A
VOYAGE
ROUND THE
WORLD.
Being an Account of a
Remarkable Enterprize,
BEGUN
In the Year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the
Spaniards in the great South Ocean.
Relating the
True historical Fasts of that whole Affair:
Testifyd by many imployd therein; and confirmd
by Authorities from the Owners.
By WILLIAM BETAGH,
Captain of Marines in that Expedition.
LONDON:
Printed for T. Combes at the Bible and Dove in Pater-noster
Row, J. Lacy at the Ship near Temple Bar, and J. Clake
at the Bible under the Royal Exchange. MDCCXXVIII.

To the Right Honorable
GEORGE Vicount TORRINGTON,
Admiral and Commander in Chief of his
Majesty’s Fleet, and Knight of the Most
Honorable Order of the Bath.

Lords Commissioners for executing
the Office of High Admiral of Great
Britain, &c.

My Lords,

Your Lordships are intrusted by the greatest and best of Kings, with the important Office of directing the whole Navy of Great-Britain; the strongest safe-guard to all we possess and injoy. Since therefore all maritime affairs are under your influence and authority, I trust your Lordships will not refuse to accept the answer of one, whose accusation in print hath already been addrest to your Honorable Board. I had the happiness of being several years a purser in the Navy, tho afterwards unfortunately ingaged under the command of captain Shelvocke in this cruising expedition. As his pretended narrative is intirely a deception, and his whole conduct an indignity to his country, I thought it my duty to give your Lordships a genuine account of the man as well as our voyage; which I have done truly and impartially, not without hopes it may prove entertaining. If, my Lords, I am never to meet with any recompense for my hardships, I have yet the satisfaction of asserting the honor of his Majesty’s commission, defending the cause of some of his injured subjects; and being devoted to his perpetual interest, to subscribe my self,

Your Lordships
most humble and
most faithful servant,
William Betagh.

ERRATA.

Page 80. line 7. read marine. p. 145. l. 17. r. coco-nuts. p. 149. l. 12. for twenty four r. two of our. p. 160. l. 24. r. made a sail. p. 286. l. 21. r. after taking off. p. 311. l. 3. r. Glocester.

CONTENTS.

A
VOYAGE
ROUND THE
WORLD,
By Way of the Great
SOUTH SEA.

Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by Englishmen. They seem to sute the genius of the British nation, whose people are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world. ’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally satisfied: the greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our knowledge.

The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world, publish’d by captain George Shelvocke: which account is not only injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d. And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d, what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which the said Shelvocke has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness.

Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made while in the kingdoms of Chili and Peru, concerning the Spanish dominions in America. The trade, customs, luxury, and gallantry of the Creolians. To which I have added an account of their gold and silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an agreeable history of this voyage.

In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. George Taylor, chief mate to captain Clipperton, who commanded this expedition, which I shall make use of to invalidate captain Shelvocke’s false accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most material transactions of Clipperton, and convince mankind of his faithful intentions, tho’ Shelvocke has taken such mighty pains to vilify him.

Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard the Speedwell; some of which are now in London ready to speak the truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self, yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being filed in Chancery, and to be seen at the office in Chancery-lane.

In the year 1718, during the war between their Imperial and Catholic Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between Great Britain and Spain; some persons of distinction, and merchants of the city of London agreed upon a subscription, to fit out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to cruise upon the Spaniards in the South Seas. The chief motives for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho the said breach between Great Britain and Spain was known to be unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between the Emperor and the king of Spain: and in order to have their ships in the South Sea before the season was far advanced, they obtained his Imperial Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships with a good number of his subjects. They named their first ship the Prince Eugene, and the other the Starenberg. Of this armament George Shelvocke was appointed to be commander in chief, who had sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the British navy. Whereupon he was forthwith order’d to Ostend, there to receive the Flemish officers, the seamen and commission aboard the Starenberg: and among other things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours, while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty Flemings, with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to proceed directly to the Downs.

In the mean time the Prince Eugene arrived in the Downs, having been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to Deal, expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain Shelvocke was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’ his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought over ninety Flemings and six officers, fir’d away five barrels of powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room appoint John Clipperton captain of the larger ship, and commander in chief, who had made two voyages to the South Sea before. Besides, the Flemings were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the British seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers, seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission, which was not relished by the Englishmen. It occasion’d a mix’d command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war being begun between Great Britain and Spain in the Mediterranean, the owners agreed to get his Majesty King George’s commission, and to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to Flanders, paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men. After which the owners order’d their ships, being now called the Success and Speedwel, to Plymouth, to be there recruited in their provision, and get their complement of men.

Clipperton being thus appointed commander in chief, had also the biggest ship, the Success, of thirty six guns and 180 men. Shelvocke had the Speedwel, twenty four guns, and one hundred and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines. The ships lay near three months at Plymouth for a wind; in which time Shelvocke continually shewed his resentment at the change of command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the captains to the cabin boys.[1] And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this Shelvocke owes his having the Speedwel, being the second command in this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when Shelvocke apply’d by letter to him for employment, his circumstances were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from. Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard the same ship, generously invited Shelvocke to his country house, where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith, till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships, Shelvocke was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate.

[1] See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.

The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to Plymouth, was to advise Shelvocke of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain Clipperton; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had, a commission would be sent down for another person to command the Speedwel in his room. Upon which captain Shelvocke wrote at several times as followeth.

Sir,

“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.——Dec. 13. 1718. I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other friend——Dec. 19. I assure you I shall always act like a faithful servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew captain Clipperton all the respect in the world.——Jan. 27. 1719. All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of brotherhood with captain Clipperton. Our ships are much better man’d than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to the service.”

All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return from the voyage; and captain Shelvocke’s letters are here inserted to shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.

By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew the Spanish nation how small a force from England could annoy and plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.

Here it must be observ’d with what care Shelvocke has avoided giving the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw the miscarriage of the expedition on Clipperton’s incapacity, the change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of his own pride, avarice and treachery.

’Tis to be noted that captain Clipperton died before Shelvocke had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that if Clipperton were alive to answer for himself, Shelvocke had never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to Shelvocke’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’ he, as well as Clipperton, had strict orders in all enterprizes to follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain Woodes Rogers in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of this kind; and for which end Rogers’s printed journal was put aboard each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment, without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the Success after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet the Success had most reason to be so, for Shelvocke had the whole store of wine and brandy aboard the Speedwell; so that Clipperton was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. Shelvocke, indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection, because Clipperton expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting to the windward of grand Canary, the first place of rendezvous, doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the fact, because Taylor’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with each other that day, which runs thus.

“Success Feb. 15. these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain. This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the Speedwell.”

