The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
Twenty-ninth Regiment
OF
MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEER INFANTRY,
IN
THE LATE WAR OF THE REBELLION.
By
WILLIAM H. OSBORNE,
A Member of the Regiment.
BOSTON:
ALBERT J. WRIGHT, PRINTER, 79 MILK STREET.
(Corner of Federal.)
1877.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by
William H. Osborne,
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
CONTENTS.
| [PREFACE.] | 3 |
| [HISTORY.] | 8 |
| [CHAPTER I.] | 8 |
| [CHAPTER II.] | 16 |
| [CHAPTER III.] | 19 |
| [CHAPTER IV.] | 23 |
| [CHAPTER V.] | 31 |
| [CHAPTER VI.] | 37 |
| [CHAPTER VII.] | 41 |
| [CHAPTER VIII.] | 44 |
| [CHAPTER IX.] | 48 |
| [CHAPTER X.] | 56 |
| [CHAPTER XI.] | 73 |
| [CHAPTER XII.] | 84 |
| [CHAPTER XIII.] | 97 |
| [CHAPTER XIV.] | 111 |
| [CHAPTER XV.] | 128 |
| [CHAPTER XVI.] | 141 |
| [CHAPTER XVII.] | 161 |
| [CHAPTER XVIII.] | 177 |
| [CHAPTER XIX.] | 196 |
| [CHAPTER XX.] | 212 |
| [CHAPTER XXI.] | 233 |
| [CHAPTER XXII.] | 243 |
| [CHAPTER XXIII.] | 258 |
| [CHAPTER XXIV.] | 273 |
| [CHAPTER XXV.] | 290 |
| [CHAPTER XXVI.] | 307 |
| [CHAPTER XXVII.] | 324 |
| [THE ROSTER OF THE REGIMENT NOTE.] | 344 |
| [THE ROSTER OF THE REGIMENT.] | 345 |
| [THE DEAD.] | 347 |
| [APPENDIX.] | 384 |
| [PARADE OF THE REGIMENT, September 17, 1877.] | 391 |
PREFACE.
At the outset, I desire to thank all who have rendered me any assistance in connection with this work. To His Excellency, Governor Rice, I am indebted for a very liberal subscription and many words of encouragement; to my friend and townsman, Honorable Benjamin W. Harris, for copies of orders from the War Department; to General James A. Cunningham, Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, for facilitating my investigations of his records, and granting me unusual privileges in his office; to Major S. B. Phinney of Barnstable and Honorable William T. Davis of Plymouth, for loan of papers, and reports of their towns; to Mr. Charles H. Edson and Millard E. Brown, Esq., of East Bridgewater, for assistance in copying numerous papers; to my comrades, General Joseph H. Barnes, Colonels Thomas William Clarke, Henry R. Sibley, and Willard D. Tripp, Majors Charles T. Richardson and Samuel H. Doten, Captains William D. Chamberlain, Jonas K. Tyler, and James H. Osgood, Lieutenants Thomas Conant, J. O’Neil, and John Lucas, Sergeants Samuel C. Wright, John H. Hancock, and Walter A. Kezar, and Samuel Wells Hunt and Preston Hooper, for indispensable aid in preparing rolls and imparting valuable information.
In the course of my researches, I have freely consulted the diaries and letters of several of my brother soldiers, the records of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, the excellent reports of the Committee of Congress “On the Conduct of the War,” several works of Southern authors, the “History of the Civil War in America,” by the Count of Paris, a large number of pamphlets, newspapers (Northern and Southern), beside many other publications, collecting, in the course of the seven years in which I have been engaged in this self-imposed task, a very large and varied assortment of the literature of the war.
Where radically different versions of the same event have been given me, I have generally adopted that of the officer who had the responsible command at the time, or of the soldier whose relations to the event were such as to afford him the best means of accurate knowledge. In other cases, I have used my own judgment in the premises, adopting or discarding the version that seemed to me most in harmony or at variance with the truth.
Knowing the sensitive nature of most soldiers, and not wishing to excite new or revive old jealousies, I at first resolved to avoid the bestowal of praise upon any one connected with the regiment. But I soon found that this plan was as difficult of execution as it would be unjust in its operation. I therefore abandoned it, and I desire it to be distinctly understood that I assume the entire responsibility for all I have said in the following pages, commendatory or otherwise, of any person, having had no motives of favoritism or feelings of prejudice, that I am aware of. My position in the regiment being that of a mere private soldier, rendered me naturally neutral, especially toward the officers; what I have said in praise of them, therefore, I have said from a sense of justice alone.
One of the most difficult parts of my task has been that of preparing the rolls of the regiment; and I am compelled to admit, much to my sorrow, that here I have failed to overcome certain difficulties that existed from the first, and which must increase in magnitude with every passing year. After the most careful investigation, I have not, in most instances, been able to give more than the name of and the highest rank attained by each soldier. My failure to accomplish more than this, is owing to the imperfect condition of our rolls at the War Department, and the impossibility of holding personal conferences or having communication with many of the living members.
In attempting even what I have indicated, it is possible that I have made errors; but if these be not more serious than mistakes about rank or the right spelling of a name, I shall be grateful, for I have had fears that, after all, the names of a few who served faithfully in the regiment have been omitted altogether. On the other hand, it is more than probable that the names of soldiers appear upon our rolls who deserted, or who never joined the regiment for service. I concluded, however, not to drop the name of any man from the rolls that had ever been properly put there, and to give no lists of deserters, for the reason that some so reported upon our official rolls were not deserving of such a record, and that others who did desert had previously been most excellent soldiers; and believing that they themselves must regret having yielded to this temptation, often pressing, I have no desire to add to their shame or their sorrow by anything which I might say.
Of the general plan of this work, but little need be said. I have made no attempts at word-painting or fine writing, have endeavored to give as many pertinent anecdotes as space would permit, and tell the story of the regiment in a simple, straightforward way.
The liberal space given in the first part of the volume to the actions of cities and towns and private individuals in connection with the formation of the several companies, I regard as justifiable, on the ground of the unquestionable historical value of such facts. If, however, I have devoted more space to one city or town than another, or to one company than another, it is because I had in the one case more material to select from, and because some comrades have taken more pains than others to furnish me facts in regard to the organization of their companies.
Several of my comrades to whom I appealed for aid seven years ago, when I sent out a circular letter announcing my intention to write the regimental history, comprehended better than myself the magnitude of the undertaking, and consequently had but little faith in its final success. That they were slow at first to respond to my request for assistance, and were reluctant to confide to me their journals and letters,—to them precious mementos of the war,—I do not now marvel. Two years later, however, I convinced them of my well-settled purpose to perform faithfully this work, and from that day to this they have seconded all my efforts in a manner that causes me to feel very grateful.
If I have succeeded in writing a truthful history of the old regiment,—one that will be treasured by my brothers in arms and valuable to the future historian,—I shall feel rewarded for all the many hours of labor that I have bestowed upon it.
W. H. O.
East Bridgewater, Mass., } August 4, 1877. }
HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
Preliminary Remarks—Early War Action in Massachusetts—Birth of the Regiment, and how it chanced to be designated the Twenty-ninth.
The Twenty-ninth Regiment of the Massachusetts Volunteers had its origin in some of the earliest war actions of the people of this patriotic Commonwealth, though its numerical designation would seem to suggest a state of facts quite the contrary.
The citizen who finds the name of his ancestor on the “Lexington Alarm List” of the 19th of April, 1775, considers himself richer than before in all that constitutes a proud family record, and feels that an honor has been conferred upon him by reason of this early and honorable military service of his progenitor. In a war waged for the defence of the Republic established by the toils and sufferings of our revolutionary fathers, at Lexington and on later fields, it is an honor not to be lightly esteemed to have one’s name recorded and borne upon the roll of those who were the first to enlist in a cause so worthy.
This honor belongs in a peculiar sense to those volunteer soldiers who composed the seven companies that formed the nucleus of the Twenty-ninth Regiment; for they were not only among the first to enlist, but were the first in Massachusetts and all New England to be mustered into the service of the United States for a term of three years.[1]
As the history of the regiment, therefore, begins with the beginning of hostilities, we must preface our account of its organization with some pertinent remarks concerning the earliest efforts to raise troops in Massachusetts.
The first official act relating to the war was the somewhat famous General Order, No. 4, by direction of the Governor, dated January 16, 1861, requiring the Adjutant-General to ascertain with accuracy the number of the officers and men of the volunteer militia who would instantly respond to any call of the President of the United States for troops. On the 23d of January, 1861, the Legislature passed a Resolve, tendering the aid of the Commonwealth to the President of the United States, in enforcing the laws and preserving the Union. On the 15th of February, an Act was approved, providing for the retention in the service of all volunteer militia companies then existing, and for the organization, “as the public exigency may require,” of additional companies of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, the same to be formed, on petition to the Commander-in-Chief, by the mayor and aldermen or selectmen of cities and towns. The first appropriation which seems to have been made for war purposes was by an Act, approved April 3, 1861, the text of which we here give because of its importance:—
“Resolved, That the Adjutant and Acting Quartermaster-General be, and he is hereby authorized, under the direction of the Governor and Council, to provide, either by contract or otherwise, a sufficient number of overcoats, blankets, knapsacks, haversacks, and other articles of equipment, camp utensils, and trenching tools, as may be required to equip two thousand troops for active service; and a sum not exceeding twenty-five thousand dollars is hereby appropriated for that purpose.”
[Chap. 67, Acts of 1861.
Other Acts were passed subsequently to these already named, though not so directly pertinent, but all having the same object; namely, the preparing of the militia for active service, and providing the means of carrying on the war, then so soon expected to burst upon the country. Of these several Resolves, none are perhaps more noticeable for the strong spirit of patriotism that pervades them, than those of May 21 and May 23, 1861. The first was an Act entitled “An Act in addition to an Act to provide for the maintenance of the Union and the Constitution,” and is preceded by the following preamble:—
“Whereas, The people of Massachusetts regard with like feelings of loyalty and affection the Government of the United States and that of their own Commonwealth, and deem it fit that the arms of each should be strengthened by all which the other can give;
“And whereas, Some emergency may arise, during the recess of the Legislature, in which the aid of Massachusetts may be of service to the General Government in its financial arrangements; therefore, Be it enacted,” etc.
