “on a leaf of gold,” was then prepared for the king of Portugal, in which all that had taken place at Melinde was mentioned, with many requests that the Christian sovereign would send his fleets and men to his ports. Rich presents were at the same time placed in the charge of De Gama to be delivered on the part of his majesty of Melinde to the king and queen of Portugal; while presents of a similar kind, and scarcely less valuable, were given to De Gama and his officers. In return for these handsome gifts, De Gama, “desiring that the king of Portugal should excel all others in greatness,” ordered to be put into the boats ten chests of different sorts of uncut coral, a considerable quantity of amber, vermilion, and quicksilver; numerous pieces of brocade, velvet, satin, and coloured damasks, with many other things which he considered it was “not worth while to take back to Portugal, as of little value there.” The king, besides furnishing him with pilots, presented to them various things that might be useful or pleasant on the voyage; such as jars of ginger, preserved with sugar, for the captain-major, and for Paul de Gama, “which they were to eat at sea when they were cold,” and two hundred cruzados in gold, “to be distributed among their wives.” Thus enriched and replenished, the expedition set sail for Europe on the day of St. Sebastian, the 20th of January, 1499.[17]

Doubles the Cape of Good Hope.

Having shaped a course along the coast, the captains gave orders to note with care the various headlands, and every conspicuous landmark, especially the outlines and marks presented by the land when seen astern of the vessels, and also to note down the names of the towns and the rivers, and their position from the more conspicuous headlands, for the guidance of future voyagers. With a fair wind, and under the direction of the native pilots, who were familiar with the navigation, the expedition passed swiftly through the Mozambique channel, and without calling at any place, rounded, in fine weather, the dreaded Cape of Good Hope, and saw “the turn which the coast takes towards Portugal with shouts of joy, and prayers and praises for the benefits that had been granted to them.”

Death of Paul de Gama.

“When it was night,” continues Correa in his narrative, “the Moorish pilots took observations with the stars, so that they made a straight course. When they were on the line they met with showers and calms, so that our men knew that they were in the region of Guinea. Here they encountered contrary winds, which came from the Straits of Gibraltar, so that they took a tack out to sea on a bowline, going as close to the wind as possible. They sailed thus, with much labour at the pumps, for the ships made much water with the strain of going on a bowline, and in this part of the sea they found some troublesome weed, of which there was much that covered the sea, which had a leaf like sargarço,[18] which name they gave to it, and so named it for ever. Our pilots got sight of the north star at the altitude which they used to see it in Portugal, by which they knew they were near Portugal. They then ran due north until they sighted the islands, at which their joy was unbounded, and they reached them and ran along them to Terceira, at which they anchored in the port of Angra, at the end of August. There the ships could hardly keep afloat by means of the pumps, and they were so old that it was a wonder how they kept above water, and many of the crews were dead, and others sick, who died on reaching land. There also Paul de Gama died, for he came ailing ever since he passed the Cape; and off Guinea he took to his bed, and never again rose from it.”[19]

The expedition reaches the Tagus 18th Sept, 1499.

The death of Paul de Gama was a source of the greatest grief to his brother Vasco. His body was buried in the monastery of St. Francis with much honour, and amidst the lamentations of the crews, and the chief inhabitants of the island, who followed it to the grave. The crews having, chiefly by death, been reduced to fifty-five, and many of the men being in a weak state, the government officers of Terceira sent an extra supply of seamen on board, to navigate the ships to Lisbon, for which port the expedition sailed as soon as the vessels had received the necessary refit, reaching the Tagus on the 18th of September, 1499, after an absence of two years and eight months, on one of the most remarkable and interesting voyages on record.

But the news of the arrival of the fleet at Terceira had preceded its actual arrival at Lisbon, more than one adventurer having started thence while De Gama was detained, so as to secure the reward for bringing the first good tidings to the king, then at Cintra.

It spread, indeed, far and wide. Another road had been discovered to a country which, famed for its riches, had been the envy of the Western nations from the earliest historic period, as well as the dream of the youth of every age and land since the days of Solomon and Semiramis. Well might Lisbon be in a state of the greatest ecstasy when the tidings of the great discovery reached its people. They were indeed tidings of the highest importance, not merely to them, but to the people of every maritime and commercial city of Europe.

Great rejoicings at Lisbon.

The information reaching the king at midnight, he resolved to start with his retinue early in the morning for Lisbon, to receive further intelligence, and to welcome the ships on their entry into the Tagus. There the glad tidings were confirmed. The king waited at the India House until the ships arrived at the bar, where there were boats with pilots, who brought them into port, decorated with numerous flags, and firing a salute as they anchored. When Vasco de Gama landed on the beach before the city, he was received by “all the nobles of the court, and by the Count of Borba and the Bishop of Calçadilha; and he went between these two before the king, who rose up from his chair, and did him great honour,” conferring upon him the title of “Dom,” with various grants and privileges, and creating him high admiral, an office which the Marquis of Niza, his lineal descendant, holds to this day. “Then the king mounted his horse, and went to the palace above the Alcasoba, where his apartments then were, and took Vasco de Gama with him, who, on entering where the queen was, kissed her hand, and she did him great honour.”[20]

While rewards were freely bestowed upon all persons who had taken part in the expedition, costly offerings were made to the monastery of Belem, with gifts to numerous churches, as also to various holy houses and convents of nuns, that “all might give thanks and praises to the Lord for the great favour which He had shown to Portugal.” The king, with the queen, went in splendid state and in solemn procession from the cathedral to St. Domingo, where Calçadilha preached on the grandeur of India, and its “miraculous discovery.”

Arrangements made for further expeditions.

Soon afterwards the king arranged to send another fleet, consisting of large and strong ships of his own, with great capacity for cargo, which, if navigated in safety, “would bring him untold riches.” All these matters his majesty talked over very fully with Vasco de Gama, who was to proceed as captain-major, if he pleased, in any fleet fitted out from Portugal to India, with power to supersede all other persons, and to appoint or discharge at his will the captains or officers of any of the vessels belonging to every expedition for India that might be equipped from the Tagus.

Indeed, the first expedition had yielded such immense profits, that arrangements for various others were readily entered into without delay. Correa states that a quintal of pepper realised eighty cruzados, cinnamon one hundred and eighty, cloves two hundred, nutmegs one hundred, ginger one hundred and twenty, while mace sold for three hundred cruzados the quintal.[21] So great were the profits, that when the accounts of the cost of the expedition were made up, by order of the king, and added to the prices paid for the merchandise when shipped, it was found that “the return was fully sixty-fold.”

Departure of the second expedition, 25th March, 1502.

The second expedition, however, under Vasco de Gama’s direct control, was destined for other and less laudable objects than commerce.[22] Dom Manuel had resolved to punish “the treachery of the king of Calicut.” Ten large ships were therefore prepared, fitted with heavy guns and munitions of war of every kind then known, besides abundance of stores, and with these, and five lateen-rigged caravels, Dom Vasco set sail for India on Lady-day, the 25th March, 1502, to wreak his sovereign’s “vengeance” on those contumacious kings of the East who had not treated his subjects with the respect which he felt was due to the representatives of “a great Christian monarch.” In this instance, as has been the case before and since in numerous other instances, solemn prayers were offered that the depredations about to be committed in the name of God and under the banner of a Christian king might be attended with success. “I feel in my heart,” exclaimed De Gama, addressing his sovereign, “a great desire and inclination to go and make havoc of him (the king of Calicut), and I trust in the Lord that He will assist me, so that I may take vengeance of him, and that your highness may be much pleased.” But though “vengeance is Mine, saith the Lord,” has been the text of every Christian church from the earliest ages, a solemn mass and numerous prayers were offered in the cathedral, at which the king was present and all his court, to invoke Heaven to strengthen the arm of Dom Gama in his openly-avowed mission of vengeance.

In the fifteen sail of vessels composing the second expedition, there were “eight hundred men at arms, honourable men, and many gentlemen of birth, with the captain-major and others, his relations and friends, with the captains.”[23] Each soldier had three cruzados a month, and one for his maintenance on shore, besides the privilege of shipping on his own account two quintals of pepper, at a nominal rate of freight, and subject only to a small tax, “paid towards the completion of the monastery at Belem.” Considerably greater space was allowed in the ship to the masters, pilots, bombardiers, and other officers, a practice which prevailed to our own time in the ships of the English East India Company.

“When the fleet was quite ready to set sail from the river off Lisbon, after cruising about with a great show of banners, and standards, and crosses of Christ on all the sails, and saluting with much artillery, they went to Belem, where the crews were mustered, each captain with his crew, all dressed in livery and galas, and the king was present, and showed great favour and honour to all.”[24] Here the fleet lay for three days, and when the wind became fair, the king went in his barge to each ship, dismissing them with good wishes, the whole of the squadron saluting him with trumpets as they took their departure.

Reaches Mozambique and Quiloa, where De Gama makes known his power,

With the exception of some sickness, when crossing the equator in the vicinity of Guinea, of which one of the captains and a few of the men died, the expedition had a favourable passage round the Cape of Good Hope, but immediately afterwards encountered a heavy gale, which lasted for six days. During this storm most of the vessels were dispersed and one of them lost, though her crew and cargo were saved. When the weather moderated, each ship, in accordance with previous instructions, steered for Mozambique as the appointed rendezvous, where they again assembled under the captain-major, some of them, however, having joined company before reaching that place. Here the sheikh, who does not appear to have been the same person who held that office on Gama’s first expedition, sent to the ships presents of cows, sheep, goats, and fowls, for which, however, the captain-major paid, and ordered a piece of scarlet cloth to be given to him. From Mozambique the expedition proceeded to Quiloa, but remembering the treachery of the king of that place, De Gama, after he had moved his fleet within range of the town, sent the following message to his sable majesty: “Go,” he said to an ambassador whom the king had sent on board, “go and say to the king that this fleet is of the king of Portugal, lord of the sea and of the land, and I am come here to establish with him good peace and friendship and trade, and for this purpose let him come to me to arrange all this, because it cannot be arranged by messenger. And in the name of the king of Portugal, I give him a safe conduct to come and return, without receiving any harm, even though we should not come to an agreement; and if he should not come, I will at once send people on shore, who will go to his house to take and bring him.”[25]

and threatens to capture the city.

The king, on receipt of this apparently friendly, but very peremptory message, was with his chiefs amazed and greatly alarmed. Having held a council, he despatched a reply to the captain-major, that he would send him a signed paper to the effect that he and his crew might land freely, if no injury were done to him or the city. De Gama, however, resolved to put pressure upon the king; who, over persuaded by a crafty and rich Moor, ventured on board the ship of the Portuguese admiral, with large, and, so far as we can judge, true professions of friendship and amity.