But, however, to shew that Shelvocke was well enough pleas’d to part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the Success, and contrary to his duty; as appears by Taylor’s journal. “Feb. 20. These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain. At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course to the Southward, arrived off the Canaries the sixth of March following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas Shelvocke p. 4. has it thus. “Feb. 20. We had no sight of the Success or any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain, he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the Canaries, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page 9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of March, which is eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.

The next day after losing company, Shelvocke seeing a piece of a wreck float along the Speedwell’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us, that Clipperton was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons, that the Success was built very slight, greater regard being had to her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for France or Ireland, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him, nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to prove that Clipperton could do his duty without wine and brandy, he like a good officer sail’d to the Canaries, being the first place of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St. Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands; at one of which places he doubted not of meeting us.

Taylor’s journal has it thus,

“Success, March 15, 1719. Having cruised ten days off the Canaries, without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes of either, we steer away to the Cape de Verd islands: And at six this forenoon the island Gomera bore north half west, distant nine leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take my departure.”

But Shelvocke, who never design’d to give the owners any true account of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act independently on Clipperton, and never meet him again, except by chance: for as soon as we had lost the Success, Hendrie and Dod, as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare, he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at Fernandes, the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us all at several times, that on his return to Europe, he would avoid England, and go to Hamburgh, or some other free port, and there remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been in London these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served with a writ in Chancery; which I believe would soon put an end to the suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence of many who serv’d on board the Speedwell, as well as my own.

And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with, somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme, look’d often towards Hatley our second captain, as expecting he would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion, that to act separately from captain Clipperton, will terminate in the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote parts. This threw Shelvocke into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking, and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr. Dod, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.

This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our rejoining the Success. And from this time a universal discontent appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For Shelvocke, to improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to find our selves deceiv’d by them at last.

Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of Shelvocke’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he has the assurance p. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the ship was incapable to go through the voyage.

I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but can’t allow Shelvocke that she was so crank or tender as not to carry sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20^th of Feb. Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?

Page 7. Shelvocke gravely tells his readers that Hatley, second captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus: Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled, Hatley seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which Shelvocke in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck: after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr. Hatley. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty Shelvocke in his mean vanity.

His son George too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’ he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment at London was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table; and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and begger’d at the captain’s pleasure.

We are now to the leeward of Grand Canary, where our captain takes a little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use, but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and the neighbouring islands, till Clipperton may be well supposed gone far enough ahead.

The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the help of Taylor’s journal I shall convict him throughly.

Shelvocke p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing of the Success, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island John Fernandes in the great South Seas.” And yet p. 11. he says, “We took our departure from Faro, one of the Canaries, in hopes of meeting captain Clipperton among the Cape de Verd islands, and took our prize along with us.”——which I am sure was not worth a commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.

He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully concealed from us; however Taylor’s journal confirms it.

“Success, March 21. Fresh gales, &c. At six this afternoon we saw St. Vincent, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found a French merchant ship and the Diamond of Bristol, captain Cleader, taking in an odd sort of cargo for Jamaica, viz. asses. This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to find the Speedwell, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d, for suffering Shelvocke to keep our wine and brandy.”

Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that Fernandes could be the next appointed rendezvous from the Canaries, being a run of no less than 120 degrees.

We arrive next at the isle of May, and are taken for pyrates; Shelvocke gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail, made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of Hipsy, a liquor compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of pure wine; for Shelvocke labouring a little with the gout, imagined this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’ designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.

This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of Hipsy was the only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.

Taylor’s journal gives the following account of the island of St. Vincent, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger, from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure on the 2d of April 1719.

But Shelvocke, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the island of St. Jago, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then he sends away his kinsman Adams, our Surgeon, to the chief town of this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the Success; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making Hipsy. He return’d with the agreeable news of Clipperton’s being gone from St. Vincent’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And now Shelvocke being past all fears of meeting Clipperton, resolves to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by forming a design of wintering at St. Catharine’s, on the coast of Brasil: and accordingly, on the 20th of April, weighs anchor and sails towards the continent of America.

On the 5th of June, 1719, we met a Portuguese merchantman near Cape Frio. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted, which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished, especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he himself call’d Hatley) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a cutlass and a case of pistols.

The Portuguese not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades in the West-Indies, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.

Don Pedro, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was Hatley on his quarter-deck, but the Portuguese seamen began to hand into the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins, bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, &c. three or four dozen boxes of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some Dutch cheeses, and a large quantity of sugars.——If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough, and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver, worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of China plates and basins, a small Japan cabinet; not to mention what the men took, who on seeing the Portuguese so brisk at handing their things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, Hatley brought the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.

This convinc’d Shelvocke he was not deceiv’d in calling Hatley the best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the Spanish word buscar, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between our chieftains.

Shel. Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?

Hat. By what, Sir?

Shel. Bringing me these baubles?

Hat. Sir they are very cheap.

Shel. But I shall want my money for other uses.

Hat. They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port.

Shel. You always act contrary to my orders.

Hat. Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours.

Shel. It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every occasion.

Hat. I thought I had done for the better.—

Shel. I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d.

Hat. Your commands shall always be to me as a law.

Shel. Where’s the account or bill of parcels?

Hat. Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I can draw one out.

Shel. Pray see you do.

Hat. Yes Sir.

Shel. Whither is he bound?

Hat. To Pernambucco.

Shel. Where belonging to?

Hat. To Rio Janeiro, whence he brought these fruits and refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal.

Shel. Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet; tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage.

Hatley with the speaking trumpet. O senior capitan, O ho?

Capt. Ho la senior.

Hat. Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios; that is, go on friend, and God bless you.

Capt. muttering. Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro ladron; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils along with you.

The Portuguese captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. Shelvocke will have it, p. 16. that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and some refreshments at St. Jago, whence must the cost of those silks, china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up five pounds amongst us all when we left Plymouth; answering in that respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.

He likewise says, p. 22. that Hatley’s moydors were but 80 or 100, whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when Hatley and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon him.

In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our commander himself in a silken skin, as the word peaud’soy implies, and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!

Shelvocke soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’ none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;—the Gentlemen who fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;—When he made us the following speech.

Gentlemen,

“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent, I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers, scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity: we must appear something like himself. And he in his black peaud’soy sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous figure enough.

He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a Cape of Good Hope man; which noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the Portuguese proved Shelvocke a right Cape Frio man, which I believe is very easily understood.

Tho’ Shelvocke never kept any journal, or intended to give the gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in England, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest against Hatley, and deliver’d it to captain Clipperton, in the South-Sea, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.

Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems to be of confuting him; for Clipperton died in June 1722. I was left a prisoner at Lima in Peru, and probably sacrificed. As for Hatley, he indeed did arrive at London in 23; but went immediately for Jamaica, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that Shelvocke imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and complete this romantic libel.

However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following questions.

