Transcriber’s Note:

The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

THE
AMERICAN INDIAN
IN THE
UNITED STATES
PERIOD 1850–1914

BY

WARREN K. MOOREHEAD, A.M.,

AUTHOR, “THE STONE AGE IN NORTH AMERICA,” CURATOR

OF THE DEPARTMENT OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY,

PHILLIPS ACADEMY, ANDOVER, MASS.; MEMBER OF

THE UNITED STATES BOARD OF INDIAN

COMMISSIONERS; FELLOW, AMERICAN

ASSOCIATION FOR THE

ADVANCEMENT OF

SCIENCE, ETC.

THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN;

HIS POLITICAL HISTORY AND OTHER TOPICS

A PLEA FOR JUSTICE

1914

THE ANDOVER PRESS

ANDOVER, MASS.

Copyright 1914

Warren K. Moorehead

RED CLOUD (MAKH-PIYA-LUTA)
War Chief of all the Sioux.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTION

Additional Comments

With some diffidence I present a history of the American Indian during the transition period.

Excepting two or three bulletins, and some public addresses, all my publications have dealt with archaeological subjects, and the Indian of the past.[^[1]] A study of the Indian of this country, during recent years, seems to indicate that at no time in his history has he faced a more critical situation than that which confronts him today.

A helpful understanding of him and his needs is vastly more important than further scientific study.

In writing this book it has been difficult to select that which should be published. A wealth of material relating to the complex life of modern Indians and their affairs was offered. The comparisons between tribes of today and a century ago present an absorbing field for study. I have frequently with difficulty checked myself, as it was more easy and pleasant to speak of the past rather than of modern days.

It is comparatively simple to record existing Indian customs still surviving in out-of-the-way corners of the United States. But such do not represent the present cultural state of the Indian as a whole. As my book aimed at a correct perspective of the Indians today, the inclusion of such matter and the exclusion of the widespread Indian activities in other directions, might result in a distorted perspective—certainly the picture (while more pleasing) would not be true to life. It will be observed by readers, that while I have generally described the activities of modern Indians, that the real purpose of the book is to bring before the American public the acuteness of the Indian problem, and to suggest certain recommendations.

A perusal of the following chapters will acquaint readers with all the facts—how that the Indian has been hurried into citizenship. We have changed his entire life within the space of a few generations and forced upon him serious problems. In fact, we have brought about so stupendous a change in his life, that his very existence is threatened. As will be indicated, much of the old life obtains in spite of all our civilizing influences. While this is true, the preponderance of evidence indicates that the greater majority of our Indians have passed into the transitional state. Whether they shall become upright, self-supporting, intelligent American citizens, depends upon our attitude rather than upon them.

Since we have brought about the extinction of tribal and communistic life among the Indians, absolute responsibility for the future of the Indian rests with us. In the olden days, under the general tribal life, the Indians were able to band together and protect themselves. Now that most of our reservations have been cut up, and the Indians placed upon individual farms, it is impossible for them to join in any movement for self-protection. They are now citizens, rather than members of a tribe. Hence, it is quite easy for unscrupulous white persons to take advantage of them. While we thought we were acting in the best interests of the Indian, what we really did, was to destroy natural barriers which formerly kept out the enemy.

One should not object to, or find fault with an established policy, unless one offered a constructive policy in the place of that which he sought to destroy. I have, therefore, pointed out in my Conclusions what, in my opinion, must be done would we save the Indian.

Indian Art and Old Industries

The arts and industries of the Indians (barring a few exceptions) have been modified by contact with the Whites. As an illustration, the beadwork of the Ojibwa, Malecite, Penobscot, Iroquois and others is very different from the art of two centuries ago. Basketry still obtains, but except on the Pacific coast and in the Southwest, much of the textile work is influenced by European culture, and I have therefore omitted a consideration of Indian art in general.

In the chapter on the Navaho there was reference to the extensive blanket industry of that people. There is no danger of the blanket industry becoming extinct, although it may deteriorate because certain well-meaning, but misguided persons desire to superintend the Navaho art.

The basketry is threatened with extinction. The manufacture of beadwork, moccasins and Indian garments continues in various sections of the country, but has become modernized in design and manufacture. With the scarcity of deer, elk and buffalo, substitutes are now employed. This is observed in so common an article as moccasins—which are far inferior to those in use fifty years ago.

When Honorable R. G. Valentine was Commissioner, I made a somewhat lengthy report on the possibilities of aboriginal art, or manufacture, as a commercial asset to the Indians. I recommended that the old basket and blanket weavers, and the few remaining Indians who are skilled in making bead designs, moccasins, and other articles, be encouraged in their native arts. I recommended to the Commissioner that he establish a Bureau of Arts and Industries somewhat different from that one maintained at the present time. That the older men and women should be encouraged to make their baskets and blankets as in olden days, and that these should be marketed through certain agencies and the profits accrue to the Indians. I took the position that it was useless to attempt to instruct young Indians in the arts of their parents. That these persons were properly instructed in the great Indian schools, but that the true expression of aboriginal art was found among the few, old, self-taught persons. Art cannot be superintended, and if we continue such a course we will destroy what remains and have in its place that which is the opposite of true art. Our attempt to “teach” the Indians music ended in failure.

The Indian Office should encourage the old art-workers to make their products in their own way with absolutely no supervision upon our part.

A Prophecy Verified

Events have moved rapidly of late, and as the Introduction proofs come back from my publishers, the press dispatches from Washington announce the appointment of Honorable Gabe E. Parker as Commissioner to the Five Civilized Tribes in Oklahoma. Mr. Parker is one of the brightest of our educated Indians. Miss Barnard has just informed me that her successor in the Department of Charities and Corrections has been named. With these changes, Mr. Mott’s remarkable prophecy of last February (See p. [163]) is with one exception, completely verified.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

There are many persons, and a number of governmental Departments, to whom I am especially indebted. When I began the preparation of this manuscript nearly a year ago, I explained to officials in the United States Indian Office, Department of Justice, Smithsonian Institution, Indian Rights Association, and other organizations that I intended to prepare a history of the Indian of the transition period. It was made clear that a history must contain both the good and the bad; that a mere description of school activities and progress in arts and industries, would result in confirming the public in the present erroneous, but widespread opinion, that all our Indians are properly cared for, protected, and really becoming self-supporting.

Great credit must be given to various officials and private citizens for their earnest cooperation. The subject was a delicate one for them to handle. Taking everything into consideration, I have clearly indicated that the present unsatisfactory condition of our Indians grew up through a gradual process of evolution. We must not select the administration of Mr. Morgan, or that of Messrs. Leupp and Valentine, or the present one, under Mr. Sells, and state—“It was under this regime that the Indian began to lose his property.” Beginning fifty years ago, the evolution proceeded regularly, but irresistibly, until it terminated in the bureaucracy of present times. No particular administration, and no group of men are to blame.

Honorable Cato Sells, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Honorable E. B. Meritt, Assistant Commissioner, both instructed under-officials to afford me every possible courtesy in the preparation of this book, and I am greatly indebted to both of them.

To Mr. Rodman Wanamaker and Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, I express thanks for the permission to reproduce photogravure plates illustrating the Indian of fifty years ago. Messrs. Doubleday Page & Co., publishers of Dr. Dixon’s book, “The Vanishing Race”, were good enough to make the impressions.

Mr. George Wharton James and his publishers, A. C. McClurg & Co., permitted me to reproduce a fine, colored Navaho blanket and an illustration of a weaver, from “Indian Blankets and Their Makers”. Mr. J. Weston Allen of Boston also rendered me valuable assistance. The Carlisle School, Haskell Institute, and the United States Indian School, Chilocco, furnished information regarding their work, loaned me several plates and sent photographs. I have thanked the Superintendents in the list on this and the next page.

Mr. C. E. Kelsey of California; Mr. Grant Foreman of Oklahoma; Capt. G. W. Grayson of Oklahoma, and L. V. McWhorter of Washington, have my special thanks for contributing pages to this book. I also am indebted to Hon. F. H. Abbott, Secretary of the Board of Indian Commissioners, for information; Mr. M. K. Sniffen for Alaskan notes, and Miss Kate Barnard, Mr. M. L. Mott and H. C. Phillips for suggestions.

In addition to the above I am indebted to many other persons, all of whom contributed more or less information. The list of these follows:

Miss Caroline W. Andrus of Hampton, Va.; Mr. Marshall C. Allaben of New York City; Mr. Edgar A. Allen of Chilocco, Oklahoma; Mr. Benjamin W. Arnold of Albany, N. Y.; Hon. Edward E. Ayer of Chicago; Mr. S. L. Bacon; Mr. A. F. Beard of New York City; Dr. Carl B. Boyd; Major John R. Brennan of Pine Ridge, So. Dak.; Hon. John B. Brown of Muskogee, Okla.; Dr. Charles M. Buchanan of Tulalip, Wash.; Rev. Eugene Buechel, S. J.; Miss Gertrude A. Campbell; Mr. W. S. Campbell; Rev. Aaron B. Clark; Rev. John W. Clark of New York City; Hon. P. P. Claxton of Washington, D. C.; Miss Mary C. Collins; Mr. Charles E. Dagenett of Washington, D. C.; Mr. Ira C. Deaver; Rev. P. Flor Digman, S. J.; Dr. Fred Dillon; Rev. George D. Doyle; Dr. Charles A. Eastman of Amherst, Mass.; Mr. J. R. Eddy; Mr. F. E. Farrell; Mr. E. R. Forrest of Washington, Pa.; Hon. A. N. Frost of Lawrence, Mass.: Mrs. Bella McCallum Gibbons; Mr. H. V. Hailman; Hon. C. F. Hauke of Washington, D. C.; Rev. Aloysius Hermanutz, O.S.B.; Dr. F. W. Hodge of Washington, D. C.; Rev. Roman Homar, O.S.B.; Rev. Alexander Hood; Rev. Ebenezer Hotchkin; Major John R. Howard of White Earth, Minn.; Mr. Seth K. Humphrey of Boston; Mr. H. Huson of Oklahoma City, Okla.; Rev. Julius Jette, S. J., of Tanana, Alaska; Hon. Dana H. Kelsey of Muskogee, Okla.; Rev. William H. Ketcham; Rev. Bruce Kinney, D. D., of Topeka, Kan.; Mr. Wm. C. Kohlenberg; Mr. J. T. Lafferty of Winfield, Kas.; Dr. A. D. Lake; Rev. Simon Lampel, O. S. B.; Hon. Franklin K. Lane of Washington, D. C.; Hon. E. B. Linnen of Washington, D. C.; Mr. G. Elmer E. Lindquist of Lawrence, Kas.; Hon. O. H. Lipps of Washington, D. C.; Rt. Rev. Arthur S. Lloyd, D. D., of New York City; Colonel J. S. Lockwood of Boston, Mass.; Mr. Charles F. Lummis of Los Angeles; Mr. Arthur E. McFatridge; Mr. David L. Maxwell; Mr. A. P. Miller; Mr. John M. Moore of Nashville, Tenn.; Rev. S. L. Morris, D. D., of Atlanta, Ga.; Rev. George de la Motte, S. J.; Dr. Joseph A. Murphy of Washington, D. C.; Rev. J. S. Murrow; Mr. A. F. Nicholson; Mr. A. S. Nichelson; Mr. E. C. O’Brien of Washington, D. C.; Mr. Arthur C. Parker of Albany, N. Y.; Mr. Henry W. Parker of Boston; Rev. Herman F. Parshall; Dr. Charles Peabody of Cambridge, Mass.; Mr. H. B. Peairs of Washington, D. C.; Mr. Charles E. Pierce of Flandreau, So. Dak.; Rev. W. A. Petzoldt; Rev. W. B. Pinkerton; Mr. J. Harvey Randall; Mr. G. W. Reed; Rev. John Robinson; Rev. Fridolin Schuster, O. F. M.; Rev. Simon Schwarz; Rev. Paul de Schweinitz of Bethlehem, Pa.; Mr. W. W. Scott; Mr. John H. Seger of Clinton, Okla.; Mr. Theodore Sharp; Miss Frances C. Sparhawk of Hyde Park, Mass.; Mr. Ernest Stecker; Rev. W. E. Stevenson; Rev. Bernard Strassmaier; Mr. Edward L. Swartzlander; The Editors of the North American Review; Miss Eliza W. Thackara; Mr. Frank A. Thackery of Sacaton, Ariz.; Mr. Harry H. Treat; Rev. Edward F. Van Waerbergh; Hon. George Vaux, Jr., of Philadelphia; Rev. Chrystom Vermyst, O. F. M.; Dr. W. W. Wallace of Farmington, N. M.; Rev. Anselm Weber, O. F. M.; Mr. William H. Weinland; Mr. M. M. Welch of Atlanta, Ga.; Rev. Charles L. White, D. D., of New York City; Mr. H. C. Wilson; Mr. John R. Wise of Lawrence, Kan.; Mr. E. M. Wistar of Philadelphia, Pa.; Rev. C. A. Woody, D. D.; Hon. J. George Wright of Muskogee, Okla.; Mr. Robert M. Wright of Dodge City, Kas.