By this remarkably patriotic Resolve, the Governor, with the advice of the Council, was authorized to issue scrip, or certificates of debt, in the name of the Commonwealth, for such sums, not exceeding seven millions of dollars, as he, with the advice of the Council, might deem needful. The scrip so issued was to be sold, and the proceeds loaned to the United States Government, or expended in purchasing its treasury notes, or “delivered to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, in exchange for obligations of the United States Government, of corresponding amount.”
The second Resolve referred to was entitled “An Act in aid of the families of volunteers, and for other purposes,” by which cities and towns were permitted to raise money by taxation, and apply the same in aid of the wife and children of any of their inhabitants who, as a member of the volunteer militia, enlisted into the service of the United States. By the same Act, it was provided that the State should reimburse towns and cities for all aid furnished in pursuance of this law, to an extent limited therein; and by section four of the Act, any city or town was authorized “to organize an armed police or guard,” whenever danger from an attack by sea was apprehended.[2]
For nearly three months before the first act of hostilities, the militia of the Commonwealth were busily engaged in drilling in their several armories; almost nightly, throughout the long, memorable winter of 1861, the patriotic soldiers of the State assembled and received from their instructors, lessons in the manual of arms and other military matters, and prepared themselves as best they could to answer the first summons to the field.
Finally, as the winter waned, and the signs of war began to thicken, these citizen-soldiers became clamorous for active service, and on the 13th of April, the Adjutant-General addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, asking permission to garrison forts Warren and Independence, in Boston Harbor, with two regiments of the militia. “I believe,” said the Adjutant-General, “that our troops would like to do garrison duty until called upon by the President for active service. The regiments might alternate every four or six weeks, and thus they would learn much that would be of service to them, and hold the forts against attack or surprise.”[3] In this letter, it was stated that we then had five thousand infantry, properly officered, armed, and equipped, though only three thousand of them were armed with rifled muskets, the others having “the old smooth-bores,” that had “been changed from flint-lock to the percussion.”
The desire of the volunteers to enter upon active service was soon gratified. On the 15th of April, only two days after the date of this letter, a telegram was received from Senator Wilson at Washington, requesting twenty companies to be sent to Washington to act in the defence of that city. This was followed on the same day by a formal demand by telegraph from the Secretary of War, calling for two full regiments of militia. This demand was at once complied with, for, on the same day, Special Order No. 14 was issued by the Governor, “directing Colonel Jones of the Sixth Regiment, Colonel Packard of the Fourth, Colonel Wardrop of the Third, and Colonel Munroe of the Eighth, to muster their respective commands on the Boston Common forthwith.” The order was transmitted by mail and special messengers to the various colonels, who severally resided at Lowell, Quincy, New Bedford, and Lynn. The companies composing these regiments were scattered throughout the cities and towns of the counties of Essex, Plymouth, Bristol, Norfolk, and Middlesex. But during the day and following night, nearly every man was notified, and on the morning of the 16th the regiments arrived in Boston. The Third and Fourth regiments were ordered to proceed “forthwith” to Fortress Monroe, Va., while the Sixth and Eighth were sent to Washington. The Fourth left Boston on the 17th of April, and the Third on the following day, the two regiments arriving at Fortress Monroe on the 20th of April, and becoming a part of the garrison at that post. Neither of the last two commands contained the maximum number of men; the Third Regiment having, both officers and enlisted men, only 450, while the Fourth, somewhat stronger, numbered 636.
It appears from the Report of the Adjutant-General of 1861, that from the 13th of April to the 20th of May,—the former being the date of the attack on Fort Sumter,—one hundred and fifty-nine applications for leave to raise companies were granted. These applications were not in every instance made in pursuance of the Act of February 15, 1861 (Chap. 49), but were often, and perhaps in the majority of instances, made by private individuals and the persons who desired to enlist. We have before us a copy of one of these rolls, the agreement of enlistment being as follows:—
“We, whose names are hereunto affixed, do severally consent, and, by our signatures hereunto made, do agree to be enrolled into a company of volunteer militia, to be raised in the town of —— and vicinity, subject to orders of the Commander-in-Chief; and we do hereby agree to serve for the period of five years, unless sooner discharged agreeably to law, and this enlistment we enter into with the full understanding that we are liable at any moment to be ordered into active service under the Government of the United States.”
These enlistment papers were prepared by the Adjutant-General, issued at his discretion, and accompanying each paper was a copy of General Order No. 8, dated April 22, 1861, announcing the conditions upon which enlistments would be received. These were substantially as follows: That when the requisite number of men to form a full company had enrolled their names, and the authorities of the cities or towns where such companies were formed had attested the roll and certified their approbation of the application, an inspection of the men by a competent surgeon was to be ordered.
By this order, it was also announced that the “companies organized in the vicinity of existing regiments which at the present time have not ten companies, will be annexed to said regiments until they are full.”
The laws of the Commonwealth made no provision for the pay or subsistence of these volunteers until they were ordered by the Governor into active service, yet this proved no hindrance to the work of enlistment, which went actively on. To such of these companies as were likely to be called into active service, arms were issued by the State, while the uniforms were provided by the local authorities, and in some instances by private individuals.
It was under the circumstances which we have just narrated, and at this time, that the seven original companies of the Twenty-ninth Regiment were formed.
The company commanded by Captain Chamberlain, raised in Lynn, was gathered as early as April 18; the companies commanded by Captains Tyler (afterward Wilson) and Clarke, raised in Boston, were recruited April 19; the companies commanded by Captains Leach, Chipman, Barnes, and Doten, raised, respectively, in East Bridgewater, Sandwich, East Boston, and Plymouth, were all formed about April 20. There was no concerted action among the officers and persons who recruited these companies, nor was it understood at the time of their formation that they were to be united in the service, their subsequent union being one of the many accidental occurrences of the war.
The original term of enlistment of these commands was five years in the State’s service; but before they could be put in preparation to take the field, the President had concluded not to accept any more militia troops.
On the third day of May, the National Executive issued a call for a force of volunteers, “to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner discharged.” Nearly every man of these companies at once enlisted under the new call.
Governor Andrew concluded to make up the deficiency of men in the Third and Fourth regiments, then at Fortress Monroe, with these three years’ troops, and accordingly, on the 10th of May, the companies commanded by Captains Tyler and Chamberlain were despatched to Fortress Monroe, where they were assigned to duty with the Third Regiment.
On the eighteenth day of May, the commands of Captains Leach, Doten, Barnes, and Chipman were ordered to the same place, where they were assigned as follows: Captains Doten’s and Chipman’s companies to the Third, and Captains Leach’s and Barnes’s companies to the Fourth Regiment. Four days later, the company commanded by Captain Clarke was ordered to Fortress Monroe, and, upon arrival, was attached to the Fourth Regiment. These companies served in the Third and Fourth regiments from the dates of their respective assignments till the expiration of the three months’ term of the latter commands, when, on the sixteenth day of July, 1861, they were, by order of General Butler, commanding the department, organized as the “Massachusetts Battalion,” retaining the latter organization until December 13, 1861, at which time, upon the addition of three new companies, commanded, respectively, by Captains Sibley, Richardson, and Tripp, they became the Twenty-ninth Regiment.
This delay in forming the battalion into a regiment resulted in depriving it of the honor of being the First Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers; for while it was toiling upon the ramparts of Fortress Monroe, mounting guns under the withering rays of a July sun, throwing up earthworks at Newport News, fighting and marching, and thereby obtaining for the Government a foothold upon the soil of rebellious Virginia, twenty-eight regiments of infantry had been organized in Massachusetts and sent to the seat of war.
By this explanation, it will appear to the general reader how the first three years’ volunteers of Massachusetts chanced to be designated the Twenty-ninth Regiment.
There are many curious and interesting facts connected with the raising and formation of these companies, which cannot be better given than by devoting a brief chapter to each. The history of the organization of these commands forms an important part of the history of Massachusetts in the earliest days of the war; and while the tracing of that history may expose to criticism the unmilitary ideas of our people, at the same time it cannot fail to exhibit, in strong colors, their deep love for the Union, and their willingness to make the greatest of sacrifices for its salvation.
CHAPTER II.
Captain Thomas W. Clarke’s Company, “Wightman Rifles.” [“M” in the Fourth Regiment, “Rifles” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “A” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
On the nineteenth day of April, 1861, a day memorable in the history of the war, Thomas William Clarke, a member of the Suffolk County bar, threw from an office-window on Washington Street, Boston, near the corner of State Street, a recruiting flag, and opened a roll for a company of militia.
So strong was the war spirit of the people then, that in the course of that and the succeeding day, Captain Clarke secured a full complement of men.
On the 21st of April, there was an election of officers, presided over by Brig. Gen. W. W. Bullock of the First Brigade of Militia.
Thomas William Clarke was chosen Captain; John Critcherson, Jr., of San Francisco, Cal., First Lieutenant; and Joshua Norton, 3d, of Bridgewater, Second Lieutenant.
Subsequently, and before the muster of the company into the service of the United States, Lieutenant Critcherson was discharged, Norton promoted to First Lieutenant, and John E. White was chosen Second Lieutenant.
May the 9th, the company was ordered into the service of the State, and was paid and rationed by the State from this time till May 21.
During all this time, and as long as it remained in Massachusetts, the company had its quarters in a hall in Bowdoin Square, Boston. Here the men were lodged and fed, and here they held daily drill. It is an interesting fact, as illustrating how meagre were the preparations for war even in Massachusetts, that this company of soldiers, though raised for the public service, was chiefly uniformed by the city of Boston. This uniform consisted of a gray chasseur tunic trimmed with red, gray trousers, and three-cornered gray felt hats trimmed with red. The arms were furnished by the State. A part of these were Harper’s Ferry rifles, and a part Winsor rifles (all calibre 54), better known as Mississippi rifles, and were provided with the sabre bayonet.