But the captain-major required something more than this. “If,” said he, “the king of Quiloa became a friend of the king, his sovereign, he must also do as did the other kings and sovereigns who newly became his friends, which was that each year he should pay a certain sum of money or a rich jewel, which they did as a sign that by this yearly payment it was known that they were in good friendship.”[26] In a word, that he should subject himself and his dominion to the government of Portugal. The African king seems to have clearly understood and felt the force of this plausible mode of abdicating his sovereign rights, for he replied, “That to have to pay each year money or a jewel was not a mode of good friendship, because it was tributary subjection, and was like being a captive; and, therefore, if the captain-major was satisfied with good peace and friendship without exactions, he was well pleased, but that to pay tribute would be his dishonour.” The captain-major, however, cared little for anything except submission. “I am the slave of the king, my sovereign,” he haughtily replied, “and all the men whom you see here, and who are in that fleet, will do that which I command; and know for certain, that if I chose, in one single hour your city would be reduced to embers; and if I chose to kill your people, they would all be burned in the fire.” Thus the Western nations, under the plea of peace and friendship, and on the pretence at first of only desiring to establish factories for the purposes of peaceful and mutually beneficial commerce, became lords of the East, and for centuries exercised a dominion founded on despotism and injustice over its native sovereigns. The king of Quiloa might remonstrate as he pleased, submission was his only course. “If I had known,” he replied, with great warmth and energy, “that you intended to make me a captive, I would not have come, but have fled to the woods, for it is better to be a jackal at large than a greyhound bound with a golden leash.”[27] “Go on shore and fly to the woods,” said the now exasperated representative of the Christian king—“go on shore to the woods, for I have greyhounds who will catch you there, and fetch you by the ears, and drag you to the beach, and take you away with an iron ring round your neck, and show you throughout India, so that all might see what would be gained by not choosing to be the captive of the king of Portugal.” And this Christian speech was accompanied with an order to his captains “to go to their ships, and bring all the crews armed, and go and burn the city.”

His unjust demands.

As De Gama refused to grant the king even one hour for consultation, he submitted, and this submission, having been ratified on a leaf of gold, and signed by the king and all who were with him, presents were exchanged, while the rich Arab, whose treachery soon afterwards became known, was left on board, by way of security for the delivery of other articles which had been promised; but the king sent word that Mahomed Arcone “might pay himself, since he had deceived him.” On receipt of this information the captain-major became very angry with the rich Moor, and ordered him and the Moors who had accompanied him to be “stripped naked, and bound hand and foot, and put into his boat, and to remain thus roasting in the sun until they died, since they had deceived him; and when they were dead he would go on shore and seek the king, and do as much for him, lading his ships with the wealth of the city, and making captive slaves of its women and children.” It was not, however, necessary to carry into effect these terrible threats. The Moor sent to fetch from his house a ransom, valued at 10,000 cruzados (£1,000 sterling), which he gave with other perquisites to the “Christian” ambassador, who immediately afterwards pursued his voyage to Melinde.

Arrives at Melinde.

On arriving in sight of the port, the king, who had already received the news, was prepared with “much joy to welcome his great friend Dom Vasco de Gama;” while the fleet anchored amidst a salvo of artillery. The king with haste embarked in a barge which he had ready, to visit and pay his respects to the captain-major, “bringing after him boats spread with green boughs, accompanied by festive musical instruments; and De Gama, as soon as he was aware that it was the king, went to receive him on the sea, the two at once embracing and exchanging many courtesies.”[28]

Departs 18th Aug., 1502.

An exchange of presents continued for the three days the fleet remained at Melinde, and much rejoicing and festivity prevailed. Fresh provisions of every kind were sent in abundance for each of the vessels, as also tanks for water, which the king of Melinde had prepared in anticipation of the arrival of the expedition, with pitch for the necessary repairs to the ships, and coir sufficient for a fresh outfit of hawsers and cordage for the whole expedition. On the day of departure the king went on board, and gave De Gama a valuable jewelled necklace for his sovereign, worth three thousand cruzados, and others of not much less value for himself, with various other gifts, among which were a bedstead of Cambay, wrought with gold and mother of pearl, a very beautiful thing, and he gave him letters for the king, and a chest full of rich stuffs for the queen, with a white embroidered canopy for her bed, the most delicate piece of needlework, “like none other that had ever been seen.”[29]

Encounter with the Moors.

Soon after their departure the expedition fell in with five ships, which had been fitting out in the Tagus for India when Vasco de Gama sailed, and which had been placed under the command of his relation Estevan de Gama. The combined fleets proceeding on their voyage, called at the “port of Baticala,[30] where there were many Moorish ships loading rice, iron, and sugar, for all parts of India.” The Moors, on the approach of the Portuguese, prepared to offer resistance to them entering the harbour, by planting some small cannon on a rock which was within range of the bar. The boats, however, belonging to the Portuguese ships made their way into the harbour without damage, although amid showers of stones from the dense mass of people who had collected to resist their approach, until they reached some wharves, which had been erected for the convenience of loading the vessels frequenting the port. The Moors then fled in great disorder, leaving behind them a large quantity of rice and sugar, which lay on the wharf ready for shipment, and the Portuguese returned to their boats in order to proceed to the town, which was situated higher up the river. On their way, however, a message was sent from the king of Baticala to say that, though he “complained of their carrying on war in his port, without first informing themselves of him, whether he would obey him or not, he would do whatever the captain-major commanded.” Upon which De Gama replied, “that he did not come with the design of doing injury to him, but when he found war, he ordered it to be made; for this is the fleet of the king of Portugal, my sovereign, who is lord of the sea of all the world, and also of all this coast.”[31]

Levies tribute, and sails for Cananore.

In this spirit the trade between Europe and India, by way of the Cape of Good Hope, was opened by the Portuguese. It was thus continued by them and the Dutch for somewhere about a century, and perpetuated in the same domineering manner by the servants of the English East India Company, even until our own time.[32] To the demand for gold or silver, the king of Baticala could only reply that he had none. His country was too poor to possess such treasure, but such articles as his country possessed he would give as tribute to Portugal; and having signed the requisite treaty of submission, he despatched in his boats a large quantity of rice and other refreshments for the fleet, on the receipt of which the captain-major set sail for Cananore.

Disgraceful destruction of a Calicut ship, and massacre of her crew.

On the passage the expedition encountered a heavy storm, and sustained so much damage, that it was necessary to anchor in the bay of Marabia for repairs. Here they fell in with a large Calicut ship from Mecca, laden with very valuable produce, which the captain-major pillaged, and afterwards burned, because the vessel belonged to a wealthy merchant of Calicut, who he alleged had counselled the king of that place to plunder the Portuguese on their previous voyage. Nor were these Christian adventurers satisfied by this act of impudent piracy; they slaughtered the whole of the Moors belonging to the ship, because they had stoutly resisted unjust demands, the boats from the fleet “plying about, killing the Moors with lances,” as they were swimming away, having leapt from their burning and scuttled ship into the sea.[33]

On the arrival of the expedition at Cananore, De Gama related to the king how gratified his sovereign had been by the reception which his fleet had formerly received, and presented him with a letter and numerous presents. He then narrated the course of retaliation which he intended to pursue with the king of Calicut, expressing a hope that the merchants of Cananore would have no dealings with those of Calicut, for he intended to destroy all its ships, and ruin its commerce. This vindictive policy seems to have gratified the jealous Cananore king, for “he swore upon his head, and his eyes, and by his mother’s womb which had borne him, and by the prince, his heir,” that he would assist the captain-major in his work of revenge by every means in his power. Upon which De Gama “made many compliments of friendship to the king on the part of the king his sovereign, saying that kings and princes of royal blood used to do so amongst one another; and maintained good faith, which was their greatest ornament, and was of more value than their kingdoms.”[34]

De Gama’s arrangements with the king of Cananore.

Having arranged how the king of Calicut and his subjects were to be disposed of, his majesty of Cananore returned to his palace, and matured with his council the measures to be taken so as to carry out wishes of his friend and ally the king of Portugal. In matters of trade it was agreed that a fixed price should be set upon all articles offered for sale, and that there should be no bargaining between the buyer or seller for the purpose of either lowering or raising prices. The chief merchants of the city and natives of the country were to arrange with the factors from the ships what the prices were to be, and these “should last for ever.” A factory was to be established where goods were to be bought and sold; and all these things were written down by the scribes, so as to constitute an agreement, which both parties signed. When completed, De Gama took counsel with his captains, and settled that two divisions of the fleet should cruise along the coast, “making war on all navigators, except those of Cananore, Cochym, and Coulam,”[35] while the factors should remain on shore, with a sufficient number of men to buy and gather into their warehouse at Cananore, “for the voyage to the kingdom, much rice, sugar, honey, butter, oil, dried fish, and cocoa-nuts, to make cables of coir and cordage.”

Departure for Calicut.

Bombards the city.

Horrible cruelties.

Having arranged all these matters to the satisfaction of everybody at the place, except the Moorish merchants, who were “very sad” when they saw their ancient trade by the Red Sea passing into the hands of strangers, Dom Gama sailed with his combined fleet for Calicut, where, on arrival, he found the port deserted of its shipping, the news of his doings at Onor and Baticala having reached the ears of the people of Calicut; the king, however, sent one of the chief Brahmins of the place, with a white flag of truce, in the vain hope that some terms of peace might be agreed upon. But the captain-major rejected every condition, and ordering the Indian boat to return to the shore, and the Brahmin to be safely secured on board of his ship, he bombarded the city, “by which he made a great destruction.” Nor was his vengeance satisfied by this wanton destruction of private property, and the sacrifice of the lives of many of the inhabitants of the city; while thus engaged “there came in from the offing two large ships, and twenty-two sambacks and Malabar vessels from Coromandel, laden with rice for the Moors of Calicut:” these he seized and plundered, with the exception of six of the smaller vessels belonging to Cananore. Had the acts of this representative of a civilised monarch been confined to plunder, and the destruction of private property at sea and on shore, they might have been passed over without comment as acts of too frequent occurrence; but besides this, they were deeply dyed with the blood of his innocent victims. The prayers he had offered to God with so much solemnity on the banks of the Tagus proved, indeed, a solemn farce; his own historian adding the shameful statement, that after the capture of these peaceable vessels, “the captain-major commanded them” (his soldiers) “to cut off the hands, and ears, and noses of all the crews of the captured vessels, and put them into one of the small vessels, in which he also placed the friar, without ears, or nose, or hands, which he ordered to be strung round his neck with a palm-leaf for the king, on which he told him to have a curry made to eat of what his friar brought him.”[36]

Perhaps no more refined acts of barbarity are to be found recorded in the page of history than those which Correa relates with so much simplicity of his countryman; they would seem, indeed, to have been almost matters of course in the early days of the maritime supremacy of the Portuguese, and may in some measure account for the unsatisfactory condition into which that once great nation has now fallen. Supposing, however, the exquisite barbarism of sending to the king the hands, ears, and nose of his ambassador, to whom Dom Gama had granted a safe conduct, not enough to convey to the ruler of Calicut a sufficiently strong impression of the greatness, and grandeur, and power, and wisdom, and civilisation of the Christian monarch, whose subjects he had offended, the captain-major ordered the feet of these poor innocent wretches, whom he had already so fearfully mutilated, “to be tied together, as they had no hands with which to untie them; and in order that they should not untie them with their teeth, he ordered them” (his crew) “to strike upon their teeth with staves, and they knocked them down their throats, and they were thus put on board, heaped up upon the top of each other, mixed up with the blood which streamed from them; and he ordered mats and dry leaves to be spread over them, and the sails to be set for the shore, and the vessel set on fire.”[37]

Arrives at Cochym, 7th Nov., where he loads,

In this floating funeral pile eight hundred Moors, who had been captured in peaceful commerce, were driven on shore as a warning to the people of Calicut, who flocked in great numbers to the beach to extinguish the fire, and draw out from the burning mass those whom they found alive, over whom “they made great lamentations.” When the friar reached the king with his revolting message, and deprived of his hands, ears, and nose, an object of the deepest humiliation, he found himself in the midst of the wives and relations of those who had been so shamefully massacred, bewailing in the most heart-rending manner their loss, and imploring the king to render them aid and protection from further injury. Although the king’s power was feeble compared to that of the Portuguese, with their trained men of war, and vastly superior instruments of destruction, the sight of his faithful Brahmin, whom he had despatched in good faith to offer any conditions of peace which Dom Gama might demand, led him to resolve with “great oaths” that he would expend the whole of his kingdom in avenging the terrible wrongs which had been inflicted upon his people. Summoning to his council his ministers and the principal Moors of the city, he arranged measures for their protection from the even still greater dishonour and ruin which was threatened with awful earnestness by their invaders. The Moors, with one voice, “offered to spend their lives and property for vengeance.” In every river arrangements were made for the construction of armed proas, large rowing barges and sambacks, and as many vessels of war as the means which their country afforded could produce. But long before this fleet was ready, Dom Gama had sailed with his expedition for Cochym, where he arrived on the 7th of November, having on his passage done as much harm as he could to the merchants of Calicut, many of whose vessels he fell across in his cruise along the coast.

