TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

The original manuscript of this history was written between 1630 and 1655, but was not published and was lost for many years. It was rediscovered and an edition was published in 1856, and another edition published in 1901. Both were printed closely following the mediaeval English of the manuscript.

This book is a rework of that 1901 edition into modern English by Harold Paget. His Introduction gives an account of the loss and eventual return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.

In this etext footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been placed at the end of the book.

Some minor changes to the text are noted at the [end of the book.] These are indicated by a dashed blue underline.

BRADFORD’S HISTORY
OF THE
PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BRADFORD’S HISTORY

OF THE

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

1608-1650

Rendered into Modern English by

HAROLD PAGET

NEW YORK
E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY
681 FIFTH AVENUE

Copyright, 1909
By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO.

Copyright, 1920
By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY

All Rights Reserved

Printed in the United States of America

Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, Spain, and America, which bear upon the Contents of this Book

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

During the last four hundred years the peoples of the Western world have been busily engaged in converting their governments—often forcibly—to practical Christianity, in regard to their domestic affairs.

The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great War, opens with a crusade for the application of Christianity to international relationships.

If the modern student sets up before his mental vision a moving panorama of the history of Europe through the Middle Ages, the most striking general feature is undoubtedly the irresistible course of the growing stream of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section and institution of human life—the inevitable outcome of the evolution of Christianity made manifest in things temporal, and breaking through the ecclesiastical bounds so long set for it, as exclusively pertaining to things spiritual.

The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded as a religious stream pure and simple, from which might be drawn, by priestly hands alone, refreshment for the spiritual life of man, offered to him in the sacerdotal cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of doctrine as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained to take charge of that department of his existence—the servants of the Mediæval Church.

Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single stream of sacred water, limited by the shores of a prescribed religious territory. Here and there in the wider landscape it is gradually pushing a way out into the unconsecrated ground of the temporal domain, welling up through the ancient crust of Feudalism—bursting through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently and almost imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and irresistible torrents, passionate against its long subjection and suppression. This activity recognizes no national or geographical limits—it reveals itself now here, now there, fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil—some instantly generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond.

Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the territories through which it newly flows. Some, watching its uprising through the barren soil, stand amazed—doubtful. See them slowly approach it, and gaze upon it, awe-struck; they stoop, timorously—and drink; they pause—and stoop to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the secret they have won from it; a moment or two of forgetful, selfish joy—and they turn away and hurry to impart the wonderful discovery to their comrades. So by degrees they come, a straggling, jostling, motley crowd—some doubting, some fearing, some realizing.

Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the rumoured wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its banks! Hasten to guard it from the profane thirst of the multitude, and confine it to its sacred keeping!

Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries are already too many—the priestly keepers now too few to preserve the discovered waters. For, as they stand watching, troubled and amazed, behold the streamlets spreading themselves ever further, breaking forth unbidden, in every direction.

They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel must be taken of their superiors, for this is too much for the lesser orders to cope with.

And so, as we watch the scene, we listen to the busy plans of princes of church and state, of Popes and Kings. Some would set about damming up these new unbiddable by-streams at their places of egress; others would divert their courses, turning them back into the parent-current.

Too late! too late!

Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink at these waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten to secrete them again by some means—for if the once rare and sacred treasure, jealously guarded, comes, by superabundance, to be common and general, what function is left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation?

But—oh horrible!—here is a dignitary of the state, there even a personage of the church, who will not be led to further the vast scheme of secluding the waters of these newborn rivulets from the vulgar gaze or the profane thirst of the laity. There follow sharp rebukes and rebellious retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; factions breed, and wrangling takes the place of deliberation.

Slowly the scene’s central interest changes for us, and we find we are watching, not the miraculous birth of many waters, but battling crowds of angry partisans, surging this way and that. Now a little band of stalwarts, who strive to keep the stream open to their fellows, is routed and dispersed; now their following increases, and in due time their supporters are rallied again—sometimes to a temporary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse, sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the waters inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones and threes the people find their way to them, some stealthily, some defiantly, and drink of them—and are sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to great followings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source of their inspiration.

Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over it, we see that it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare in isolated spots; it is the nations themselves that rage furiously together; the western world is one great battle-ground for the opposing forces. Treaties and wars, alliances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam and jetsam on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying river,—sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets and tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts—not one department of the whole landscape of human life, in all its variety, but reveals its vague new workings or its established deep-set currents.

Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of Freedom, washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly—quietly if it may, turbulently if it must—the worn-out earth-crust of the moribund Feudal world, giving place to the bloom and blossom of a new era in the history of Christ’s Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph for all time of Soul-Freedom for His people.

It was He Himself, the arch-heretic, Who first broke from the doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His day, to spread His gospel of Freedom to life’s wayfarers—saint and sinner alike. The sword that He brought to break the head of the deadening, self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, hung suspended the while over the world, awaiting the moment to strike. The sword has descended, and has severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give place to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day the East itself is just awakening to the dawning of the new day. Almost we hear a voice from heaven, declaiming over the dust of the mediæval world: “Now is Christ risen from the dead, and is become the first fruits of them that slept.”

My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to present to the mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing remarks concerning “The History of the Plymouth Settlement,” as recorded contemporaneously by Governor Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of the most important episodes in the widespread movement whose course we have just been observing,—the episode which, above all others of that epoch, has produced the weightiest consequences in the history of the world.

America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain planted colonies on its shores in the 16th Century; English trading settlements were established in Virginia and elsewhere in the latter half of the same century. It is no mere claim of priority that lends historic importance to the foundation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English colony at New Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was accomplished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in the home country.

What, then, gives this particular project a prominence and significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? It was the motive of its Founders. And what was that motive? Freedom of religious thought and practice, in the first place; of civil rights, in the second. It was the sublime ideal of this little band of Englishmen which gave to the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of the other New England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its characteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of the world—the United States of America.

The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our preliminary sketch of the general movement of western civilization out of the shackles of feudalism towards religious and civil freedom. But the sacrifice involved in its consummation,—do we realize its significance? Let us try to think what it means.

Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, of good standing and of average education. In defiance of established law and order, and of the accepted, orthodox view of it, this little body of people pursues an ideal, vital to the peace of their souls, with a tenacity which implies certain loss of personal freedom and confiscation of property, with risk of death. Rather than be compelled to abandon the pursuit of their ideal, these people voluntarily exile themselves from England, thereby depriving themselves of loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions. After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their newly adopted country, the seed they are nurturing is threatened once again. It must be preserved at all costs. They gather it up and bear it across the seas—fearful seas—and plant it once more, forming a little settlement in the savage, distant land of North America. For years they defend their treasure there against every conceivable attack by Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the consciousness that the plant they are tending is God’s Truth—Freedom for each man to honour and worship God as he sees Him.

First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident of modern occurrence, and try to realize what would be its significance. Then turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and watch them through their persecution in mediæval England; their flight to Holland; their hard sojourn there; their voyage across the wide seas of those days, and their settlement at New Plymouth—“in a country devoid of all civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and brutish men, who range up and down, little differing from the wild beasts themselves.... What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of God, and His grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men.”