Why such protest was not made while Hatley was on board the Speedwell, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?

Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to captain Clipperton, whom Shelvocke from page 22. to 25 of his preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and,

Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the governer of Sansonate; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340. I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the other.

We arrive next at St. Catherine’s on the coast of Brazil, lat. 27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing for that purpose his instrument, one Mathew Stewart; who, as his own steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the Canary islands, when and where Shelvocke had promoted him to be first mate of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’ it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The

The weight of my argument depending much on proving Stewart no seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at Glasgow in North Britain, and went supercargo of a small ship to Maryland or Virginia. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at London, where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his friends in the face, he desir’d of captain Shelvocke to be imploy’d in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. James Moffat and Company, mercers in St. Martins le Grand.

This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications Shelvocke could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.

But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine sent up by the men to Shelvocke, by this minion of his. Robine is a mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners, and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before, by Shelvocke himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary Stewart, to poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words, page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this, that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined, that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil so instructed; and such was Stewart, whom I might more properly call quartermaster, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to the Jamaica discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war.

None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as Shelvocke does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.

In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by Stewart, allowing an additional perquisit to Shelvocke himself of 5 per cent. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his example, we all sign’d.

To give the better countenance to this preceding, Shelvocke asked us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company, except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. Stewart, I could see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This too gave a great deal of offense. However Shelvocke modestly told us, that unless we chose his own nephew Adams the surgeon, we should make a voyage for a knife and sheath. It was no sooner said than done: the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to sign it.

But the merriest agent of all, was Shelvocke himself, who calling the next day to Mr. Hendrie, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that he himself would now be agent for the owners, and Hendrie might be purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr. Hendrie was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what Shelvocke was pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.——Sir, I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office, or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which Hendrie got no satisfaction, but Shelvocke’s adding with an oath that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the other. Whereupon Mr. Hendrie demanded, in his own right, to have a council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case; which being absolutely refused, Hendrie drew up a protest against the captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof of Hendrie’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the gentlemen gave him.

My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery, such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man: but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true; and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions aforesaid.

Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill nature and ill principles all concurring.——I say, it’s not to be wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.

A late instance of this kind is captain Jayne, of Bristol who, in a most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’ it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged him.

But to return. Thus was Shelvocke’s great estate to be got suddenly, without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness of the quantum or quomodo, how or how much; for now ’tis evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands; Shelvocke being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the cabin, and Stewart agent for the petty officers and men.

Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty officers: but I having a letter from Edward Hughes, Esq; directed to captain Mitchel, then the commanding officer of the Speedwel, to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.

Instead of coming into this harbour of St. Catharine’s, it’s plain Shelvocke’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward, that he might be early with the enemy the Spaniard; for Clipperton, about this time, was actually in the great South Sea. But our commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of Magellan, where Clipperton and his men suffer’d extreme hardships, being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with.

To palliate these mismanagements Shelvocke tells ye, p. 51. that to save his English provisions, he bought twenty one head of black cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the Cape Frio story, would no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur Laport, one of our lieutenants, who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the padre, one Sunday after divine service, to sell Shelvocke what he wanted.

He says, in his home made story, page 48. that Hatley burn’d the Portuguese house, tho’ we have often heard him blame Randal, his lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and likewise served us for a guard house. But Shelvocke says nothing of Coldsea the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship, because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. Catharine’s was doom’d by Shelvocke for transportation to Europe, because he insulted his kinsman Adams; and to save himself an oath, that he never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the intreaty of Mr. Dodd, to enter at a gun-port.

As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain Clipperton had twice made the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as well as the gentlemen at home, thought the Speedwel completely enough fitted out without any additions of captain Shelvocke’s.

It’s merry enough to observe how Shelvocke p. 25. makes Mons. La Jonquiere, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty gun ship in the King of Spain’s service, and in time of war with England, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an English privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of French: and I am sure La Jonquiere did not speak a word of English: besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken frolick, occasion’d by the Frenchman’s coming aboard us to make merry.

Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was made to captain Hatley, by Monsieur La Riviere, commander of a Portuguese man of war of forty guns, which arrived there some time before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive a gratuity from the matter of the ship[2], to prevent his being troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with them) if the French captain had not preingaged them.”

[2] That is the Portuguese off Cape Frio.

Now, ’tis very unlikely that a captain of a man of war, of double the force, and in a harbour of his own nation, should beg leave in so obsequious a manner for conveniencies, which he might easily command; and I know of no conveniencies there, except the house which Randal burn’d; for Shelvocke owns himself, p. 57. that he saw no house or fortification, except the woods. And whereas he (for reasons best known to himself) will have it that Hatley was so odious to the Portuguese inhabitants, charging him with things quite foreign to the truth; it was not his case alone: we were all equally hated by them; for they were by this time acquainted with the ill treatment the Portuguese captain met with from us; as he himself plainly allows, p. 45. saying, “I made no doubt but that captain Hatley’s affair would be reported to this gentleman, by some of the inhabitants; and therefore told him, that I expected he would go and vindicate himself to the Portuguese captain, to prevent any disturbances that might arise, by the account of his mismanagement on board the Portuguese we met at sea. To which he readily replied, that he would. Therefore to give him an opportunity of doing it, I sent a complement by Monsieur La Riviere.”

Now had the business with the Portuguese, off of Cape Frio, been a fair merchandize, as Shelvocke relates it, p. 16. how comes he here to call it mismanagement, and cautiously to send Hatley with a complement to vindicate himself?

A Creolian Spaniard, servant to one of captain Jonquiere’s lieutenants, having robb’d his Master of a hundred quadruples, each of which is four pistoles, absconded in the woods, designing to take his passage with us round Cape Horne, to his own country again. La Jonquiere and the lieutenant applied to Shelvocke, desiring, that in case the servant should be found, and the money upon him, he would secure him and take it from him; giving Shelvocke directions how to remit the money to France, on his arrival in Europe, all which he faithfully promised to perform. As soon as the Ruby sail’d, the fellow appear’d to our men at the watering place, with one moiety of the money in his pocket, designing, I suppose, to pay for his passage with it: but Shelvocke not content with that, order’d him to be seiz’d to the jears, where he was whipp’d and pickled, which was repeated every Munday for a month: but the fellow, who had run the risque of hanging for it, and knew the value of money as well as the captain, stood the lash without confessing he had any more: so he remain’d on board and had his passage. Thus was Shelvocke, with his wholesome severities, teaching the Spaniard the heinousness of defrauding his master; when we all very well knew Shelvocke deserved the same discipline himself: which brings to my mind an excellent distich of Dr. Garth.

But little villains must submit to fate,

That great ones may injoy the world in state.

This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money from one of the Ruby’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s servant.”