These arms were formerly used by and were taken from Major Ben. Perley Poore’s Battalion, an independent body of militia.
Beside these arms, the company received from the State, red blankets, cartridge-boxes, and the somewhat historic gray overcoats.
While the company was quartered in Boston, the Chauncey Hall School of that city presented it with the quarterly prize-money of the school, amounting to about one hundred and twenty-five dollars, which sum was set apart as a company fund for the benefit of all its members.
The determination of the Government not to accept any more militia troops, announced in War Department orders on the 9th of May, produced a change in the term of enlistment of this company from five years in the State’s service to three years in the United States service; and on the 21st of May it was mustered into the service of the United States, at West Roxbury, by Lieut. T. J. C. Amory of the regular army (afterwards Colonel of the 17th Mass. Vols.).
It is a fact worthy of special notice, that after this company had been enrolled for active service under the United States Government, it was ordered into the service of the Commonwealth, and from the time it was so enrolled till the date of its muster (21st), its members were paid out of the State treasury.
The day following the muster of the company into the United States service, it received its long-expected order to leave for the seat of war. Embarking on the steamer “Pembroke,” together with an independent company of volunteers from Lowell, under Captain Davis, it sailed for Fortress Monroe, Va. (May 22).
Before leaving the State, Captain Clarke filed with the Adjutant-General a muster and descriptive roll of the company, and accounted for all the ordnance and clothing received from the Commonwealth.
The voyage to Fortress Monroe was by no means devoid of interest. The steamer, which was armed with two nine-inch guns, cleared for action several times during the trip, upon view of suspicious-looking crafts, supposed at the time to be Confederate war-vessels, and on all these occasions the men were beaten to quarters.
The “Pembroke” arrived at Fortress Monroe May 26, and on the following day the company was assigned to duty with the Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Militia, and ordered to accompany that regiment to Newport News.
Upon joining the Fourth Regiment, the company took the letter “M,” and was assigned to the left of the regimental line.
After the return of the Fourth Regiment to Massachusetts, this company was reported and known as the “Rifles” of the Massachusetts Battalion at Fortress Monroe. The letter “A” was given it upon the formation of the Twenty-ninth Regiment, by order of Governor Andrew.
The commission of Captain Clarke bears date of April 20, 1861; that of Lieutenant Norton, May 7, 1861; Second Lieutenant White resigned, and was succeeded by Second Lieutenant George H. Taylor, whose commission bears date of July 31, 1861.
CHAPTER III.
Captain Jonas K. Tyler’s Company, Afterwards Commanded by Captain Israel N. Wilson. [“M” in the Third Regiment, “M” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “B” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
As early as the first of March, 1861, Jonas K. Tyler, Esq., a member of the Suffolk bar, and who had seen service in the war with Mexico, offered his services to Governor Andrew in raising a body of troops to serve either the State or National governments in the impending war. But in a letter dated March 8, 1861, the Governor declined these services, on the ground that no call had been made upon the State for troops, and that he possessed no legal authority to raise troops except upon an order issued by the President of the United States.
A month later, when it became apparent that a call would be made for troops, Captain Tyler readily obtained permission from His Excellency to raise a company of militia, with the understanding that they were not to be mustered unless such a call should issue.
On the 17th of April, a roll was opened by Tyler at his office, and by the night of the 18th it was filled with the names of young men, principally residents of Boston.
On the 19th of April, the company was organized by the choice of Jonas K. Tyler of Boston, Captain; Samuel A. Bent, First Lieutenant; Albert Blakeslee, Second Lieutenant; E. Dexter, Third Lieutenant; and Thomas H. Adams, Fourth Lieutenant.
As no quarters were provided by the State, the men were lodged in hotels and boarding-houses, and were drilled daily by a competent drill-master in the school of the soldier and company evolutions. The expense attending the organization of the company and quartering the men was borne by the officers and men, for which they have never been reimbursed.
On the 3d of May, the President having made an actual demand upon the State for troops, the Governor consented to the issue of arms to the men, and on the following day Captain Tyler obtained a requisition for a partial supply of underclothing.
On the 9th of May, Captain Tyler received orders to leave for the seat of war on the 10th; but at this time not a member of the command possessed a uniform, and, what was still more embarrassing, the State had none to furnish.
How was the outfit to be obtained in so short a time? Happily, Boston possessed a mayor, the Hon. Joseph M. Wightman, whose whole heart was enlisted in the cause of the country. In this emergency, Captain Tyler turned to him for assistance, and the promptness with which that aid was furnished reflects the greatest credit, not alone upon the Mayor himself, but upon the city of Boston.
It was well into the evening when the Captain called upon Mayor Wightman and made known the wants of his men. The Mayor comprehended the nature of the situation at once, and in company with Tyler, immediately commenced the search for clothing. Going upon School Street, a number of hacks were found in front of the Parker House, and these were at once secured. The first person called upon was Mrs. Harrison Gray Otis, who furnished them with a large number of useful articles not included in the list of military equipments. From thence the two gentlemen went to the various depots of clothing belonging to the city, where were obtained a sufficient number of coats, trousers, shoes, and stockings. These articles were quickly loaded into the hacks and conveyed to the hall on Washington Street, where the company had assembled upon its brief notice to march.
At eight o’clock the next morning, May 10, the command reported at the State House, ready for service, and were here joined by Capt. William D. Chamberlain’s company from Lynn. The men of both companies engaged to serve for three years without hesitation, were inspected by the Adjutant-General, and ordered to embark at once on the steamer “Pembroke.” The commissions of both captains bore date of April 19, but Captain Chamberlain having at one time held the rank of major in the militia, was given the command of the battalion, and, at the same time, sealed orders, with instructions not to open the same till the vessel had passed beyond Boston Light. On the march to Rowe’s Wharf, where the “Pembroke” was lying, the battalion halted at a place on Federal Street, and there received the gray overcoats.
The short notice to march made it impossible for Captain Tyler to warn all his men, some of whom lived out of the city, and consequently about twenty were left behind; these, however, afterward joined the company at Fortress Monroe.
The “Pembroke” was at this time in the service of the Commonwealth, was armed with two 42-pounder Dahlgren guns, had a guard of armed seamen, and flew both the State and National colors. As she passed the forts in Boston Harbor, she was saluted by them, and the men, being gathered upon deck, returned the salutes by rounds of cheers. It was not until the vessel had passed beyond Boston Light that either officers or soldiers learned their destination. Then the sealed orders were opened, revealing the fact that they were bound for Fortress Monroe, Va., and were to be assigned to the Third Regiment.
There were few events of the trip that were of much moment, though the voyage under such circumstances was necessarily different from any which the soldiers (some of whom had been sailors) had ever before taken. They were going to war,—to the rescue of the nation’s most important fortress, which was already being besieged by the traitorous militia of Virginia.
About midnight of the 12th of May, when, by the judgment of the officers,—all lights on that part of the coast having been extinguished,—it was calculated that the steamer was about forty miles from her destination, suddenly from the south, and directly in her course, “shone out what seemed nothing less than the light of a heavy bombardment. Within a narrower space, as it appeared to us, fierce flashes broke forth, and from the opposite quarter were as fiercely answered again.”[4] That Fortress Monroe was being bombarded, was the belief of all on board, and the soldiers kept the deck nearly all night, watching and speculating upon these novel scenes. As the steamer sped on her way and neared the scene of the apparent battle, hugging the shore closely, the view increased in splendor, and occasionally there came wafted over the water the low, hollow sound of a distant gun. When morning broke, leaden-colored, though wasted, clouds in the south showed that the soldiers had been watching from a distance a terrific thunder-storm. A little after sunrise, the form of a frigate was observed approaching the steamer from seaward, which in the course of an hour came up and spoke the “Pembroke.” The frigate proved to be the “Minnesota,” then engaged in cruising off the coast.
On the 13th of May, the “Pembroke” reached Fortress Monroe, the battalion entered the fort, and both companies were attached to the Third Regiment, Captain Tyler’s company receiving the letter “M.” On the following day, May 14, both commands were mustered into the service for three years by Lieut. C. C. Churchill, U. S. A.
Captain Tyler’s company served with the Third Regiment till the term of the latter expired, and then became a part of the Massachusetts Battalion, retaining its letter “M” till the formation of the Twenty-ninth Regiment, when, by order of Governor Andrew, it became a part of that regiment, and its letter was changed to “B.”
The number of officers chosen at the time of the organization of the company was greater by two than that authorized by the laws of the United States, and the only officers who accompanied the command to the seat of war were Captain Tyler, First Lieutenant Samuel A. Bent of Boston, and Second Lieutenant Thomas H. Adams of Boston. Captain Tyler resigned on account of ill-health, July 18, 1861, and Lieutenant Bent the same day. Israel N. Wilson of Billerica, who was a First Lieutenant in Capt. P. A. Davis’s company, was commissioned Captain July 24, 1861, and succeeded Tyler. On the same day, Ezra Ripley of Cambridge, an able lawyer, was commissioned First Lieutenant, and assigned to this company, joining it soon after, and while it was doing duty at the “Rip-Raps.”
CHAPTER IV.
Captain Lebbeus Leach’s Company. [“L” in the Fourth Regiment, “L” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “C” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
This company, raised almost wholly in East Bridgewater, Plymouth County, was the direct outgrowth of a series of war meetings, the first of which was held April 20, 1861, the day after the Baltimore affair. At this meeting there was a very large attendance of the citizens of the town, who, after listening to several stirring speeches, adopted a resolution for the formation of a company of volunteers; an informal roll was prepared, and received the signatures of thirty-eight young men.