As we read this pæan of praise, penned by Bradford some ten or twelve years after their arrival, the reality of a sublime human sacrifice begins to shape itself in the mind, and our wonder rests upon the spiritual grandeur of the offering, rather than upon its world-wide consequences—of which the tale is not yet told.

It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their burning ideals and consuming purpose, that a new national ideal emanated, and a new nation ultimately sprang, since typically identified with their devotion to Freedom. The eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little handful of unconscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them, step by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and strong in future generations of these English colonists that they outpaced the march of the parent nation towards the same goal—and so, the episode we have just been contemplating resulted in due course in the birth of the United States of America; in the triumph of democracy in England over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establishment of the humanitarian ideals for which the English-speaking races have been the historic champions, and for which the Pilgrims offered their sacrifice upon the altar of the Sonship of Man.

In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of the gift of the manuscript of Bradford’s History, by England to America: “They stablished what they planned. Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the golden threads of conscience, courage, and faith, set in the web by that little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that no act of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles on which it is based—of equal rights in a free state, equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities in a free school.”

For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the Pilgrims’ sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the children’s hurrying feet had raised such a dust as to obscure from them their forefather’s glorious visions and ideals. A striking absence of spiritual aspiration and a dire trend towards gross materialism seemed, for a time, all too characteristic of America. But to such as doubted or feared have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is the sons of those men—their spiritual offspring—who have arisen in their millions,—here in America, there in old England,—to defend the World’s freedom. The Dean of Westminster voiced England’s feeling, and that of the world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army and Navy who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in the following words:

Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the enduring foundations of the world’s hope for future peace. For their sakes we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great Abbey which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the English-speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful praise to Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call of freedom and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been divided.

Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain. They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and a menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher phase in the life of heavenly citizenship.

The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine interpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the fruitfulness of self-sacrifice.

May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the privilege of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! May the glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we commemorate to-day, enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run, with the inspiring vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of true patriotism! The warfare against the countless forms of violence, injustice, and falsehood will never cease: may the example of our brothers exalt and purify our aims!

A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manuscript of this book.

As the author tells us, he began to write down this record of the affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in the year 1630, ten years after their arrival, continuing the writing of it from time to time up to the year 1650, when he compiled the Register of Passengers on the Mayflower, their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and their deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-bound folio, measuring about 11 inches high, 8 inches wide, and 1½ inches thick.

Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its ownership up to 1728. “This book was writ by Governor William Bradford, and given by him to his son Major William Bradford, and by him to his son Major John Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, 1705.”

An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, intimates that Major John Bradford turned over the manuscript to him for the New England Library of Prints and Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since 1703, when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is supposed that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, and that Governor Hutchinson had access to it when he wrote the second volume of his History, published in 1767.

From this time all traces of its presence in New England disappear, and it was not until almost a century later that it was discovered and identified in the Library of the Bishop of London, at Fulham Palace. It is supposed that the manuscript found its way to England some time between the years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the title of “The Log of the Mayflower,” at Fulham Palace as the Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial and other Possessions of Great Britain beyond the seas—New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, attached to the Diocese of London.

When compiling his “History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America,” published in 1844, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, and later of Winchester, delved into the archives of Fulham Palace, and brought under contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, from which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the hands of John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came under the eye of Barry, the author of “The History of Massachusetts,” who recognized that the passages quoted in Wilberforce’s work must come from none other than Bradford’s long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted and communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who visited Fulham Palace Library, and established incontestably the identity of “The Log of the Mayflower” with Bradford’s History. It is still unknown exactly how it found its way to London—but in all probability it was brought over during the War of Independence.

From time to time, after its discovery, representations were made to the custodians of the manuscript that it should be restored to America, where its value was inestimable, as one of the earliest records of her National History—in the words of Senator Hoar: “The only authentic history of what we have a right to consider the most important political transaction that has ever taken place on the face of the earth.” Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the first United States Ambassador to England, instigated by Senator Hoar, put the matter before the Bishop of London—Creighton—at Fulham, with the result that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed by Mr. Bayard to America, and formally handed over to Governor Roger Wolcott, on July 12th, 1897, for the State Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, subject to the production of a photographic facsimile being deposited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being reasonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting place is the Massachusetts State Library.

No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the hearts of Bradford’s descendants, on the return to American soil of this precious relic by the free gift of England, than those of Senator Hoar, which I now quote:

“I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without a little trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death, and of lofty triumph, which that book tells,—which the hand of the great leader and founder of America has traced on those pages. There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem. These English men and English women going out from their homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and mother from child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam ‘in alley foul and lane obscure’; the dwelling at Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in the harbour; the landing on the rock; the dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening for the yell of the wild beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the building of the State on those sure foundations which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken; the breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,—of all these things this is the original record by the hand of our beloved father and founder.”

After its discovery and identification, an edition was published in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles Deane, by the Massachusetts Historical Society, based on a transcript made from the original document in London. A photographic facsimile of the manuscript was issued in 1896, in both London and Boston; and upon receipt of the original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897, a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publication of a carefully collated edition, together with a report of the proceedings connected with its return from England to America. This edition was duly issued in 1901, and it is from that as a basis that I have prepared the present modernization. My purpose is obvious. To many, the reading of the mediæval English of the original, to which all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious as to preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. I have endeavoured to preserve, as far as possible, the atmosphere of the time, while accurately rendering the thought in current language.

As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on the death of John Carver, the first Governor of the colony, a few months after their arrival, succeeded him in the Governorship, and remained the guiding genius of its destinies for over thirty years—his character, despite his utter self-repression throughout his writings, can be clearly read between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity and tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfconscious goodness—all the grandest characteristics of the best traditions of puritanism seem concentrated in him.

But little is known of his life in England. He was born at the village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and the baptismal entry in the registers of the church is dated March 19th, 1590. His family was of yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford (Dorothy May) was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of the Mayflower, by falling overboard. The second wife was a Mrs. Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed Bradford had been attached before his and her first marriage. He wrote his proposal of marriage to her in England, and she came out to him, with two Southworth children. William Bradford died, May 9th, 1657, at 69 years of age.

His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were largely with that class of hypocritical charlatan which successfully turns to perverse account the generous religious impulses of those with whom they hold intercourse. Yet his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity never failed him; he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of dishonour was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, making allowance for human weakness in the face of temptation, and forgiving unto seventy times seven. His was the spirit given to Newton, who as he watched a murderer being led to the gallows, exclaimed: “There goes John Newton, but for the Grace of God”; or to Cromwell, in his typical exhortation,—“I beseech you, in the name of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken.”

The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the horrible hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-Sherley type, who whenever ill-fortune overtook them called upon the name of the Lord in true Pharisaic fashion,—as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous Providence,—playing upon the finest qualities of forbearance and disinterestedness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to get advantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites on the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute with the undiscriminating of those times,—nor have the results of their evil work (in very truth, the Sin against the Holy Ghost!) yet disappeared; for we find it in the supercilious and suspicious attitude of the orthodox towards dissent in any form, to this day.