Cochym, like Cananore, had resolved from the first to court the friendship of Portugal. Its rulers conceived it more to their interests to submit to the conditions of Dom Gama, however humiliating, than to resist his assumed authority. Consequently when his fleet made its appearance, the king of Cochym was ready to receive him with every honour; and when his boat, with its canopy of crimson velvet, very richly dressed, approached the shore, the king, accompanied by his people, came to the water-side to meet him, prepared to secure his friendship by any submission, however abject. Numerous rich and valuable presents having been interchanged, arrangements were made to provide the cargo the captain-major required, on similar conditions to those which had been entered into at Cananore.

and at Coulam.

When the queen of Coulam, a neighbouring and friendly state, where the pepper was chiefly produced, heard of the wealth which the king of Cochym and his merchants were making by their commercial intercourse with the Portuguese, she sent an ambassador to Dom Gama to entreat him to enter into similar arrangements with herself and her people, saying that “she desired for her kingdom the same great profit, because she had pepper enough in her kingdom to load twenty ships each year:” but Dom Gama was a diplomatist, or at least a dissembler, as well as an explorer. To fall out with the king of Cochym did not then suit his purpose, which he would very likely have done had he allowed the queen of Coulam to share in the lucrative trade without his sanction; but he nevertheless appears to have made up his mind to reap the advantage of the queen’s trade under any circumstances. Consequently, he sent word to the queen “that he was the vassal of so truthful a king, that for a single lie or fault which he might commit against good faith, he would order his head to be cut off; therefore he could not answer anything with certainty, nor accept her friendship, nor the trade which she offered, and for which he thanked her much, without the king (of Cochym) first commanded him.”[38]

Opens a factory at Coulam.

After this palaver he recommended that she should ask the king of Cochym’s permission to open up commercial intercourse with the Portuguese, an arrangement he was not likely to assent to, as besides curtailing his profits, he would lose the revenue he derived from the queen’s pepper, which now passed through his kingdom for shipment. The king was naturally perplexed and “much grieved, because he did not wish to see the profit and honour of his kingdom go to another.” So after talking the matter over with De Gama’s factor, he resolved to leave it entirely in the hands of the captain-major, and informed the queen’s messenger that the matter was left altogether to his good pleasure, no doubt himself believing that the trade would be therefore declined. But the king of Cochym had made a sad mistake, for the Portuguese navigator was a diplomatist far beyond the king’s powers of comprehension; to his discomfiture and amazement Gama informed the ambassador of Coulam “that he was the king’s vassal, and in that port was bound to obey him as much as the king his sovereign, and, therefore, he would obey him in whatever was his will and pleasure; and since the queen was thus his relation and friend, he was happy to do all that she wished!”[39] Consequently he despatched two of his ships to load pepper, at “a river called Calle Coulam,” sending the queen a handsome mirror and corals, and a large bottle of orange-water, with scarlet barret-caps for her ministers and household, and thirty dozen of knives with sheaths for her people. Soon afterwards he established a factory in her kingdom.

While Dom Gama was employed loading his ships with the produce of India for Portugal, the king of Calicut had prepared a fleet which he hoped would capture and destroy the fleet of the Christian monarch who had done his people such grievous wrongs. It consisted of “several large ships, and sambacks, and rowing barges, with much artillery and fighting men, and two captain-majors.” But the king of Calicut, either anxious to avoid war, or to obtain information of the condition and power of the vessels then under Dom Gama, sent a confidential Brahmin to Cochym, with a letter to the captain-major, in which, after stating the force now at his command, he expressed a wish that there should be “no more wars nor disputes”[40] between them, and that he would make compensation for the injury his people had sustained on the previous voyage; but the Brahmin received no better reception than his predecessor had done. He was tied to the bits, or framework that surrounds the main-mast; an iron shovel, full of embers, was put “close to his shins, until large blisters rose upon them, whilst the interpreter shouted to him to tell the truth,” as to whether the king his master meant what he said in the letter he had addressed by him to Dom Gama; but as he would not speak, “the fire was brought closer by degrees, until he could not bear it,” and when he had told all he knew, the captain-major “ordered the upper and lower lips of the Brahmin to be cut off, so that all his teeth showed; and he ordered the ears of a dog on board the ship to be cut off, and he had them fastened and sewn with many stitches on the Brahmin, instead of his, and he sent him in the Indian boat to return to Calicut!”[41]

Calicut declares war against Dom Gama.

The king, as well he might, when his mutilated and insulted ambassador presented himself, at once ordered his fleet to proceed in search of the Portuguese, and to intercept them on their way from Cochym back to Cananore, where they had gone to fill their ships with the ginger which had been collected for them at that place. Dom Gama’s departure was, however, delayed for a few days. He had to permanently establish his factory at Cochym, and make arrangements for its protection during his absence, and for the purchase and storage of produce ready for the ships which would annually be despatched to India from the Tagus. He had also to found a Portuguese colony, the first colony of Europeans in India, for which purpose he “left carpenters, and caulkers, blacksmiths, turners, and cordage-makers, who were to refit the ships which had to remain at Cochym,” as well as other “workmen and men-at-arms,” in all sixty persons, to whom “the factor was to give their pay, and a cruzado per month for their maintenance.”

Success of the Portuguese.

Desecration of the Indian vessels,

When Dom Gama had completed his arrangements at Cochym, he sailed for Cananore. The king of Calicut with his fleet lay in wait for him. “Coming along the coast with a light land breeze, there were so many sail” that the Portuguese did not see the end of them. In the van there might be as many as “twenty large ships, with many fustas and sambacks.” These Dom Gama ordered his caravels, each of which carried thirty men with four heavy guns below, and six falconets, and ten swivel-guns on deck, to attack, which they did with great vigour, and soon brought down the mast of the flag-ship of the Moors, killing many of the crew, and sinking three of the large vessels. Amid this havoc, Dom Gama himself bore down with the rest of his fleet, and, as the wind freshened, he came with great force through the midst of his opponents, “doing wonders” with his artillery, and firing both broadsides as he passed, shattering them both in hull and rigging, and leaving the Calicut fleet almost a helpless mass.

and further atrocities.

But conquest and submission were not enough for this Portuguese marauder. His fiendish spirit of revenge seems to have had no limits. He “sent the boats with falconets and swivel-guns, and in each boat twenty armed men, with crossbow-men, to go to the ships which were becalmed, and shoot at them above, and kill the crews. This they did, so that the Moors threw themselves into the sea, and went swimming round the ships.” Gama then “sent his boat to the ships and caravels, to tell the crews to flock to the Moorish ships and plunder them, and set them on fire.”[42] After which he proceeded on his course for Cananore, “giving the Lord great praise and thanks for the great favour which He had shown him.”[43]

Completes his factory and fortifications at Cananore, and sails for Lisbon,

Having finished his work of colonization and horrible cruelty, Dom Gama, concluding that his heavy guns were not likely to be again required on his homeward voyage, left them at Cananore, and completed his cargoes, set sail for Portugal. He did not, however, forget before he took his departure, to induce the king to send his masons to erect a high stone wall round the Portuguese settlement, where the guns were deposited, having a strong gate, of which the king was to keep the key, “so that the Portuguese should remain at night shut in under his key.”[44] The king was “much pleased with this arrangement, and promised the captain-major that it would be done at once; for he thought that the captain-major did it with the desire that the Portuguese should remain subject to him.” Poor innocent-minded, good-natured king!

where he arrives, Sept. 1, 1503.

Having called at Melinde for a day, to take in a fresh stock of sheep, fowls, and water, Dom Gama proceeded on his course with a fair wind, and “without even meeting with any storm or hindrance, but only winds with which all his sails served.”[45] On the 1st of September, 1503, he reached Lisbon, anchoring “before the city,” with “ten ships laden with very great wealth, after leaving such great services accomplished in India.”

When the king of Portugal heard the news of Dom Gama’s arrival he was greatly rejoiced, and sent the captain of his guard to bid him welcome, he himself proceeding on horseback with many people to the cathedral, “to give much praise to the Lord before the altar of Saint Vincent,” an example which the captain-major and all his captains soon afterwards followed; when prayers were ended, he kissed the hand of the king, who bestowed many favours upon the officers and crews of the ships, while granting to Dom Gama and his heirs “the anchorage dues of India,” and conferring upon him and his descendants the title of the “admiral of its seas for ever.”

Dom Gama arrives in India for the third time, 11th Sept., 1524.

The re-discovery of the route to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope, proved an immense source of wealth to Portugal. The profits of her merchants on the products of the East were enormous, and for many years, as regarded the rest of Europe, this trade was kept a close monopoly. Lisbon then became the entrepôt which the Italian republics had so long held for the spices and other produce of India; and the palaces of her traders with that country, which still adorn, even amid their decay, and, in too many instances, their ruins, the banks of the Tagus, testify to the wealth of their original owners and occupants. Though Dom Gama now desired to remain at home to reap the fruits of his discovery and enjoy the rewards and honours conferred upon him by his sovereign, the state of affairs in India too soon required his presence in that country. The example he himself had set of tyranny formed the basis for a despotic rule on the part of the Portuguese governors or factors, which at even this early stage required a remedy, and no one was considered so competent to correct this evil as its author. Consequently, according to the testimony of Correa, “on the 11th September, 1524, there arrived at the bar of Goa, Dom Vasco de Gama, as Viceroy of India.”