A second mass meeting was held on the evening of the 24th of April, and, like the first, was largely attended and enthusiastic, resulting in thirty-one additional enlistments.
In the meantime, a legal meeting of the voters of the town had been called for the afternoon of the 27th of April, to take formal action concerning the impending war, for at that time every town and city in the Commonwealth made the cause of the General Government its own, imitating the practice of the colonists in the days of the Revolution, by raising troops and providing for their equipment and payment.
There was never a more thoughtful or solemn assemblage than this meeting; party lines had been wiped away by the bloody events of the 19th of April; the political differences of the late campaign seemed by common consent to have been buried and forgotten, and every voter felt that a part of the responsibility of saving the then disrupted Union rested upon him. In this meeting, it was unanimously resolved, “That this town will raise what money is necessary to uniform a volunteer company, and to properly provide for the family of each member.” The sum of $4,000 was appropriated, and it was voted to pay each volunteer of the proposed company $10 each month while in active service, it being supposed at the time that the soldiers were to serve a term of three months.[5]
There were but few citizens of the town who possessed even the slightest knowledge of military matters, and these were mostly old men who had served in the war of 1812, or had trained at old-fashioned musters. At a time like this, they were naturally looked to for advice; but they had little to give, for their experience as soldiers had been a bloodless one. Wisely estimating, however, the importance of their new position, they furbished up all their well-worn yarns of camp-life at the “Gurnet” and “South Boston Flats,” and told them over again with scarcely enough of exaggeration to make them interesting.
The majority of these old worthies had forgotten the most of their drill, and had they remembered it, it would have been of little value to the volunteers of 1861, for the tactics of Steuben had been replaced by those of the gallant old Scott.
The volunteers were compelled, therefore, to depend upon themselves, and in order to prepare as much as possible for active service, held nightly drill-meetings at the town-house, using muskets that had been procured from the State Arsenal.
The company had not been accepted by the State as a part of the militia, and the selectmen of the town for a while were compelled to act as quartermasters-general and commanders-in-chief. As quartermasters, they provided the uniform under the vote of the town, and fixed upon its style, which was very odd, being a sort of cross between the dress of an artilleryman and a common sailor, but not having the comforts or beauty of either. This uniform consisted of gray hip trousers trimmed with red, a blue shirt with a rolling collar ornamented with red braid, and a gray fatigue-cap; shoes, stockings, and underclothing were also furnished, while the patriotic women of the town provided each soldier with a neatly-arranged case of thread, needles, yarn, pins, towels, and other articles of use.
On the first day of May, a meeting of the company was held for the election of commissioned officers (in the building now occupied by the Catholics as a church), presided over by Captain William C. Lovering of the State militia.
At this meeting, Thomas Bates was elected Captain;[6] Nathan D. Whitman, First Lieutenant; Josiah E. Richmond, Second Lieutenant; Elisha S. Holbrook, Third Lieutenant; and Lucius D. Burbeck, Fourth Lieutenant.
Eight days after this, Captain Bates received an order from the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, directing him to proceed to Boston with his company on the following morning. The news that the company had been ordered away spread over the town in the course of a few hours, so that when it took up its march for the depot on the morning of the 9th, nearly the entire population gathered to witness this novel sight, for the like had not been seen in the old town since the year 1814, a period of nearly fifty years.
The ardor of the volunteers was destined to encounter a severe check. Arriving in Boston, they were met by Colonel Horace Binney Sargent of the Governor’s staff, who ordered them to repair to the hall in the depot-building of the Old Colony Railroad Company, where was assembled Captain Chipman’s company from Sandwich. Here the men of both commands were addressed by Colonel Sargent, who told them that the Governor had received instructions from the War Department that no more militia troops would be accepted by the United States Government, and that unless they were prepared to re-enlist for the term of three years, they must give up their arms and go home.
There was no doubt about the patriotic intentions of these men; but many of them had families, and none had made, before leaving their homes, suitable preparations for so long a period of absence, and accordingly both companies voted not to enlist at that time for the long term of three years.
This action made it necessary for them to endure the humiliation of returning home, from whence they had marched in pride only a few hours before, where they had been wept over by the kind-hearted women, and hundreds of their neighbors had bidden them affectionate adieus.
But to return disarmed was to their minds a great disgrace, and not being willing to endure it, the volunteers from East Bridgewater appealed to their stanch friend, Hon. Benjamin W. Harris, who had accompanied them to Boston, to interpose his influence to obtain a reversal of the latter order.
This was accomplished, and when the time arrived to take the returning train, each man seized his musket, and one of them took two, as a partial offset to what he considered unfair treatment toward him and his comrades; and, to the great amusement of those who were present, the indignant volunteer, who was of gigantic stature, stalked sullenly through the hall, down several flights of stairs, along the platform to the cars, grasping the muzzle of a gun in each hand and dragging the pieces after him, his face plainly indicating extreme rage and a feeling of bitter disappointment.
In the course of a few days after the return of the company to East Bridgewater, a reorganization of it was effected upon the basis of three years’ service.
On Sunday, May 12, the company attended, in uniform, divine service, at the Unitarian Church, where a sermon was preached by the Rev. Timothy O. Paine, from the text: “He loveth our nation, and he built us a synagogue.” Luke vii. 5.[7]
May 14, the company held a second meeting for the election of officers, and chose Lebbeus Leach of Boston for Captain, reaffirmed their choice of Nathan D. Whitman as First Lieutenant, and elected Elisha S. Holbrook as Second Lieutenant. Captain Leach was born in Bridgewater, and belonged to one of the oldest families of the ancient township, being a lineal descendant of Giles Leach of Weymouth, who settled in the West Precinct as early as 1665; and one of his paternal ancestors lost his life in the French and Indian war. Captain Leach was fifty-nine years old at the time of his election, and had seen some service in the militia.
Lieutenant Whitman was likewise of a very old and respectable Colonial family, from whence have sprung a long line of able and distinguished men. His first ancestor in this country was John Whitman of Weymouth, the first military officer of that town, and his ancestor Thomas (son of John) came to East Bridgewater in 1662.
Lieutenant Holbrook was a native of Braintree, Mass., had resided several years in East Bridgewater, and was very active in the formation of the company.
A large majority of the members of the company were also natives of Plymouth County, whose ancestors were among the early or first settlers of the Old Colony. We speak of these things, not from a feeling of boastfulness, but to show to the reader how purely American was this command, and how directly allied with the history and traditions of the ancient colony were these volunteers.
On the afternoon of the 17th of May, the company received orders to proceed to Boston on the day following. Night messengers were despatched to all parts of the town and adjoining towns where the members resided, and at an early hour the next morning every man reported for duty at the town-house.
Though it was barely six o’clock in the morning when the company reached the flagstaff (then standing in front of J. Folsom’s house), from which the Stars and Stripes were flying, and where they were addressed by Mr. Harris, yet a large majority of the inhabitants of the town had assembled there; and so intense was the war spirit that pervaded the community, that many of the male spectators freely offered the volunteers considerable sums of money for their chance to serve as soldiers.
Upon reaching Boston, the company proceeded to Faneuil Hall, where the members signed a formal enlistment-roll for a term of three years’ service; from Faneuil Hall, they marched to the State House, receiving here canteens, haversacks, and other equipments; and here, also, they met Governor Andrew, who seemed to take a deep personal interest in each one of them.
Dinner had been prepared for the company at the Hancock House, Court Square, at the expense of the town of East Bridgewater, under the direction of Mr. George Bryant and Hon. B. W. Harris, both of whom were present and dined with the soldiers at two o’clock in the afternoon. At the conclusion of the dinner, the company marched to Federal Street, where each man received a knapsack, one of the gray overcoats, a rubber and woollen blanket, tin cup, plate, spoon, knife, and fork; and when these articles had been distributed, marched to Commercial Wharf, where it went on board the “Cambridge,” a screw steamer, then in the service of the State. This was about four o’clock in the afternoon; and here assembled Captain Barnes’s company of East Boston, Captain Doten’s company from Plymouth, Captain Chipman’s company from Sandwich, and a body of recruits for the Fourth Regiment,—all to take passage in the same steamer for Fortress Monroe, Va.
At about five o’clock, the steamer hauled out of the dock and passed down the harbor, receiving and returning a salute from Fort Warren. By the time Provincetown was reached, it was quite dark, and the air becoming cold, the soldiers sought shelter below, where they passed the night in much discomfort; for crowded between-decks were nearly five hundred men, and with no adequate means of ventilation, the air soon became overheated and foul.
Sunday the 19th of May was very fine; but as the sun went down, threatening clouds gathered in the east. Soon after dark, the storm burst upon the vessel, then off the coast of Delaware, with great fury. She was ill-adapted to ocean navigation, and being heavily loaded, labored greatly with the sea. Before the storm began, the men had been singing, telling funny stories, and bandying jokes; but a few rolling motions of the steamer made the large majority of them less mirthful, and gulps and groans were heard in every quarter of the dark apartment.
The steamer was armed with two heavy guns, mounted between-decks. At about midnight, one of these pieces broke away from its fastening and began plunging against the side of the vessel. Every soldier not utterly prostrated by sea-sickness sprang to his feet, manned the gun-ropes, and by hard work brought the gun into position and secured it;—not a moment too soon, for perhaps another blow against the side would have made a ragged hole, through which the merciless sea would have rushed unchecked, engulfing boat and passengers.
The storm continued till the noon of the 21st, during which time the steamer had passed south of the entrance to Chesapeake Bay and reached a point in dangerous proximity to the sunken reefs off Hatteras Inlet, on the coast of North Carolina. The “Quaker City,” a United States steamer cruising in that vicinity, hailed the “Cambridge,” just in season, it is confidently believed, to save her from being stranded upon the then inhospitable coast of that region.