The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side of his and the other Pilgrims’ ideals of religious liberty,—for which, no doubt, they owed a deep debt to that splendid apostolic figure, their old pastor at Leyden, John Robinson,—is evidenced by the clear exposition of their claims, in the answer they gave to charges against them of dissembling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of the French Reformed Churches, and of undue license in differing from those professed forms of worship:

“In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every detail, you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much less ought any Christian or Church in the world do so. The French may err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in many circumstances. That honour of infallibility belongs, therefore, only to the word of God and pure testament of Christ, to be followed as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter may digress or differ from them with impunity.”

On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford’s disparagement of Utopian schemes of communal, or socialistic, forms of government. Here is his conservative argument, based on the experience of the first few years of their colonization:

“The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have been to the general benefit and comfort.... If (it was thought) all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it did not actually abolish those very relations which God himself has set among men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this is due to human failing rather than to this communistic plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life was fitter for them.”

Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford’s sure instinct led him always to follow the guidance of a wise and benevolent Providence, working for the rational and natural evolution of mankind, which humanity could expedite only by a plain, unsophisticated reliance upon truth and goodness, as incarnate in the divine character and life of Christ.

If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to appreciate the almost unearthly value of Bradford’s History, it is because we ourselves are still too close to the opening of that era in modern civilization,—yet in its early stages of development,—with which it is concerned. I believe that, among the world’s archives of contemporary chronicles of the human race, future generations will attribute to his annals a value far higher than that which we at present ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels themselves.

Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of interests of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh ourselves at the glorious founts of freedom which constitute their common heritage.

Harold Paget.

Silver Mine, Conn. 1920.

BRADFORD’S HISTORY

OF THE

PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BRADFORD’S HISTORY

of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT

BOOK I

1608-1620

PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND—SETTLEMENT IN HOLLAND (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN)—CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO AMERICA—LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW PLYMOUTH.

CHAPTER I

Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement.

First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those concerned in it. In order that I may give an accurate account of the project, I must begin at the very root and rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to do in a plain style and with singular regard to the truth,—at least as near as my slender judgment can attain to it.

As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light of the gospel in England, which was the first country to be thus enlightened after the gross darkness of popery had overspread the Christian world, Satan has maintained various wars against the Saints, from time to time, in different ways,—sometimes by bloody death and cruel torment, at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other wrongs,—as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, the truth prevail, and the Church of God revert to their ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could not stifle by these means the main truths of the gospel, which began to take rooting in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. For when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the heathen Emperors could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, which speedily overspread the then best known parts of the world, he began to sow errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy themselves, working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in some measure, are subject. Woful effects followed; not only were there bitter contentions, heartburnings, and schisms, but Satan took advantage of them to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons and decrees, which have been snares to many poor and peaceable souls to this day.

So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from internal dissension as from persecution by the heathen and their Emperors, true and orthodox Christians being oppressed by the Arians and their heretical accomplices. Socrates bears witness to this in his second book. His words are these: “Indeed, the violence was no less than that practised of old towards the Christians when they were compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured various kinds of torment—often racking and dismemberment of their joints, confiscation of their goods, or banishment from their native soil.”

Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later times, ever since the truth began to spring and spread after the great defection of that man of sin, the Papal Antichrist. Passing by the infinite examples throughout the world as well as in our country, when that old serpent found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then went more closely to work, not merely to oppress but to ruin and destroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle means, and by kindling flames of contention and sowing seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed clergy and laity themselves.

Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and confessors who were burned and otherwise tormented in Queen Mary’s days, as many as 800 students and others fled out of England, and formed separate congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, Geneva, etc.

Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers—especially amongst those at Frankfort,—arose a bitter war of contention and persecution about the ceremonies and the service book and other such popish and anti-Christian stuff, the plague of England to this day. Such practises are like the high places in Israel, which the prophets cried out against; and the better part of the reformers sought to root them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity of the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences, sought as stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their own advancement. This appears in the account of these contentions published in 1575—a book that deserves to be better known.

The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the right worship of God and the discipline of Christ in the Church according to the simplicity of the gospel and without the mixture of men’s inventions, and to be ruled by the laws of God’s word dispensed by such officers as Pastors, Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures.

The other party,—the episcopal,—under many pretences, endeavoured to maintain the episcopal dignity after the popish manner,—with all its courts, canons, and ceremonies; its livings, revenues, subordinate officers, and other means of upholding their anti-Christian greatness, and of enabling them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that neither the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties were subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies, could prevail with the episcopal party. They proceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church of dissenters, even so far as to accuse (very unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) some of its chief members with rebellion and high-treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes.

And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor was it left beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal party of the Protestants returned to England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishoprics and other promotions, according to their aims and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred towards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, represented by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; furthermore, for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds of devices were used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as a danger to the commonwealth; arguing that it was most needful that the fundamental points of religion should be preached in these ignorant and superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak and ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless ceremonies; and that though reforms were desirable, this was not the time for them. Many such excuses were put forward to silence the more godly, and to induce them to yield to one ceremony after another, and one corruption after another. By these wiles some were beguiled and others corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which has no ground in the word of God, but is a relic of that man of sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged subjection to these corruptions,—so that, notwithstanding all their former pretences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave them the name of “Puritans,” which it is said the novations assumed out of pride. It is lamentable to see the effects which have followed. Religion has been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, while others have lost their lives in prisons and other ways; on the other hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, and atheism have increased, and the papists have been encouraged to hope again for a day.

This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. ii. “Religion,” said he, “has been amongst us these thirty-five years; but the more it is disseminated, the more it is condemned by many. Thus, not profanity or wickedness, but Religion itself is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman who begins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve within himself to sustain mocks and injuries as though he lived among the enemies of religion.” Common experience has confirmed this and made it only too apparent.[1]

But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by the zeal of some godly preachers, and God’s blessing on their labours, many in the North of England and other parts become enlightened by the word of God and had their ignorance and sins discovered to them, and began by His grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they were scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers were compelled to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people were persecuted with apparators and pursuants and the commissary courts. Nevertheless, they bore it all for several years in patience, until by the increase of their troubles they began to see further into things by the light of the word of God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary to the freedom of the gospel and would burden men’s consciences and thus profane the worship of God.

On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch commentaries: “At the coming of King James into England, the new King found established there the reformed religion of Edward VI., but retaining the spiritual office of the bishops,—differing in this from the reformed churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden, Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to the first Christian churches of the Apostles’ times.”

Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, shook off this yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord’s free people joined themselves together by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of the gospel to walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something, the ensuing history will declare.