From the same source we learn that the viceroy was on this occasion accompanied by his two sons, Dom Estevan de Gama, who was captain-major of the expedition, and afterwards governor of India, and Dom Paulo de Gama, who unfortunately lost his life in a war with Malacca. The viceroy had now another object to serve than that of trade. He was to be the future ruler of India, and, as such, a regal display became necessary to give the natives a proper impression of his greatness and power. Correa remarks (p. 381) that he “was served by men bearing maces, by a major-domo, and two pages with gold neck-chains, and many esquires.” All the forms of kingly state appear to have been adopted. He had “rich vessels of silver and rich tapestry of Flanders; and for the table at which he sate, brocade cloths;” he had also a “guard of two hundred men with gilt pikes, clothed with his livery,” and an army of “brilliant soldiery.” Nor was he without kingly power, and even something more. While his rule extended over “all persons who might be found eastward of the Cape of Good Hope,” he himself established laws[46] “that, under pain of death and loss of property, no one should navigate without his license.” Every person likewise who came to India, even with a commission from the king of Portugal, was liable to be dismissed without compensation or appeal, should he not, in the opinion of the viceroy, prove competent for the office to which he had been nominated.

His death, 24th Dec., 1524.

Such stringent laws may have been necessary from the state of things which then existed in India. That he was strict in his administration, even to tyranny, over his own people, cannot be doubted; and it is well known that his brief rule was embittered by his hostile relations with his predecessors, whom he accused of various mal-practices, and ordered to be sent back to Lisbon. In the midst of these difficulties he was seized with a fatal illness; and having, as Correa states, “set his affairs in order, like a good Christian, with all the sacraments of the church, and ordered that his bones should be conveyed to the kingdom of Portugal, he died on Christmas Eve, 24th December, 1524.”

His character, as compared with that of Columbus.

Although the first voyage of Dom Gama may be read with satisfaction, no language can be found sufficiently strong to denounce his subsequent career, and especially his diabolical conduct towards the Moors and natives on his second expedition to India.[47] And to that conduct, too faithfully adopted by his successors, may in a great measure be attributed the loss, as well as the gain, of the Portuguese empire in the East. But though Dom Gama was a man of no mean abilities, and of indomitable courage, who evidently thoroughly understood his profession as a seaman, he cannot for an instant be compared, either as an individual or as a navigator, with his great contemporary Columbus. Dom Gama, in his voyage to India, had with him pilots who had frequently sailed along the western shores of Africa, and one, at least, who had doubled the Cape of Good Hope under Bartholomew Dias, while the crews of his ships consisted of his own countrymen, and partly, too, of his own dependants. But Columbus was a stranger among strangers; and the seamen who manned his vessels were altogether devoid of confidence in a commander into whose service they had been forced by the imperative order of their sovereigns. His voyages of discovery lay across unknown seas, amid a wilderness of waters, which both ancient and modern mariners had alike portrayed in the most gloomy colours; and so far from having the benefit of the services of any pilot who had ever attempted to navigate that then mysterious ocean, most persons in his service considered the voyages on which he was about to embark as alike visionary and dangerous.

Discovery of the Pacific, by Vasco Nuñez de Bilboa.

While the Portuguese were prosecuting their valuable discoveries in the East, the Spaniards were following up their less lucrative but more important researches to the West. In their voyages to the Caribbean Sea, and along the shores of the Mexican Gulf, they had heard rumours of great seas still further to the West; but it was not until 1513, a few years after a small colony had been established at Darien, that one of their countrymen, Vasco Nuñez de Bilboa, discovered the Pacific Ocean. The discovery was hailed with great joy by the Spaniards, who, having been restricted by the Pope to confine their researches to the West, now hoped to find within the prescribed limits another road to that far-famed Cathay, which had proved such a vast source of wealth to their rivals the Portuguese.

Voyage of Magellan.

It was not, however, until Magellan [Fernando de Magalhaens], a Portuguese by birth but in the service of the King of Spain, discovered the straits which bear his name that the Spaniards were enabled to derive any advantages from this great addition to their knowledge. Furnished by the King of Spain with five small vessels, the largest of which was only one hundred and thirty tons, their crews in all amounting to only two hundred and thirty-four men, this daring adventurer and most intrepid mariner set sail in September 1519 from S. Lucar for the Brazils, anchored at Rio, and thence pursued his way over these unknown seas to the south, until he reached the straits, where he encountered very severe weather. After many difficulties and great hardships he reached that beautiful and fertile group of islands in the Pacific which he named the Ladrones. Thence proceeding to the Philippines, Magellan, a navigator second only to Columbus, and superior in many respects to Vasco de Gama, unfortunately lost his life in an engagement with the natives. But in November, 1521, the expedition reached the Moluccas, the object of their search. Thence, but greatly reduced in strength and number, they steered for the Cape of Good Hope, which they doubled on the 6th of May, 1522, and anchored at St. Lucar on the 6th of September of that year, having been the first to accomplish a voyage round the world.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] As is well known, there is considerable variation in the dates assigned to different portions of Vasco de Gama’s voyages by different writers. It has been thought, on the whole, best on this occasion to follow those given by Gaspar Correa, whose narrative has been translated from the Portuguese and edited for the Hakluyt Society by the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley (now Lord Stanley of Alderley): Lond. 1869. Correa states that he went to India sixteen years after it was discovered, which would be therefore in 1514, and that he had access to the Journals of Joam Figueira, a priest who accompanied De Gama in his first voyage. Correa, when in India, was secretary to the governor, Alfonzo d’Albuquerque; and died at Goa, some time before 1583.

[2] The two young men were named, respectively, Pero de Covilhan, and Gonsalvo de Pavia. Though accounts differ, they seem to have travelled together by Venice, Alexandria, and Cairo, to Mecca, where they separated. One of them (and here again accounts vary) went on to Aden, Cananore, Calicut, and Goa (Mr. Stanley and Mr. Major think this was Covilhan), the other to Abyssinia. It is certain that Pavia died soon afterwards, probably at Cairo; and that, by the agency of a Spanish Jew, Covilhan was able to send home word that India could be reached by sea by continuing the coasting voyage from Guinea round the Cape to Sofala. Mr. Major, therefore (p. 339), is justified in stating that to him belongs the honour of the theoretical discovery of the Cape. His report to the king, however, did not reach Portugal till shortly after Bartholomew Dias and Joam Infante had started, in August 1486. Covilhan, on his way home, went to Abyssinia, and was detained there for the rest of his life (33 years).

[3] The author is of opinion that the vessels engaged under Vasco de Gama were, as in the case of Columbus, much larger than historians have represented, though very much alike, as Correa describes, especially in the size of their yards and sails. Unable to find any work which furnished an illustration of any kind of these vessels, he applied to his friend Mr. Edward Pinto Basto, of Lisbon, for information on the subject. After considerable research, (for which he is greatly indebted,) Mr. Basto furnished the author with the drawing—[see following page]—which in his letter he describes as a “sketch representing the San Gabriel passing the Cape of Good Hope on November 25th, 1497. This sketch,” he remarks, “is copied from an original picture in Lisbon that belonged to D. Ioam de Castro, and I have no doubt,” he adds, “that it is a correct representation of Gama’s ship. I have spoken,” he continues, “to the Marquis of Nisa, whom you know, and who is the lineal descendant of the renowned navigator, and he confirms that opinion. The expedition,” he adds, “sailed from Lisbon (Belem) on July 9th 1497. It consisted of the San Gabriel, commanded by Vasco de Gama; San Raphael, commanded by his brother Paulo de Gama; Birrio, under charge of Nicolas Coelho; and a transport which was a storeship to carry provisions, called a naveta.” Mr. Pinto Basto confirms the opinion the author entertained with regard to the dimensions of these ships. “The San Gabriel,” he says, “had a high poop and forecastle. The tonnage in those days was calculated by the number of pipes of wine the vessel could carry. The San Gabriel was constructed to carry 400 pipes,” equivalent to about 400 tons measurement, or about from 250 to 300 tons register, which is much more likely to have been the size of the vessels engaged on so distant and hazardous an expedition than those which historians describe. It should be added that Correa calls De Gama’s ship the Sam Rafael.

[4] Correa, p. 33.

[5] Correa, pp. 55-57.

[6] Ibid. p. 74. Note.

[7] Correa, p. 128.

[8] Correa, p. 146.

[9] Our calico (in French, calicot) derives its name from Calicut, as muslin from Mosul, &c.

[10] It should be remembered that with most of our early writers and navigators “Moor” was a generic name for Muhammedan. The governor of Calicut is called by the Portuguese “Zamorin,” a corruption, probably, of “Samudri-Rajah.”

[11] Correa, p. 156.

[12] Correa, p. 176.

[13] Correa, p. 222.

[14] Correa, p. 225, et seq.

[15] Ibid., p. 232.

[16] Correa, p. 239. The termination of the name (like Laccadive, Maldive, &c.) shows it to have been an island, but its exact situation has not been determined.

[17] Correa, p. 259.

[18] Sargarço (or as it is more usually written Sargaço) is the Portuguese name for what is known (botanically) as the “Nasturtium aquaticum.”—Linschoten, Hist. Orient., pt. iii. p. 34.

[19] Correa, pp. 264-5.

[20] Correa, p. 269.

[21] A cruzado is worth about 2s.; a quintal equivalent to 128 lbs.

[22] Cabral was originally selected to command this expedition; but the king, having some doubts of his ability, though on his previous voyage to India in 1500-1 he had discovered the Brazils, gladly availed himself of De Gama’s expressed desire to take charge of it; another fleet was to be despatched in the following year (Correa, p. 279). There were two grievances against the king of Calicut, the original one of De Gama, and his subsequently similar treatment of Cabral.

[23] Correa, p. 282.

[24] Ibid. p. 283.

[25] Correa, p. 292.

[26] Correa, p. 294.

[27] Correa, pp. 295-6.

[28] Correa, p. 303.

[29] Ibid., p. 306.

[30] The names “Baticala” and “Cochym” have been retained as those used by Correa; the more modern names are “Batticola” and “Cochin.”

[31] Correa, p. 311.

[32]

“Degenerate trade, whose minions could despise

The heart-born anguish of a thousand cries;

Could lock with impious hands its teaming stores,

Whilst famished nations died along its shores;

Could mock the groans of fellow men, and bear

The curse of kingdoms peopled with despair;

Could stamp disgrace on man’s polluted name,

And barter with their gold eternal shame.”—Campbell.

[33] Correa, p. 315.

[34] Correa, pp. 321-2.

[35] Correa, p. 324.

[36] Correa, p. 331.

[37] Correa, pp. 331-2.

[38] Correa, p. 349.

[39] Ibid., p. 352.

[40] Correa, p. 358.

[41] Correa, pp. 363-4.

[42] Correa, pp. 371-2.

[43] Ibid., p. 373.

[44] Correa, p. 373.

[45] Ibid., p. 377.

[46] Correa, p. 397.

[47] The Popish nations of the south of Europe have, throughout all history, been remarkable for atrocities of cruelty found among no other races. But neither the cruel persecution of the Jews by the soi-disant deliverers of the Holy City, nor the greatly exaggerated crimes of the Hindus and Muhammedans, who may at least have believed they were ridding their native land of robbers and oppressors by the Indian mutiny of 1856-7, can compare with the cruelties of Vasco de Gama, or with the atrocities of the mob at Palermo during the insurrection of 1849.

CHAPTER II.