Fortress Monroe was reached about noon of the 21st, and with but slight delay the volunteers were landed, those not wholly disabled by the voyage bounding ashore with the glee of escaped prisoners. When the men left their homes, the grass there had scarcely put off its seared and gray coating of winter; here nature had all the vernal appearance of mid-summer, the trees were in full leaf, and the air laden with the rich perfume of roses that bloomed about the officers’ quarters in the fort and the many attractive residences outside the walls. Captain Leach’s company and the East Boston men were assigned camping-ground in the midst of a group of beautiful live-oaks, in the southerly part of the fortress, and were furnished new and commodious tents and a liberal supply of clean fresh straw.
On the day after the arrival, May 22, the company was examined by the Surgeon of the Post, and Privates Francis C. Bryant, Oliver H. Wade, Henry B. Rogers, Edmund Reed, and R. H. Quinley were rejected; the others being sworn into the service for three years, and the company assigned to duty with the Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Militia.
The arms of the men, which had been furnished by the State, were old smooth-bores, altered from flint-lock to percussion; but no ammunition was supplied by the State, nor was any issued to them by the United States Government till late in the summer of 1861.
This chapter being designed to trace the history of the company from its organization to its entrance into the service, it is only necessary to add, that it took the letter “L” in the Fourth Regiment, served in it till July 16, 1861, then became a part of the Massachusetts Battalion (still retaining the letter “L”), and on the 13th of December, 1861, of the Twenty-ninth Regiment, in which it was designated as “C” company.
CHAPTER V.
Captain Charles Chipman’s Company, “Sandwich Guards.” [“D” in the Third Regiment, “D” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “D” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
With a notice of only a few hours, a very large meeting of the inhabitants of Sandwich, Barnstable County, was held on the evening of Saturday, April 20, 1861. The news of the assault upon the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, in Baltimore, had reached the town, and produced extreme excitement. The meeting was called “to devise ways and means for the raising a company of troops for the defence of the country,” and was called to order by Theodore Kern, Esq. Dr. Jonathan Leonard was chosen to preside, and E. S. Whittemore, Secretary. After appropriate remarks upon the objects of the meeting, Dr. Leonard introduced to the people, Major S. B. Phinney, editor of the “Barnstable Patriot,” who made a stirring address, “... declared his unwavering fidelity to the Union, and determination to sustain the National Administration in its efforts to crush out treason and rebellion.”
Addresses were also made by Dr. I. N. Swazey, E. S. Whittemore, Nathaniel F. Fessenden, and Otis Freeman.
“On motion of Theodore Kern, Esq., it was voted, that the sum of $20 be immediately raised by subscription, as a bounty to each man who should enlist in the campaign, and by a subscription-paper the sum of $626 was pledged in the course of the evening, in sums varying from $5 to $70; Major Phinney contributing $70, and promising a stand of colors to the company when formed.”[8]
An informal enlistment-roll was opened at this meeting, receiving the signatures of a large number of young men, among whom was Charles Chipman, who had served in the regular army as a sergeant. A committee of nine gentlemen was chosen “to thoroughly canvass the town and raise the balance of the bounty money,” while another committee of three was appointed to wait on the Governor and offer the services of the company to be raised; also to make arrangements for equipping it.
Nothing that we could say would so well serve to show the good spirit and patriotism of the people of Cape Cod, excited by the then recent acts of treason on the part of the South, as the language and tone of the local papers of that period. A copy of the “Barnstable Patriot” (the chief paper of the Cape) of May 23, 1861, is before us as we write, and by its loyal utterances, calls back freshly to our memory those days when the great free North was preparing itself to strike a blow for liberty and the Union.
The paper of which we have spoken, as indeed were most of its issues of that period, is principally devoted to war news, its principal editorial column being headed by these familiar lines,—
“And this be our motto, ‘In God is our trust!’
And the Star Spangled Banner in triumph shall wave
O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
Following these words was a picture of the American flag, and beneath, this motto,—
“Our flag floats to-day, not for party, but for country.”
The work of recruitment progressed so rapidly, that on the 6th of May the company was ready to complete its organization by the choice of commissioned officers. The election was presided over by the selectmen of the town; namely, Mason White, Seth B. Wing, and Isaiah Fish. Charles Chipman was chosen Captain; Charles Brady, First Lieutenant; Henry A. Kern, Second Lieutenant; Alfred E. Smith, Third Lieutenant; James H. Atherton, Fourth Lieutenant; and the company adopted the name of the “Sandwich Guards.”
Two days later, May 8, in obedience to orders from Governor Andrew, Captain Chipman proceeded with his company to Boston, with the assurance from headquarters that he was to be sent to Fortress Monroe, Va., on the steamer “Pembroke,” then lying in Boston Harbor. The departure of this body of soldiers was of course a great event in the history of the town, as well as that of Cape Cod; for it was the first volunteer company raised in that section of the State, and a great multitude of people gathered at the railway station to bid the soldiers farewell, and to strengthen by kind words their purposes of duty. The kind feelings of the citizens prompted several of them to follow the company to Boston, among them Major Phinney, and provide for the men a bountiful supper at the United States Hotel. On the night of the 8th, the soldiers were quartered in the hall of the Old Colony Railroad Company’s depot, on Kneeland Street, and during the evening were visited by Adjutant-General Schouler, who addressed them upon the state of the country and the nature of their duties as soldiers, but gave them no intimation of the disappointment that was in store for them on the following day.
The company had enlisted for the term of five years in the State’s service, and with the understanding that it was to be attached to the Third Regiment of Massachusetts Militia, then at Fortress Monroe. On the morning of the 9th, each member of the company was provided with a full Third Regiment uniform, and, later in the day, when they had been joined by the company from East Bridgewater (Captain Bates), Colonel Horace Binney Sargent, aide-de-camp to the Governor, visited them, and without making any explanation, informed them that, in order to be accepted as a part of the volunteer forces of the United States, they must enlist for the term of three years. This was a great blow to the enthusiasm of the men; for while they were willing to enlist for this term, yet they had left their homes and their families without making adequate preparations for so long a time, and they thereupon quite unanimously determined to return.
On their arrival in Sandwich, on the evening of the 9th, they proceeded at once to the Town Hall, to which they were escorted by a large body of citizens. Here, after an eloquent speech by Hon. J. M. Day, Judge of Probate for Barnstable County, who explained to them the military reasons for changing the term of enlistment, Captain Chipman called the roll, and, with a single exception, the men engaged to serve for three years.
As an essential and deeply interesting part of the early history of this command, we now come to the action concerning it of the town of Sandwich, in its capacity of a corporation, such actions being always more solemn than those of individuals, because more deliberate, and taken after more mature consideration.
The voters were summoned to meet at the Town Hall on Saturday, the 11th of May, 1861, “then and there to act on the following articles:—
“1st. To choose a Moderator to preside at said meeting.
“2d. To consider the duty of the town in the present condition of the country, and to take any action that may be thought expedient to assist in the defence of the national honor, and to see if the town will vote to raise the sum of four thousand dollars, or such other sum as may be agreed upon, to be applied to the support and maintenance of the families of such persons as may volunteer and act in the service of the United States, to aid in the defence of our country and the preservation of our Union, and to act upon all matters relating to the above.”...
The following is a transcript of the records of this meeting:
“Sandwich, May 11, 1861.
“Pursuant to the warrant, the inhabitants of the town of Sandwich assembled in the Town Hall, and proceeded to the business named in said warrant.
“1st. Chose Charles B. Hall, Esq., Moderator.
“2d. The second article in the warrant coming up, viz., ‘To consider the duty of the town in the present condition of the country, and to take action thereon,’ it was voted that a committee of five (5) be chosen to retire and make a report, and present the report to the meeting.
“The following persons were chosen said committee: Theodore Kern, Dr. Jonathan Leonard, Charles Dillingham, Charles Southack, and Benjamin F. Bourne; and the following is the report of the committee:—
“‘First, That the treasurer of the town, with the consent and at the discretion of the selectmen, be authorized to borrow a sum not exceeding four thousand dollars ($4,000), in sums as shall be needed, for the benefit of the families of those persons from this town who may enlist in the service of the Government in defence of our constitutional liberties. Second, That the sum so borrowed shall be disbursed by the selectmen in the following manner: A man that leaves a wife shall receive two dollars per week; a wife and child, three dollars per week; and fifty cents per week for each additional child under fourteen years of age. Third, That the selectmen be authorized and instructed to assist such families who are dependent upon any volunteer for their support, to which in their judgment the above rule does not apply. Fourth, That the town furnish the company, when called for, a suitable uniform, with this condition: when the company is officially accepted.
“‘Theodore Kern. “‘J. Leonard. “‘Charles Southack. “‘B. F. Bourne. “‘Charles Dillingham, Sec’y.’
“The foregoing report was read and accepted.
“The several parts of the report were then taken up separately, and, after discussion, were unanimously adopted.
“Voted, That all citizens of Sandwich volunteering in companies out of Sandwich, having families,—and also all persons from other towns volunteering in this company, having families,—be included in the above appropriation, provided there should not be an appropriation for them by the towns from which they come, or in which our citizens have volunteered.
“Voted, To raise the sum of five hundred dollars ($500), to defray the expense of purchasing uniforms for the company.
“Voted, That a committee of four be chosen to purchase the material for uniforms. The following were chosen as that committee: Captain Charles Chipman, Joseph B. Hersey, Charles Southack, J. Henry Peirce.
“Voted, That the families of volunteers receive their money once in two weeks.”
Under this action of the town, uniforms were furnished the officers of the company; but, as already appears, the State provided clothing for the enlisted men. As in other communities, the ladies of Sandwich contributed with loving hands to the patriotic work of equipping these volunteer soldiers, fitted them out with cases of thread, needles, towels, etc., and provided each man with comfortable underclothing and other articles of necessity.