I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since Shelvocke has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe it to his own wise conduct, or rather his gasconading Monsieur into that complaisant temper.

I must therefore acquaint the reader that La Jonquiere had on board his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers; some of which had been many years in Peru, Chili and Paraguay missionaries de propaganda fide, and had well fill’d their purses, the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts. Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing Cape Horne in the winter with indifferent provision, which the Spaniards in America know not how to cure or pack up.

Before we sail’d, there arrived a French merchant ship from St. Malo, commanded by Monsieur Dumain Girard, bound for Chili; who meeting La Jonquiere at sea, had got an order on Shelvocke to pay him the money: But Shelvocke refus’d it, saying, he would remit it, on his return to England, to the lieutenant, whose money it was; which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in this voyage.

At length we sail’d from St. Catharine’s, but saw no more ships to try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my present purpose happens, till we got round Cape Horne. Where, as we approach the enemy, Shelvocke fearing some of us might be spies upon his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son George and Adams his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of us, as did not like to serve under captain Shelvocke, should soon be found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated.

Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this affair p. 62. before we got to Cape Horne: but this is another proof that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in the great South-Sea, and liquors began to grow scarce.

He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what Shelvocke lays to my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he aggravates this story, by saying Betagh had a voracious appetite, and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing Shelvocke says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself, fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above two ounces in a day, as long as hipsy lasted; but was a great drinker all the voyage; whereas I never loved drinking: so that the difference between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I: and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a drunkard, and I a moderate man.

Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are, and hardly deserves the answer I have given it.

’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him publickly, that the voyage should be short with him. I frankly own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me, I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger mugger in the cabin, upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which Shelvocke furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest him, and said, since we are past the Cape, the most dangerous and fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the voyage will be short with us. These were infallibly my very words: but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder him?

As Shelvocke has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture.

However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis much he don’t say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to me, except Mr. Hendrie, who before this was also turn’d out of the mess.

Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural for me to try any method for inlargement. And if Shelvocke had proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own officers, according to captain Rogers’s method, which we were order’d to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain, that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what his son George had said (that we should be soon found with other imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the Spaniard: therefore finding by Adams, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a letter, Shelvocke would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for his own credit, but to put me to confusion.——Wherefore I here dare him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the nature of my circumstances extorted it.

As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water; and so truly Shelvocke says he was obliged to go to Narbrough’s island to recruit these two articles.

Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with. This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. Shelvocke was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to Narbrough’s island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable chance of seeing Clipperton: besides no private ships have any business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship.

While he is going round Cape Horne, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he) that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us, who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”——poor Shelvocke! Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without captain Clipperton, who having no store of wine or brandy, must needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these reflections of yours would seem much more natural from Clipperton, who wanted your company more than you did his.

Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of Chiloe, on the continent, latitude 40 South, Shelvocke would go in there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to Fernandes, there were some hopes of meeting captain Clipperton, that being the last place of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no British, French, or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped with our lives; and all this, like the rest of his schemes, to avoid joining captain Clipperton.

We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it.

We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity, and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did, every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by the strength of the current.

According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain Shelvocke to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous.

To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But Shelvocke will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift, we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have terminated there with our lives.

As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. La Fontaine, the Frenchman we had out of the Ruby, gave him great hopes and ideas of the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never touch’d to the southward, farther than Conception: and then he says that Frenchman’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to dissuade him from it.

I have given the reader many specimens of Shelvocke’s hypocrisy and baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival in the harbour of Chiloe, Shelvocke, by the advice of La Port our third lieutenant, hoisted French colours, and assumes the name of Janis le Breton; and the Speedwel he calls the St. Rose, in which the said Le Breton had made several voyages in these Seas.

Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, our captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,—Ay; and this to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy, and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried Shelvocke’s first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our captain.

By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a country yet unknown. Now if Shelvocke had at heart the interest of his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer, who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present: For all the governers for his Spanish Majesty are strictly forbid to deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way of trade.

The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present: at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our Janis Le Breton returns about a pound and half of butter, at least eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two Dutch cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may imagine how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former.

If Shelvocke had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the Cape Frio acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel return, and sutable to the gaiety of the American Spaniards. I make no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted: but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform, together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting the wild boar.

So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which we were indebted to lieutenant Brook’s good management, who at our first coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle.

I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, Shelvocke order’d me and lieutenant Dodd, with as many marines as the pinnace could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas he falsly says it was to get supplies from the Spaniards. I who had never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the Spaniards, taking it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head, which was easily enough to be done; for Shelvocke when he sent us, said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay, where there was none but our own people.

There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the Spaniards, with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret hopes to have us cut off: For Dodd and I being two of those who were a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says Hatley commanded the boat, I seriously aver that Hatley was not among us: but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he says I was left all night.

But fully to prove that Shelvocke never kept any journal at all; I do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain Hatley came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing, I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain Hatley to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant Brook came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off.

This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to speak truth.

At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier. Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so since we came home.

Shelvocke flushed with his imaginary success at this island of Chiloe, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme of the advantages which might accrue to Great Britain, by taking that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will never be trusted with any command in another: and ’tis well enough known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the Spanish West-Indies, with so much ease and safety, as the English if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if they have good commanders.

But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe, can discover no better place than Chiloe for his Britannic Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular) it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in. He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects? In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary punishment.

And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had been bribed before he left London, by this counter method to defeat the whole enterprize.

Captain Clipperton by this time might reasonably be supposed gone from Fernandes: so away we sail from Chiloe to our own satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of Spain’s subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little purpose.

But instead of Fernandes, he is quickly furnished with another excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which the Frenchman had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going first to the port of Conception.” This too is all a fiction, forged at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against medling with the continent, and wanted to seek out our consort and try our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking.

But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain Rogers, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples enough of this kind? But Shelvocke’s reason for not doing it now, and for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his vices at the expense of their credit.

However, Shelvocke goes into Conception, where he took two ships; the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth to us about 1500l: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners; but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense of receiving ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice, since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses of the church.

Nevertheless the governer of Conception desires he may treat with one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with Shelvocke to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce. Shelvocke says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it.

P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain Hatley, who commanded, never offered once to follow her, or bring her to: Hatley truly said he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm that Hatley did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand people round the bay; for all that part of Chili was alarm’d, and whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our exploits.

Shelvocke having taken here, just after coming into the port, a small prize bound from Lima, found by letters she brought from the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of Clipperton’s prizes retaken by the Spaniards: but this he keeps a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as he can; therefore sends away lieutenant Randal, and an officer of marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in a creek about six or seven miles from us: Shelvocke must needs have known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to the Spaniards that we were an English privatier. The vanity of this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small Spanish prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, Shelvocke pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician.

After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy, damning the South Seas——as well they might, being thus order’d upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own selfish ignorant projects. And yet Shelvocke, with a bold face and harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied.