A General Bibliography Omitted

It is difficult, if not almost impossible, to compile a satisfactory bibliography relating to Indians and Indian affairs between the years 1850 and 1914. Aside from reports emanating from officials and Departments, the largest body of literature is that dealing with the ethnology of existing tribes. Under the term ethnology would be included several divisions of the science. Most of the ethnologic works, reports and papers fall within no specified dates. Hence, a paper may cover one or two centuries, or it might be confined to some aboriginal activity in modern times. To compile a bibliography restricted to governmental reports, books by individuals, addresses, special articles, etc., concerning the administration of Indian affairs, and omitting scientific books and papers, is unsatisfactory and quite incomplete. I therefore omitted a general bibliography, although I cite some 150 books, reports and addresses. To readers who may desire to pursue the subject further, I would suggest that in addition to the Handbook of American Indians, there are the publications of the Smithsonian Institution and Bureau of Ethnology, Washington. A large number of reports have been issued by these scientific institutions the past forty years, and they cover practically all activities of many of our Indian tribes. The American Anthropologist (1888–1914) will be found to contain valuable papers upon the language, folk-lore, religion, philology and general ethnology of modern tribes. The Handbook of American Indians contains a bibliography of more than forty-two pages in length.

Indian songs and music are presented in a large volume in a most attractive manner by Miss Nathalie Curtis. Basketry and blankets are described by Professor Mason and Mr. G. W. James. Dr. Charles A. Eastman’s books of Indian life are excellent—and there are many others. These in addition to the Smithsonian, Bureau of Ethnology, Handbook, and Anthropologist cited, will afford readers an abundance of material.

Corrections

After [Chapters I-XXX] had been printed, Commissioner Sells notified me that through a typographical error on [page [27]], the 600,000 acres of irrigable lands had become 6,000,000! It would be exceedingly gratifying could we claim that the Indians had under cultivation 6,000,000 acres, but as the sum total is but 600,000, I cite the correction.

On [page [25]], last paragraph, fourth line, “under the Chiefs of Divisions”; should be, “in the various Divisions”.

[Page [112]], second paragraph from bottom, fifth line: “witnessed many of these dances”, should be “witnessed many different dances”.

[Page [217]]. It was necessary to omit a special chapter devoted to agriculture for the reason that in various places in the book the industries of modern Indians were commented on at length. In [Chapter XXXIII], Farming and Stock Raising, it was thought best to omit the bibliography. Therefore, the last sentence in the paragraph should read, “These cover, in a general way, all phases of education.”

[Page [247]]. Last paragraph. “John T. Shelton” should be, “William T. Shelton”.

[Page [252]], center of page: Parquette, should be Paquette.

CHAPTER I. TWO POINTS OF VIEW

The American Indian may be regarded from two wide and divergent points of view; that of the scientist, and that of the humanitarian. Under the former should be grouped all study of the Indian, past and present, falling under the general science of anthropology, and its various divisions and sub-divisions. This includes the study of the Indian as a primitive man belonging to the Red Race, and different from all other races on the face of the earth. This view comprises archaeology, physical anthropology, ethnology, folklore, religion, etc.

The second, under the general title of humanitarianism, includes all progress, education, missionary endeavor, and that which may be summed up under the title Civilization, or as the modernists have it, “Social Service.”

After much thought, it occurs to me that we must view the Indian from these two and quite opposed angles—the scientific, the philanthropic.

The average man or woman is not interested in the Indian from the point of view of the scientist. This is quite natural. But, persons of intelligence are interested in the Indian as a strange and peculiar individual. He appeals to their imagination. The public has had presented to it during past years, great numbers of books, pamphlets and articles all dealing with the Indian, and most of them regard him from what is known as “the popular point of view.” Having read, or glanced through scores of these, it is my firm conviction that, after all, we have not properly understood the Indian.

The scientists have made him the subject of technical study, beginning with the generalities of two centuries ago and continuing down to the minutest of detail of modern investigations. Through our records of wars, and our sensational articles, we have been given the impression that his days were spent in fighting, and his nights in war dances. To the scientist he has appeared, not as a man, but as a bit of life to be dissected and preserved; or a specimen duly catalogued, described, and placed in an exhibition case. To the average man or woman, influenced by sensational books, and degrading wild-west shows, and that modern invention, the motion picture, he presents a figure as unreal as it is unhuman.

The Indian of today, with few exceptions, having lost his aboriginal characteristics, the faith of his fathers and his whole life changed, is indeed, a fit subject for the educator, the philanthropist, and the social reformer.

Would one desire to understand this very peculiar race of red men, one should begin his study by observing the Indian of today. And his observation should cover the character, activities and condition of this Indian of modern times. He should regard him not merely through the cold, unsympathetic eyes of the scientist, who looks for survival of savage or primitive customs, but in a larger and broader sense. To begin with, everyone should realize that the survivors of the American race[^[2]] are more in need today of protection and help than of scientific study. From a purely scientific point of view, the Indian has been pretty thoroughly studied the past fifty years. This statement of mine does not necessarily imply that there should be no technical study of the American Indian in these present days. But as between the work of the scientist and that of the humanitarian the Indian is vastly more in need of the latter than of the former.

In the belief that our studies of the American Indian have so progressed that one may now consider the race in its entirety, I have set myself the rather ambitious task of preparing a number of volumes treating of the American Indian of the present and past. After much deliberation it has occurred to me that the Indian of today should be first considered—hence this volume. At the outset, we find that generally speaking the Indian throughout the United States although maintaining much of his original speech, and in places some of his aboriginal characteristics, yet, as a whole, he is in the transition period.

Our native Americans are, and have been, a remarkable people. Their very manner of life, their striking and picturesque costumes, their peculiar color and their diversified languages seem to have challenged the attention of explorers, travelers, priests and scientists. It is to be doubted if there is another aboriginal race, on the face of the earth, concerning which more books, articles and reports have been published. In Europe, as well as in America, the Indian is celebrated in song and story, yet since the discovery of America his domination has gradually diminished, and the period of his greatest activity (since the advent of the white race) is very short lived compared with that of other tribes of men. From 1500 to 1700, he may be said to have controlled a sufficient extent of the United States and Canada, to dominate it. His power after the year 1700 rapidly diminished, and in 1800 we find that he did not control any large areas save west of the Mississippi and west of Lake Superior. Up to the year 1865, he dominated a large portion of the West, South West and North West. From 1880 down to the present time, his sun has rapidly declined and he may be said today to have passed out of the tribal estate, to have ceased to be a factor in national life as a separate race. He is rapidly becoming merged into our larger body of citizens, and while some thousands of Indians (perhaps 45,000) live and think in the past, the great majority of Indians, like the great majority of foreign immigrants, belong to the body politic.

ARTHUR C. PARKER
Iroquois. State Archaeologist of New York; Secretary Society American Indians.

So, we consider the majority in this study of the Indian, rather than the minority; leaving that fraction to the scientist.

If we are consistent in the statement that we shall begin with the present and work backward into the past, we must consider in this volume the activities and the life of the modern Indian, and the modern Indian being in the transition period presents us very little in the way of folklore and traditions. A careful study of the recent reports of ethnological investigators emphasizes this truth. The writers have invariably sought out the older Indians, for the very good reason that they knew much concerning the past. The greater number of Indians—the middle-aged and young, and the thousands of educated Indians—are not able to furnish material such as scientific investigators seek. A confirmation of my statement will be found in that excellent memoir, “Chippewa Music,” by Miss Frances Densmore. This was published by the Bureau of Ethnology in 1913. In this worthy publication, denoting much research, Miss Densmore is dependent on the older people for her information. Even these older persons, as they appear in the photographs accompanying the book, are dressed in garments such as are worn by white persons. Many of these Indians (as in the case of other tribes) keep a few old war bonnets, buckskin coats, moccasins, leggings, embroidered belts, etc., with which they adorn themselves on state-occasions, but their natural dress today, is European in character. Not only in Miss Densmore’s book but in the reports of other investigators in the United States, where a group of Indians are assembled, one observes more evidence of European than native American costumes. It is frequently (if not usually) necessary to ask the Indians to put on their tribal costumes, and sometimes they are compelled to borrow a garment here and there among their friends in order to make up properly. There naturally arises the pertinent question—are not modern Indians so saturated with civilization that their opinions of tribal customs of past decades should be accepted with due reserve? This important question should be considered by some one of our numerous writers on Indian topics.

The two maps presented opposite pages [25] and [35], will bring home to readers the tremendous shrinkage of Indian lands during the short space of thirty-five years.

The map, presented by Commissioner Sells in his report for 1913, as contrasted to the map of 1879, shows that the Indian reservations have been cut down to at least one-third. The population in the year 1881 will be found in small figures on each area given on the map. It will be seen by comparing the period of 1879 with 1913, that the Navaho have greatly increased, and also the tribes now living in Oklahoma (formerly Indian Territory). Others have either diminished, or show slight increases.

INDIAN HOME, ONONDAGA RESERVATION, NEW YORK

The increases are due to growth of the mixed-blood elements, to white men marrying Indian women.[^[3]] The allotment plan, the accumulation of tribal funds, the increase in property values—all these factors induced many persons to “get on the Indian rolls” and thus swell the numbers; while the pure-blood Navahos are increasing, I doubt if other tribes show growth—save in the mixed-blood element referred to above.

Certainly these two maps present us with facts for serious study. They indicate the rapidity with which the Red Race’s property is being legislated away. Many reservations have been abolished, and the Indians allotted land in severalty. If the Indians held such lands as white men hold their farms, the whole Indian area today would be as large as formerly, even though reservation lines are abolished. Some do hold their lands. But most of them sell, lease, or mortgage; the maps, after all, tell the sad truth, and the erasure of governmental lines usually means the blotting out of Indian titles.

It will be observed that between 1850 and 1887 there is wide difference of opinion as to the number of Indians. In 1886 there were 334,000 Indians, whereas in ’87 the number is given as 243,000. This must be due to faulty enumeration, or to estimating rather than counting. The gradual increase from 1898 to 1913 is for the reason assigned, page [21].

In the table presented by Commissioner Sells it will be observed that the Indians have made some progress along various industrial directions. As he has grouped under a total valuation of $22,238,242, all the horses, cattle, hogs and sheep raised by the Indians, it is difficult to compare this table with those of 1879–1881. I present tables of those years prepared long ago by the Board of Indian Commissioners and published by them February 1st, 1882. It will be seen that the number of acres under cultivation are about the same thirty-two years ago as at the present time. In 1881 there were over 2,000,000 head of stock owned by Indians. The value of sheep would reduce an average of $10 per head, horses and cattle would raise it. Some horses might be worth as high as $50, most of them would average $15. Cattle would range from $15 to $25 per head at that time. Mules would be higher, while hogs might be averaged at $8 per head, and sheep, $2. We might strike an average of $10 per head, which would amount to $20,000,000. In view of the present increased value of livestock, the $22,000,000 worth of property and livestock at the present time cannot amount to more than 2,000,000 head. (See [page [29]])

I think the slight increase noted in the 1912 table is due to the progress of certain Indian tribes (notably the Navaho) and the increased money value per head of stock. It does not mean that the Indians own more “live” property today than they did in 1881.

All of this, it is understood, is no reflection on the Honorable Commissioner or his able assistants. It merely indicates that the Indians, as a body, have not progressed to the extent that we would desire.

CHAPTER II—THE U.S. INDIAN OFFICE IN 1913

The Bureau of Indian Affairs was organized in 1824, and was under the War Department. On March 3, 1849, the Interior Department took over the management of the Indians. Since 1832, there have been 31 Commissioners of Indian Affairs. The longest tenure of office was that held by Honorable Wm. A. Jones.

The present Commissioner is Honorable Cato Sells of Texas, who took charge June 4, 1913. Mr. Sells has already inaugurated a new and progressive policy and his work is highly commended by every person having the welfare of the Indians at heart.[^[6]] A splendid tribute has been paid him by M. K. Sniffen, Esq., Corresponding Secretary of the Indian Rights Association. Honorable Edgar B. Meritt, who has served faithfully for many years, is Assistant Commissioner.

There are in addition to these high officers, Second Assistant Commissioner, Honorable C. F. Hauke; and Honorable E. B. Linnen, Chief of the Inspection Service. I have always considered the Inspection Service the most important of all. It is therefore very satisfactory that we have as Chief of the Division, a man who has had twenty-five years’ experience as Inspector and former Secret Service official. And right here, I wish to state that if the Inspection Service had been efficient in past years, the horrible scandals in Minnesota, Oklahoma and elsewhere never would have occurred.