Progress of maritime discovery—Henry VII., 1485-1509—His encouragement of maritime commerce, and treaties with foreign nations—Voyages to the Levant—Leading English ship-owners—Patent to the Cabots, 1496—Discovery of the north-west coast of America, June 21, 1497—Second patent, Feb. 3, 1498—Rival claimants to the discovery of the North American continent—Sebastian Cabot and his opinions—Objects of the second expedition—Third expedition, March 1501—How Sebastian Cabot was employed from 1498 to 1512—He enters the service of Spain, 1512—Letter of Robert Thorne to Henry VIII. on further maritime discoveries—Sebastian Cabot becomes pilot-master in Spain, 1518, and afterwards (1525) head of a great trading and colonising association—Leaves for South America, April 1526, in command of an expedition to the Brazils—A mutiny and its suppression—Explores the river La Plata while waiting instructions from Spain—Sanguinary encounter with the natives—Returns to Spain, 1531, and remains there till 1549, when he settles finally in Bristol—Edward VI., 1547-1553—Cabot forms an association for trading with the north, known as the “Merchant Adventurers”—Despatch of the first expedition under Sir H. Willoughby—Instructions for his guidance, probably drawn up by Cabot—Departure, May 20, 1553—Great storm and separation of the ships—Death of Sir H. Willoughby—Success of Chancellor—His shipwreck and death at Pitsligo—Arrival in London of the first ambassador from Russia, Feb. 1557—His reception—Commercial treaty—Early system of conducting business with Russia—The benefits conferred by the Merchant Adventurers upon England—The Steelyard merchants partially restored to their former influence—Cabot loses favour with the court, and dies at an advanced age.

Progress of maritime discovery.

The re-opening of the route to India by way of the Cape of Good Hope and the discovery of the West Indian Islands gave, at an early period, an impetus to the maritime commerce of England, and consequently rendered the reign of Henry VII. more important, so far as concerns her naval history, than that of any previous English monarch.

Henry VII., 1485 to 1509.

Like the sovereigns of more ancient times, Henry was not only a merchant on his own account, but a great encourager of maritime expeditions; in that he often himself furnished the ships and advanced the requisite capital for their equipment. Indeed, it seems probable that the vast sums found in his exchequer at his death were, in a great measure, derived from his own successful commercial adventures. Although the pursuit of trade may be sometimes deemed incompatible with regal functions and dignity, there can be no doubt that the example and practice of Henry VII. extended the field for maritime adventure among his subjects, and at the same time aroused the cupidity of the English nation by the prospect of incalculable wealth derivable from intercourse with distant foreign lands.

His encouragement of maritime commerce,

Beyond the encouragement he afforded to maritime discovery, Henry adopted various measures to promote, as he conceived, the interests of the merchant navy, among others removing the differential duties which had been in force against English shipping; but unfortunately, as has been too frequently the case in the conduct of the navigation laws of England, he adopted a policy of protection almost as ruinous to her commerce as that which had previously conferred special advantages upon the shipping of foreign nations. Thus we find a law of his first parliament[48] prohibiting the importation of Bordeaux wines in any other than English, Irish, and Welsh bottoms, these vessels being manned with sailors wholly of their own countrymen, a law which was, two years afterwards, even further extended and enlarged, the reasons assigned being “that great minishing and decay hath been now of late time of the navy of this realm of England, and idleness of the mariners within the same, by the which this noble realm, within short process of time, without reformation be had therein, shall not be of ability, nor of strength and power, to defend itself.” Of course such reasoning was then unanswerable; indeed, has been held to be so even in our own time. Accordingly it was enacted[49] that no wines of Gascony or Guienne should be imported into England unless in ships belonging to the king (of which, by the way, his Majesty had a goodly number) or to his subjects; nay more, any such wines imported in foreign bottoms were to be forfeited.

Many arguments might, indeed, at that time have been urged in favour of these stringent laws, more especially as the policy of the Italian republics aimed at monopolising in their own ships the transport of all they required, and at rendering their ports the entrepôt for the supply of goods not merely for their own peoples, but for all other nations. Although a difference of opinion has ever existed as to the best means of attaining these objects, Henry VII. lays down sound principles of political economy and liberal sentiments with regard to the advantages to be derived from free intercourse with all nations, in his instructions to the commissioners appointed to negotiate treaties of commercial reciprocity with foreign countries. “The earth,” he says, “being the common mother of all mankind, what can be more pleasant and more humane than to communicate a portion of all her productions to all her children by commerce?” This opinion, though at variance with the laws prohibiting the importation of French wines except in English ships, was practically carried into effect with the maritime states of Italy. His chief object in doing so may have been to obtain reciprocal advantages in their ports, and such was no doubt the case, for it is well known that Henry VII. materially reduced his import duties on the goods of Venice and of other Italian cities, and that he afterwards entered into a liberal commercial treaty with France.

and treaties with foreign nations.

Voyages to the Levant.

On the 1st July, 1486, Henry likewise concluded a treaty with James III. of Scotland, by which a cessation of hostilities by sea and land was stipulated and mutual good will exchanged; while he also procured privileges for English fishermen in Norway and Sweden with the view of giving greater scope to the enterprise of English ship-owners.[50] These liberal measures produced the desired effect. We now[51] read of “tall ships” belonging to London, Southampton, and Bristol making their annual voyages to the Levant; their principal trading places at first being Sicily, Crete, Chios, and sometimes Cyprus, Tripoli, and Beyrout in Syria. Their outward cargoes consisted chiefly of fine kerseys of divers colours, coarse kerseys, and other kinds of cloths, in return for which they obtained silks, camlets, rhubarb, malmseys, muscatel and other wines, sweet oils, cotton, wool, Turkey carpets, galls, pepper, cinnamon and other spices. These details, with particulars of the more important of these voyages, were copied by Hakluyt himself “from certaine auncient Ligier bookes”[52] of Sir William Locke, mercer, of London, Sir Wm. Bowyer, Alderman, and Master John Gresham.

Many of these accounts are interesting and instructive, and two of them may be referred to with advantage as illustrative of the size and character of the ordinary English merchant vessels then trading with the Mediterranean. One of the smaller class, named the Holy Cross, is described as “a short ship of 160 tons burthen.” She traded with Crete and with Chios, and her last voyage seems to have been an unfortunate one. Having been a full year at sea in performance of this voyage, “she with great danger returned home, where, upon her arrival at Blackwall, her wine and oil casks were found so weak that they were not able to hoist them out of the ship, but were constrained to draw them as they lay, and put their wine and oil into new vessels, and so unload the ship.” As to the ship herself, she is described as having been “so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was laid up in the dock and never made voyage afterwards.”

As there is no reason for doubting the accuracy of the above statement, it is clear that these English merchantmen must have been badly-built vessels and very slow sailors. Indeed, the description of the voyage of a larger vessel confirms this opinion so far as regards speed. She is spoken of as “the good ship Matthew Gonson, of burthen 300 tons,” and the names of her owner, “old Mr. William Gonson, Pay-master of the King’s Navie,” and of her principal officers are also given. The whole number of this ship’s company is represented to have been one hundred men; she is said to have had “a great boat which was able to carry ten tons of water, which at our return homewards we towed all the way from Chio until we came through the Strait of Gibraltar into the main ocean,” as well as a long-boat and skiff; while it is remarked that, “we were out upon this voyage eleven months, and yet in all this time there died of sickness but one man.”

These are the only extant narratives furnishing any insight into the working of English merchant ships at the beginning of the sixteenth century; but the trade with the Levant must then have been of considerable importance, as an English consul was established at Chios in the year 1513,[53] while English factors were about that period sent to Cuba and the other countries in the West discovered and colonised by the Spaniards.

Leading English shipowners.

Patent to the Cabots, 1496.

Among the earliest and most enterprising men engaged in the trade with the West Indies may be mentioned Mr. Robert Thorne, of Bristol, than whom the age produced no more shrewd and intelligent merchant. Having established agents in Cuba and placed others on board of the Spanish fleet, he expended large sums of money in procuring exact descriptions and charts of the newly-discovered seas, and, by his representations, the king was, in a great measure, induced to follow the example of Spain and Portugal, and to encourage voyages of discovery. Indeed before Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope or Columbus discovered the West Indian Islands, the ship-owners of Bristol had found their way to Iceland, and had almost, if not quite, reached the coasts of Newfoundland. There is, however, no well-authenticated account of any of these voyages to the West till 1496, when Henry granted, March 5th, a patent to John Cabot, a Venetian by birth, who had settled at Bristol, and to his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanctus, giving them authority to “sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banner and ensign, with four ships of what burden or quantity so ever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs and charges.”[54] Cabot and his followers are therein authorised to set up the royal banner “in every village, town, castle, isle, or mainland by them newly found,” and to subdue, occupy, and possess all such regions, and to exercise jurisdiction over them in the name of the king of England. They were also to enjoy the privilege of exclusive resort and traffic to all places they might discover, reserving one-fifth of the clear profit of the enterprise to the crown.

Discovery of the north-west coast of America, 21 June, 1497.

The expedition proposed under this patent did not, however, actually set sail till the beginning of the year 1497. On the 21st of June of that year, Sebastian Cabot, in the ship Matthew, of Bristol, a vessel of two hundred tons burthen, first discovered, according to the common opinion, Newfoundland,[55] being the first Englishman (for he was born at Bristol) who had landed in America. How far he proceeded south has been a question of much controversy; it is, however, generally admitted that his voyage north and south was confined within the 67th and 38th degrees of north latitude, and that it did not occupy altogether more than six months. In the account of the privy purse expenses of Henry VII. there is the following entry: “10th of August, 1497. To hym that found the New Isle, 10l.,” and Hakluyt states, in the dedication of his second volume to Sir Robert Cecil, that “all that mighty tract of land from 67 degrees northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discovered out of England by the commandment of Henry VII.” The same authority, quoting from Peter Martyr, further says, “He” (Cabot) “was thereby brought so far with the south, by reason of the land bending so much to the southward, that it was there almost equal in latitude with the sea Fretum Herculeum, having the North Pole elevated in manner in the same degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so far towards the west that he had the island of Cuba on his left hand in manner in the same degree of longitude.”[56]

Second patent, 3 Feb., 1498.

Rival claimants to the discovery of the North American continent.

That one of the Cabots discovered the northern continent of America, at the period named, is well authenticated, and in Biddle’s memoirs of him many other authorities are quoted in confirmation of this fact.[57] But if any doubt still remains, the second patent, granted on the 3rd of July, 1498, by Henry VII., the original of which was found by Mr. Biddle in the Rolls Chapel, sets this question finally at rest. That document indeed only named the father, “John,” but the previous patent was in the names of “John Cabot and his sons,” and it does not follow that the discovery of the “Lande and Isles” is intended to be attributed to the personal action of the elder Cabot. However, though the continent of America was first discovered by an expedition commissioned to “set up the banner” of England, this in no way detracts from the honour justly due to Christopher Columbus, who had five years previously made known, for the first time, the existence of a world in the West. Although his great discoveries were confined to the West Indian Islands and to a portion of the South American continent, they revealed the important fact that rich lands, hitherto unknown, lay in a certain quarter of the globe, and could be reached with no extraordinary difficulty or danger by intrepid and skilful mariners. Again, as Columbus did not sight the continent of America until August 1498, in the course of his third voyage, he could hardly then have been ignorant of the discoveries made by Cabot on the 24th of June, 1497, which created nearly as much noise in Europe as his own had done a few years before, and were considered of such vast importance that Henry VII., whose court was then filled with the agents of various foreign powers, fitted out the second expedition under the decree of 3rd July, 1498, which had for its object commercial intercourse with a continent the existence of which was unknown to Columbus, except, perhaps, by common report, until six months afterwards.