These people became two distinct bodies or churches and congregated separately; for they came from various towns and villages about the borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire. One of these churches was led by Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling into some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents buried themselves,—and their names! To the other church, which is the subject of this discourse, belonged besides other worthy men, Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of the conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for many years, till the Lord took him away; also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who was afterwards chosen an Elder of the church, and lived with them till old age. But after the events referred to above, they were not long permitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and persecuted on every side, until their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in comparison. Some were clapped into prison; others had their houses watched night and day, and escaped with difficulty; and most were obliged to fly, and leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet these and many other even severer trials which afterwards befell them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear by the assistance of God’s grace and spirit. However, being thus molested, and seeing that there was no hope of their remaining there, they resolved by consent to go into the Low Countries, where they heard there was freedom of religion for all; and it was said that many from London and other parts of the country, who had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, having kept their meeting for the worship of God every Sabbath in one place or another, notwithstanding the diligence and malice of their adversaries, seeing that they could no longer continue under such circumstances, they resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they could—which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more will be told in the next chapter.

CHAPTER II

Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608

For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their native soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, was a great sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But to go into a country unknown to them, where they must learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, and a misery worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted country, having been used only to a plain country life and the innocent pursuit of farming. But these things did not dismay them, though they sometimes troubled them; for their desires were set on the ways of God, to enjoy His ordinances; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom they had believed.

But this was not all; for though it was made intolerable for them to stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports were shut against them, so that they had to seek secret means of conveyance, to bribe the captains of ships, and give extraordinary rates for their passages. Often they were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance or two of these experiences.

A large number of them had decided to take passage from Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the captain to be ready at a convenient place on a certain day to take them and their belongings. After long waiting and great expense—he had not kept day with them—he came at last and took them aboard at night. But when he had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, having arranged beforehand with the searchers and other officers to do so. They then put them in open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money,—and even the women, further than became modesty,—and took them back to the town and made a spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on all sides to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of their money, books, and other property, they were brought before the magistrates, and messengers were sent to inform the Lords of the Council about them. The magistrates treated them courteously, and showed them what favour they could; but dare not free them until order came from the council-table. The result was, however, that after a month’s imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and sent back to the places whence they came; but seven of the leaders were kept in prison, and bound over to the Assizes.

Next spring there was another attempt made by some of the same people, with others, to get over from a different place. They heard of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship of his own belonging to Zealand, and they made an agreement with him, and acquainted him with their plight, hoping to find him more reliable than the English captain had been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take them aboard between Grimsby and Hull, where there was a large common a good way from any town. The women and children, with all their effects, were sent to the place at the time arranged in a small bark which they had hired; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so happened that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and the sea being rough, and the women very sick, the sailors put into a creek hard by, where they grounded at low water. The next morning the ship came, but they were stuck fast and could not stir till about noon. In the meantime, the captain of the ship, seeing how things were, sent his boat to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard and she was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large body of horse and foot, armed with bills and guns and other weapons,—for the country side had turned out to capture them. The Dutchman, seeing this, swore his country’s oath, “sacramente,” and having a fair wind, weighed anchor, hoist sail, and away! The poor men already aboard were in great distress for their wives and children, left thus to be captured, and destitute of help,—and for themselves, too, without any clothes but what they had on their backs, and scarcely a penny about them, all their possessions being aboard the bark, now seized. It drew tears from their eyes, and they would have given anything to be ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they must thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful storm at sea, and it was fourteen days or more before they reached port, in seven of which they saw neither sun, moon, nor stars, being driven near the coast of Norway. The sailors themselves often despaired, and once with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered and they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when man’s hope and help wholly failed, there appeared the Lord’s power and mercy to save them; for the ship rose again, and gave the crew courage to manage her. If modesty permitted, I might declare with what fervent prayers the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress,—even remaining fairly collected when the water ran into their mouths and ears; and when the sailors called out, “We sink, we sink,” they cried (if not with miraculous, yet with sublime faith): “Yet Lord, Thou canst save; yet Lord, Thou canst save!” Upon which, the ship not only righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comfort as but few can understand, and in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the people came flocking, astonished at their deliverance, the storm having been so long and violent.

But to return to the rest where we left them. The other men, who were in greatest danger, made shift to escape before the troops could surprise them, only sufficient staying to assist the women. But it was pitiful to see these poor women in their distress. What weeping and crying on every side: some for their husbands carried away in the ship; others not knowing what would become of them and their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold! Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, till in the end the officers knew not what to do with them; for to imprison so many innocent women and children only because they wished to go with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would cause an outcry; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged, as was the truth, that they had no homes to go to,—for they had sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on any terms; for all were wearied and tired of them. Though in the meantime, they, poor souls, endured misery enough. So in the end, necessity forced a way for them.

But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which they endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land and sea. I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of it all. For by these public afflictions, their cause became famous, and led many to inquire into it; and their Christian behaviour left a deep impression on the minds of many. Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and no wonder; but many more came forward with fresh courage and animated the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms of opposition, they all got over, some from one place, some from another, and met together again with no small rejoicing.

CHAPTER III

Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620

Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with troops of armed men; and they heard a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the different manners and customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attire—all so far differing from their own plain country villages wherein they were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they had come into a new world. But these were not the things they gave much attention to. They had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage. For though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw the grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could not fly; but they were armed with faith and patience against him and all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by God’s assistance, they prevailed and got the victory.

When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other principal members had arrived,—they were among the last, having stayed to help the weakest over,—such things were deliberated as were necessary for their settling and for the best ordering of the church affairs. When they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that Mr. John Smith and his followers had already fallen out with the church which was there previously, and that nothing could avail to end the quarrel, and also that the flames of contention were likely to break out in the parent church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass); they thought it best to move, before they were in any way involved, though they knew it would be to their worldly disadvantage, both at present and probably in the future,—as indeed it proved to be.

For these and other reasons, then, they removed to Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, of a sweet situation, made famous by its university, in which recently there had been so many learned men. However, lacking seafaring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being settled here, they fell to such trades and employments as they best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatever; and at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living, though only by dint of hard and continual labour.

Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many years in good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet and delightful intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways of God, under the able ministry and prudent government of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who before had been his assistant in place of an Elder, to which position he was now called and chosen by the church. So they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness; and many came to them from different parts of England, so that there grew up a great congregation. And if any differences arose or offences broke out,—as cannot but be even amongst the best of men,—they were always so met with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, peace, and communion continued; or, in some instances, the church was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve. Indeed, such was the love and respect that this worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it once was of the famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more delighted in having such a people or they in having such a pastor. His love was great towards them, and his care was always bent to their best good both for soul and body; for, besides his singular ability in divine things (wherein he excelled), he was also very able in directing their civil affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was very helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way a common father to them. None offended him more than those who kept apart from the rest, and neglected the common good; or those who were rigid in matters of outward order and would inveigh against the evil of others, and yet were remiss themselves and not too careful to maintain virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they esteemed him whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, it was even more so after his death, when they came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together, towards God and His ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection of one towards another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other church of these later times has done.