Captain Clipperton persued his voyage directly from the Cape Verd islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving the reader’s remark, that the Success arrived at the entrance into the streights of Magellan on the 30th of May 1719, being 52 and 30 south latitude. But Shelvocke could not find his way to St. Catherine’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of June following, by his own account, p. 17.

I shall transcribe captain Clipperton’s procedings as minuted down in Mr. Taylor’s journal.

Success, May 29. “This day at noon I make my course from the westermost point of the island Fogo, one of the Cape Verd islands, latitude 14 : 40 N. to Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance into the freights of Magellan, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W. longitude 44 : 18 W.”

May the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we anchored in the streights of Magellan, in ten fathom water. The south point of the entrance call’d Queen Catharine’s Foreland, bearing then S.S.W. five leagues, and Cape Virgin Mary N. by E. one league. It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day, proceding farther till we come to Queen Elizabeth’s islands; where we send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river, but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, but were very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One Robert Dawson, a saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed and made sail.”

June the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water, the northmost point of Elizabeth’s Island bore S. W. one league, St. Bartholomew’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading enough.”

June the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.”

---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain Clipperton and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a good stick for a mizen-mast, and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.”

20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board: hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to sail.”

21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.”

22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost point of Port Famine N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the small bay, which we christen’d no Bottom Bay, S. by E. four mile. At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow; the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.”

29. “A canoe with four Indians came on board us, being two men a woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not suffer the woman to come on board: captain Clipperton ordered them some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives: they had a fire in the midship of their canoe, which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore, making signs they would come again. To day we buried Thomas Camfield a marine.”

30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and returned at six, and with them the Indian canoe loaden with large muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else they could get.”

July 1. “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an Indian canoe came on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, and the Indian remain’d on board. Cape Froward bore at noon E. 14 mile; Point Gallant N. E. by E. four mile.”

2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of Prince Rupert’s island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W. one mile. Another Indian canoe came on board: the woman they had wore a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the current, which ran about two knots.”

3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small stones and shells. Point Middleton W. by S. two leagues, and the point of St. Jerom’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, forty five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast: so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard Prince Rupert’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it: but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were forced quite back to Point Gallant bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen fathom.”

5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and rain. At night dy’d Mr. John Crawford: several more fall ill: captain Shelvocke has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at W. and N. W.”

7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. William Pridham our master gunner departed this life: buried one Thomas Oldfield.”

8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.”

10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards again: at five Francis Doyle, one of our marines, died. The pinnace kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet discover.”

11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to two, i. e. one piece of beef or pork for six men.”

17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in York Road, which is the same place we were drove out from when we lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: Point Middleton W. S. W. three leagues, Cape Quad W. by S. five leagues.”

18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.”

20. “This morning captain Mitchel and lieutenant Davison went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego or the south shore, in order to make a discovery of the passage that the French Tartan is said to have went thro’ into the South-Sea, May 1713, and to see if there was any anchoring beyond Cape Quad; being furnish’d with all necessaries for that purpose.”

29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the Tartan pass’d, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of Cape Quad to anchor in. The Indians gave them a seal, which they broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.”

August 1. “Captain Mitchel, with three more of our officers took the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into the South-Sea, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through. Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died Thomas Parry corporal of marines.”

5. “Captain Mitchel returns: but found no such passage to go thro’ into the South-Sea, as Monsieur Frezier would make us believe. It’s true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay full of ice: but no passage through.”

I shall transcribe no more from Taylor’s journal of what happen’d to them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that Clipperton’s men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their narrowly escaping a shipwreck against Rupert’s island: all which will easily convince him that to go through le Mair streights and round Cape Horne, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides, the French, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain Clipperton’s endeavours to find out the passage through Terra del Fuego, talked of by Frezier, demonstrate that he would gladly have been out of the streights as soon as he could: but Mitchel, who was a good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s very doubtful whether any Tartan, or other imbarkation ever past that way; tho’ Frezier has fondly imagined it a new discovery, and has marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects.

August 18. Captain Clipperton got out of the streights of Magellan, proceding directly towards Fernandes, lat. 33 : 30 S. being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the 7th of September 1719. According to his instructions he stays here a month for Shelvocke, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have gone without him. Captain Clipperton not being able to conjecture what was become of the Speedwel, gives her up for lost: however, before he weighed he sent captain Mitchel ashore to set up a cross, burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain Shelvocke, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take down the said cross; he had his own name and Magee’s the surgeon, carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self at landing.

Taylor’s Journal Sept. 8. 1719. “This being the last place of rendezvous to meet with or hear of the Speedwel: we find no signal nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.”

---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them die soon after they land, cursing Shelvocke with their dying breath, for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with sickness.”

14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the French ships who often touch here.”

28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a posture for sailing.”

Oct. 6. “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain Mitchel with some more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat. Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.”

7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take possession of Alexander Selkirk’s habitation, who was taken off this desolate place by captain Rogers in 1709; after having liv’d here above four years alone. Captain Mitchel goes ashore to set up a cross with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain Shelvocke. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.”

The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I saw them.

Captain John ——

W. Magee.

1719.

The reason why Clipperton’s surname is omitted, was because he was well known in the South-Seas: and if any Spaniards or French who occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might probably have alarmd the coast of Chili and Peru.

This done, captain Clipperton holds his course to the norward, soon arriving in the parallel of Lima: which being the chief scene of action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being descryed from the shore; where he had cruised but a small time, before he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men, both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will best be seen in what follows: for in November the Success giving chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by the Spaniards, who by stratagem got the better of the few English that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and alarmd all the coast.

—Here follow Taylor’s own words.

Success, November the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather. Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we stand off, having another sail in view.”

21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by the Spaniards, we begin to think it now full time to send all the Spanish prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let the Spaniards ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.”

From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain Shelvocke was intirely the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if Shelvocke had joyned Clipperton, and been here at his duty, the loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the alarming of the Spaniards: upon whose security the greatest hope of our enterprize was founded.

From this misfortune of Clipperton on the coast of Peru, and the wilful mismanagement of Shelvocke in rousing all the coast of Chili, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of Peru, which was enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then we must a while leave captain Clipperton, who could do nothing effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the Speedwel had joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our fortunes made. According to Clipperton’s own scheme, who projected and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this parallel: Lima being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed on from North to South on this vastly extended rich continent.

Here I think it worth observing that captain Clipperton can no way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of captain Shelvocke, who after providentially escaping the violent tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all the craft imaginable? What recompense can Shelvocke make for the indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the dead? Certainly Clipperton deserved better from a man to whose wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three voyages to the South-Seas: the two first by circumvention of the Spaniards, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them; Shelvocke took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his 106 men carryed from Plymouth, he brought only 25 to China; whereas Clipperton brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the enemy; since he did not care how soon the Spaniards went ashore to give what account they thought fit of him.