There are Chiefs of Divisions in education, land and finance; Chief Supervisors of schools, health, industries, irrigation, forestry and construction. There are ten Supervisors and eight Special Agents serving in the various Divisions. The roster of officers for this year contains the names of hundreds of conscientious and competent men and women scattered throughout the entire West and in Washington, whose sole purpose is to make of these Indians good American citizens. No one who has investigated the Indian situation as it presents itself today can do other than accord to all these persons the full meed of praise. They labor under great disadvantages. If they are radical, they call down upon their heads the wrath of those who covet Indian lands; if they are conservative, the officials of various benevolent organizations accuse them of aiding and abetting the grafters in their nefarious work. If a single mistake is made—though unintentional—it is pointed out by some disgruntled person living in the Indian country. The complications, the situation, and the opposition which they are called upon to face might well cause many of their critics to timidly decline to exchange places with them.

I am entirely sincere in the above statement. Because it has been my unpleasant duty to point out needed reforms—not to use a stronger term—a few good people have imagined that I criticised the personnel of the Indian Service. That would be not only unkind, but also unjust, and in all that I have published, written or spoken, I have never thought to criticize any man or woman save those who were engaged in defrauding Indians.

As will be presented in the final chapter of this book, the Indian Office machinery is efficient, and the personnel competent. The only question—and it is a great question—is whether our manufactured product is what it should be. Our machines are perfect, but do we run them properly?

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Mr. Sells, issued a valuable report December 8, 1913. It covers the period from July 1, 1912, to June 30, 1913. In order that we may grasp the full significance of the work being done by the Indian Office, and the magnitude of the problems confronting us, it is necessary to present some statistics, taken from this report.

There are some 6,000 employees in the Indian Service, and 330,639 Indians. Among the Indians are included a great many mixed bloods and persons who have married Indian women. This swells the total, as I have pointed out on Page [21].

The property of these Indians is estimated by the Commissioner to be worth nearly $900,000,000. As competent observers in the State of Oklahoma claim the Indians have property there rising $500,000,000 in value, it is my candid opinion, after considering the Navaho, Crow, Sioux, Yakima, Apache and all other lands, minerals, timber, etc., in the United States, that the sum is probably nearer $1,200,000,000. There is also in the United States Treasury some $48,848,744 in cash.

There has been appropriated since the year 1881, and including the year 1914, this generous sum for the education, allotting, protection of Indians and the maintenance of the thousands of employees in the Indian Service, viz:—$263,623,004.01. This enormous sum properly and wisely expended from the year 1881 to the present time would have solved the Indian problem in the United States. But two great obstacles stood in the way—the politician in the East and the grafter in the West. The Honorable Commissioner cannot state in his report that it is due to these two influences that our Indian history is, beyond question, the darkest page in the general American history, but such a statement is absolutely correct.

Of these 330,000 Indians, 180,000 have received farms, or as the Indian Office calls them, allotments. 34,000,000 acres have been used for this purpose and there remain 39,000,000 acres. The Commissioner states that the timber held by Indians is worth $80,000,000.

Since 1876 the Government has spent $80,000,000 for schools and education, and there are now 223 Indian day schools on or near Indian communities; 76 boarding-schools on reservations and 35 non-reservation schools. There are 65,000 Indian children, and all go to school save 17,500 who are either defectives or unprovided for.

There are 25,000 Indians suffering from tuberculosis; yet there are but 300 beds in all the Indian hospitals. This is a condition that would not be tolerated outside of an Indian community in the United States, for twenty-four hours. Thirty-two per cent of the Indian deaths are due to pulmonary tuberculosis as against 12.02 per cent among the white people of the United States. 60,000 Indians suffer from trachoma. This eye disease was introduced by the lower class of European immigrants and it spread throughout nearly every Indian community.

“I find that the Indians have more than 600,000 acres of irrigable land, approximately 9,000,000 acres of other agricultural lands, more than 50,000,000 acres grazing lands, and that the Government has expended approximately $10,000,000 in connection with Indian irrigation projects.

“Many able-bodied Indians who have valuable lands are wholly or partially without seeds, teams, implements, and other equipment to utilize properly such lands. This is particularly true in several reservations where large sums of public or tribal funds have been used in constructing irrigation systems, and is in part the reason why such large areas of irrigable and other agricultural lands are not under cultivation.

“The valuable grazing lands of the Indians offer unusual opportunities for increasing the meat supply of the country, at the same time furnishing a profitable employment for the Indians as well as utilizing their valuable grazing lands. During the last year the Indians cultivated less than 600,000 acres of their vast area of agricultural lands.

“It shall be my purpose to attempt to procure reimbursable appropriations so as to advance to the Indians needed agricultural equipment in order that they may make beneficial use of their resources and become self-supporting and progressive citizens. These reimbursable appropriations, if procured and properly used, will result in ultimately decreasing the gratuity appropriations for Indians.”[^[7]]

Commissioner Sells very wisely emphasizes agricultural work, stock-raising and cooperation with the United States Department of Agriculture. He calls attention to the enormous number of lands leased by the Indians to white men, for agricultural purposes.

One of the most interesting and illuminating sections in the report is, to my mind, the table number 7: “General data for each Indian reservation, under what agency or school, tribes occupying or belonging to it, area not allotted or specially reserved, and authority for its establishment, to Nov. 3, 1913.”

A study of this table indicates that tracts of these lands have been sold under various acts of Congress. The statements appear: “Open to settlement 1,449,268 acres” or, “1,061,500 acres were open to settlement.” All this indicates that enormous tracts have been sold to settlers, or disposed of by the Government after the Indians had been allotted. This policy has been persistently carried on in the State of Oklahoma, although I have repeatedly urged not only the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, but also the Commissioner of the Five Civilized Tribes to conserve some of these lands. I have contended, also, that the Indians are not properly protected in their property rights, and many of them are becoming paupers; that large tracts of land should be reserved by the Government in order that each dispossessed or pauperized Indian should be entitled to a small home at some future time. The policy of disposing of enormous tracts of grazing and agricultural land is extremely short-sighted.

I have been told, when calling attention of Commissioner Wright, or the Indian Office, to the fact that some of these surplus lands should be conserved, that under the law, this cannot be done. The land is tribal property, or by act of Congress on such and such a date the lands were ordered sold. There is always authority for these sales, and no one can question it. But the policy continues, and to me appears very pernicious. Certain Indians on some of our reservations have either disposed of their holdings, or been swindled out of them. If none of the surplus lands are retained, there will be nothing available for these Indians, and they will soon become homeless paupers. We have an illustration of that in California. There we permitted the Indians to lose their property, or to be evicted. In recent years we have spent large sums of money purchasing tracts of irrigated land to provide homes for the very Indians we permitted to lose their homesteads. Certainly this is a very short-sighted and unbusiness-like policy.

The progress of the Indian the past year in arts and industries has been fairly satisfactory. Most of the Superintendents report increased industry on the part of their wards. The Commissioner presents nearly 200 pages of tabulated statistics covering progress and values. The Indians have not worked in the same proportion as have white people for various reasons. I shall set forth these in detail in a subsequent Chapter.

At the conclusion of Chapters upon health, education, irrigation, etc., I have presented bibliographies. Readers will obtain a good idea of the progress made along various directions if they will consult some of the writers’ reports, speeches, etc.

The Red Man, published at Carlisle Indian School; the Chilocco School Journal, and papers printed at Haskell, Pine Ridge, and Hampton all contain many practical articles upon arts and industries and kindred topics. For these journals the Indian Service officials frequently write articles, and in them speeches and addresses upon Indian topics by prominent men are often reproduced.

These journals are creditable publications and do much toward enlightening the boys and girls as to progress in other schools—thus acting as an incentive to further effort. It is unfortunate that the public at large is not familiar with them. Were they generally circulated, much ignorance of Indian education would disappear.

MODERN INDIAN HOUSE
Although on the Allegheny reservation, N. Y., this is the common type of house occupied by better-class Indians in many States.

CHAPTER III. THE INDIANS TODAY AND HON. E. E. AYER’S REPORT

We have seen in the preceding chapter that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, his assistants, Supervisors, Inspectors and Special Agents stand at the head of a very great Bureau; and that under them are thousands of employees. The diagram on the following page is an outline plan of the entire Indian Service, beginning with that great body, the Congress of the United States, and passing through its various ramifications down to the amalgamation of the educated, competent Indian into the body of American citizens.

This comprehensive table was published by Honorable F. E. Farrell, Superintendent of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, in the school publication The Carrier Pigeon, in December, 1912.

We should first realize the tremendous difference between the Indians of 1850 and those of 1914. A comparison of the Indian reservation map of 1879 and the map of 1913 will give readers some idea of the tremendous changes in Indian life in this country. In the short space of fifty years, the entire West has been transformed from an Indian country to a white man’s country. The problem of these Indians is today, not so much an ethnologic study, as it is a citizenship and humanitarian problem.

Although there are a few scattered bands of Indians on the public domain (notably Papago and Navaho, and a few other bands) more than nine-tenths of these people are under direct Federal or State supervision. As I have remarked elsewhere, a great many of the Navaho and certain other Indians still keep up tribal customs and continue in the faith of their ancestors, but for the greater part, the Indians are, and should be, considered a part of our body politic. Before discussing some of the larger tribes, and certain phases of Indian history in the broad sense, we should review the Indian situation as it presents itself generally in the United States.

Beginning with the far East, we should glance at the thousand or more native Americans living in Maine and New Brunswick.

Several hundred Penobscot and Passamaquoddy Indians are located at Oldtown, Maine, and on the St. Croix River above Princeton, Maine. These are of superior intelligence, and all are self-supporting. There is some drunkenness, but it is not prevalent, as among some of our western tribes.

The Indians are under the jurisdiction of the State of Maine. The Penobscots own all the islands in the Penobscot River between Oldtown and Millinockett. They are, for the most part, guides, farmers, carpenters, clerks and lumbermen. Many of them earn excellent wages—from $2 to $5 per day. I saw no evidences of poverty. The people are intelligent and of good character. Consumption is not common, and trachoma cases are rare.

The reason for the splendid condition of the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy Indians should not be lost upon our officials and Indian Committees in authority in Congress.

They have been surrounded by a high class of white people, and have been left alone to develop and progress. While they have been protected by the State of Maine, no discrimination has been made against them, as in the case of Indians in Oklahoma, Minnesota, California and elsewhere. They enjoy the same citizenship as is conferred upon Whites, and it does not consist of “paper promises,” but is real and effective. Theirs is no story of dishonesty and disease.

The past summer, while on an archaeological expedition on the St. John River, I visited three villages occupied by Malecite Indians, in New Brunswick, Canada. All of them are well situated, one at the mouth of the Tobique River; another at Edmunston; and a third near Woodstock. While these Indians are poor, there is no general pauperism, and their general health is better than among the Indians I have visited in our United States (exclusive of Maine).

In one respect the plans followed by the Canadian officials are superior to ours, and evince more ability (or rather stability) in the handling of the Indians. Instead of allotting these Indians, giving them deeds to valuable property, permitting them to be swindled by unscrupulous white persons, and then spending years in profitless litigation, in an attempt to make grafters return property taken from the Indians, these Canadians have continued the reservation system under a modified form. The Indians own their tracts of land, as with us, but do not hold deeds, or trust patents to same, therefore the lands cannot be sold or mortgaged; thus the incentive to fraud is removed.

The Indians serve as farmers, guides, carpenters and fishermen. Most of them are Catholics, and there is a priest located at the Tobique village. He lives among them and encourages them in various arts.

The census gives a few Indians as residing in our eastern states, but they are white people in every way, save color.

To discover the next body of Indians exceeding more than three or four hundred, we must go down South where we find a few bands of Cherokees in Swain and Jackson Counties, North Carolina; and scattered throughout Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama there are 1100 or 1200 residing on what was originally a part of the habitat of this great nation.

GOVERNMENT SAWMILL, FT. BELKNAP RESERVATION, MONTANA
Lumber cut by Indians.

Some of the Iroquois still reside in western New York, notably in settlements not far from Buffalo. These Indians, as in the case of the North Carolina Cherokees, are chiefly mixed-bloods, have adopted our customs, live in fairly comfortable houses and are in no need of Government supervision. Among the Iroquois of New York, the percentage of tuberculosis and other diseases was so low as to be practically nil. In one of the recent Government reports it is given as but a fraction over one per cent.

There has recently developed agitation seeking to break up their reservation. This is most unfortunate, as the tracts are small; the Indians are doing well and desire to be let alone. They deserve to remain in peaceful possession of their old-time homes.