On the 16th of May, Captain Chipman received an order from Adjutant-General Schouler to report with his command, in Boston, on Saturday, May 18, to leave for the seat of war. At nine o’clock on the morning of the 18th, the company, with full ranks, assembled at the town-house, and, in the presence of a large audience, Major Phinney presented the company the flag he had promised them, accompanying the presentation with a well-considered and eloquent speech. The flag was a beautiful and costly gift, was of fine blue silk, bearing—
“... on one side, in the centre, ... the figure of an uplifted right arm grasping the sword of Liberty. Above this figure were the words, in golden letters, ‘The Right Arm of Old Massachusetts,’ and below it the motto, ‘God Speed the Right,’ the whole being enclosed in a circle of gold stars. On the reverse side was an American eagle, grasping in one talon a sheaf of arrows, and in the other the olive-branch of peace, and holding in its beak a ribbon-scroll, bearing the words, ‘E Pluribus Unum,’ and below it the motto, ‘Our Whole Country,’ all surrounded by gold stars.”[9]
Captain Chipman accepted the flag, and responded for himself and his command, promising to protect both the flag and the Union to the extent of their ability. Hon. George M. Marston of Barnstable was the last to address the soldiers, speaking of the company as “the representative of Cape Cod, the first and perhaps the only company from the old right arm of the Commonwealth that will be mustered into the service of the United States.” He fitly concluded his remarks by “a generous offer of personal or professional service to each or all of themselves or families who might need such service.”
Upon the conclusion of these deeply-interesting exercises, the company formed, and, escorted by a band of music and nearly the entire population of the town, and large numbers of people from the surrounding towns, marched to the railway station and proceeded to Boston, where they were generously entertained by Sewall H. Fessenden, Esq., agent of the Boston and Sandwich Glass Company. At about five o’clock in the afternoon of the same day (May 18), the command, together with those of Captains Leach, Barnes, and Doten, embarked on the steamer “Cambridge” for Fortress Monroe, arriving at this post on the 21st. They were mustered into the service for three years on the 22d, by Lieut. C. C. Churchill of the Third Artillery, U. S. A., and at once assigned to duty with the Third Regiment, M. V. M., taking the letter “D,” and retaining it throughout their whole term. In July, 1861, when the three months’ term of the Third Regiment expired, and that regiment returned to Massachusetts, Company D became a part of the Massachusetts Battalion (formed of this and the six other three years’ companies spoken of in this work), and, in December, 1861, a part of the Twenty-ninth Regiment of the Massachusetts Volunteers.
CHAPTER VI.
Captain Samuel H. Doten’s Company, “Plymouth Rock Guards.” [“E” in the Fourth Regiment, “E” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “E” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
The honored old Pilgrim town of Plymouth was among the first in the State to take an active part in the work of furnishing troops for the Union army. Here was an organized body of militia known as the “Standish Guards,” commanded by Captain Charles C. Doten. The company was “B” of the Third Regiment of Militia, and left for the seat of war on the 16th of April, 1861. On this occasion, the town was stirred as it had not been since the days of the Revolution; hundreds of the townspeople—among whom could have been found some of the most ardent and intelligent patriots in the country—gathered at an early hour in the morning to witness the departure of its first soldiers of the war.
The company had received its orders to march during the night of the 15th, by a messenger from New Bedford, who had ridden horseback from Wareham, through the dark, pine forests that lay between that town and Plymouth, and in the midst of a storm of rain. The departure of the soldiers was so sudden, that the majority of them went away without having made any preparations for the care and maintenance of their families. But the good people of Plymouth were not unmindful of this fact, and, on the 20th of April, a large public meeting assembled, under a call of the selectmen of the town, “to take such steps as may be necessary to secure ample provision for the families of those who have enlisted for the defence of their country.”
The meeting was presided over by Hon. William T. Davis, and the following resolutions, offered by John J. Russell, Esq., were adopted:—
“Resolved, That it is our pleasure, as well as our duty, to see to it that our brave volunteers be encouraged by the knowledge that the welfare of those near and dear to them is made the care of their fellow-citizens who remain at home.
“Resolved, That the selectmen be requested to apply and distribute, at their discretion, a sum not exceeding two thousand dollars, towards the assistance of those families who, by the sudden departure of the troops, are left in need of pecuniary aid,—such sum to be raised by borrowing, in the name of the town, or in such other way as the selectmen shall deem expedient.”
On the very day of this meeting, Samuel H. Doten, a brother of Captain Charles C., was busily engaged in forming a volunteer company in this town, and had already secured nearly a full complement of men. The public meeting referred to was not a regularly-warned town meeting, and the resolutions that had been adopted by it could not be carried out, except they received the sanction of the voters, legally called together for that purpose. On the 11th of May, therefore, in pursuance of a call dated May 4, the town assembled in meeting, chose Moses Bates, Esq., as Moderator, and, upon motion of Hon. Charles G. Davis, adopted the suggestions of the citizens’ meeting, and made the following provision for the three years’ volunteers of Captain Samuel H. Doten’s company:—
“Voted, That the sum not exceeding fifteen hundred dollars is hereby appropriated for clothing and equipping such volunteers, for three years’ or more service, as are citizens of this town.
“Voted, That six dollars per month to each citizen of this town having a family, and four dollars per month to each citizen of this town who is single or unmarried, excepting commissioned officers, who shall enlist in the service of the United States for the war, shall be paid, and the same is hereby appropriated by the town, as extra compensation for the term of actual service during one year, from the first day of May current, to be paid in money in such manner ... as the selectmen shall deem expedient.”
At the same meeting, the treasurer of the town was authorized to borrow “such sums of money, under the direction of the selectmen, as shall be necessary to carry the above votes into effect.” It was known that the company now forming would soon be ordered away, and the work of preparing them for the field at once began. The selectmen purchased the materials for the uniforms, and the women met together and cut and made them, and also, with the assistance of the people generally, provided each volunteer with shoes and stockings.
In order to give the record of this company correctly, we must go back a little, and name the dates of the several acts and measures that concern its formation. April 24, the first drill-meeting was held, followed on the 6th of May by an election of officers, under Captain Lovering of the militia. Samuel H. Doten, a gentleman considerably advanced in years, was chosen Captain; John B. Collingwood, First Lieutenant; and Thomas A. Mayo, Second Lieutenant.
At a later date, and before the company was ordered away, the people presented each of the officers with swords and other equipments. The uniform furnished the enlisted men was similar to that worn by the Third Regiment, and consisted of a full suit of reddish gray clothes, the coat reaching to the hips, and the whole—coat, trousers, and cap—trimmed with red braid. This uniform, and other articles furnished, cost the town $1,025.49.
On the 17th of May, Captain Doten received an Order from Adjutant-General Schouler to report, with his company, in Boston, on the morning of the 18th. The people of the town were soon apprised of this fact, and early in the morning of the 18th, as soon as the soldiers began to assemble at their headquarters, the citizens—men, women, and children—flocked by hundreds from all parts of the town, to witness a repetition of the scenes of April 16. The spirit of patriotism and kind feeling never ran higher, or displayed itself in a more beautiful and touching manner, than on this historic morning. The men were going to the field, and the fact was not only realized by those who gathered to watch their departure, but it touched a chord of sympathy in their hearts, that at once overcame all selfishness, and led to deeds of generosity that moved the soldiers to tears. As the company stood in line, waiting for the final order to march, one after another of the citizens approached them, and, seizing their hands, left in them sums of money varying from five dollars to one hundred, accompanying each gift with a hearty “God-speed” and an affectionate “farewell.”
A band of music and a company of militia, appropriately called the “Home Guards,” performed escort duty on the march of the volunteers from their quarters to the railway station, where there was a repetition of hand-shaking and utterance of kind words. The swift train that bore them toward the metropolis—not a few of them never to return—was eagerly watched by the thronging multitude till it was lost to sight, some of the soldiers standing upon the platforms of the cars and exchanging greetings with their neighbors and friends by waving their hats as they whirled away on their sad and eventful journey.
At South Abington, they were met by Captain Leach’s company from East Bridgewater, which took the same train to Boston, where the two commands marched to Faneuil Hall, there signing a more formal enlistment-roll than the one previously signed by them, and from thence to the State House, receiving at the latter place arms and the gray overcoats prudently provided by Governor Andrew, at a time when the great mass of the people regarded the threats of war as idle bluster. As stated in former chapters, this company left Boston for Fortress Monroe on this day (May 18), with the three companies of Leach, Barnes, and Chipman, arrived at its destination on the 21st, and was mustered into the service for three years on the 22d. The company had been designated as a part of the Third Regiment, by Governor Andrew, before it left Massachusetts, and immediately upon its muster, took quarters with that regiment, then forming a part of the garrison of Fortress Monroe, and served with it as long as the latter remained in the service, namely, July 16, 1861, when it became a part of the Massachusetts Battalion. The company took the letter “E” upon joining the Third Regiment, and retained it ever afterward, both in the battalion and in the Twenty-ninth Regiment, of which it also became a part on the 13th of December, 1861.
The company left Plymouth with seventy-four enlisted men and three commissioned officers, sixty-seven of whom were citizens of that town. The commissions of the officers are dated May 6, 1861.
CHAPTER VII.
Captain William D. Chamberlain’s Company, “Union Guard.” [“I” of the Fourth Regiment, “I” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “I” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
On the 17th of April, 1861, William D. Chamberlain of Lynn received authority from the Governor to raise a company of militia, to form a part of the Eighth Regiment of Militia, then under orders to proceed to Washington.
The day following (April 18), a room having been procured in Hill’s Building, in that city, a roll was opened, and, in the space of a few hours, was signed by one hundred men.
On the 19th, a meeting of the company was held at the armory of the Lynn Light Infantry, presided over by the mayor of the city, the Hon. Hiram N. Breed, and the following officers chosen: William D. Chamberlain, Captain; Abram A. Oliver, First Lieutenant; John E. Smith, Second Lieutenant; Moses B. Tuffts, Third Lieutenant; and John Alley, Fourth Lieutenant. (The last two officers were never mustered.) At this meeting, the company adopted the name, “Union Guard.”