The contrivance by which the Spaniards got their ship again, was thus. The Spanish captain seeing by the number of prizes then in the custody of captain Clipperton that he could not spare many of his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the Rosary privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the countermaster or boatswain who was a Frenchman, ordering them upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the Englishmen, as should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for Serjeantson had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such as Indians, Nigros and seamen to go into the great cabin, except the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard. The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men, knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind Serjeantson knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be bound; tho’ none were killed as Serjeantson informed me, whom I afterwards found a prisoner at Lima.

The Spaniard thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the Englishmen free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they could, the Spaniards taking them prisoners the nearest way to Lima.

The viceroy of Peru understanding what the Spanish captain had done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at Guiaquil, and a general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for the service he had done the public. One of Clipperton’s men upon examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy is informed of the cross and bottle at Fernandes, with the written signals for captain Shelvocke, and that two of Clipperton’s men had deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals.

We return now to Shelvocke whom we left in the bay of Conception treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our captain finding he was only trifled with, thought fit to burn the two ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. Fermin, he owns p. 153, was the best fitted out of any of the Peruvian traders, and p. 104, he says the loss of his anchor at Chiloe was one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which appeared sufficiently afterwards.

After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the Mercury: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row) and away we procede towards John Fernandes.

In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. Fermin was distributed; and here he says p. 157, that captain Betagh indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly, that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies.

Jan. 17¹⁹/₂₀. We arrive at Fernandes, where Mr. Brook being the first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain John —— and W. Magee cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an invention of Brook’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one going ashore might be convinced of in a moment: but Shelvocke hated the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward and joyn his consort. Brook had hitherto been a great favourite with Shelvocke, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the black list, as by the sequel will appear.

I shall quote our author’s own words, p. 160. “Some of my men accidentally saw the word Magee, which was the name of Clipperton’s surgeon, and captain John cut out under it upon a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him again.”

Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain Clipperton shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are reduced. Why must it be, accidentally saw the word Magee? Was it a meteor that vanished after the first appearance? or if the men did see it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree by chance? And then to say Magee was first, and the captains name under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground, and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and tho’ Shelvocke was ignorant of this at Fernandes; yet, at the writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language he gives Clipperton as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch than I expected.

After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the Success, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and accordingly steers away to Arica, sending the Mercury along shore before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed us that one of Clipperton’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and that two Spanish men of war were fitted out from Lima in quest of us: and this is what we believed Shelvocke knew before, by letters taken in the St. Fermin. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into the Mercury, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her, with my self, Mr. Stewart, three more officers, and a few men: then bringing the Speedwel and Mercury’s broadside to bear on the town, he begins Quixot like to canonade it; which really had no other effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. Shelvocke being tired with destroying his munition, sends an Indian prisoner under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, p. 167, the Indian leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers, which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns faithfully the same way to the boat with answer, That they car’d not a fig for any such borracho; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace, and taking Stewart with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest of us to unmoor the Mercury, and carry her out into the road. At his getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping.

Shelvocke’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr. Hamilton our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in Scotland, had a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book.

Feb. 5th. 1720. “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, Shelvocke lent his son George to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon George’s report, the captain came down and asked Hamilton what business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow, and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was oblig’d ever after, like Shelvocke, to keep his account by dint of memory.

From Arica we sail down along shore, and now Shelvocke enters vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many captains. He knew by Rogers his journal, that all the merchantmen in those seas are man’d with Indians or Nigros; with which he could easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the Mercury, seven of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very track of their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a cruising in this world before. His name was Nicholas Laming, a good man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the road with the great fatigue of his journey.

To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave thus fairly to describe the Mercury. She was really nothing but a lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy or strong as those in the Thames: for as the Spaniards have no wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country; so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the Nigros and Indians do the office of cranes and horses, by wading deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length, and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them: beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them.

Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water.

In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d to cruise in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must go in the Mercury, I went down to lash my hammack in the Speedwel: then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it to Mr. Hendrie then our purser, telling him I expected no account of it, till it pleased God we met in England. Shelvocke who had set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander captain Hatley and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off, steering along shore to the northward. We cruised four or five days and landed twice at the isle of Lobos, where Shelvocke promis’d to leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder the little town of Payta, where we could easily have joyn’d him, having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old English pink bound from Panama to Lima, which Shelvocke says at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary ware from Panama to Lima: but were it from Lima to Panama there probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except a hand or two left to take care of the Mercury, and kept cruising between Lobos and cape Blanco; and while we hop’d to be taken up by our faithful commander Shelvocke, we fell into the hands of one of the Spanish cruisers of 30 guns, called the Brilliant: which after we struck, continu’d their fire into the Mercury ’till they destroyed her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners with us. As soon as the Spaniards boarded the said pink to strip and rifle us, about ninety six moidores taken from the Portuguese off cape Frio were found upon Hatley, for which he indeed was us’d but scurvily—And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was treating of this story before.

After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of escaping the Peregrine a Spanish man of war at Payta: which account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain glory, I shall answer it particularly: for Hatley and all of us were sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set ashore at Payta, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d.

Shelvocke to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the force of his enemy. He says, the Peregrine had upwards of 450 men, and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never more; for I was aboard her afterwards at Lima; and I believe when he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her, whom Shelvocke calls an admiral, he was a Creolian, a mere fresh waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard him, they were composed of Nigros, Mestizos and Indians; besides which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince Santo Bueno, his family and retinue to Acapulco; but in the mean time order’d a short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the Spaniards never expected she would be of any use against the English privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the other three cruisers, the Zelerin, Brilliant and San Francisco, which were light ships and good sailers. The Peregrine was so unable and unwilling too, that if she had not found the Speedwel in harbour, she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at Payta, that the first fire from the Speedwel terrify’d the enemy so very much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive. They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close hawl’d standing in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The Speedwel did not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient, Shelvocke had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the Peregrine might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this panic of theirs gave Shelvocke a fair opportunity to get his men aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard of it at several places; tho’ Shelvocke has cook’d up a formal story of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the Peregrine did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief. And Shelvocke’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so many of them run down and hid themselves.

’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain Shelvocke in puting together so much reproachful language utterly void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about going into the Mercury, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life. This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when we had just doubled cape Horne. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a prey, yet Shelvocke had gone such lengths with us, that he would call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d on Hatley to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing valuable aboard. Does not Shelvocke’s great ignorance in these facts demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented here at home?