The discovery of a new world of vast extent is, however, too high an honour to be conferred on any one man. While the great Genoese navigator fully deserves the credit of having explored the mysteries of the Atlantic Ocean, and of having shown the existence of rich continental lands to the west, Sebastian Cabot is entitled to the honour of having been the first to discover that portion of those lands now constituting the United States of America; and to Great Britain more than to any other country is due the fame of the thorough exploration and first colonisation of a world destined to surpass in wealth and power the greatest of modern nations.

Sebastian Cabot, and his opinions.

Cabot, like Columbus and all of the navigators of the fifteenth century, was of opinion that Cathay (China or India) could be reached by sailing to the west, and more especially to the north-west, an opinion which has prevailed even to our own times. Consequently the vessels under his first patent sailed from Bristol to discover a north-west passage to that country; and it was only when Cabot found his voyage to the north and north-west impeded by ice and land respectively, that he turned to the south in the hope, no doubt, of finding either a western passage or reaching the countries which had been discovered by Columbus.

Sebastian Cabot.

For this voyage of 1498, English merchants adventured small stocks of different kinds of merchandise, besides despatching various small vessels, all of which were placed under charge of Sebastian Cabot;[58] so that England commenced trading operations with America in the course of the very first year after its discovery. Henry VII. appears also to have taken a pecuniary interest in this expedition, for in the account of the privy purse expenses there are the following entries:—

“22nd March, 1498. To Lancelot Thirkill of London, upon a prest (loan or advance) for his shipp going towards the New Islande, 20l.”

“Delivered to Lancelot Thirkill (for himself), going towards the New Isle, on prest, 20l.”

“April 1st, 1498. To Thomas Bradley, and Lancelot Thirkill, going to the New Isle, 30l.”

“To I. Carter, as going to the New Isle, in rewerde, 2l.”

Object of the second expedition.

Third expedition, March 1501.

The object of this second expedition seems to have embraced colonisation as well as commerce, for, in the words of the patent, it extended “to all such masters, mariners, pages and other subjects, as of their own free will, will go and pass with him in the same ships, to the said Lande or Isles.” Three hundred men altogether are said to have gone with Cabot on this occasion, but there is no description of the vessels in which they embarked, beyond the expression in the patent that they were to be of the “bourdeyn of C.C. tonnes or under.” Nor are there any clear and well-authenticated accounts of the voyage. It, however, does not appear to have been so successful as had been anticipated; and as the great interest which the discoveries had at first excited languished soon afterwards, no further patents were granted by Henry until March 1501, when he commissioned three merchants of Bristol and three Portuguese to proceed in search of lands to the west. Sebastian Cabot himself would seem to have abandoned for a time any further expedition from England, and to have either sought employment in Spain or perhaps settled for a time in America, as we lose sight of him for a few years about that period. Nor are there any authentic accounts of the result of the expedition fitted out under the patent of 1501, nor of one subsequently issued by Henry VII., the last during his reign, and bearing date 9th December, 1502; but an intercourse, which had for its object both trade and colonisation, was, from the following entries in the account of the privy purse expenses, evidently maintained for some years afterwards:—

“17th November, 1503. To one that brought hawkes from the Newfounded Island, 1l.”

“8th April, 1504. To a preste (priest) that goeth to the New Island, 2l.”

“25th August, 1505. To Clays going to Richmond with wylde catts and popyngays of the Newfound Island; for his costs, 13s. 4d.”

“To Portugales” (Portuguese) “that brought popyngays and catts of the Mountaigne with other stuff to the King’s grace, 5l.”

How Sebastian Cabot was employed from 1498 to 1512.

No mention is made of Cabot in either of these patents, but as it is certain that he did not enter the service of Spain until the 13th of September, 1512, and as it is hardly possible to suppose that so active a mind would have remained unemployed during the intermediate period, it may therefore be presumed that for a portion at least of that time he was in some manner engaged on the coast of America. In confirmation of this opinion, the Calendars of Bristol of the year 1499 contain the following entry:—

“This yeare, Sebastian Cabot, borne in Bristoll, proferred his service to King Henry for discovering new countries; which had noe greate or favorable entertainment of the king, but he, with no extraordinary preparation, set forth from Bristoll, and made greate discoveries.”[59]

If Cabot was thus employed, the omission of any mention of his name in the patents of 1501 and 1502 is in some measure accounted for; and, in support of the Bristol records, it may be mentioned that Navarette, in describing from the records in the Spanish archives the voyage of Hojeda, who sailed from Spain on the 20th of May, 1499, says,[60] “What is certain is that Hojeda in his first voyage found certain Englishmen in the neighbourhood of Caquibaco.”

He enters the service of Spain, 1512.

When it is considered that Cabot did not enter a foreign service for many years after this period, and that he was the only man in England at that time fully competent to conduct an expedition to America, it is likely that the Englishmen Hojeda saw were no other than Sebastian Cabot himself with his exploring party. Having been stopped the year before by the failure of provisions while sailing southward, it is natural to suppose that he would in a new expedition resume his former search, till at length he reached that part of the coast where Hojeda met with the party of Englishmen, and where the “great discoveries” mentioned in the Bristol manuscript were no doubt made. It is, however, a remarkable fact that while the name of Amerigo Vespucci, the pilot who accompanied Hojeda, is now for ever associated with the whole of that vast continent, no headland, cape, or bay has preserved the memory of Sebastian Cabot. But the mysterious disappearance of his “maps and discourses,” which he had prepared for publication,[61] may account in a great measure for the name of Cabot having been unnoticed in connection with America, and may be adduced as a reason why doubts have so long existed as to his occupations between 1498 and 1512. Had these documents been preserved, they would assuredly have supplied abundant information on this point. Peter Martyr says,[62] that Cabot did not leave England until after the death of Henry VII., which occurred in 1509; and Herrera, the Historiographer of the king of Spain, records the additional fact that, in 1512, he entered the service of Ferdinand, who, anxious to secure the services of so distinguished a navigator, “gave him the title of his Captain, and a liberal allowance, and retained him in his service, directing that he should reside at Seville, to await orders.”[63]

No specific duties were, however, assigned to him beyond the general revision of the Spanish maps and charts then extant, till, in 1515, he became a member of the Council of the Indies, with the expectation of commanding in the following year another expedition for the discovery of a north-west passage to India.[64] But the death of Ferdinand put an end to this scheme, and the troubles which then ensued in Spain induced Cabot to return to England, where, shortly afterwards, he was appointed to prepare an expedition similar to that which Ferdinand, shortly before his death, had proposed. The result, however, of this further attempt in the same direction, in 1517, while it confirmed the opinion which had been formed of Cabot’s ardent love of enterprise and dauntless intrepidity, proving, as all other similar expeditions have done, a failure, though, in this instance, chiefly as it would seem from the cowardice of Cabot’s companion Sir Thomas Pert, retarded for a time any renewed efforts in that most forbidding, but favourite region of discovery. Then, and for years afterwards, many persons were so impressed with the idea that the rich lands of Cathay could be reached either by passage directly across the North Pole, or to the east or west of it, that it has been a subject of almost constant discussion; and the following extracts from a letter addressed by the intelligent Robert Thorne to Henry VIII. describe pretty accurately the opinions prevailing in his time:—[65]

Letter from Robert Thorne to Henry VIII. on further maritime explorations.

“Yet these dangers or darknesse hath not letted the Spanyards and Portingals and other to discover many unknowen realms to their great perill. Which considered (and that your Grace’s subjects may have the same light) it will seem your Grace’s subjects to be without activity or courage, in leaving to doe this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past this little way which they named so dangerous (which may be two or three leagues before they come to the Pole, and as much more after they pass the Pole), it is cleere, that from thencefoorth the seas and landes are as temperate as in these partes, and that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners to choose whether they will sayle by the coasts that be cold, temperate, or hot. For they, being past the Pole, it is plain they may decline to what part they list.

“If they will go toward the Orient, they shall enjoy the regions of all the Tartarians that extend toward the midday, and from thence they may go and proceed to the land of the Chinas, and from thence to the land of Cathaio Orientall, which is, of all the mainland, most orientall that can be reckoned from our habitation. And if, from thence, they doe continue their navigation, following the coasts that returne toward the Occident, they shall fall in with Malaca, and so with all the Indies which we call oriental, and following the way, may returne hither by the Cape of Buona Speransa, and thus they shall compasse the whole worlde. And if they will take their course, after they be past the Pole, toward the Occident, they shall go in the backeside of the new foundland, which of late was discovered by your Grace’s subjects, until they come to the backeside and south seas of the Indies Occidental. And so continuing their voyage, they may return through the Strait of Magellan to this countrey, and so they compasse also the world by that way; and if they go this third way, and after they be past the Pole, goe right toward the Pole Antarctike, and then decline towards the lands and islands situated between the Tropicks, and under the Equinoctiall, without doubt they shall find there the richest landes and islands of the world of golde, precious stones, balmes, spices, and other thinges that we here esteeme most; which come out of strange countries, and may return the same way.

“By this it appeareth, your Grace hath not onely a great advantage of the riches, but also your subjects shall not travell halfe of the way that other doe, which goe round about as aforesayd.”

Mr. Thorne further explains that as the Spaniards and Portuguese had found a way by the south to the rich lands of the East, and had thus gained a material advantage over English traders, his Majesty ought not to rest until a way was found by the north, “because the situation of this your realme is thereunto nearest and aptest of all other; and also for that you have already taken it in hand.[66] And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily, and with so little cost, labour, and danger, be followed and obtayned.” “The labour is much lesse,” he goes on to say, “yea, nothing at all where so great honour and glory is hoped for; and considering well the courses, truly the danger and way, shorter to us than to Spain or Portugal, as by evident reasons appeareth.”

Sebastian Cabot becomes Pilot-Master in Spain, 1518,

Such were the arguments which had been used in the sixteenth century to induce the crown of England to fit out another expedition and discover an easier route to the world of “gold, balmes, and spices;” but beyond the failure of Cabot’s enterprise, a fearful scourge, the sweating sickness, had, from July to December of the year 1517, spread death and dismay, not only through the English court and city of London, but throughout the whole kingdom.[67] Suspending even the ordinary operations of commerce, it necessarily checked any further expeditions of discovery, so that Cabot would probably have remained for a time without employment, had he not been induced by the more promising aspect of affairs in Spain to return to that country. In 1518 he was appointed Pilot-Master to the Spanish monarchy, returning to Spain with Charles V. from England in 1520.