All of the remaining Indians east of the Mississippi, and south of the Great Lakes need not enter into our discussion. Save for a noticeable Indian color in the case of some individuals, the bulk of them have ceased to be real Indians. The New York Iroquois, in recent times, have made creditable progress in arts, and have produced a number of prominent men and women. A large number of them serve in responsible positions and so far as they are concerned there is no Indian problem. We may, therefore, eliminate the eastern half of the United States, with the exception of Wisconsin, Michigan and Florida.

In Florida we have the descendants of the Seminoles, estimated at 600, and are an offshoot of the Creeks, or Muskokis. These still cling to their ancient homes in the Everglades, and have withstood all attempts to make of them either educated Indians or agency Indians. During Mr. Leupp’s administration, he proposed to me that I go to Florida and spend a winter cultivating the friendship of these Indians and see if it were not possible to persuade them to send their children to school. I was unable to carry this mission into effect, but I understand that recently the Government sent a Special Agent there, who has compelled a number of the children to attend school. The draining of the Everglades is now well under way, and soon the hunting and fishing-grounds of these people will be very much restricted. They have always been self-supporting and they merit consideration, and should have our help. It is to be hoped that before the ditching of the Everglades is completed, these Indians will be properly provided for. This is a subject I would commend to the attention of the Federal authorities.

In Wisconsin we have quite a large number of Indians at the present time, located on reservations, or clustered about schools. These number 9,930, and Wisconsin ranks ninth in the entire country in point of Indian population. Wisconsin is the first State, on our inspection tour from the East to the West, wherein we find a large body of Indians still in the transition period. They belong to the following bands:—the Ojibwa (Chippewa), Menominee, Potawatomi, Oneida, Winnebago and a few others. The Ojibwa are by far the most numerous, amounting to, approximately, two-thirds of the entire number. Whether all of these five tribes originally belonged in Wisconsin, is a question which may be deferred to the ethnologist. We are treating of the State in recent times, as I have previously remarked in this book. Therefore that great question—the origin of these Indians and their presence in the State of Wisconsin—is not our concern. They are here located at the present time, and, in general, are making fair progress.

Honorable Edward E. Ayer, of the Board of Indian Commissioners, last year, made an extended investigation of the timber problem confronting the Menominee Indians. Mr. Ayer has kindly furnished me with an advance copy of his report in order that I might present a synopsis. Seldom has an investigation been conducted under more auspicious circumstances. Mr. Ayer took with him a number of persons, including a practical lumberman of wide experience. As the Menominee problem is one concerned with timber, rather than land values, it was very important that the work be thoroughly done. Mr. Ayer covered the entire reservation in his report.

“The Menominee Indians originally occupied the greater part of the State of Wisconsin. They ranged from what is now the site of Milwaukee north along the west shores of Lake Michigan to Menominee, North Michigan, and west to the Wisconsin River and Black River. Along Green Bay and the Fox River Valley were their principal settlements, and on the shores of Green Bay they first met the white man, when Father Marquette, La Salle and the first French descended the Great Lakes from the Canada settlement on exploration voyages of early days. On the reservation at Keshena is now the successor of the first French Mission established by Marquette at Green Bay.

“A woods Indian, the Menominee was a striking figure, of generally six feet and over in height, a giant in strength. Few in numbers when compared with other great tribes, his bravery and fighting qualities enabled him to hold his own with surrounding tribes, Potawatomies on the south, Sauk and Fox and Winnebago on southwest, the great Dakota or Sioux natives to west and Chippewa on the shore of Superior to the north, and the Hurons to the east of them. Their word once given could be relied upon. The French, English and American nations, each in turn, made treaties with them and all were faithfully kept. The Menominee was a peaceful nation, seldom the aggressor, but mighty in wrath, once justified in taking the warpath. From early times these Indians have been the white man’s friend. In our Civil War many soldiers were recruited from their band, and today here exists the only Indian G. A. R. Post in America. Their pursuits are farming, lumbering and manufacture of lumber products. At Neopit is the seat of a large milling-plant industry, capitalized for one million dollars. It has a sawmill with an output of forty million feet yearly, a planing-mill of twenty million capacity and carries a stock on hand of forty million feet of lumber, also laths, shingles, etc. The town numbers about one thousand men, women and children, and here may be seen the advanced Indian living in his modern cottage surrounded with all the home comforts of modern life and partaking of the same social enjoyments as his white brother. A modern day school and a mission day school furnish education to his children, as does town life social instruction to his home, and the mill industrial education to himself and sons.

U. S. INDIAN SCHOOL CHILOCCO, OKLA.
A glimpse in one of the rooms of the Department of Domestic Art. Students making Uniforms and other dresses for school use.

“At Keshena is the seat of the Agency, head of administrative affairs, and two large boarding-schools, Government and mission, with combined capacity for 300 children. Scattered out from Keshena for a radius of twelve miles is a scene of agricultural progress, Indian farmers whose efforts vary from farms of 5 to 80 acres, cleared, fenced and in various stages of improvement.

LEWIS TEWANIMA
In the 10,000–meter run at the Olympic Games in Stockholm Tewanima won second place. He is a full-blood Hopi Indian and is considered America’s greatest long-distant runner. Educated at Carlisle.

JAMES THORPE
World’s Champion All-Round Athlete, Winner of the Pentathlon and the Decathlon, Stockholm, 1912. Educated at Carlisle.

“The tribal funds on deposit in the Treasury of the United States are approximately $2,000,000, gathered from fruits of their own toil and in the sale of their timber products.

“The tribe numbers about 1700 souls. Statistics show about 575 able-bodied males, aged 18 years and over. Labor figures for the reserve show of this number an average of 264 adult Indians continuously employed the year round, earning in wages $91,630.47, not including subsistence. The greatest value of the Neopit operations is as a school of industry. Its value educationally, morally and civilly cannot be measured in dollars and cents.”

Mr. Ayer found that the Government had erected a sawmill at Neopit. This mill sawed Indian timber exclusively.

Some years ago the mill’s operations were not satisfactory, there being extravagance in management. Since Mr. Nicholson was appointed, all of this has been remedied, and after liberal deductions for all expenses, the mill shows a profit of $443,176.17 to the Menominee Indians (from July, 1910 to September 30, 1913). He found the mill employed a large number of Indian men, while other Indians found employment working with the logging crews in the woods. The mill served a double purpose. Not only were the Indians employed and earned good wages, but they also received the benefits of the mill’s earnings.

There is practically no poverty on the reservation, and little sickness. The houses are clean and well kept.

Mr. Ayer’s exhaustive study of conditions led him to make several recommendations, one or two of which I append herewith:—

“I recommend that two, four or six of the brightest young Indians on the Reservation be sent to Wisconsin State College of Agriculture at Madison to take a full course in forestry and scientific farming, that they may come back to the reservation equipped to teach the Indians who have elected to make farms.

“I would also recommend that there be a company or tribal store at Neopit and a branch one at Keshena and that the goods shall be sold say on a basis of 12½ or 15 per cent, which would make the stores absolutely self-sustaining and the Indians would get the necessities of life much cheaper. These stores should also carry a stock of the ordinary agricultural tools that might be used and there should also be a bank, say with forty or fifty thousand dollars capital connected with the Neopit store, where the employees of the mill could get checks cashed.

“Now, if they want to buy anything extraordinary, an agricultural tool or any other thing, or cash their check, they have got to go twenty miles away to Shawano for the purpose, and they are subjected to all the temptations of the outside towns. I think everything ought to be supplied to the Indians on the reservation so that they would have as little necessity of leaving it as possible.”

A complaint had gained circulation to the effect that the mill was losing money and had been extravagantly managed. There were some grounds for this five years ago, but not during the past three years. A certain attorney, wishing to take over the management of tribal affairs, visited the Indians and, calling their attention to a few logs here and there, which had not been properly handled, persuaded the Indians to raise a sum of money to pay his expenses to Washington. Here he made complaints to the Commissioner and others. His presence on the reservation caused dissatisfaction. Ayer’s investigation proved that the loss was nothing compared with the great financial benefits accruing to the Indians, through the mill’s operation.

I mention this at some length for the reason that Mr. Ayer’s report was unjustly criticised by one or two persons who lent willing ears to the self-seeking attorney.

His report covers all questions relating to farming, education, health, and the sale of timber to better advantage. The mill is a model of efficiency, conserves the Indians’ timber to the tribe’s best interest, and similar mills should be conducted on other reservations.

The amount of timber remaining to be cut is variously estimated at from 1,500,000,000 to 2,000,000,000 feet. It will thus be observed that the Menominee Indians are possessed of a very valuable property. The authorities should heed Mr. Ayer’s suggestions, coming as they do, from a practical timber man of many years’ experience.

The greatest tracts of timber (aside from Menominee) are on Chippewa lands at Bad River and La Pointe. Some are exceedingly valuable. I addressed the Department and received assurance that the Commissioner was aware of the dangers of a “second White Earth.” The following official communication (in part) is evidence that these Indians will be protected:—

“Under the treaty of September 30, 1854 (10 Stats. L., 1109), 1063 Indians within the La Pointe or Bad River Reservation, Wisconsin, have been allotted a total area of 8,387,068 acres. Approximately 45,000 acres of surplus tribal land remain, authority for the allotment of which exists in the Act of February 11, 1901 (31 Stats. L., 766), as amended by the Act of March 2, 1907 (34 Stats. L., 1217). Nothing is said in these acts about the allotment of timber lands and the remaining tribal lands within this reservation are very valuable for timber purposes, some of the eighty-acre tracts being estimated to yield approximately $30,000 for the timber alone. Other tracts containing but little timber are not desirable and an equitable division of the lands in allotment cannot be made under existing conditions.

“Two factions exist in the tribe, one in favor of allotting under existing laws and the other in favor of selling the timber, distributing the proceeds per capita and thereafter allotting the lands to the unallotted Indians belonging on this reservation.

“Appended hereto is the part of the Office file relating to this allotment correspondence, particularly the submission to the Department of the request for authority to procure agreements from the Indians to allot the lands under the existing laws with the understanding that the timber should be cut and sold for the benefit of the tribe at large.” (File omitted in this book.)

For several years there have been extensive cuttings of pine timber on the reservations at Bad River, Lac du Flambeau, Lac Courte Oreille, and Fond du Lac. The total amount cut on each of these reservations was as follows: Bad River, 57,183,770 feet; Lac du Flambeau, 23,049,110 feet; Lac Courte Oreille, 4,268,050 feet; Fond du Lac, 13,128,775 feet. All of this timber was cut on allotments except 12,068,620 feet cut from unpatented lands of the Lac du Flambeau Reservation, claimed by the State of Wisconsin as swamp lands, and 56,955 feet cut from tribal lands of the Bad River Reservation.

A number of circular letters were addressed by me to persons living in Wisconsin, requesting information as to the condition of the Indians. It is known that not only is there vocational training in the schools, but also more or less higher educational training. One of my correspondents, a missionary, takes the view that there has been too much higher education of Indian children in his State, and it would be far better to confine the work to the teaching of trades and give no book instruction beyond the fundamentals. He thinks that the average Indian when educated beyond this point, is not willing to take his place as an ordinary workman. Another gentleman, while expressing satisfaction with much that has been done, sums up the situation in the particular Indian community in which he resides as follows: “Too much red tape.”

The progress of these Indians while slow, is satisfactory. They do not present a sufficiently interesting problem for our study at the present time. It is safe to predict that within a generation, a full-blood Indian in Wisconsin will be a rarity. They may continue to live an indefinite length of time in various communities where they are now settled, but Government supervision (save possibly on the Menominee reservation) may be safely withdrawn in the near future.

In Michigan the larger number of Indians are Chippewa (Ojibwa), with a sprinkling of Ottawa and Potawatomi. Schools care for a majority of their children, and the adults are, for the most part, quite self-supporting. They may be dismissed from our pages.

Proceeding westward to the headquarters of the Mississippi, we have the great Minnesota region which is generally covered in my four chapters upon White Earth reservation. West of the Mississippi River, there are very few Indians in that great area of Texas (but 702), and in Iowa, Missouri, Arkansas and Louisiana; the numbers range from 313 to 780. These areas may be set aside as containing such a preponderance of white population as to render those of Indian blood an extreme minority. Of the mountain states, Colorado contains but 870 Indians, Wyoming 1715, and the others 4,000 to 11,000. The great Indian populations are, therefore, confined to nine states. Ten states contain from 800 to 8,000. The remaining twenty-nine contain but a fraction of the entire Indian body, and they are now more white than Indian.