After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer. It must be great weakness in Shelvocke to fancy he had any secrets to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the Spaniards knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis childish to talk of secrets: indeed Shelvocke kept his own private designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without the help of Mr. Taylor’s journal. The reason of my being us’d respectfully is this.—Don Pedro Midranda, the admiral who took us, had a personal esteem for Sir Charles Wager, and I have reason to believe was formerly his prisoner. The Spanish admiral had been treated with great candour and generosity by Sir Charles: and upon examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir Charles, he was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to this, that I and all but captain Hatley met with kind treatment: for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir Charles Wager, at every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of Hatley’s made that difference between him and the rest.

He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if we had the good luck to take Shelvocke, I might have the honour of boarding him first.

After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think it an honour to board captain Shelvocke: but I deny that I ever said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough of him; since it was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now treated much civiler than it was in Shelvocke’s nature to allow of; I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after this, Shelvocke rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent under James Hopkins, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth a groat, which he calls the St. David, p. 180, leaving them to shift for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they were compell’d to surrender among the Indians: and one of them, John Gundy, born at Plymouth dock, had his throat cut for not stripping immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at Lima. Shelvocke is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was oblig’d to leave the St. David to cruise off Payta: but not a word of the mate and his ten men.

As to my being an officer in the king of Spain’s service, ’tis mere scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of war between the two crowns, ’tis very improbable I would venture home so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in England. Indeed we all, except Hatley, had our passage to Cales in a Spanish advice-boat, call’d the Flying-fish. Mr. Pressick our surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s the harm of all this; tho’ Shelvocke and his blunderbuss of a son, have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is Shelvocke’s great christianity and good conscience.

Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the Spaniards are fond of.

In the first place, captain Shelvocke is very ill bred, to make any national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an Irishman, I am well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army. If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the Romish church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most agreeable to holy scripture and right reason.

Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I quitted the Romish faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore ’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that served in several other inferiour capacities. I have continued ever since a lawful member of the church of England; What pretense then can Shelvocke have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it?

But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the Pretender’s health, tho’ Shelvocke made a constant practice of it, and every tenth of June proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In what light then shall I place this Shelvocke, to make his infamy truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance, abjuration and supremacy, with king George’s commission in his pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to drink the Pretender’s health, and command his men to do the same, is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded! Considering I am a seafaring man, ’tis for my credit that Shelvocke will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty, perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a christian, and he is far short of a mahometan both in faith and practice.

Here I take leave of my noble captain Shelvocke, being quite separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to the Spaniard, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two. Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of Taylor’s journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to remain under his command: while I go back to captain Clipperton, whom I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the end of his voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for Shelvocke at Fernandes, as I observed before: the account of his progress and actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from Taylor’s journal, as I find it.

SECTION II.

Success Oct. 20, 1719.

“This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should and should not be deemed plunder.

“The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars for every hundred ton the prize measures.

“Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his offense.

“Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39 S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.”

25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of Lima, our cruising station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven Indians and two Nigros: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple of dollars.”

28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. Vincent, with wood from Guiaquil. There are two fryars, sixteen Indians and four Nigros aboard.”

30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton, from Panama for Lima, having a good many passengers aboard. She is called the Trinity, and was taken by captain Rogers when he plunder’d Guiaquil, 1709.”

Nov. 2. “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her, being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from Lima to Panama; she has on board the countess of Laguna, and several other passengers, a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy, being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether she will come aboard the Success, or remain in the prize. She chuses the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. Godfrey, our agent, went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and brandy, which was a very acceptable present.”

18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our prize, proving to be a London built pink of about 200 ton from Panama for Lima, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of two rich ships from Lima coming this way; and that there are two Spanish men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of us.”

This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem Nov. 20, I need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95.

24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the Cayetan, of about 200 tons, laden with wood from Panama for Lima: she has aboard forty Nigros and thirty Spaniards, most of them passengers.”

27. “Anchor at the isle of Plate with our three prizes. Our captain being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has got; which consisteth chiefly of European goods found in the prizes already taken. And being well assured the Spaniards dare not purchase them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of Spain, he puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the lady’s bark now call’d the Chichly; and appoints captain Mitchel commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best advantage on the coast of Brasil. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard thirteen Englishmen and ten Nigros, with what provision and other necessaries he can spare him. Captain Mitchel at parting gave us three cheers, which was answer’d by the Success. Here our captain discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted, and gave them to the Spaniards; reserving the Nigros, and the captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come into our station.”

Decemb. 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and at seven took her. She is called the Rose, bound from Cheripe for Panama, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset, and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were taken by the Spaniards were sent to Lima by land. Here we continue to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but nothing happens till

27th. “Anchor in Guanchaco Bay in nine fathom clay ground, and find two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return: send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard, except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore; but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of Guanchaco bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10 S. designing for the Gallipagos. The currents here set much to the northward.”

January 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the Gallipagos. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away to the northward.”

21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase, by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from Panama, having on board the marquiss de Villa Roche president at Panama, and his family bound for Lima, called the Prince Eugene. This is the same ship in which captain Clipperton was circumvented and taken in his late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment from the said marquiss at Panama, before whom he was carry’d.”

22. “Mr. Davison our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize; and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable happens till,

February 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station with the last mention’d prize. A Spaniard who was accidentally wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one, the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight of it. The marquiss de Villa Roche being present said, it was very portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.”

“Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the Spanish custom is to cry aloud Bon Viaje three times, that is, a good voyage. This day took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very strong to windward.”

March 8. “We made the island of Port Velas latitude 10 : 30 N: the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find here a good watering place. The padre and boatswain of the Prince Eugene come aboard to be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.”

March 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we lost two men, John Trumbal serjeant of marines, and Roger Pengelly gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the Nigros is most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our Nigros stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little damaged.”

March 16th. “The padre and countermaster return with some natives, bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present for the marquiss; but told our captain, that their alcalde or governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account of captain Mitchel, who put in here to water, and say that his men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables of Mitchel’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering, and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to Lima were stopp’d by Mr. Godfrey our owners agent, who finding them in an Indian’s hand ashore, sent them to captain Clipperton, who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him but roughly. The Indians who were yesterday aboard, and to whom our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this, captain Clipperton treats with the marquiss about ransoming the prize; but not agreeing, he orders the timber with which she was laden to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow: after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and equipage.”

March 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the Success: after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to his child, to bring which there are seven Indians a horseback: they left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to the 4th of April, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as before.”

April 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that all the Spanish prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who had rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the 8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef, which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the Spanish captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales till

April 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of Amapala in 17 fathom: send the pinnace to find a watering: the Spaniards oppose their landing, but suffer them to put on shore a Spaniard and Indian belonging to the marquiss, who are going to Rio Lexos to fetch the ransom money: but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at Amapala, the pinnace is sent to the isle of Tigris; where they find very good water, and the Indian who guided them is rewarded with some clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th of May, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom money; but having little reason to believe the Spaniards will be punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N.