It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst they lived in the Low Countries,—which would require a large treatise of itself,—but to show the beginnings of the New Plymouth Settlement. But since some of their adversaries, upon their departure from Leyden of their own free will, uttered slanders against them, as if the country had been weary of them and had driven them out, as the heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when they went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two to show the contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place where they lived.

First, though many of them were poor, there were none so poor but that if they were known to be of that congregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust them to any reasonable extent when they lacked money to buy what they needed. They found by experience how careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent they were in their callings, that they would even compete for their custom, and employ them in preference to others.

Again, about the time of their departure, or a little before, the magistrates of the city, gave this commendable testimony of them in the public place of justice in reproof to the Walloons, who were of the French church there. “These English,” said they, “have lived among us these twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation against any of them; but your strifes and quarrels are continual.”

At this time occurred the great trouble with the Arminians, who molested the whole state, and this city in particular, where the chief university was situated. So there were daily hot disputes in the schools thereabouts, and the students and other learned people were divided in their opinions between two professors of divinity, the one daily teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the other against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, though he preached thrice a week himself and wrote several books, besides his many other duties, went constantly to hear their readings, the one as well as the other; so he became well-grounded in their controversy and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself,—as appeared by various disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the Arminians, so that Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put forth his best strength and advanced various Theses which he asserted he would defend against all comers in public dispute.

Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preachers of the city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his challenge, but he was loth to do so, being a stranger. However the others importuned him, and told him that such was the ability and nimbleness of the opponent, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So he acquiesced and prepared himself accordingly; and when the day came, the Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public audience. And he did the same thing two or three times upon similar occasions. This, while it made many praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, procured him much honour and respect from those learned men and others who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and his people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for fear of giving offence to the government of England, they would have conferred upon him some public honour. Indeed, when there was talk of their departure to America, several men of prominence in the country tried to induce them to become naturalized, and even made them large offers to do so. Though I might mention many other similar examples to show the untruth of this slander, these suffice, for it was believed by few and was raised in malice.

CHAPTER IV

Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide upon Settlement in America.

After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve years,—the period of the famous truce between the Low Countries and Spain,—several of them having died, and many others being now old, the grave mistress, Experience, having taught them much, their prudent governors began to apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and think of timely remedy. After much thought and discourse on the subject, they began at length to incline to the idea of removal to some other place; not out of any new-fangledness or other such giddy humour, which often influences people to their detriment and danger, but for many important reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch upon.

First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the country were such that comparatively few others would join them, and fewer still would bide it out and remain with them. Many who came and many more who desired to come, could not endure the continual labour and hard fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the members of the congregation, personally approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, they left them, weeping, as it were;—as Orpah did her mother-in-law, Naomi; or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos. For, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their conscience, rather than endure these privations. Some even preferred prisons in England to this liberty in Holland, with such hardships. But it was thought that if there could be found a better and easier place of living, it would attract many and remove this discouragement. Their pastor would often say, that if many of those who both wrote and preached against them were living where they might have liberty and comfortable conditions, they would then practice the same religion as they themselves did.

Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore these difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, being in the best strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on many of them, and their great and continual labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before their time; so that it was not only probable, but certain, that in a few more years they would be in danger of scattering by the necessities pressing upon them. Therefore, according to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; they, like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being surrounded by their enemies, so that they could neither fight not flee, and thought it wiser to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could be found.

Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so they themselves were forced to be, not only over their servants, but in a sort over their dearest children; which not a little wounded the hearts of many a loving father and mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful effects. Many of their children, who were of the best disposition and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and were willing to bear part of their parents’ burden, were often so oppressed with their labours, that though their minds were free and willing, their bodies bowed under the weight and became decrepit in early youth,—the vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that many of the children, influenced by these conditions, and the great licentiousness of the young people of the country, and the many temptations of the city, were led by evil example into dangerous courses, getting the reins off their necks and leaving their parents. Some became soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and others upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief of the parents and the dishonour of God. So they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and become corrupt.

Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and inward zeal of laying good foundations, or at least of making some way towards it, for the propagation and advance of the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in the remote parts of the world, even though they should be but stepping stones to others in the performance of so great a work.

These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to resolve upon their removal, which they afterwards prosecuted in the face of great difficulties, as will appear.

The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere in those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which were fruitful and fit for habitation, though devoid of all civilized inhabitants and given over to savages, who range up and down, differing little from the wild beasts themselves. This proposition when made public, found many different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The hopeful ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; others more timid, objected to it, alleging much that was neither unreasonable nor improbable. They argued that it was so big an undertaking that it was open to inconceivable perils and dangers. Besides the casualties of the seas, they asserted that the length of the voyage was such that the women, and other weak persons worn out with age and travail, could never survive it. Even if they should, they contended that the miseries which they would be exposed to in such a country, would be too hard to endure. They would be liable to famine, nakedness, and want. The change of air, diet, and water would infect them with sickness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the savages, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious in their rage, and merciless when they get the upper hand,—not content to kill, they delight in tormenting people in the most bloody manner possible; flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members and joints of others piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and eating collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live,—with other cruelties too horrible to be related.

And the very hearing of these things could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them and make the weak to quake and tremble. It was further objected that it would require greater sums of money to prepare for such a voyage, and to fit them with necessaries, than their diminished estates would amount to. Many precedents of ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others in similar undertakings were alleged,—besides their own experience in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them to live there, though it was a neighboring country and a civilized and rich commonwealth.

It was replied that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both met and overcome with answerable courage. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For, many of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to be undertaken without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; or, as many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honourable; their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they might expect the blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might they have the comfort of knowing that their endeavour was worthy.

They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; and as great miseries might befall them here as there, for the twelve years’ truce was now over, and there was nothing but beating of drums and preparation for war. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savage of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland as across the seas. After many other things had been alleged on both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake the enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they could.

CHAPTER V

Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent from the King of England: 1617-1620

After humble prayers to God for His protection and assistance, and a general conference, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon. Some had thought of Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, where the English had already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring, where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, without need of much labour, and that the Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very near.

To this it was objected that though the country was fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches and easy maintenance to the possessors, other things considered, it would not be so fit for them. First, such hot countries are subject to horrible diseases and many noisome pests, which other more temperate places are free from, and they would not agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they lived there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the French in Florida,—and the sooner because they would have no protection, and their own strength would be insufficient to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neighbour.

On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that if they lived among the English who had settled there, or so near them as to be under their government, they would be in as great danger of persecution for their religion as if they lived in England,—and it might be, worse; while, if they lived too far off, they would have neither help nor defence from them.

At length the conclusion was reached that they should live as a separate body, by themselves, under the general government of Virginia; and that through their friends they should sue his majesty to be pleased to allow them freedom of religion. That this might be granted they were led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and influence, who had become their friends.

Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent to England at the expense of the rest, to arrange the matter. They found the Virginia company anxious to have them, and willing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as they themselves had or could grant and to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt that they could obtain the King’s grant of liberty of religion, confirmed under his broad seal. But it proved a harder piece of work than they expected; and, though many means were used to accomplish it, it proved impossible. Many of high standing used their influence to obtain it,—though one of the King’s chief secretaries, Sir Robert Nanton, was against them,—and others urged the Archbishop to give way to it; but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in sounding his majesty’s mind, and found that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they behaved peaceably. But to allow or tolerate their claim to religious freedom by his public authority, under his seal, was found to be impossible. This was all the leading officials of the Virginia Company or any of their best friends could do; though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to proceed with the undertaking, believing that they would not be troubled. With this answer the messengers returned.

This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distraction. Many feared that if they should unsettle themselves and count upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous and be a sandy foundation. Indeed it was thought they might better have taken this understanding for granted, without making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected. But some of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, even though, for other reasons, he would not confirm it by any public act. And it was further contended that if there was no security in the promise thus intimated, there would be no great certainty in its further confirmation; for if, afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. With this probability of success they urged that they should trust to God’s providence for the outcome, as they had done in other things.

Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to close with the Virginia Company as well as they could and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as possible; also to arrange with such merchants and other friends as had manifested interest, to participate in the accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they were instructed upon what lines to proceed,—otherwise to conclude nothing without further orders.

Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing on these proceedings.

Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden:

After my hearty salutations.... The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with some of the more important members of his majesty’s counsel for Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles subscribed with your names have given them such satisfaction as has decided them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your own and the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the faithful report of your agents, who have carried themselves here with a discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has been very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, therefore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts there occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be given. And so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is indeed the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest.

Your very loving friend,
EDWIN SANDYS.

London, Nov. 12th, 1617.

John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin Sandys in London:

Right Worshipful,

Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singular love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our request in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of the congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia Company by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a gentleman of our congregation accompanies.

We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our enterprise:

1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto Whom and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; and that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts therein.

2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which by patience we have largely overcome.

3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world.

4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other’s good.

5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and that we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure; whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to regain our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.[2]

These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship, and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take our leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty.

Yours much bounden in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617.

For further light on these proceedings, here follow some other letters and notes.

Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden to Sir John Worstenholme in London:

Right Worshipful,

With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the three points specified by some of his majesty’s Honourable Privy Council; and though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations are made against us, we are glad of the opportunity of clearing ourselves before such honourable personages. The declarations we have enclosed. The one is more brief and general, which we think fitter to be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, expressing some small accidental differences, which if you think well you can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that your Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our parts we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as convenient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business with his majesty’s Privy Council, and accordingly what your further pleasure is, so we rest,

Your worshipful in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

Leyden, Jan. 27th, 1617.

The first brief declaration was this:

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the churches’ contribution, as also for the two sacraments,—baptism and the Lord’s supper,—we agree wholly and in all points with the French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith.

The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance.

JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

The second and ampler declaration was this:

As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though some small differences may be found in our practices,—not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental circumstances.

1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered.

2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to teach; which ability they do not require.

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or three years; ours perpetual.

4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for public scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more privately, in their consistories.

5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, at least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not observe; though in this our practice accords with their public confession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them.

Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then about the Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration.

Subscribed,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.

Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden:

Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own hands almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst he opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he read to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked me: “Who will make them?” (viz., the ministers). I answered that the power of making ministers rested with the church; that they were ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest members; that it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and the pope is antichrist. “Ho!” said Sir John, “what the pope holds good,—as the Trinity,—we do well to assent to; but we will not enter into dispute now.” As for your letters, he said he would not show them, lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you would be of the Archbishop’s mind in regard to the appointment of ministers; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to know the contents of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so much,—especially the larger.

I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King’s majesty and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the Chancellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should know more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose to be. I hope next week to have something certain to communicate. I commit you to the Lord.

Yours,
S. B.

London, Feb. 14th, 1617.

These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers passing to and fro about them, they were long delayed by many rubs. At the return of the messengers to England they found things far otherwise than they expected. The Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels among themselves, that no business could well go forward. This will appear in one of the messenger’s letters which follows:

Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Leyden:

I intended long since to have written to you, but could not effect it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. The main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in the Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently, Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company of Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor,—he having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alderman Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours diminished, was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, with many things which would both disgrace him and deprive him of his office as Governor. In these contentions they still stick, and what will result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir Edwin will win, and if he does, things will go well in Virginia; if otherwise, they will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-days things will be settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to Kent, and come up again about 14 days or three weeks hence unless these contentions or the ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will now speak) should wholly discourage us.

Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon receiving notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir George Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatisfaction. But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell’s ship did not reach there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course. The captain of the ship and some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not find the bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 persons on that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many that they were packed together like herrings. They were ill with the flux, and they lacked fresh water; so here it is rather wondered at that as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Blackwell’s fault for packing so many in the ship. There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. Blackwell was blamed for his disposition of them and his insults to them. They say the streets of Gravesend rang with their quarreling, crying out at each other: “Thou hast brought me to this;” and, “I may thank thee for this!” Heavy news it is, and I wonder how far it will discourage our project. No one here is much discouraged; they seem only to wish to learn by other men’s misfortunes. As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of being enthralled by any imperious persons,—especially if they seem to have an eye to their own advantage. It often troubles me to think that in this business all of us must learn, and none can teach; but better so, than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. He once laid a similar trap for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,—which was their ruin. But though in that instance he managed to pluck his neck out of the collar, at last his foot is caught. No letters have arrived yet, as the ship Captain Argoll came in is still on the west coast; all that we hear is his report; it seems he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. What Mr. Robinson once said has come true: that we should hear no good of them.

Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, I do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business ere I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. If things had gone straight forward, I should have been with you within these 14 days. I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which is fitting for such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster I think has more largely written of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord’s protection.

Yours in all readiness, etc.,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.

London, May 8th, 1619.

A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. Blackwell. He was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,—a man well known to most of them. He declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with them when they parted from the congregation in that woful manner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal to the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope, notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they have reached the haven of happiness; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sank under the burden of bitter afflictions.

He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of London to Virginia. Being a private meeting—I take it a fast—in London, and being discovered, many of them were arrested, Mr. Blackwell being one; but he so glozed with the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth which he had formerly maintained, and very unworthily betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the bishop’s favour (but lost the Lord’s) and was not only acquitted, but in open court the Archbishop praised him highly, and gave him his solemn blessing to proceed on his voyage. But if such events follow the Archbishop’s blessing, happy are they that miss it; it is much better to keep a good conscience and have the Lord’s blessing, whether in life or death.

But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Leyden. At last, after all these occurrences, and their long waiting, they had a patent granted them and confirmed under the Virginia Company’s seal. But these divisions had alienated many of their less constant supporters, and they were thus disappointed of much of their hoped for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, but in the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman then in the service of the Countess of Lincoln), who intended to go with them. But God so disposed things that he never went, nor did they ever make use of this patent, which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to consider, and also the propositions of such merchants and friends as would go with them or participate in the adventure,—and especially those (Mr. Thomas Weston, etc.), on whom they chiefly depended for shipping and stores,—they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain things of this world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them vanish into smoke!