Texas, in spite of its enormous size, is interesting in that but a handful of Indians are in evidence. In 1850 the Indian population was considerable. Nelson Lee’s book of captivity among the Comanches[^[8]] gives an idea of the extent of the roving bands of Comanches and Apaches infesting the State in early days. The hostility of the Texas people was such that through the organization of the famous Texas Rangers those Indians were either driven out of the State or exterminated. Very little consideration was shown them, and I can find no evidence of any general effort being put forward to protect these Indians in their rights or place them upon reservations or establish schools among them. Our troops were frequently sent into Texas, and as late as 1875, roving bands of Indians infested the western part of the State and carried on raids into old Mexico, or stole stock from Texas ranches. As to the number of Indians in the State of Texas just prior to the Civil War, there seems to be no reliable statistics.

The Texas tribes were of the general Caddoan stock, of which the Comanche appear to have been the largest and strongest branch. These Indians ranged through the valleys of the Brazos and Colorado and extended their conquests to the land of the Apache, along the Rio Grande, to the west. They were essentially buffalo Indians and were not agriculturalists, but presented the purest nomadic type found in the southwest. This must not be misunderstood. The Navaho are nomadic to a certain extent, but their range has been limited. Moreover they possess flocks and herds. There is no evidence that the Comanche ever domesticated sheep, goats, and cattle, although they frequently obtained stock in their raids against the Texans. As they were continually on the move following the buffalo in its migrations, or planning war parties against the white people and Mexicans alike, they were pure nomads, as stated above.

Years ago, during the height of Indian troubles in Texas, a law was passed expelling red men from that State. Indians entering the State were subjected to fine, imprisonment or expulsion. The feeling against the race was very bitter, and Indians in Texas never received just treatment.

A few of them were, in later years, taken to Indian Territory, but most of the Comanches, it is safe to affirm, were killed in action. Although the Texas rangers were superiorly armed and better mounted, the Apaches continued their warfare from the earliest times down to about 1870, when their power was permanently broken. They were very cruel and vindictive. Nelson Lee’s narrative, to which I have referred, is one of the most interesting Indian captivities ever brought to my attention. It presents a vivid picture of the Comanche as they were during the period preceding our war with Mexico.

CHAPTER IV. THE OJIBWA OF MINNESOTA

The Ojibwa commonly known as Chippewa, constitute one of the great divisions of the Algonkin stock. We shall have much to say concerning their ethnology, in a subsequent volume. But following the scope accepted for this book, we shall treat of the Ojibwa as one of the great Indian tribes (numerically), at the present time and one much “advanced” along the white man’s trail.

The year 1850 found the Ojibwa, or Chippewa, Indians located as they are at the present time, with some exceptions. A few in Wisconsin and on the shores of Lake Superior; some at Turtle Mountain in North Dakota, but most of them living in the State of Minnesota at Leech Lake, White Earth, Red Lake and Cass Lake. The number of these Indians in the year 1851 was about 28,000. In 1884 the entire number is given as 16,000. In 1905, the “Handbook of American Indians” estimates that there are 15,000 in British America and 17,144 in the United States.

Those who wish to trace the migrations, and study the interesting customs and folklore of these people would do well to consult an interesting book written by an Ojibwa, Mr. William W. Warren. The manuscript of this work was prepared between 1850 and 1853. Warren’s mother was three-fourths Ojibwa and his father a white man. He died of tuberculosis June 1, 1853, and the Minnesota Historical Society did not publish his history of the nation until 1885. Clearly, Warren was the most prominent of later-day Ojibwa; he had served in the Minnesota Legislature, and he was possessed of a brilliant mind and would doubtless have made his mark in the world had he lived.

In the early ’50’s and ’60’s a few of the fur companies still did business in northern Minnesota. It was no uncommon sight to see the “Red River ox carts” bringing supplies into northern Minnesota, or carrying loads of furs to the nearest Hudson Bay post, in the Red River valley to the north. The Ojibwa came in contact with the French-Canadian element during the activities of the fur trade, and had little in common with, or met few Americans, until white settlers from the East increased in numbers in the State of Minnesota.

While this and the succeeding chapter are confined chiefly to White Earth, a description of Leech Lake and Red Lake reservations should not be omitted.

HONORABLE GABE E. PARKER, CHOCTAW
Registrar of the United States Treasury.

The Ojibwa Indians living on Red Lake have not been allotted, but hold their land in common. The pine timber possessed by them is valued at several million dollars. Most of the cabins are grouped about the shores of Red Lake, and the Indians while not well-to-do, are far from pauperism. It has not been necessary to ration them as in the case of White Earth, where the Superintendent, Major John R. Howard, last winter fed 762 Indians. The reasons for this are set forth in succeeding pages.

The Ojibwa at Leech Lake have valuable white pine, but this has been cut under Government supervision and the dreadful scandals occurring at White Earth have been avoided. At Leech Lake, Red Lake, and Cass Lake, the Indians live by working in the lumber camps, agriculture, fishing, and some serve in other branches of industry. They have, however, depended entirely too much upon interest payments made by the Government. Much of the educating, training and support of these Indians is paid for by the interest accruing to the Indian on a fund of several million dollars in the United States Treasury and belonging to the Ojibwa of Minnesota. It has been pointed out by other observers, and emphasized in addresses at Lake Mohonk and elsewhere, that this fund is a curse rather than a blessing. The mixed-blood element, controlled by a few shrewd French-Canadians, wish to secure possession of it; attorneys are attracted by its presence; the young men and women, in some cases, will not work since they expect to be supported out of the fund. It should be divided up per capita among the Indians. The Government should control, or supervise, the portions belonging to Indians known to be incompetent or drunkards, and instead of paying them money, give them groceries and clothing until their portion of the fund is exhausted. Councils should be called on all reservations, or at central points, on allotment groups, and the Indians made to understand that with the payment of this money, responsibility on the part of the United States ceases,—excepting in the case of incompetents, referred to above.

With the dreadful lesson of White Earth, staring everyone in the face, it is incomprehensible that Red Lake should be allotted, and the timber issued to the Indians. Yet there was a determined effort to bring about such a result, and it was only through opposition of the Indian Office, and Inspector E. B. Linnen and others that the steal was prevented.

The Indians live in frame and log dwellings. The birch-bark wigwam is rare—save for summer residence. Ordinary “store clothes” are worn by all persons. The birch-bark canoe still persists, and there are some survivals of ancient customs. Such a majority of the people speak English and live like the lower classes of Caucasians, that the bands may be considered less Indian than the Sioux, and much less primitive than the Navaho. The photographs prove this statement.

Let us look backward and compare conditions of the ’80’s and of 1905–’12.

Rev. Joseph A. Gilfillan was a missionary in northern Minnesota for twenty-five years. He became entirely familiar with the Ojibwa language and spoke it fluently. He is a quiet, modest man. The Indians told me of numbers of heroic actions on his part during the twenty-five years he labored in and about White Earth reservation. During the spring of one year, when the ice on the lake was breaking up, two white men were in a most perilous situation, and although there were larger and stronger men standing about, no one would venture out to save the lives of the unfortunates. Gilfillan went out—although he frequently broke through the ice—and managed to bring both men ashore.

BUILDINGS PINE POINT, WHITE EARTH, MINNESOTA
Built and formerly occupied by Rev. James Gilfillan as a school. Now used as Government School.

On another occasion, he was held up by several armed men, sent out by the mixed-blood and French-Canadian element, who opposed his missionary labors. In fact, one of the men presented a gun and threatened to shoot him if he continued in his determination to preach to the Indians that Sunday. The above incidents (and more could be related) give an idea of the character of this worthy man. He has never been engaged in any of the disputes regarding the deplorable situation among the Minnesota Ojibwa, and it required considerable urging on my part to persuade him to testify before the Congressional Investigation Committee of which Honorable James Graham was Chairman.

Rev. Gilfillan, largely at his own expense, built splendid schoolhouses, missions and chapels at Pine Point, White Earth and Twin Lakes. His mission was successful and he had at one time several hundred Indians in attendance in both school and church, and a corps of efficient workers. I think it is correct to state that there were more church members on White Earth reservation during Gilfillan’s administration than at the present time. Certainly the moral tone was far above that which obtains today. It is sad to relate that Gilfillan’s missions were discontinued, and the buildings where he devoted so many years of unselfish labor were taken over by the United States Government at far less than their actual value.

Rev. Gilfillan’s statement made to me, and accepted by the Congressional Committee[^[9]] and published in their report is as follows:—

Washington, D. C., Dec. 9, 1910

“Hon. Warren K. Moorehead,

Andover, Mass.

“My dear Sir: Your favor of 8th instant has just reached me, and it gives me pleasure to answer your inquiries. The first is, ‘While there was much suffering when you were missionary at White Earth, Pine Point, Twin Lakes, etc., is it not your opinion that there was less swindling than at the present time?’

“In answer I would say that I do not consider there was any suffering at all to speak of from June, 1873, when I went there, till along toward 1898, when I left. The Indians raised garden produce; many had fine fields of wheat. They could gather all the wild rice they wanted to; fish were abundant. Some of the men made two or three hundred dollars by the muskrat hunt each spring. They made a good deal by furs. Some hunters killed as many as forty deer in a winter. They made maple sugar. They had all the berries they could gather. From all these varied sources they made a good living. They had unlimited fuel at their doors. They were rent free. I have heard people say, and I believe it, that there was not nearly so much poverty or suffering as in a white city, where the poor have only one resource—wages. If they had wished to raise a little more vegetables, as potatoes, corn, etc., they could have lived on the fat of the land. They were in those days happy, peaceful, and contented communities. To the above-enumerated sources of income of theirs I omitted to mention that there passed through my hands for them, given by the Episcopal mission, more than $130,000 in money for all imaginable purposes—from spectacles to building churches for them and supporting their children in schools. There were several thousand dollars’ worth of clothing sent me for them by charitable people. There was no crime during the twenty-five years I was there, although for many years there was not even Indian police. There was no instance of holdup or robbery, not to speak of greater offenses. Life and property were absolutely safe—far safer than in any white community I know. None of them would ever have thought of molesting anyone. They were in those days happy, peaceful, harmless people. As to how the present state contrasts with that, you have been out there lately and know better than I.

“As to your second question, whether there was less swindling than at the present time, I would say that then there was none at all. The Indians had no lands to sell; no property of any kind except their little patches of gardens, their little furs, wild rice, etc. There was nothing to tempt the cupidity of the white man. As to how that contrasts with the present, you have been out there and know better than I.

“But I ought to qualify this by saying that for some years in the nineties there was a great deal of swindling from them unwittingly perpetrated by the Government, for an account of which I refer you to my inclosed printed statement made to Mohonk Conference in 1898, which you will find on Page [13] of the inclosed pamphlet. And that you may know that the statements made therein are true, I may inform you that the then Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Hon. William Jones, who went to the ground and personally investigated, endorsed upon that statement: ‘I find that the statements herein made by Mr. Gilfillan are in the main correct.’ This indorsement does not appear on the copy I send you, but is on other copies. To briefly specify the heads under which this swindling was done: it was; First, by billeting upon them three Chippewa commissioners at $39 a day for the three, making with their clerks, etc., $88 a day, the Indians said; said commissioners being mostly politicians out of a job, and their positions almost sinecures. Secondly, by repeated farcical ‘estimating’ of their pine; three several ‘estimations’ (pretended), covering a period of perhaps nine years; two of said estimations costing $360,000, and then done dishonestly in the interests of those who bought the pine, whereas the real worth of the work, done honestly, was only $6,000. Thirdly, by cutting green pine, but paying for it as ‘dead and down’ pine, so getting for it seventy-five cents a thousand instead of five dollars a thousand. But most destructive of all was the swindling done by fire; the timber being fired to allow of its being cut as ‘dead and down’ and paid for at seventy-five cents a thousand instead of five dollars. It was a pitiful sight to see those magnificent pine forests, where I used to ride for seventy miles on a stretch through great pine woods, shapely and tall, the trees reaching up, it seemed, 100 feet, that, like the buffalo, could never be replaced, now all blackened and scarred, killed and dead. The glory of the State of Minnesota was gone when in the nineties her magnificent pine forests that covered so large an area of her northern part were fired to get the Indians’ pine for seventy-five cents a thousand.

“Now, as to your next question, whether there was more drinking among the Indians then than now. I am glad to say that for many years after 1873, when I first knew them, there was, one may say, no drinking among the Indians. The mixed-bloods, who were mostly French-Canadian mixed bloods, always drank a little, but the Indians were remarkably free from it. The White Earth Indians lived twenty-two miles from the railroad, the nearest place where they could get liquor; they were almost that distance from the nearest white men. The Red Lake Indians were one hundred miles from the railroad, the Cass Lake one hundred, the Leech Lake seventy miles. They were almost as far from any white men, except the Government employees and the missionaries. So they were secluded from the white man and his vices. But the great reason of their immunity was the missions. The influence of the Gospel and the church in their secluded position kept them safe. It is no reflection on the White Earth Indians to say that in the place from which they had been removed in 1868—Crow Wing—they had fallen most dreadfully under the dominion of the ‘firewater,’ both men and women. They were in a most dreadful state of degradation from that cause. But never was the power of the Gospel more signally shown than in their cleansing and renovation on the White Earth reservation. I never saw a drunken Indian nor even one that I thought had tasted liquor. They had become communicants of the church, had their family prayers, their weekly prayer meetings from house to house, where they exhorted each other to steadfastness in the Christian life. What had such a people to do with liquor? Some of them, who at Crow Wing had been in the lowest depths, told me that they had not tasted liquor in twenty years, others for other periods; and I know they told the truth. Among all the chiefs, numbering perhaps twenty, on White Earth Reservation, there was just one who drank, and he, I am informed, had the liquor supplied to him by a mixed-blood, who, in payment, got him to swing the Indians to his schemes.