May 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant Serjeantson were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the Rosary pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N. About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.”

June 4th. “We arrive next at Gorgona, latitude 2 : 35 N. The current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence we ply to windward, and nothing happens till

July 25th. “We spy a sail, and come up with her: she struck to us, being the St. Vincent which we took once before, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from Guiaquil for Lima. We keep to windward with our prize, and

August 11th. “Anchor at Lobos la mar: the distance from this island, and Lobos la tierra is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work, live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing happens till

Sept. 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers, and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at the small desolate isle of Lobos, but the opposers to be shot. After discovery, the two principal actors, Joseph Maynard boatswain’s mate, and James Roch the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.”

“The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of making a good voyage, having no hope of the Speedwel’s joyning them, which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that they did not much care what happen’d.”

Sept. 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was to look into Cheripe, if we could see any ships there; but chance to fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.”

Sept. 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to make up her fish on the isle of Lobos, where we found a good parcel ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in the boat. We anchor again at Lobos, in 38 fathom, and find the S. Vincent, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 Spanish prisoners: after which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S. Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our course for the bay of Conception where we arrive.”

November 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted Spanish colours, and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us in Spanish; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our captain now steering for Coquimbo.”

5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck her colours: she is call’d the Solidad: she hath a cargo of tobacco, sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at Coquimbo, whither she is bound from Lima. They inform us that our last chase had much such another cargo; and that the two Spanish men of war fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to Callao to be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the coast of Chili, not only upon us, but all the French interloping traders.”

6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming open with the harbour of Coquimbo, we saw three sail of men of war at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon which she struck: but after she had so done, the man of war fired several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four, when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun, tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean ships, French built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d Isla de pajeros, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken.

“We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen, besides twelve Nigros. There were taken with her, twelve of our men, besides Mr. Milne our third lieutenant who commanded her. However, we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver, when she first became our prize.”

Mr. James Milne, whom I have since had conversation with in London, told me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find him a Spanish prize instead of an English privatier; and vexed at this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck Milne upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers, generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel from top to toe. The captain’s name was Don Blas de Lesso and had been a guard marine in the French service where he lost one of his legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr. Milne aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us and the French interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was carried prisoner to Lima, the said captain soon got him his liberty, procured him his passage gratis to Panama, and gave him a jar of brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his expenses to England. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged it by letter from Panama or elsewhere; the said Don Blas having spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the British South-Sea company at Panama.

November 7th. “This day our agent Mr. Godfrey, and Mr. Cook second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr. Godfrey very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether Cook keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to captain Clipperton and told him he would no longer take the charge of the watch: whereupon Mr. Chambers the master took that charge in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast. Being thus worsted at Coquimbo, and forced to fly their men of war; remembring our mistakes at Conception, and that we must now abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain Shelvocke, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on the northward, and

14. “Make the isle of St. Gallan, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On the 15th. stood into the road of Pisco; but finding nothing, we stood out again, holding to the northward.”

16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted Spanish colours and fired a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses, and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets, firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship and the Speedwel, in case we should meet. The chase holding her wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned, and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our one; so that we soon found we had no share in her.”

Mr. Taylor is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders of captain Fitzgerald who commanded this ship called the Flying Fish: for being ready to sail for Cales, he was only now order’d out by the viceroy in quest of Shelvocke; of whom news was brought to Lima, that he had a day or two before taken the Jesu Maria out of Pisco, leaving the Spaniards the bark he built at Fernandes. Pisco being but a little to windward of Callao, they were in hopes of catching Shelvocke as he went to leeward: and the Flying Fish having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except Shelvocke. On the other hand, Clipperton may well be supposed willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very low condition and dispirited, as appears by the journal: neither had he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had been left ashore, the Flying Fish would have been able to carry Clipperton into Callao. For Fitzgerald, who was a St. Malo man, had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at Callao for this occasion.

November 18th. “Maltesi one of the Guara islands bore N. E. one league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in for Guanchaco: but finding nothing there, bore away for Cheripe: where seeing nothing, we stood away for Payta, designing to try our fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of Indian corn served to a mess of six men each.”

27. “Saw point Helen: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to the westward for the Gallipagos islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very bad with the scurvy.”

30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly. I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and Indian corn is now expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small piece of English beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men in a mess.”

December 4th. “Mr. Thomas Fairman our purser departed this life; and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another since we left cape Helen. Having an observation, I rectify my account and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a strong S. W. current in sight of the Gallipagos.”

6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance of tortoise ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf, they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for another S. W. being the same which the Spaniards make to lye under the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of Cocos, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our people being very sick and weak.”

7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr. Chambers the larboard, Mr. Davison being sick, and lieutenant Cook still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are in pain lest we miss the island.”

17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with joy we beheld the island Cocos about nine leagues N. W.”

18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the marquiss de Villa Roche got ashore, where we build a house for the sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy, allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.”

January 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people, being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and abscond in the woods. The names of our men are Higgins, Caulker and Shingle. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from whence I take my departure, January 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running now to the northward on the coast of Mexico.”

23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.”

25. “This morning I see the coast of Mexico. About seven we made a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings account that she is the Jesu Maria a Spanish ship, but now in the possession of captain Shelvocke, who commands her. That he has about 40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he lost the Speedwel at Fernandes; where they stay’d five months, and built a barque out of the Speedwel’s wreck, with which they put to sea, and coasted along Chili and Peru meeting several ships, but could do nothing with them; ’till they came to Pisco near Lima, where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command among them, being all alike as the West-India privatiers. They have chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and have shared all among themselves.”

27. “Perceived captain Shelvocke to hoist St. George’s colours at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a letter for captain Clipperton; who immediately sent back the boat for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast of Brasil, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the boat: but the purser Mr. Hendrie stays; who gives but a dark story of their procedings; and that he was not allow’d to take any account of the treasure for the owners. At eight captain Shelvocke came aboard being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his transactions. The boat brought Mr. Dod their lieutenant of marines to continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the owners interest.”

28. “Came aboard from captain Shelvocke, six chests of pitch and dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain Clipperton spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, &c. Captain Shelvocke goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with us two of the Speedwel’s officers, Mr. Hendrie the purser and Mr. Dod lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to the northward on the coast of Mexico, meeting with strong west and north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this passage we have met captain Shelvocke three times without speaking, whom we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens in all these traverses till March 7th. “Our officers consult, and resolve to joyn captain Shelvocke the next time we meet, in order to attempt the Acapulco ship homeward bound.”

13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain Shelvocke, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants. Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the Manilla ship, Shelvocke’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once. Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain Clipperton holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are sign’d and sent to captain Shelvocke; That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship.”