CHAPTER VI

Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of the Settlement in New England: 1620.

Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their messengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation to seek the Lord’s direction; and their pastor took this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: “And David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? Then David asked counsel of the Lord again.” From this text he taught things very aptly and befitting the present occasion,—strengthening them against their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in their resolutions.

Afterwards they decided what number and which of the members should prepare to go first; for not all that were willing to go could settle their affairs in so short a time; nor if all could have been ready, would there have been means of transport for them. Those that stayed, being the greater number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay with them; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it was the more easily conceded. The others then desired the elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. It was also decided by mutual consent that those who went should be a separate church, distinct from those who stayed, since, with such a dangerous voyage before them, and removal to such a distance, it might happen that they should never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there was this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden came over to join the others, or when any of the others returned, they should be received as members without any further testimonial. It was also promised by the rest to those that went first, that if the Lord gave them life and opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they could.

About this time, while they were troubled at the proceedings of the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. Blackwell and his fellow-colonists, and were busily enquiring about the hiring or buying of shipping for their voyage, some Dutchmen made them offers about going with them. Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, came to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with some of them, having assisted them in their former proceedings,—and after much conference with Mr. Robinson and other chief members, he persuaded them to go on, and not to join with the Dutch, or to depend too much on the Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he and some of his merchant-friends would supplement their means and set them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither want of shipping nor of money; what they needed should be provided. And, not so much for himself as for the satisfaction of his friends, they were to draw up articles of agreement, and make a proposition such as would be likely to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which an agreement was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by him, and was afterwards sent to England by their messenger, Mr. John Carver, who, together with Robert Cushman, were to receive the money and make provision both for shipping and other things for the voyage. They were charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed according to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen to proceed with similar arrangements which were to be made there. Those that were to go, prepared with all speed, and sold their estates, putting their money into the common stock, which was in charge of those appointed to make the general provisions.

About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and others, that sundry honourable lords had obtained a large grant from the King, of the more northerly parts of the country, arising out of the Virginia Company’s patent, but wholly separated from its government, and to be called by another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. Weston and the chief members began to feel that it was best for them to go,—amongst other reasons, chiefly because of the profit to be made from the fishing there.

But in all business the executive part is most difficult,—especially where the concurrence of many agents is necessary. And so it was found to be in this undertaking: some of those in England, who were to have gone, changed their minds and would not go; other merchants and friends, who had offered to invest their money in the project, withdrew, making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana; others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Virginia; some again—indeed those they had most relied on—utterly disapproved of Virginia, and would do nothing if they went there. In the midst of these distractions, those at Leyden, who had disposed of their property and expended their money, were in great straits and feared disastrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the New England Settlement.

But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some of his friends (either for their own advantage, or, as they pretended, to make further inducements for others to join them) insisted on altering some of the conditions that had been agreed upon at Leyden. To these alterations the two agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise it would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the new terms, in some particulars overstepping their authority and commission, and without giving due notice. Indeed, the fact that it was concealed for fear of any further delay, afterwards caused much trouble and contention.

I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as follows.

July 1st, 1620.

1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes, of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned as a single share.

2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10, either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in stock; and in the division shall receive a double share.

3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any persons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the division.

4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such commodities as shall be most useful for the colony.

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits, viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally divided among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man shall be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this adventure.

6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall contribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed proportionately to the time of his doing so.

7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, a single share in the division; or if he provide them with necessaries, a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, two of them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation and division.

8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of unmanured land.

9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, their executors to have their part or share at the division, proportionately to the time of their life in the colony.

10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have their food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common stock and goods of the said colony.

The principal difference between this and the former agreement, consisted of these two points: that the houses and improved lands, especially gardens and home-lots, should remain undivided, and should belong wholly to the planters at the seven years’ end; secondly, that they should have two days a week for their own private employment, for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. But as letters are considered the best part of history by some wise men, I will show their grievances on the score by their own letters.

Mr. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England:

My dear Friend and Brother.

Whom, with yours, I always remember in my best affection, and whose welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best and most earnest prayers.

You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want of shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in addition, there is great want of money for other needful things. Mr. Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here; though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many hundred pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it seems strange that we should be asked to take the risk of his and his partners’ enterprise,—and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that he has drawn upon him for £100 more. There is some mystery in this, as indeed there seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, those who were to pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, refuse to do it till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for its provision. Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would pay anything, if he had his money in his purse again. We depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure; and when we had in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we broke it off at his instance and upon the conditions propounded by him shortly after. He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know; but he has not fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to have put in his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well excuse, he being a merchant, and having uses for it in the meantime to his benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, would have expended it. But that he should not have had shipping ready before this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made known to us, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard that when he has been urged about the business, he has put it off and referred it to others; or would go to George Morton and enquire news of him about things, as if he himself had scarcely been even an accessory to it. Whether some of his friends have failed him, and so he is not able to go through with things; or whether he fears it will be ready too soon and so increase the charge of shipping; or whether he thought by holding back to put us in straits, thinking that thereby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be induced to do more; or what other mystery is in it, we know not. But certain we are that the arrangements made do not accord with the requirements. Mr. Weston makes himself merry with our endeavours to buy a ship; but we have done nothing about this without good reason, nor about anything else that I know of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert Cushman, who though a good man and of special ability in his way is known to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his singularity and too great indifference to the circumstances,—for, as a matter of fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and suggestions. The other is that we have relied too much by implicit faith as it were, upon generalities, without having the details of ways and means for so important an affair settled between us. For shipping, Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he may soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I do not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified in former letters.

About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but upon fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division of them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not to deny to the planters the two days a week for private use. Consider how unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should serve a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom from task.

Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of useful faculties; how many; and particulars of everything. I know you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in London all this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest.

Yours to use,
JOHN ROBINSON.

June 14th, 1620.

Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in England:

To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman:
Good Brethren,

We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give up—partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no brains,—we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to our pastor’s former reasons. But our desire is that you will not bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz., that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days a week for their own work, as agreed upon,—otherwise we cannot conceive why any of us should take servants for our own help and comfort, since we could demand no service of them. This alteration we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, and not from any letters of yours; so we hope you have not proceeded far in so great a departure from the terms without our concurrence. However, requiring you not to exceed the bounds of your commission, which was to proceed upon the conditions agreed upon and expressed in writing, we leave it,—not without wondering that you yourselves, as you write, knowing how small a thing disturbs our consultations, and hew few understand the business aright, should trouble us with such matters as these.

Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived. Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you think good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under God, we rely much upon him and put our confidence in him; and that as you well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not have entered upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not seen means to accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we hope that he will so far help us that our expectations in him be not disappointed. Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, and to supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, His poor children and servants, that we may with comfort behold the hand of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, which we undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and remain,

Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren,
SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD
EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON

June 10th, 1620.