OJIBWA, BLIND, FROM TRACHOMA, PINE POINT, WHITE EARTH RESERVATION, MINNESOTA

“But into this fair garden of temperance Satan drew his shining trail and toward the last years of my residence there sadly marred it. It was found that much money could be made out of Indians drinking, and it soon grew up into a most profitable industry. It came about in this way: Congress, as everybody knows, passed a law that liquor should not be sold or given to Indians. A set of men arose who saw the money there was in that; they arrested Indians who had taken a drink, or as witnesses, took them to St. Paul or Duluth, fiddled with them a little, and then presented a bill of $400, I believe, to the Government for each Indian, which money was paid, and they divided it up among them. The Indians had all the whisky they wanted while under the care of these deputy marshals, as they were called; they kept drunk while with them, and they brought plenty of liquor home with them to the reservations when they returned. They did not want to stop the Indians drinking; they encouraged it; the more drinking the more cases and the more money for them. This was found so profitable that it grew to a monstrous height. Once they had, it was said, every adult male Indian on the White Earth Reservation in St. Paul in whisky cases, a distance of, say 240 miles, and for every one of these men they got perhaps $400. The most of the deputy marshals who made the arrests were French-Canadian mixed-bloods of the lowest character, nearly all of whom openly and frankly drank themselves, though in the eyes of the law Indians like the Indians they arrested; and a high official of the United States Government told the writer that one of those half-breeds made $5,000 a year out of it, as much, perhaps, as the salaries of the members of the Cabinet of the United States Government. How many hundreds of thousands of dollars or how many millions they got out of the Government by this swindle under the form of law it would be interesting to know. Some of those mixed-bloods worked that gold mine for eighteen years. The loss of so much money to the Government was pitiful, but not half so pitiful as the terrible demoralization of the Indians by the operations of those men. Here again the good intentions of the Government in passing that law, that liquor must not be given or sold to Indians, was turned into death and destruction to them, and became most bitter gall in its carrying out by the agents of the Government to enrich themselves.

“So the answer to your question as to whether the Indians drank more then or now must be that in the early years after 1873, when there was just one honest white deputy marshal named Nichols, they drank practically none at all, most of them never tasting it for years; but that later, after the swarm of mixed-blood deputy marshals arose, there was much drinking under the manipulation of those men, restrained, however, by their very great lack of money, for at that time none of them had got any.

“As to your other question, namely, the relative healthfulness of the Indians then and now, I would say that there was always much tuberculosis among them, owing to their crowding into one-room cabins, heated very hot in the winter, without ventilation; and if there was one tubercular patient, that one was spitting over everything, so that if there was one sick in a family he or she almost necessarily communicated the infection to everyone who was infectible. They say that formerly, when they lived practically in the open air, winter and summer, in their birch-bark wigwams, though in a 40–degrees-below-zero temperature in winter, and lived on a flesh diet, that consumption was unknown among them; but in the transition state, when shut up in the one-room cabin, living on salt pork and heavy bread, and in many other unsanitary ways, the ravages of consumption have been serious. Whether worse now than in the days from 1873 to 1898 I do not know. I only remember a few who had sore eyes, which I suppose was trachoma, in those days.

“Believe me, very respectfully yours,

“J. A. Gilfillan”

There has always been a conflict between the full-bloods and mixed-bloods of Minnesota, and especially at White Earth reservation. This dates from the migration of a number of mixed-blood Indians (chiefly French-Canadian) from Canada. They have caused no end of trouble, and by clever manoeuvering dominated the councils.

The favorite chief of the entire Ojibwa nation was Hole-in-the-Day. He became war chief in 1846. The Indians talk of him even at the present day, and the story of Ojibwa, presented towards the end of this book, will be found of interest in this connection.

The Indians told me, during the investigation of 1909, who were responsible for the murder of this fine old chief, but they were unwilling to testify, fearing the vengeance of the French-Canadian element. The following interesting communication, from one in authority, clears up the murder of Hole-in-the-Day, and explains the hostility between the scheming mixed-bloods, and the honest, although ignorant full-bloods.

INDIAN SCHOOL CHILDREN IN UNIFORM, PINE POINT WHITE EARTH, MINNESOTA

“During the summer of 1912 Mr. James T. Shearman was detailed by the Honorable Secretary of the Interior to secure testimony concerning the eighty-six mixed-blood Indians suspended from the White Earth rolls. At this hearing certain testimony was given that may be of interest to you, as it explains the assassination of the then head chief of all the Chippewas, Hole-in-the-Day, who was killed at Crow Wing by a party of Leech Lake Indians in 1886. At this hearing an old, blind Indian testified that Clement Beaulieu, father of Gus Beaulieu, Albert Fairbanks, uncle of Ben Fairbanks, and certain other mixed-bloods employed him and other Indians then living at Leech Lake to go to Crow Wing and kill Chief Hole-in-the-Day, agreeing to pay the Indians $2000 for the deed. They went to Crow Wing and killed him according to agreement. Later, when the mixed-bloods refused to pay the price agreed upon, they organized another party and came to White Earth, intending to kill Beaulieu and certain other mixed-blood families. Upon their arrival here they were induced by the present Head Chief, Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, who was related to one of the party, to return to Leech Lake. After this old, blind Indian finished his story, Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, now about ninety years of age, went upon the stand and confirmed the testimony of the former witness. Mr. Shearman’s report is probably on file in the Secretary’s office, and I am informed that a brief of the testimony was made by Mr. E. C. O’Brien of the Department of Justice, and you can probably obtain a copy of the same.

“Since Mr. Shearman was here on the matter referred to, I have been furnished additional testimony concerning the killing of Hole-in-the-Day. It appears that the party left Leech Lake under the pretext of going hunting, there being nine in the party, and that only four of them were in the plot to kill Hole-in-the-Day. When they got to the Crow Wing country May-dway-we-mind said: “Hole-in-the-Day dies today.” Later, they met him about a mile and a half from the Crow Wing Agency at a branch of the two roads, where he was killed. After the deed was done, one of the party named Ay-nah-me-ay-gah-bow asked why he had been killed. The answer was that they were told to do it and that there was a reward for killing him, that each one of the party was to get a thousand dollars and a nice house built for him, and the one who shot first was to take Hole-in-the-Day’s place as Head Chief. The man who asked the first question also asked who offered the reward and he was told that Clement Beaulieu (father of Gus H. Beaulieu), Albert Fairbanks (uncle of Ben L. Fairbanks), ——[^[10]] with others, were the men.

“Me-zhuck-ke-gwon-abe or Jim Bassett also stated that about four years after the killing he came with May-dway-we-mind, Num-ay-we-ne-nee, Way-zow-e-ko-nah-yay, O-didh-quay-ge-shig and Day-dah-tub-aun-gay to White earth for the money that had been offered as a reward and which they did not obtain.

“It is a matter of history that Hole-in-the-Day was opposed to the admission of the mixed-bloods to this reservation and that he was killed at their instigation, and there has been irrepressible friction between these Indians ever since.”

CHAPTER V. THE LEGAL COMPLICATIONS AT WHITE EARTH—THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

Judge Marsden C. Burch, representing the Attorney General of the United States (Department of Justice) before the Committee on Expenditures in the Interior Department, House of Representatives, went into modern Ojibwa history at great length. The hearings began July 25, 1911, and continued through March 27, 1912. The testimony lies before me, and it fills 2,759 pages. It would be well nigh impossible for readers to consult this enormous bulk of evidence submitted by several hundred witnesses. He found, as have others, that they moved into Minnesota from the head of Lake Superior some seventy years ago. About 1868 the White Earth reservation was established, and the following bands were located at White Earth, Leech Lake, Red Lake, and Cass Lake in Minnesota: the Mississippi; the Otter Tails; the Pillagers; and a few Indians still claiming they belonged to the Lake Superior band and the Fond du Lac band. The White Earth reservation consisted of thirty-six townships, or 829,440 acres. The population in 1909 was 5,300; about 700 full-bloods and 4,600 mixed-bloods. Those who have traveled over it will agree with Judge Burch’s statement.

“I have never seen a more beautiful stretch of territory than that embraced in the present White Earth reservation. It contained lakes and streams, prairies and forests, timber enough of white pine originally there to build all the elegant buildings that might have been needed for centuries to come, of the most valuable character—timber which now converted into lumber would be worth in the open market, ranging by various grades, from $35 to $110 per thousand feet, board measure. It is hard wood, ample for fuel and all kinds of purposes. There were marshes and lakes wherein they could fish, and whereon they could hunt and gather wild rice for their sustenance; and the richest of prairie lands imaginable, high, rolling, healthy—everything that could be desired for the last stand of a great race.”

On January 8, 1912, Judge Burch made a longer speech which reviews the entire political and Departmental history of White Earth.[^[11]] Some readers may wish to know a little concerning the legal procedures by which Indians are dispossessed. We will, therefore, take White Earth as an example, and omit the discussion of similar troubles elsewhere. I present about a fourth of his address.

JAMES BASSETT, FULL-BLOOD OJIBWA IN TRIBAL COSTUME

In 1869, the Nelson Act was passed. This provided for the collecting of scattered Ojibwa from ten localities and concentrating them at White Earth, Red Lake and Leech Lake. Judge Burch enters into a lengthy discussion of how the Nelson Act was followed by a bill introduced by Senator Clapp, and that in January, 1904, Representative Steenerson of Minnesota introduced another bill. Of this the Judge says:—

“Under the terms of this Steenerson Act each Indian who had received an allotment on the White Earth Reservation or was entitled thereto should have an additional allotment sufficient to make the original and additional total 160 acres, provided that if there should not be enough land for 160 acres each, the additional allotments should contain only so much land as could be allotted by dividing the total remaining allotable land by the number of eligible allottees.

“We expect to show that of this White Earth Reservation there was an area of lake surface aggregating 59,731.24 acres; also that there is claimed as swamp land going to the State as part of its quota under the organic law of Congress 26,658.15 acres. The allotments additional under the Steenerson Act were made by one Simon Michelet, the White Earth Indian Superintendent, or Agent, at that time. By omitting the two items of lake land and State swamp land from consideration, he figured that there was sufficient territory practically to furnish each allottee the full 160 acres of land, and thus he proceeded to allot to those who first came to be served the total of 160 acres; of course, including all the valuable pine upon the reservation.

“We expect to show that those who were thus favored by these complete additional allotments were largely composed of persons who could be handled in the matter of purchase of the timber by the representatives of the lumber companies that had procured the greater portion of the timber in the four townships. Large numbers of persons eligible to additional allotments, but who came later, were denied the same because there was no land left for them, there being 31,516.88 acres lacking. It will thus be seen that the so-called additional allotment under Michelet was a fraud upon the rights of from 400 to 500 Indians who were absolutely left out in the cold. In addition to this, it would seem that the allotments made included the 59,000 odd acres of lake land, thus increasing the fraud upon those who were not favored with pine in these additional allotments. The allotment was, of course, in direct violation of the Steenerson Act itself. It is a matter of question whether those who had knowledge of and participated in the benefits arising from these illegal allotments can not be yet reached by a court of equity and they compelled to account for their misdeeds.

“No machinery for carrying into effect the Clapp amendment was provided therein, and thus it remained to be determined who were and who were not adults of the mixed-blood and freed from restraint as to alienation. The result was that designing persons rushed in and obtained deeds and mortgages indiscriminately; that is, from children of the mixed-blood and adults of the full-blood the same as adults of the mixed-blood. In all of these they were accustomed to recite the competency of the Indian, and attached to the deed in each case they usually secured what purported to be the affidavit of two persons that the allottee was an adult Indian of the mixed blood, which affidavits were ordinarily passed with the deed in making mesne conveyances or in recording in the proper county recording office. In connection with these transactions we shall be able to demonstrate to the committee that every variety of fraudulent schemes and devices which would occur naturally to acute minds was resorted to to defraud the Indians. The taking of these deeds in violation of law from minors of the mixed-blood and from full-bloods eventuated in the action of the Government in requiring the Department of Justice to file about 1,200 bills in equity to remove the clouds from the titles to lands thus unlawfully obtained.