The news of the firing upon the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, on its passage through Baltimore, hastened the departure of the Eighth Regiment from Boston, on the morning of the 20th.
Captain Chamberlain’s company was not in readiness to leave for the field at this time, and hence lost its chance to accompany that regiment.
The company improved the additional time furnished by this accidental relief from active service, by holding frequent meetings for purposes of drill. These meetings were held nearly every evening, and were continued till May 3, at which time the President issued his proclamation calling for a force of three years’ volunteers.
The uniform consisted of gray frock coats, the gift of the “Empire Fire Company” of Lynn, Kossuth hats, looped at one side, and light blue trousers. The hats and trousers were furnished by the State.
May 5, Captain Chamberlain marched with his company to Boston, and presenting his command to the Governor, offered its services.
An interesting scene took place at the State House on this occasion. Hannibal Hamlin, Vice-President of the United States, His Excellency Governor Andrew, Adjutant-General Schouler, and several other distinguished gentlemen, were present, and the Vice-President and Governor addressed the men. The Governor thanked the commander and his soldiers for the love of country which had led them to offer their services to the Government in the darkest hour of its existence, and assured them that as soon as an opportunity offered, they would be accepted.
The march of the company to Boston was one continued ovation. At Chelsea it was entertained by the militia of that city, and in Charlestown and Boston the citizens vied with each other in showering upon the volunteers numberless favors and courtesies. The company returned to Lynn on the same day, by the Eastern Railroad, and, upon arrival, every man engaged to serve for three years.
May 9, the company was ordered to report at the State House, on the following morning, at nine o’clock.
Promptly at the hour named, the command presented itself to the Adjutant-General, at the State House, here received Springfield rifles and other equipments, and were ordered to report on board the steamer “Pembroke,” together with Captain Tyler’s company, sailing on this day (May 10) for Fortress Monroe. Before embarking, a committee of the citizens of Lynn presented the company with nearly three hundred dollars in money. The same committee had previously given the officers a complete outfit.
The facts concerning the sealed orders and the voyage to Fortress Monroe have already been given in Chapter IV.
Upon arriving at Fortress Monroe, the company was assigned to the Third Regiment, in which it was designated as Company I, served with that regiment till July 16, and then composed a part of the Massachusetts Battalion, and, in December, 1861, a part of the Twenty-ninth Regiment. Captain Chamberlain’s commission, as also those of Lieutenants Oliver and Smith, bear date of April 19, 1861; and the members of this company, together with those of Captain Tyler’s command, were the first volunteers in New England who enlisted for a period of three years.
CHAPTER VIII.
Captain Joseph H. Barnes’s Company, “Greenough Guards.” [“K” in the Fourth Regiment, “K” of the Massachusetts Battalion, and “K” of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.]
On the 20th of April, 1861, Joseph H. Barnes, a citizen of East Boston, and a native of Hingham, Plymouth County, having been authorized by the Governor, raised a company of infantry, chiefly composed of East Boston men.
On the 25th of April, there was an election of officers, conducted by General Bullock of the militia, resulting in the election of Joseph H. Barnes, Captain; James H. Osgood, Jr., First Lieutenant; William T. Keen, Second Lieutenant; Albert H. Townsend, Third Lieutenant; and Joseph D. Ellis, Fourth Lieutenant. The commission of Captain Barnes, dated April 27, was as a “Captain of company of infantry in the First Division of the Militia of the Commonwealth.” By an order accompanying the commission, the company was assigned to the First Regiment of Militia, then commanded by Col. Robert Cowdin of Boston, and the following order was also received by Captain Barnes:—
“Headquarters First Regiment Infantry, } “First Brigade, First Division, M. V. M., } “Boston, April 27, 1861. }
“Orders, No. 14.
“By Special Orders, No. 100, of this date, from the Commander-in-Chief, transmitted by Division Special Orders, No. 48, of the same date, and Brigade Special Orders, No. 27, of the same date, this regiment is detailed for active duty in the service of the United States. Commandants of companies are hereby ordered to report at the Hancock House, on Sunday, the 28th instant, at 9 o’clock, A. M., for orders. They will assemble their commands at their armories forthwith, ready to march at a moment’s notice.
“By command of Col. Robert Cowdin.
“George W. Beach, Adjutant.”
The company assembled as directed, but, by reason of a change of affairs, the regiment did not leave the State as soon as expected. Subsequently, they were mustered into service as the First (three years) Regiment, and left for the field, June 15, 1861. We give this order, however, as a part of the record of Captain Barnes’s company, and as showing at how early a date it was ordered into the service; also, its connection with the First Regiment. In the course of a few days after the company organized, it took quarters at the Maverick House, East Boston, and continued to occupy them till the eighteenth day of May. The citizens of the “Island Ward” paid, by voluntary contributions, the chief part of the expense attending the quartering of the volunteers, and, in common with the other citizens of Boston, provided them with a uniform consisting of a full suit of gray clothes, the jacket being trimmed with red braid. The arms were Springfield rifle-muskets, furnished by the State.
May 17, the company was detached from the First Regiment of Militia, and the following order issued:—
“COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
“Adjutant-General’s Office, } “Boston, May 17, 1861. }
“Capt. Joseph H. Barnes.
“Sir: You are directed by His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to report yourself and command at headquarters, on Saturday, May 18, at 10 o’clock, A. M., for actual service. You are required to sign, and have your men sign, an enlisting paper, to serve for three years. You will proceed from Boston in the steamer ‘Cambridge,’ for Fort Monroe.
“Respectfully yours, “William Schouler, Adj. Gen.”
The words of this order, “You are required to sign, and have your men sign, an enlisting paper, to serve for three years,” probably were not intended to convey the idea that the Governor had the power to compel the officers and men to sign such a paper, but that their acceptance as soldiers was on the condition of their enlistment for the term named therein.
Captain Barnes reported at the State House with his company, numbering seventy-three enlisted men, at the hour named, where all willingly engaged to serve for three years. They then returned to East Boston, and the men were dismissed for a hurried dinner. Early in the afternoon, the company again assembled at its quarters, and were escorted to the ferry by a body of militia and an immense throng of people, the latter so crowding the streets, that it became difficult for the command to reach the wharf; and so eager were the people to follow the soldiers, that large numbers of them crossed over on the ferry.
Before Captain Barnes and his men left the Maverick House, William W. Greenough, Esq., whose name the company had adopted, and who performed a great variety of services for its members, both before and after they entered the service, presented them with the sum of two hundred and fifty dollars, in gold.
This worthy gentlemen was not the only warm friend which the soldiers of this company left at home. When the command assembled at its quarters in the afternoon of this day, a large number of the ladies of East Boston, together with several of the teachers of the public schools, gathered at the Maverick House, and presented the volunteers with a great many useful articles, including rubber blankets, underclothing, knives, forks, spoons, and cases containing thread, needles, yarn, and towels; a fine pocket-bible was also given to each officer and man.
The combining the gift of a Bible with that of clothing and other articles of physical comfort, was a faithful and touching compliance with one of the injunctions which the holy book itself contained. These Christian women did not say to the soldiers, “Depart in peace; be ye warmed and filled,” but gave them “... those things which are needful for the body.” Nor did the kindness of these gentle ones end here; for as long as the company remained in the service, they continued in this work of love, sending to the field many well-filled boxes of clothing and other needed supplies.
Upon the arrival of the company at the steamer, later in the afternoon, Captain Barnes received the following order:—
“COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
“Adjutant-General’s Office, } “Boston, May 18, 1861. }
“Capt. Jos. H. Barnes:
“As senior officer of the Massachusetts troops embarked to-day on board the ship ‘Cambridge’ for Fortress Monroe, you will detail such guards and sentinels as may be necessary for proper discipline and for the care and safety of the ship, under the direction of the captain of said vessel.
“Company from Plymouth, Capt. Doten; company from Sandwich, Capt. Chipman, which are to be attached to the Third Regiment, Col. Wardrop, now at Fortress Monroe; company from East Bridgewater, Capt. Leach; company from East Boston, Capt. Barnes; together with 32 men belonging to Co. H of Quincy; 37 men belonging to Co. I of Hingham; 12 men belonging to Co. F, Foxborough; 22 men belonging to Co. D, Randolph; and 45 men belonging to Co. A, Canton, severally of the Fourth Regiment, Col. Packard, now at Fort Monroe, will be attached to the regiment upon their arrival at their place of destination. You are to have command of the troops until you report yourself to the officer in command of Fort Monroe.
“You are to take good care of the men, and to use your best efforts to cause discipline and harmony.
“By order of His Excellency, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.
“William Schouler, Adj. Gen.”
May 21, the “Cambridge” reached Fortress Monroe. The company having been assigned to the Fourth Regiment, received the letter “K,” and was made the color-company of the regiment. It was mustered into the service for three years, on the following day (May 22), and, five days later, went with the Fourth Regiment to Newport News. It retained the letter “K” throughout its service, became a part of the Massachusetts Battalion, July 16, 1861, and, in December following, was incorporated with the Twenty-ninth Regiment.
The gentlemen who were elected to the offices of third and fourth lieutenants upon the first organization of the company, could not, under the laws of the United States, be mustered with that rank. Lieutenant Ellis, however, accompanied the command to Fortress Monroe, but soon afterwards returned to Massachusetts. Charles Hewett, one of the original members, was rejected upon the surgical examination at Fortress Monroe, being the only one of the command rejected, and was furnished by General Butler with transportation to Boston.
The commissions of the two lieutenants, Osgood and Keen, bear the same date as that of the Captain; namely, April 27, 1861.
CHAPTER IX.
The Third Regiment of Massachusetts Militia—Its Service at Fortress Monroe and Hampton, Va.—Destruction of Vessels and other Property at Portsmouth—Speech of Colonel Dimick—Its Return to Massachusetts.