Robert Cushman in England to the foregoing at Leyden:

Brethren,

I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally by word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man. I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to come and make things clear to you; but as things now stand I cannot be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage; nor do I conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, brethren, this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dislike of the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see it aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers here except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. £500 was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because of it, and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston excepted), if we had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden concluded upon certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the equity of the new condition as against our inconveniences, which might be set against all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, and showed that without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence when we arrived. Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other men’s wiser than myself, without answer to any one of them, many complaints are directed against me, of lording it over my brethren, and making conditions fitter for thieves and bondslaves than honest men. And at last came a paper of reasons against that clause in the conditions, which since they were delivered to me open, my answer shall be open to you all.

1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses and lands, it would have been better for the poor:—

True,—and that shows the inequality of the original conditions: we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his person, than him that ventures his person only.

2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing a storehouse. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for seven years; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us be rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in such an undertaking start out with the cry,—Poor, poor; mercy, mercy! Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures.

3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary to sound politics:—

So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to and run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear.

4. The government can prevent excess in building:—

But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest houses, the Governor’s labour is spared.

5. All men are not of one condition:—

If by “condition” you mean “wealth” you are mistaken; if you mean by “condition,” “qualities,” then I say that he who is not content that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc., as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as have an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching is, than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society, either civil or religious.

6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5:—

True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints first reached us here.

7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own profit, as did the old adventurers:—

Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit your main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others have; and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are undertaken by all sorts of men, and we must try to content them all if we can.

8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many reasons:—

That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster community, as may be shown by many reasons.

9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc.:—

As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that way, we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands will be of less value.

10. Our risk is greater than theirs:—

True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has not the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, any more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to go, they are content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed out a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stir about them.

Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being made; but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent you the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for personal occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a week, as far as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the adventurers about times of working, they said they hoped we were men of discretion and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that. But indeed the grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mistaken.

As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have gone to Rome as with us; for our liberty is to them as rat’s-bane, and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will undertake they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we go; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the clothes on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come to pass.

Yours,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.

Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden, I know not; I rather think it was intercepted by Mr. Carver and kept by him, for fear it should give offence. But the letter which follows was received.

Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from Leyden:

I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with another the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savouring of the place whence it came. And indeed, the many discouragements I find here, together with the demurs there, made me say I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his coming acquaint him fully with all, and so leave it entirely with only the poor clothes on my back. But gathering myself up, on further consideration I resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint Mr. Weston with the unstable condition of things. He has been very discontented with us of late, and has even said that but for his promise he would have nothing more to do with the business; but considering how far we have gone already and how it stood with our credit, he pulled himself together, and coming to me two hours after, he told me he would not yet abandon it. So we decided to hire a ship, and have taken the option of one till Monday. It is small, but except one that was too large for our purpose, we could not get a larger; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends over there are so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without troubling them any further; and if the ship is too small, it is only fitting that those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall rest them there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere seven years be ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly a month ago, and had written as you do now, we could have concluded things with less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our friends there, if they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may be bought there,—all the rest we will provide here; and if even that be impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and we will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot here, a Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of cattle.

You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will leave here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to answer the complaints; but if I had more mind to go and dispute with them than I have care of this important project, I should be like those who live by clamour and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered with business, and had rather study to be quiet than to make answer to their exceptions. Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too busy in questioning my actions before they know them. If I do things that I cannot give reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool about your business; in that case you had best return the reproof to yourselves, and send another, and let me return to my combes. The Lord, Who judges justly without respect of persons, see into the equity of my cause and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds in all these turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection.

I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days.

Your poor brother,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.

June 11th, 1620.

There arose, also, a difference between the three that received the money and made the provisions in England; for besides the two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden,—John Carver and Robert Cushman,—there was one chosen in England to join them in making provisions for the voyage. His name was Mr. Martin; he came from Billirike in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well as from London and other places. It was thought right by those in Holland that these strangers who were to go with them should appoint some one, not so much from any great need of their help, as to avoid all suspicion or jealousy. Indeed their care not to give offence, both in this and other things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced them, as will appear. However, it showed their equal and honest minds. The provisions were made for the most part at Southampton, contrary to Mr. Weston’s and Robert Cushman’s advice (which generally concurred in these things). Reference to these matters is made in the following letter from Robert Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterwards.

Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton:

Loving Friend,

I have received some letters from you, full of affection and complaints; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with more money than his share in the adventure; while he protests that, but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He says we take a heady course; and he is offended that our provisions are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted with our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three places, so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, wrangling and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we start. And to tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. We are readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have received from Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed to you; though as they only concern me I will not trouble you with them.

I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without their company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. We have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon 150 persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth, stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come short at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced the beer and other provisions; and now we could get, both in Amsterdam and Kent, beer enough; but we cannot accept it without prejudice.

You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in consultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless, and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective of us. However, your money which you must have there, we will provide you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the rest, which will be required here and in Holland, we may go scratch for it. As for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, he has promised to go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see him shipped, for he is contentious on many points; still, I hope he will not fail. Think the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and the Lord guide us all.

Your loving friend,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.

London, June 10th, 1620.

I have been more discursive on these subjects,—and shall crave leave to be so concerning some similar occurrences which will follow; though in other things I shall try to be more concise. My object is that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers had to wrestle in accomplishing the first beginnings; and how God ultimately brought them through, notwithstanding all their weakness and infirmities; also that some use may be made of them later, by others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end this chapter.

CHAPTER VII

Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620.

At length after much discussion everything was got ready. A small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended to help transport them, and then to remain in the country for fishing and such other pursuits as might benefit the colony. Another ship was hired at London, of about 180 tons. When they were ready to depart, they had a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra viii., 21: “And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of Him a right way for us and for our children, and for all our substance.” Upon this discourse he spent a good part of the day very profitably. The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great fervency and abundance of tears.

The time having come when they must depart, they were accompanied by most of their brethren out of the city to a town several miles off, called Delfthaven, where the ship lay ready to take them. So they left that good and pleasant city, which had been their resting place for nearly twelve years; but they knew they were pilgrims, and lifted up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as could not come with them followed them, and several came from Amsterdam to see them shipped and to take leave of them. That night there was little sleep for most of them, for it was spent in friendly entertainment and Christian discourse and other real expressions of true Christian love. The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their friends with them,—and truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and prayers rose from amongst them! What tears gushed from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each heart! Many of the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide which stays for no man called them away, though loth to part; and their reverent pastor, falling down on his knees, and all with him, with watery cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leave of one another,—which proved to be the last leave for many of them.

Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship from London lying ready with all the rest of the company. After a joyful welcome and mutual congratulations with other friendly entertainment, they came to the subject of their business, and how to conclude it most expeditiously, and discussed with their agents the alteration of the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done in London. Mr. Cushman answered that he had done nothing but what was essential, both in fairness and of necessity, otherwise all would have been sacrificed and many ruined. He stated that at the outset he had acquainted his fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had consented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in London and send it down to them at Southampton, where they wished to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, though it was against his advice and some of the merchants’. As for giving them notice at Leyden, about this change he could not, because of the shortness of time; again, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the business, which had already been too long delayed, considering the time of the year, which he feared they would find to their cost.