“Following upon the sudden acquirement of money by persons in some respects less fitted to handle the same and make proper use of it than white children of tender years, there came a condition of affairs which we expect to demonstrate to the committee as most deplorable and shameful, a stain upon the fair fame of a great and enlightened State. Saloons ran wide open. Cheap and tawdry articles were sold at extravagant prices. The Indians were overreached, and the money they had obtained from selling or mortgaging their lands or timber was coaxed from them in exchange for objects of little or no value, but of supposed utility—such as decrepit horses, defective vehicles, unmanageable sewing machines, and even pianos of little worth. A perfect frenzy of drunkenness characterized many who took their way to the neighboring town of Detroit, and encamped in its vicinity, and practically the same conditions occurred in the hamlets along the Soo Road. The land-shark, passing under the more dignified title of real-estate agent, was everywhere in evidence, and the money-loaning shark, posing under the more dignified business appellation of banker, was engaged in over-reaching the Indian right and left.

“From the close of 1906 or 1907, when isolated transactions were going on, the fiercest of the fraud and debauchery had subsided, till the summer of 1909 a condition like that of the quiet which succeeds a prolonged intoxication occurred. The Indians had mainly, in one form or another, parted with their heritage and in most instances, had suffered severely from the result. Poverty, sickness, a sense of mortification and loss at the hands of the white men pervaded their minds and depressed their spirits. The pine again, as in the case of the four townships, by clean-cut lines of apparent division had shown up in the ownership and possession as to certain territory (and this the largest and most valuable part) of the Nichols-Chisolm Lumber Co.—pine reputed in extent to be of the amount of 150,000,000 feet.

DISPOSSESSED OJIBWA AT REAR OF AGENCY BUILDINGS
Rice River, White Earth, Minn., 1909.

“Pine in another clean-cut and well-defined territory, reputed to amount to about 50,000,000 feet, was found to be in the possession and under the control of the Park Rapids Lumber Co.; and in still another section, equally well defined in its boundary line, a reputed 50,000,000 feet was controlled by the Wild Rice Lumber Co. Likewise the best of the agricultural lands had fallen into the hands of, or under the control of, the so-called bankers at the hamlets before mentioned, and certain men of great wealth and influence resident in the city of Duluth, as well as in St. Paul and Minneapolis.

“The first result of the treaties of 1889 was the saddling upon the Chippewas of an allotting commission of three members and a large retinue of subordinates. The expense of this commission was $88 a day, and the work that the commission and its subordinates accomplished could doubtless have easily been done by an allotting clerk at $1,000 a year. Besides this commission many other white officials were sent to the reservations, ostensibly to supervise the cutting of the timber and on many other pretexts, for all of which the Indians had to pay. A corps of estimators, each drawing $6 a day of the Indians’ money, was appointed to estimate the pine on the Red Lake Reservation. Fraud having been discovered in making this estimate, a new corps of estimators, numbering about twenty-six, was appointed to do the work over again. Each of the new corps also received $6 per day of the Indians’ money.

“The new corps proved to be grossly incompetent. They were always well supplied with whiskey and drank heavily. They spent most of their time in towns fifteen or twenty miles distant from the pine they were sent to estimate. Some of the interlopers were members of this corps of examiners, and, though they absented themselves for long periods of time, they still drew their pay. It has been asserted that the total cost to the Indians of these two corps of estimators was $350,000 and that the real value of their work was about $6,000; that in many cases the pine had been underestimated in the interest of the purchasers. The second corps of estimators were likewise discharged and a third corps appointed to go over the work previously done. Like the celebrated case of Jarndice v. Jarndice, it seems that after all the proceedings were over, although the pine alone on the reservations, exclusive of that on the White Earth Reservation, was supposed to be worth from $25,000,000 to $50,000,000, there would be little or nothing left but heirs. Although an Indian entitled to a share of the immense value of these lands and forests might be starving to death, he could not procure two cents from his great wealth to buy a pound of flour.

“While the proceeds from the sale of the pine was thus being squandered, the Indians were also being defrauded by the loggers and lumbermen who were purchasing the timber. By the conspiracy at the Crookston sale in 1900, the Indians doubtless lost several thousand dollars, and by the fraudulent operations under the so-called ‘dead and down’ act, they lost even a greater sum.

“Another source of complaint on the part of the real Indians of Minnesota is the payment of annuities to persons whom the Indians contend are not members of their tribe, and whose names are not properly upon the tribal rolls, and who consequently had no rights thereto.

“Another grievance of which the real Indians bitterly complain and which was the immediate cause of the outbreak of the Pillagers in 1898, resulting in the killing of a major and six soldiers of the United States Army, and the wounding of many others, was the conduct of certain mixed-blood deputy marshals, several of whom it is claimed by the Indians were persons who had improperly been placed upon their tribal rolls. These deputy marshals originated and developed, as we shall expect to show, a system of arresting and transporting to St. Paul, Duluth, and Detroit various members of the tribe, charging them either with bringing whiskey upon the reservation or with some other like offense. We expect to show that the purpose of these mixed-blood deputy marshals was to secure fees for making such arrests and for bringing other Indians to the said cities as witnesses against the Indians accused. The practice continued for some years, until finally, as we expect to show, a member of the Pillager Band was arrested in this manner and taken to Duluth. He was left at Duluth without money to buy food or to buy transportation home, and compelled to walk back to the reservation, a distance of more than 200 miles. When he arrived at the reservation he was nearly dead from exposure and starvation.

“An instance of the manner in which the Minnesota Indians have been made the instruments or causes for defrauding the Government through Congress, in the interests of attorneys, and these same parties who have been so often suggested, is the Mille Lac Indian case. An appropriation of $40,000 was secured through an act of Congress ostensibly for the relief of the Mille Lac Indians as a payment for certain alleged improvements made by them upon the Mille Lac Reservation. The matter came up this way:

“In 1854 the Mille Lac Band ceded their reservation to the Government. In 1862, when Chief Hole-in-the-Day advised a combination with the Sioux for an uprising against the Government, these Indians refused to participate on account of their ancient enmity with the Sioux. To reward them for their loyalty the President promised them they might still remain on their reservation as long as they did not interfere with the Whites.

GROUP OF THIRTY PERSONS CONSTITUTING LINNEN-MOOREHEAD FORCE WHITE EARTH INVESTIGATION, 1909

“Under the Nelson Act, in the treaty of 1889, they ceded this privilege of occupancy to the Government, but some portions of them refused to remove to White Earth, claiming that they had never really ceded anything to the Government. As an inducement for these parties to leave, Congress was persuaded to appropriate $40,000, or so much thereof as might be necessary for the purpose, to pay these parties for the improvements they had made during their occupancy of the reservation. (32 Stat. L. 268.) Michelet and this same ——[^[12]] went over for the Government to investigate and appraise the improvements, and found practically none—nothing but the charred remains of some Indian tipis; but to eat up, that is, to cover the entire $40,000, these charred remains were appraised at the original cost of the tipis, and items were inserted in the list of improvements, such as the profit an Indian would make gathering wild rice for a year, for gathering wild honey for a like period, and other like items. Now, the real disposition of the money seems to have been as follows:

“First, $4,000 was paid to Gus H. Beaulieu for attorney’s fees, $2,500 was paid to D. B. Henderson as attorney’s fees, and $1,500 to D. B. Henderson for expenses. Four chiefs received $1,000 each. About $17,000 was then prorated among the Indians; $10,020 then remained in the hands of Gus H. Beaulieu.

“It then became necessary for the Mille Lac Indians to employ another set of attorneys to sue Beaulieu for the $10,020. After considerable expensive litigation, Beaulieu deposited $5,600 to the credit of the Mille Lac Band in the Merchants National Bank of St. Cloud, Minn., and paid $1,000 to the Indians’ attorneys.

“The traders in the vicinity of the Mille Lac Reservation then commenced suit for the money so deposited, claiming that the individual members of the band owed them money for goods. Again a compromise was effected with the result that a portion of the $5,600 was turned over to Agent Michelet for distribution. There is now about $208 waiting for the claimants.

“We think this is indicative of the way in which Congress has contributed innocently from the public funds to the support and enrichment of a few persons of little or no merit, by a species of pretense of recompensing the Indians who, in the end, have slight participation in the generous provisions so by Congress made.”

CHAPTER VI. THE WHITE EARTH SCANDAL

Judge Burch’s research led him to conclude that the Indians were in vastly better shape forty years ago than at the present time. The reading of Warren’s book, Gilfillan’s testimony, and other evidence establishes it beyond question that the Indian does not seem to have suffered to any great extent in either health or morals prior to 1880. The older men of the tribe, who were keen mentally in spite of great age, when I visited those Indians in 1909, told me much regarding their past. I visited them under most auspicious circumstances, being empowered by the Indian Office to conduct investigations of affairs at White Earth, and having at my command numerous interpreters and assistants. The old shaman, Bay-bah-dwun-gay-aush, Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, Ojibwa,[^[13]] Mah-een-gonce, and others with whom I talked a great deal, laid the blame for their present deplorable condition on the unscrupulous French-Canadians, mixed-blood element, as well as covetous white men who sought timber and land. Gilfillan has pointed out in his letter the increase of drunkenness due to large financial rewards offered by the Government in pursuing a mistaken policy.

Father Aloysius Hermanutz has been at White Earth since 1878. In his testimony before the Graham Investigating Committee, he stated that the full-blood Indians at that time were in good condition. Nearly everyone owned a team of oxen, a cow, and cultivated fields. Many of them raised vegetables and there was much weaving of rugs and small carpets. They had an Agent, Mr. Charles Ruffey, who was kind to them but very strict. The farmer was a competent man and knew how to make Indians work.

“I met him one day on the road on horseback. He went to that Indian—to that farm—I met him there and asked him where he was going, and he said: ‘There are two Indians, Father, up beyond that church. They didn’t plow their field in order to put the seeds in, and the Agent ordered me to tell them if they don’t plow their fields now (it was in April) that the team will be taken away from them.’ And of course they were oldtimers. That was Saturday when I saw them, and on Sunday morning they started to plow. They were scared and they plowed their fields. At the time the Indians were in very good condition, and then afterwards it changed and they went down again.”

The illustrations accompanying these chapters were taken during the investigation of 1909 and give some idea of conditions obtaining at that time. So much has been said and written regarding the situation of the Minnesota Ojibwa, that the Government adopted heroic measures, and conditions are to a great extent ameliorated, but they are still far from satisfactory.

Omitting the racial traits of the people the past sixty years, let us consider their present condition and the causes leading up to it.

The 1889 bill (Congress) was known officially: “For the Relief and Civilization of the Chippewa Indians.” There is both sarcasm and irony in that phrase, which only those of us who know what kind of “relief and civilization” the Chippewas have received since the bill was passed, can appreciate.

At the time White Earth reservation was created, a treaty was made with the Ojibwa bands, March 19th, 1867. It was the Government’s intention at the time this solemn treaty was signed, to encourage progress in industry, and to permanently locate the Ojibwa upon farms. With so laudable a purpose in view, one of the provisions of this treaty was as follows: Any Indian who brought under cultivation ten acres of land, was entitled to a fee simple patent, or deed, for forty acres additional, and so on up to 160 acres. This encouraged many Indians to become industrious and they brought under cultivation many tracts of land. In 1887, under the Dawes Act, the holdings of agricultural land were limited to eighty acres. After the “Relief and Civilization” act of 1889, Gus Beaulieu, a French-Canadian-Indian politician, and others became very active in and about White Earth reservation. A Mr. Darwin S. Hall was appointed Chippewa Commissioner and became interested in Mr. Beaulieu’s projects.

Whatever the original purpose of this act, it was used by venal white men to get hold of the Indians’ land. Previously the land had all been in a reservation and could not be touched. Now it was coming under the control of individual Indians and might be sold.

The Indians could not be thrown neck-and-heels off their reservation, although I suppose certain interested persons of northern Minnesota would have adopted that happy expedient were it possible. Some kind of legislation must be enacted whereby the wolves could enter the flock, if not entirely disguised, at least so covered that the shepherd of the flock might have some difficulty in differentiating between the sheep and the wolves. So it came about that the “Clapp Amendment” was passed as a rider to the general Indian appropriation bill. The Clapp amendment in substance, provided that any mixed-blood Indian could dispose of his property, but full-bloods and minors could not.

If either Senator Clapp or Congressman Steenerson ever endeavored to put an end to the abuses resulting from the passage of this legislation their efforts have failed to accomplish results. I never heard that anyone in Congress tried to remedy the evils following the passage of these bills. Two of the missionaries, Rev. Felix Nelles of Pine Point and Rev. Aloysius Hermanutz of White Earth, wrote to the Indian Office, protesting that the Indians were being swindled out of their property. But Father Felix reports to me by letter that so far as he is aware neither the protest of himself nor his superior, Father Aloysius, had any effect.