Though the functions of this office were of so much importance that no pilot was allowed to proceed to the Indies without previous examination and approval by him, they supply few incidents for record in his life. But a misunderstanding between Spain and Portugal soon brought him conspicuously forward in connection with the discoveries then being made by adventurous Spaniards, who were directing their attention to the Moluccas, through the passage which Magellan had been fortunate enough to find near the extreme southern point of the American continent. Portugal maintained that these discoveries fell within the limits assigned to her under the Papal Bull, and remonstrated in the strongest terms against any attempt on the part of Spain to carry on commerce in that quarter of the world.[68] A conference was consequently held to consider the claims of Portugal, to which the men most famed for their nautical knowledge and experience were invited. At the head of the list[69] stands the name of Sebastian Cabot, and in the roll of those present there will also be found that of Ferdinand, the son of Christopher Columbus. This conference was held at Badajos in April, 1524, and, on the 31st of May, its members solemnly proclaimed that the Moluccas were situate by at least twenty degrees within the Spanish limits.

and afterwards (1525) the head of a great trading and colonising association.

As rumours had reached Spain that the king of Portugal (in spite of the decision of this conference) was determined to maintain his pretensions by force, a company, under Spanish protection, was formed at Seville to prosecute the trade with these eastern islands. Cabot was appointed chief of this association, and among its members appears the name of his sincere friend Robert Thorne[70] of Bristol, then a resident in Spain. The agreement, which was executed at Madrid on the 4th of March, 1525, stipulated that the king of Spain was to receive from the company four thousand ducats, besides a share of the profits of the expedition, and that a squadron of at least three vessels, of not less than one hundred tons,[71] and of one hundred and fifty men each, should be furnished and placed under the command of Cabot, who was to receive the title of Captain-General. But many vexatious obstacles were thrown in the way of the expedition. Instead of pushing directly across the Pacific after traversing the Straits of Magellan, Cabot had instructions to proceed deliberately to explore on every side, particularly the western coast of the continent,[72] where the Portuguese traded.

Leaves for South America, April 1526, in command of an expedition to the Brazils.

A mutiny and its suppression.

As Portugal had hitherto monopolised the lucrative commerce of that new-found region, the utmost alarm was excited when it became known that a Spanish expedition was preparing to sail under the charge of so daring and intrepid a mariner as Sebastian Cabot. Remonstrances in every conceivable form were addressed to the government of Spain; threats and entreaties were alternately used to terrify or to soothe the navigator himself, and even assassination was openly spoken of as not an unmerited punishment to defeat “so nefarious a project.” The king of Portugal himself had, more than once, in the most public manner, asserted that it would be “the utter destruction of his poor kingdom” if he was deprived of the monopoly of the trade with the Moluccas.[73] Although the opposition did not prevail, the influence which had been used delayed the departure of the expedition until April 1526, and the seeds of discontent had been so extensively sown among the fleet, that a mutiny on the coast of Brazil, not unlike what Columbus had encountered on his first great voyage of discovery, threatened the annihilation of the Spanish fleet. Cabot, like Columbus, when similarly situated, saw that his only safety lay in extreme boldness, for, like him, he belonged to that rare class of men whose powers unfold at trying moments. He knew that by a daring exercise of that rightful authority, to which the habit of command on the ocean lends a moral influence, men ready to commit murder may be awed into passive instruments. He therefore seized the three leaders of the mutiny, though they were his confidential officers, and the men next to himself in authority, and placing them in a boat, ordered them to be pulled on shore and there left. The effect throughout the fleet of these bold and summary proceedings was instantaneous. Discord disappeared with the chief conspirators, and, during the five years of service through which the expedition passed, full as they were of toil, peril, and privation, the voice of discontent was never afterwards heard.

Explores the river La Plata while waiting instructions from Spain.

Having expelled the only individuals who, in the event of his death, had been named in succession to the command of the expedition, Cabot felt that he would not have been justified in proceeding with the squadron on the long and perilous voyage originally contemplated. He therefore put into the La Plata, and sent advice to the king of what had occurred, by John Barlow, one of the Englishmen who had accompanied him; resolving in the meantime to explore that great river, in attempting which his predecessor in the office of pilot-major, Diego de Solis, had not long before been slain.[74]

Sanguinary encounter with the natives.

Running boldly up the river, which, until very recently, was the dread of navigators, Cabot reached a small island about half a league from the northern shore, and nearly opposite to the present Buenos Ayres. Here the natives made a very formidable show of resistance, but were repulsed. Proceeding seven leagues farther up the river, he erected a fort. Having completed this work, and taken every precaution for the safety of the ships, he commenced the exploration of the Parana, taking care, as he proceeded, to build small forts, on which he could fall back with his boats and caravels in case of disaster, until he reached its junction with the Paraguay, which he ascended thirty-four leagues. Here everything presented a new aspect, with indications of a comparatively higher state of civilisation; but the natives engaged in the cultivation of the soil, being jealous of the strangers, and under the impression that they had come to take away their produce, seized three of Cabot’s men, who had incautiously strayed from the main body, and a sanguinary conflict ensued, in which three hundred of them were killed, and twenty-five of the Spaniards.

When Cabot returned to his ships, he made arrangements to convey to the king intelligence of his discoveries, and entered more fully into detail of the incidents which had occurred since he left, especially of those which had compelled him to abandon the voyage originally contemplated. The prospects were so promising that Charles V. resolved to fit out a fresh expedition to aid Cabot in the prosecution of further discoveries; means were, however, wanting to furnish the promised aid, the Cortes having, in the same year, refused a grant of money solicited by the king for pressing necessities of State. It was therefore hopeless to expect that they would vote fresh supplies for remote and hazardous expeditions. But though Cabot’s residence in the La Plata was measured tediously by hope deferred, and finally blasted, it was not passed in inactivity, his researches while there having ultimately proved of great value to the commerce of Spain.

Returns to Spain, 1531, and remains there till 1549, when he settles finally in Bristol.

Edward VI., A.D. 1547-1553.

On Cabot’s return to Spain, in 1531, he resumed his former position of pilot-major, and about eighteen years afterwards, or fifty-three years after the date of his first commission from Henry VII., he, then an old man, returned to Bristol, the place of his birth in 1549. Whatever may have been the motives of the king of Spain for consenting to the departure of his pilot-major, he soon became alarmed at the event. To England the services of a man of Cabot’s skill and knowledge was then invaluable. The youth who had then just ascended the English throne had already given such evidence of capacity as to excite the attention of Europe, and anticipations were universally expressed of the memorable part he was destined to perform. Edward VI. saw the advantages to be derived from the services of Sebastian Cabot. Naval affairs had from his boyhood seized his attention as a sort of passion. Even when a child “he knew all the harbours and ports both of his own dominions and of France and Scotland, and how much water they had, and what was the way of coming into them: and, hence,”[75] Charles V., seeing the mistake he had made in parting with Cabot, endeavoured by various means, though without avail, to induce him to return to Spain.[76]

But for some time after his arrival in England Cabot lived in comparative retirement, devoting himself to the consideration of questions of importance to navigators, and endeavouring to improve the means whereby they were enabled to shape their courses with greater safety and certainty across the ocean. Not the least important of his studies was the variation of the compass; if not the first he was among the first who showed the extent of these variations in different places, and who attempted to frame a theory on this important subject. His earliest transatlantic voyage had carried him to a quarter where the variations of the needle are most sudden and striking. Nor are they much less sudden in the La Plata, where, from Cabot’s long residence, they must have secured his deliberate attention and careful consideration. But, in the absence of his “maps and discourses,” there are now no means extant of ascertaining the nature of the theory he had formed, though it must have been of a practical character, as the seamen brought up in his school, and sailing under his instructions, were particularly attentive in noting the variations of the needle.[77]

Though seeking retirement, his knowledge and experience, were of too varied and valuable a character to be allowed any lengthened repose. Frequently consulted, and his advice generally adopted, many adventures owe their origin to his genius; and one of the greatest of these, which arose out of the then prevailing stagnation of trade, is especially worthy of note. “Our merchants,” remarks Hakluyt,[78] “perceived the commodities and wares of England to be in small request about us and near unto us, and that their merchandise, which strangers, in the time and memory of our ancestors, did earnestly seek and desire, were now neglected and the price thereof abated, although they be carried to their own parts.”

Cabot forms an association for trading to the North,

Cabot, having been consulted as to the best mode of remedying this depressed state of things, recommended, after a conference with the merchants of London, “that three ships should be prepared and furnished out for the search and discovery of the northern part of the world, to open a way and passage to our men for travel to new and unknown kingdoms.”[79]

So general was the desire to secure a continuation of Cabot’s services, that, notwithstanding his advanced age, the Letters Patent incorporating the association for carrying out the expedition he had recommended declared him to be governor, an office he was to enjoy “during his natural life, without a moving or dismissing from the same room.” But the association had to encounter the opposition of the Steel-yard, the powerful foreign body whose monopoly had long exercised a very prejudicial influence on English manufactures and commerce.

known as the Merchant Adventurers’ Company.

For the interests, therefore, of England, and to afford a fair field in the then known markets of the world to her merchants and manufacturers, it became necessary to break down the monopoly exercised by the Germans, from their privileged site on the banks of the Thames, and the “Merchant Adventurers’ Company,” with Sebastian Cabot as its governor, was made the instrument of effecting this desirable change. Edward himself, fully alive to the necessity of abolishing the foreign monopoly, seems, by the records in his journals,[80] to have taken great interest in the formation and progress of this company of English traders, and, in spite of the vast influence of the Steel-yard, to have afforded to his merchants every facility in his power for the despatch of the expedition which Cabot had recommended.

Despatch of the first expedition under Sir H. Willoughby.

“Strong; and well-seasoned planks for the building of the requisite ships were provided,” and to guard against the worms, “which many times pearceth and eateth through the strongest oak,” it was resolved for the first time in England, though sheathing had been used for some years previously in Spain, “to cover a piece of the keel of the shippes with thinne sheets of lead.”[81] Sir Hugh Willoughby, “a most valiant gentleman and well borne,” and highly recommended for his “skill in the services of war,”[82] was placed in command of the expedition. Nor were these the only requisite qualities, for it seems to have been thought no slight recommendation that he should be of “tall and commanding stature.” Richard Chancellor, the second in command, with the title of Pilot-Major, is described as a man of highly-cultivated intellect and refined manners, combined with great shrewdness and powers of observation, and withal a skilful and intrepid seaman.

Instructions for his guidance, probably drawn up by Cabot.

Following the example of Portugal when she sent forth Vasco de Gama, and of Spain when Columbus was first despatched on his famous voyage, Edward had letters of safe conduct prepared for his expedition of discovery to the North, which were written in the Latin, Hebrew, and Chaldee tongues, and addressed to kings, princes, and foreign potentates and states.[83] By these addresses the people of strange nations were to be propitiated and enlightened as to the advantages they would derive from friendly intercourse with England. But all the instructions for the government of the expedition, which have been justly regarded as models, and as reflecting the highest credit on his sagacity, good sense, and comprehensive knowledge, were prepared by Cabot himself; they contain thirty-two voluminous articles. After the regulations to enforce discipline and obedience, it is therein required that “all courses in navigation are to be set and kept up by the advice of the captain, pilot-major, masters, and masters’ mates, with the assents of the counsailers and the most number of them, and in voyces uniformely agreeing in one to prevaile, and take place, so that the Captaine-generall shall in all counsailes and assemblies have a double voyce.” A log-book is ordered to be kept containing the courses steered and the observations on the winds, weather, and tides: the daily altitude of the sun at noon, and the position of the moon and stars, attention to these matters being carefully and specially enjoined. The captain is also required to record the “names of the people of every island, with the commodities and incommodities of the same, their natures, qualities, and dispositions, the site of the same, and what things they are most desirous of, and what commodities they will most willingly part with, and what mettals they have in hils, mountains, streames, or rivers, in or under the earth.”