When the Act of 1867, establishing White Earth reservation, and which Judge Burch has discussed, was put into effect, a great number of Indians by hard work, notably the chief of the entire five living bands of Chippewa, a grand old man, whose name is Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, took advantage of this and earned many acres of land. This chief was looked up to by the Indians, was a good man himself, and many of his friends followed his example, worked hard and earned forty, eighty or one hundred and sixty acres. Imagine the surprise of these Indians when, at the time the pine lumber was allotted, some one in Washington announced that the Indians who had received farm lands could not participate in the pine allotting. In other words, the French-Canadians, the mixed-bloods and such full-bloods as had not worked and were not industrious, received pine tracts valued from few to many thousands of dollars, and those who had obeyed the wishes of the Indian Office, had advanced by hard work along the “road to civilization,” were debarred from participation. It was precisely as if a college passed its drones and conditioned its honor-roll men. No wonder these White Earth Indians do not care to work, and say they “cannot understand Washington.” If whoever was responsible for such a ruling had sat down and deliberately tried to figure out the most certain way of injuring the Ojibwa Indians, he could not have conceived a better plan.

Immediately after I was appointed on the Board of Indian Commissioners, a correspondent wrote me from Wisconsin that the Ojibwa Indians at White Earth were in bad condition. The Indian Rights Association had made a similar complaint. Rev. Charles Wright, Episcopal missionary at Cass Lake, shortly after the scandals began to develop, on his own responsibility borrowed money and in spite of the opposition of the Indian Agent, Simon Michelet, he went to Washington to lay the grievances of the Indians before the President. He bore letters of introduction from Governor John A. Johnson and United States Senator Knute Nelson. The lumber companies, it was supposed, wired the Indian Commissioner of Wright’s mission. He did not find favor at Washington, never succeeded in seeing the President, and sorrowing and sick at heart he was compelled to return to Minnesota.

The Board of Indian Commissioners having no funds, I asked the Indian Office to appoint me as Special Agent with full powers, and send me to White Earth. This was done about March 1st. I spent five weeks investigating conditions in the southern part of the reservation, Pine Point, and returned to Washington the latter part of April, 1909. The first of July, Inspector E. B. Linnen and myself were sent to White Earth with full authority. We employed a total force of thirty-seven persons and made a complete investigation.

During the first five weeks at White Earth, save for local employees, I was entirely alone. The investigation soon developed that millions of dollars’ worth of pine timber and farm lands had been stolen from the Indians. As soon as it was ascertained that I was working in the interests of the Indian, the lumber companies and the mixed-blood and French-Canadians attempted in every possible way to end the investigation. They first tried bribery, and later intimidation. They lured away several of my witnesses, and even some of the Government employees informed me that it was hopeless to fight the great land and timber interests back of the despoilation of 5,300 Indians. Matters went from bad to worse. Some idea of the physical strain may be had from the statement that I lost fifteen pounds weight in five weeks. As the other Inspectors and Special Agents had not reported on White Earth conditions, the Indian Office could not, at first, believe my story. At last, I received a telegram asking me to come to Washington. I had at that time one hundred and three affidavits representing more than a million dollars worth of property, and involving county officials, lumbermen and presidents of national banks. Ill feeling had developed in the local towns. The nearest railway station, Park Rapids, was distant eighteen miles. Ogema, on the “Soo Line,” lay forty-five miles to the north. Knowing that the enemy would attempt to prevent the affidavits going East, I started Doctor Isaac Stahlberg, Government physician, for Park Rapids at noon. He arrived there about half-past three o’clock and volunteered the information that I would probably take the 5 o’clock train East.

Meanwhile, at 7 o’clock that same morning, in three vehicles, nine of us, including five armed Indian policemen, started for Ogema to the north. We reached our destination without incident, and I delivered the affidavits to Commissioner Valentine in Washington two days later.

Honorable Robert G. Valentine, then Commissioner, took great interest in the White Earth affair, supported my contentions, and at his suggestion a very experienced man, Inspector Linnen, returned with me to the scene of action, as has been stated. We had the hearty cooperation of Superintendent John R. Howard, who was appointed early in 1908 and succeeded Simon Michelet. Major Howard has filled one of the most difficult positions in the entire Indian Service. He has been bitterly opposed by the mixed-blood element through Beaulieu’s newspaper. Neighboring towns have organized Boards of Trade, and these have appealed by committee and through the press to Congress, alleging that the Interior Department and Department of Justice have interfered with business.

Howard’s position has been no sinecure, and in addition to his other troubles, he was given a chief clerk who happened to be a disputatious person, who had caused trouble in California, and on arrival at White Earth became friendly with some of those who were opposing him. This tense situation was not brought to an end until vigorous protests were lodged by a number of us at Washington.

The beginning of the great scandal at White Earth is interesting as well as dramatic. What I have to say in succeeding pages is not in the official language of the report made by Linnen and myself, but is drawn from departmental sources.

I make this explanation, for I am well aware that what follows will sound to some readers as a page from Russian, or Turkish, history, rather than a leaf from the history of one of our own states in our own great and free country!

The 24th of April, 1905, was set as the date on which the white, Norway and other valuable pine tracts would be allotted to the Indians of White Earth. The word was passed throughout the reservation, and the French-Canadians, who are there in considerable numbers and most of whom show very slight trace of Indian blood, were the first to appear. Educated mixed-blood Indians also arrived some days previous. A line was formed near the United States Government building door some time Saturday afternoon. The allotting was to begin Monday morning. It is interesting to note that first in the line was Margaret Lynch, a young white girl, whose father and mother were white people, and who, the Indians properly maintained, had no right to an allotment. The girl received allotment number one, for which her father refused $22,000 cash the next day.

The Agent at this time was Simon Michelet. He was possessed of a violent temper, according to the sworn testimony of a policeman employed at the White Earth Agency for nearly ten years. Michelet was friendly with Gus H. Beaulieu, the Nichols-Chisolm Lumber Company and others who were equally interested in obtaining timber from the White Earth Indians. It was bad form, to say the least, for the United States Agent to use his office at this time to hold long conferences with the representatives of the lumber companies.

What was said behind the closed doors no one knows, but what occurred at the time of the allotting sheds a little light on the situation. The chief clerk of agent Michelet was one J. T. Van Metre. As he resigned his position after the timber was allotted and entered the real estate business, this added another complication to the already confused affairs at White Earth.

During the allotting of the pine timber there was such confusion, the line became broken and many people lost their places. My two investigations on the reservation, covering nearly seventeen weeks, lead me to believe that the most valuable tracts were selected in advance, and that the names of those who were to have them were entered on a list for use at the allotment.

In support of this contention is the affidavit of Robert Henry, sworn to September 24th, 1909, who came early to White Earth at the time of the allotment and passed into the agent’s office shortly after the allotting began. He held in his hand descriptions of forty or fifty different pine tracts, and yet was told that all had been selected and he could not have a good pine allotment. Not enough people preceded Henry to have drawn each of these allotments. The same is true of a woman who had in her hand fifty descriptions, and she was told that all of these had been selected. It early in the day became evident that the full-bloods were, if possible, to be kept from getting any land, for by the Clapp amendment only the mixed-bloods could sell their land.

Early in the day when the full-blood Indians were clamoring for recognition and insisting that the French-Canadians and white people be kept back, John St. Luke, the policeman, testifying under oath, September 24th, 1909, says: “Agent Simon Michelet came out of his office in an excited manner, and told me to keep the Indians out and let the mixed-bloods in. There seemed to be confusion in the line. Michelet pushed some of these Indians back, swearing at them, and told me to club them if necessary, to keep them from crowding in.” St. Luke refused to do this.

At last the full-bloods registered a protest, some of the Indians sent for their guns, and things took on a serious aspect. Presently by way of compromise it was agreed that for every mixed-blood that received a pine allotment a full-blood should also obtain one. This continued until all of the twenty or more miles of pine timber had been allotted in tracts of eighty acres each to the Indians.

OJIBWA CHIEF, KE-WAY-DIN, PINE POINT, WHITE EARTH RESERVATION, MINNESOTA, 1909

The pine timber allotted these Indians ranged all the way from tracts worth $2,000 or $3,000 to those valued as high as $25,000. Since the lands were allotted, iron ore has been found in quantities under certain parts of the reservation. How extensive are these bodies, no man may know, and the value might be a few millions, or many hundreds of millions.

EVICTED INDIANS, TWIN LAKES, WHITE EARTH RESERVATION, MINNESOTA, 1909

The effect of the allotment on the Whites near White Earth was immediate. Mushroom banks sprang up in the surrounding small towns. The Indians in their affidavits (of which Linnen and myself took 505) testified that lawyers, banks, county officials, and business men of prominence in Detroit, Ogema, Mahnomen, and other towns, joined in the scramble to secure their pine lands and farm tracts.

As few of these men spoke the language, it was necessary to have interpreters, and the educated Indians were soon divided into two camps, those who were willing for pay to interpret for the land-sharks and timber thieves, and those who would not help in defrauding their own people.

It is sad to note that in a hundred or more instances the Indians were purposely made drunk and their lands taken away from them while under the influence of liquor. Many of the Indians do not remember what kind of papers they signed, whether deeds or mortgages, or whether any papers were signed at all.

While our investigation was in progress, and we had moved over to Rice River, Mr. J. Weston Allen visited us for three weeks. He came as a representative of the Boston Indian Citizenship Committee, and because of his high standing in the legal profession, rendered valuable assistance in the investigation.

The key to the whole situation lay in the question of blood. As has been shown before, the mixed-bloods only could sell their land. The full-bloods could not. Consequently we assembled the old record-keepers, medicine men, chiefs, and Indians of prominence who knew their own people. Some of these were more than eighty-five years of age and none of them under seventy. When an Indian appeared before us to give his testimony, we first asked him whether he was a full-blood or a mixed-blood, and the names of his parents and grandparents. The old witnesses, probably twelve or fifteen, might not all know the parents or grandparents of the Indian testifying. But three, four, six, and sometimes eight of them would know the family history, and would be able to swear whether the Indian was a full-blood. If he was a mixed-blood, we told him with regret that we could do nothing for him.

One affidavit of the Indian himself as to his blood relationship and parents was taken, another signed by the old witnesses to the same effect. A third affidavit related to the property possessed by the Indian, with number and description of allotments, and by careful questioning we ascertained when and where he had disposed of his land. The fourth affidavit was by the interpreters in which they solemnly declared that they had correctly interpreted our statements to the Indian and his answers to us, and that he understood the nature of the papers that he had signed. The interpreters also made further affidavit that they had carefully interpreted to the old Indian witnesses the papers that they signed. In addition to all of the above, we frequently took affidavits of Indians who were present during the swindling operations. Thus it will be seen that the evidence was very complete, positive and exact. So far as I know, no investigating force on a reservation had ever done more work in the same length of time. We labored from eight o’clock to twelve, one to six, and frequently from seven until eleven at night.

The Indians took great interest in the investigation, and as we moved from one portion of the reservation to another we were accompanied by large numbers of these poor people. On one occasion over eighty Indians were present, and we were compelled to turn two large school buildings into dormitories.

These Indians had lost their property almost without exception. Whether the term “swindle” is used or not is immaterial. They lost their property through many and devious ways. The affidavits indicated that in many instances Indians appeared before the buyers either drunk or somewhat under the influence of liquor. Not only did the interpreters give the Indians liquor, but frequently the Indians drank of their own accord. Of course the bankers, lawyers, county officials and real estate men knew that the ordinary code of business ethics would not countenance their dealings with drunken persons. But these land-owners being Indians, and the sentiment of the thirty-seven individuals and firms who in the affidavits are shown to be responsible for the conditions at White Earth being against Indians as land-owners, no discrimination was made and Indians were permitted to “do business” whether drunk or sober. Next to drunkenness as a means of separating the Indian from his land, the deliberate deceit practised by the buyers stands out conspicuously. Scores of affidavits and statements were taken of Indians who owned two, three, five, or even seven or eight trust patents. The trust patent was preliminary paper, but as trust patents would in the process of time become deeds, the white people did not differentiate and trust patents were in most cases accepted the same as deeds. In order to be within the law it was necessary to prove the Indians mixed-bloods. Most of the Indians were therefore sworn as mixed-bloods. They frequently protested, stating that they were full-bloods, but were described in the papers as mixed-bloods just the same. Therefore few of the papers signed by these Indians were read or interpreted to them, and in the majority of cases, as the Indian could neither write nor read, he did not know whether he was signing receipts, mortgages, deeds or releases. The favorite form of expression used by the interpreter, according to affidavits, was “the buyer says this is a legal document which you would not understand if read to you, and all you have to do is to sign your name and receive the money.” Very few Indians appear to have sworn to the papers they signed.