But beyond these special and minute instructions for the navigation of the fleet, and for the discovery of new branches of commerce or sources of mineral wealth, the most rigid attention is enjoined to the moral and religious duties of the crews, so “that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be used in any ship, nor communication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or ungodly talke to be suffred in the company of any ship, neither dicing, carding, tabling, nor other devilish games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not only povertie to the players, but also strife, variance, brawling, fighting, and oftentimes murther, to the utter destruction of the parties, and provoking of God’s most just wrathe and sworde of vengeance. These, and all such like pestilences, and contagions of vices, and sinnes to be eschewed, and the offenders once monished and not reforming, to be punished at the discretion of the captaine and master, as appertaineth.” It is likewise ordered “that morning and evening prayer, with other common services appointed by the King’s Majestie, and lawes of this realme, to be reade and saide in every ship daily by the minister in the Admirall, and the marchant or some other person learned, in other ships, and the Bible or paraphrases to be read devoutly and Christianly to God’s honour, and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier of the navigants accordingly.”

Indeed, the whole document is full of admirable advice and of the soundest principles, as valuable to the success of the commercial adventure as to the discipline and comfort of every person engaged in the expedition.[84]

Descending to minute details, the cook or steward is required to give weekly, or oftener if desired by their superiors, an exact account of the victuals, such as “flesh, fish, biscuit, meat, bread,” as also of “beer, wine, oil, or vinegar,” with any other things under his charge. Incompetent officers and incapable seamen are to be discharged, whenever a suitable opportunity occurs of getting rid of them. Economy is strictly enjoined, and cleanliness in the cook’s room rigidly enforced. The best clothes of the sailors are only to be used when mustered in good array for the honour and advancement of the voyage. Various instructions are given for the security of health and general good management of the crew, and the sailors are warned against people who “can swim in the sea in havens, naked, armed with bows and shafts, who are desirous to seize the bodies of the sailors, which they covet for meat.”

Departure 20 May, 1553.

On the 20th of May, 1553, the squadron dropped down the river Thames to Greenwich, and its departure is thus quaintly described:—

“The greater shippes are towed downe with boates and oares, and the mariners being all apparelled in watchet or skie-coloured cloth, rowed amaine and made way with diligence. And being come neere to Greenwich (where the court then lay), presently upon the newes thereof, the courtiers came running out, and the common people flocked together, standing very thicke upon the shoare: the Privie Counsel, they lookt out at the windowes of the court, and the rest ranne up to the toppe of the towers; the shippes hereupon discharge their ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the manner of warre and of the sea, insomuch that the toppes of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an eccho, and the mariners they shouted in such sort that the skie rang again with the noyse thereof. One stood in the poope of the ship, and by his gesture bids farewell to his friendes in the best manner hee could, another walkes upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowds, another stands upon the maine yard, and another in the top of the shippe. To be short, it was a very triumph (after a sort) in all respects to the beholders. But (alas) the good King Edward (in respect of whom principally all this was prepared) hee only by reason of his sicknesse was absent from this shewe, and not long after the separation of these ships, the lamentable and most sorrowful accident of his death followed.”[85]

Great storm and separation of the ships.

Death of Sir H. Willoughby.

Amidst these great rejoicings, mingled with many lamentations and numerous misgivings, this celebrated expedition took its departure from the Thames. After leaving Harwich the ships had favourable winds, but, anticipating severe weather as they proceeded northwards, arrangements were made that in the event of separation, they were to rendezvous at the Castle of Wardhouse in Norway. Their anticipations were soon realised. Violent storms arose. The ships, though superior to most of the vessels of the period, were ill adapted to contend against the angry gales of the Northern Ocean. Sir Henry, with two of the ships, having been separated from the one under the command of Richard Chancellor, failed to make the contemplated progress to the eastward, and wintered in Lapland. But the rigour of the climate proved far more severe than had been anticipated. After terrible sufferings, he and the whole of the crews of the two ships perished, through cold, famine, and disease, amidst the ice and snow of the Arctic regions.

Success of Chancellor.

The pilot-major, Chancellor, was more fortunate. He reached the “Wardhouse” with his ship in safety, and having remained there several days, resolved to proceed, notwithstanding the disheartening representations which were made to him. Passing through unknown seas, he at last reached the Bay of St. Nicholas, where he anchored, and afterwards landed at a castle on the beach not far from the place where the town of Archangel has since been built. The natives, “being amazed with the strange greatnesse of the shippe (for in those parts before they had never seen the like), beganne presently to avoyde and to flee;” but Chancellor, in accordance with his instructions, “looked pleasantly upon them, comforting them by signs and gestures,”[86] and by numerous acts of courtesy and kindness he soon secured their confidence and friendship. Having gained in time an imperfect knowledge of their language, this remarkable seaman made a long tour through a portion of the interior, visiting Moscow, where he was well received. Here he opened the first commercial intercourse between Russia and England, which soon proved a source of great wealth to the people of both countries.

His shipwreck and death at Pitsligo.

Arrival in London of the first Russian ambassador, Feb. 1557.

Though his task must have been of the most arduous character, he seems to have performed it with so much skill and judgment that the Emperor of Russia readily entered into his plans for promoting commercial intercourse between England and Russia, and despatched with him an ambassador to negotiate treaties on the most liberal bases, at the same time granting to the “Association of Merchant Adventurers” and “their successors for ever” special privileges. Chancellor, however, did not live to reap the fruit of his labours and receive the rewards and honours to which he was so well entitled. On his return to England, his ship was dashed to pieces during a furious gale at Pitsligo, in the north of Scotland; and, in his praiseworthy and successful exertions to save the life of the Russian ambassador, he unfortunately lost his own.[87] But mourning is only for a season. The lamentations on the loss of so many brave men, and especially on Chancellor, were drowned in the shouts of rejoicing which soon afterwards welcomed the Russian ambassador to the city of London. On the 27th February, 1557, he was met twelve miles from the City by “fourscore merchants with chaines of gold and goodly apparell,” with their retinue of servants and “horses and geldings” more gaudily adorned than themselves, and on reaching the boundaries of the City, the “Lord Mayor, accompanied by all the aldermen, received him, accompanied by Viscount Montague and other members of the court of the Queenes Majestie, together with a great number of merchants and notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of servants and apprentices following.”

So great, indeed, we are told, were the crowds of people that lined his path that the ambassador had much difficulty in reaching his lodging “in Fantchurch Streete,” where he was provided with every luxury befitting his dignity and the importance of the embassy on which he had come, till he finally left London on the 3rd of May following.[88]

His reception.

Commercial treaty.

Nor, indeed, were the attentions shown to this first Russian envoy bestowed in vain. Before he set out homewards, in “the noble shippe the Primrose,” a valuable commercial treaty was concluded with Russia, which continued in force almost until our own day, to the great advantage of the people of both countries, but especially of the English.

Early system of conducting business with Russia.

It is not a little curious now to look back to the early history of that trade and the mode whereby it was conducted, nor is it either uninteresting or uninstructive. The correspondence between the Company and its agents in Russia furnishes ample means for showing how it was conducted, and provides, probably, the earliest specimens extant of the English mode of conducting business with foreign countries, and of the care and precision with which it was carried on. Nothing can be clearer than the Company’s letter of instructions and bill of parcels,[89] containing as it does in the shortest possible space all that was necessary for the guidance of their agents.

The benefits conferred by the Merchant Adventurers upon England.

To the Company of Merchant Adventurers, and more especially to its first governor, Sebastian Cabot, England is deeply indebted. They were among the earliest traders who gave an impetus to her over-sea commerce, aiming as they did to make England a depôt for foreign produce, and her ships the carriers by sea for the merchants of other nations as well as their own. “For we must take care,” remarks the Company in one of those letters to its agents, “to utter good quantitie of wares, especially the commodities of our realme, although we afford a good peny-worth to the intent to make others that have traded thither, wearie, and so to bring ourselves and commodities in estimation, and likewise to procure and have the chiefe commodities of that country in our hands as waxe and such others, that other nations may be served by us and at our hands.”[90]

It was by these means that England obtained her mercantile pre-eminence, achieving her maritime superiority by such methods rather than by any complicated scheme of legislative enactments, and in this she was assuredly far more indebted to the discoveries and wise policy of Sebastian Cabot, than to the so-called “celebrated Navigation Laws of Oliver Cromwell,” a hundred years afterwards. Barrow in his history frankly owns that Cabot’s knowledge and experience, combined with his zeal and penetration, were the means, not only of extending the foreign commerce of England, but of keeping alive the “spirit of enterprise which even in his lifetime was crowned with success, and which ultimately led to the most happy results for the nation”;[91] and Campbell observes “that with equal justice it may be said of Sebastian Cabot, that he was the author of our maritime strength, and opened the way to those improvements which have rendered us so great, so eminent, so flourishing a people.”[92]

But the Merchant Adventurers, besides leading the way to and developing the trade with Russia, were instrumental in the establishment of the whale fishery of Spitzbergen, and in the equally great, if not more important, fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland. Nor were their efforts confined to discoveries of new sources of wealth at sea, for, besides their extensive commercial operations with the interior of Russia where they had established various agencies, they entered into trading relations with Persia. Writing to one of these agents, they remark, “We have further hope of some good trade to be found out by Master Anthonie Jenkinson, by reason we do perceive by your letters, that raw silk is as plentiful in Persia as flax is in Russia, besides other commodities that may come from thence.”[93]

The Steel-Yard merchants partially restored to their former influence.

Cabot loses favour with the court,

The untimely death of Edward VI. (6 July, 1553), while it operated as a severe check on the advancing commercial prosperity of England, was no less inauspicious to the fortunes of Sebastian Cabot, who had given to it the first great impulse. The generosity of the youthful monarch, his ingenuous and enterprising spirit, and his fondness for maritime affairs, offer a melancholy contrast to the sullen bigotry of Mary.[94] Without one spark of feeling for the commercial interests of the people whom she had been called to govern, or one thought about their happiness, she deputed all such matters to her husband, who reduced Cabot’s pension one half, and materially curtailed the influence he so long possessed, it may be with some gain to his own peace of mind in his now declining years, though to England’s loss. Foreign traders with England had now their former special privileges partially restored, while the Steel-Yard merchants, bringing the influence of Germany to bear upon Philip II., were thus enabled to obtain relief from the Act passed by Edward VI. They were not, however, satisfied with these changes in their favour, for “at an assembly of the Houses at Lubeck, an Edict was published against all Englishmen, forbidding all trade or commerce with them.”[95]

and dies at a very advanced age.

History of merchant shipping and ancient commerce, Volume 2 (of 4)

HISTORYOFMERCHANT SHIPPINGANDANCIENT COMMERCE.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY
OF
MERCHANT SHIPPING
AND
ANCIENT COMMERCE.