The author has given, in the preceding chapters, detailed accounts of the formation of the seven companies of the Twenty-ninth Regiment which earliest enlisted. Pursuing the narrative of this corps in the order of time, he will, at the proper time and in the proper place, give like accounts of the formation of the companies of Captains Sibley, Tripp, and Richardson, which, in December, 1861, were made a part of that regiment, and thus completed its organization.
It will be observed by the reader who has perused the foregoing chapters, that four of these seven companies were assigned to duty with the Third Regiment of Massachusetts Militia. Apart, therefore, from the history of their formation, these commands have a history in connection with the Third Regiment which is alike interesting and important. The Third Regiment left Boston on the steamer “S. R. Spaulding,” April 17, 1861, and arrived at Fortress Monroe April 20. It was composed of seven companies; namely, “A” of Halifax, Capt. Joseph S. Harlow of Middleborough; “B” of Plymouth (Standish Guards), Capt. Charles C. Doten; “C” of Cambridge, Capt. James C. Richardson; “G” of Freetown, Capt. John W. Marble; “H” of Plympton, Capt. Lucian L. Perkins; “K” of Carver, Capt. William S. McFarlin; and “L” of New Bedford, Capt. Timothy Ingraham.
The regiment was one of the oldest militia corps of Massachusetts. Company “A” of Halifax was organized as early as 1792. One of its past commanders, Captain Asa Thompson of Halifax, who was living at the breaking out of the war, and who joined it when it was first formed, commanded the company in the War of 1812. As four of its seven companies were from Plymouth County, the regiment has always been considered as belonging chiefly to the Old Colony. Its aggregate membership at the time of its leaving for the field was about four hundred and fifty.
The field and staff of the regiment were as follows: Colonel, David W. Wardrop of New Bedford; Lieutenant-Colonel, Charles Raymond of Plymouth; Major, John H. Jennings of New Bedford; Adjutant, Austin S. Cushman of New Bedford; Quartermaster, Edward D. Allen, Fairhaven; Surgeon, Alexander R. Holmes, New Bedford; Assistant Surgeon, Johnson Clark, New Bedford; Sergeant-Major, Alberti C. Maggi, New Bedford; Quartermaster-Sergeant, Frederick S. Gifford of New Bedford.
It is not our purpose or province to write a complete history of the Third Regiment; but the fact is eminently worthy of notice, that it rendered some of the most important service performed by any body of militia that went into the war from Massachusetts. It is also a noticeable fact, that many of its officers and men, subsequently to their three months’ service at Fortress Monroe, filled high military positions. Thus its Colonel was commissioned Colonel of the Ninety-ninth New York Regiment; Lieutenant-Colonel Raymond was appointed to the same office in the Seventh Massachusetts Infantry; Sergeant-Major Maggi became Colonel of the Thirty-third Massachusetts Infantry, and distinguished himself as a soldier; Captain Doten was made Captain in the Thirty-eighth; and Captain Ingraham, a superior soldier, was promoted to the colonelcy of the last-named regiment.
When the Third Regiment was despatched to Fortress Monroe, the tenure of the Government there was decidedly precarious. There had been no open hostilities on the part of the insurgents in that department, but they were everywhere carrying forward the most active war measures. A battery of seven guns had been erected at Sewall’s Point, at the mouth of the Elizabeth, and obstructions had been placed in the channel of the river. Forts Norfolk and Nelson, which commanded the approaches to the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, were in the hands of the Confederate Militia; but still lying in the river, near these cities, were the United State vessels “Pennsylvania,” “Cumberland,” “Merrimack,” “Germantown,” “Dolphin,” “Raritan,” “Columbia,” and “Plymouth.” The Norfolk navy-yard was one of the most extensive and valuable naval depots in the United States. The grounds, three-fourths of a mile long and about a quarter of a mile wide, were filled with machine-shops, foundries, storehouses, and dwellings for officers. There were three large shiphouses, and a dry-dock built of granite. The whole property of the yard was estimated at about nine millions of dollars.
On the 18th of April, the Confederate General Taliaferro arrived at Norfolk, and took charge of the insurgent militia, whereupon a large number of naval officers resigned their commissions and at once entered the Confederate service. Commodore McCauly, who commanded the yard, was wavering and uncertain in his convictions of duty, but Commodore Pendegrast and Captain Marston of the “Cumberland” were fixed in their determination to serve their Government.
At about six o’clock in the afternoon of April 20, the Third Regiment, which had arrived at Fortress Monroe a few hours before, was ordered on board the United States gunboat “Pawnee,” commanded by Commodore Paulding. After passing Sewall’s Point in safety, the steamer neared Fort Norfolk, then in the hands of the enemy. The channel lay near the shore, and it was expected the Confederates would fire upon the gunboat the moment she came within range of their guns. The soldiers were ordered to lie down upon the deck, the marines paraded the quarter, and the sailors were at battery. The moon was shining brightly; it was clear and calm; the fort was plainly visible; even the suppressed tones of its garrison could be heard on board. When just abreast the fort, some one called aloud from the parapet, “What ship is that?”—“what ship is that?” No reply was made, and the soldiers who heard the hail whispered to each other, “Now it will come!” and their hearts beat quick and fast as they lay, faces downward, expecting every instant to hear the crash of guns and the howling of cannon-balls. But it did not come; the war had scarcely begun; there was still lingering in the hearts of the enemy some respect for the old flag, and a wholesome dread of firing upon it. Nearer the navy-yard lay the United States ship “Pennsylvania,” broadside across the stream. The “Pawnee” approached her, and was hailed as before. The hail was answered, but apparently not heard, and in a moment the black and gloomy-looking sides of the “Pennsylvania” were illumined. The ports had been opened. At the same time a voice from her gun-deck, “Shall I fire, sir?” caught the ears of those on the “Pawnee.” A watchful old gunner on the latter vessel stepped up to the executive officer, and said, in slow and measured words, as though it was the most commonplace affair in the world, “They are going to fire on the ‘Pawnee,’ sir!” The officer at once leaped into the rigging, and, with his trumpet, cried, “Pawnee! Pawnee! Pawnee!” in a voice that was heard far and near, and echoed over the waters and silent town. “Pawnee! Pawnee! Pawnee!” was shouted back from gun-deck and quarter, and then loud cheers and hearty cries of welcome came out of the open ports of the “Pennsylvania.” This was a similar mistake to that which arose in the early morning of this day, at the fortress, as to the identity of the steamer “State of Maine,” that had on board the Fourth Massachusetts Regiment, and came even nearer proving fatal, for the lanyards were already in the hands of the gunners of both vessels, and but for the prompt action of the executive officer of the approaching steamer, there would have been a bloody encounter between these soldiers and sailors of the Union.
Upon arriving at Norfolk, about nine o’clock, the whole regiment was ordered ashore into the navy-yard, and, under the commands of the officers, began immediately in the work of destruction, which was already in full progress. Twenty men were detailed from Company B of Plymouth to mine the dry-dock, while the balance of the force, aided by the sailors and yardmen, went to work throwing into the river shot, shell, revolvers, carbines, and stands of arms.
There were nearly three thousand heavy guns in the yard, many of them columbiads and fine Dahlgrens. These were spiked as best they could be, but very imperfectly, as the Confederates afterwards managed to use them. At midnight, the barracks in the yard were set on fire, and then the shiphouses, in one of which was the partially-completed ship “New York.”
The “Pawnee,” taking the “Cumberland” in tow, and having on board the Third Regiment and all the men from the yard, except those who were left to fire the trains, started down the river, and sent up a rocket, which went high into the air, and then “burst in shivers of many-colored lights.”
This was the signal to fire the trains. Simultaneously, flashes of fire were seen running about on the decks of the deserted ships “Pennsylvania,” “Merrimack,” “Dolphin,” “Germantown,” “Plymouth,” “Raritan,” and “Columbia,” and in a few seconds they were wrapped in flames. Says an eye-witness:—
“I need not try to picture the scene of the grand conflagration that now burst like the day of judgment on the startled citizens of Norfolk, Portsmouth, and the surrounding country. Any one who has seen a ship burn, and knows how, like a fiery serpent, the flame leaps from pitchy deck to smoking shrouds, and writhes to their very top, around the masts that stand like martyrs doomed, can form some idea of the wonderful display that followed.”
The old, dismantled ships “Delaware” and “Columbus” were sunk, and several of the vessels that were fired had also been scuttled. The “Merrimack,” having sunk before the flames did her much damage, was, as is well known to our readers, afterwards raised by the Confederates, and constructed into a shot-proof steam-battery.
The total value of these vessels, as estimated by the Chief of the Bureau of Construction, was $1,980,000, while the total value of all the public property lost by this catastrophe is estimated at $9,700,181.93; and the report of Commander Alden to the Secretary of the Navy shows, that, by a wiser and more vigorous action on the part of the commandant of the yard, a large portion of this dreadful loss might have been prevented.
The “Pawnee” reached Fortress Monroe at six o’clock Sunday morning (April 21), having in tow the sloop-of-war “Cumberland,” now so famous in the annals of naval warfare.
The men of the Third Regiment had a severe experience on this expedition, having toiled nearly all night, and been eighteen hours without food. Their introduction to one of the most dreadful experiences of war was indeed a very sudden one, and this was followed by nearly three weeks of privation, caused by the scanty supply of food at the fortress, and by three months of almost ceaseless toil.
Included in the plot of the enemy to capture Norfolk, was also the scheme to capture Fortress Monroe.
At this time an irregular body of Confederate militia, variously estimated as to number, occupied the village of Hampton, about two and a half miles from the fortress, while their pickets held a drawbridge over Mill Creek, not more than a mile distant. The flags of the insurgents could be distinguished at the fortress, flying from the roofs of private and public buildings in Hampton. On the 13th of May, Colonel Dimick made an advance with a body of infantry and a piece of artillery, and forced the enemy from his position at the bridge. The bridge was thereupon occupied by the Federals; but no attempt was made to pursue the enemy beyond this point.
This condition of affairs continued till May 23, when, the garrison having been materially strengthened by the arrival of the First Vermont Militia, under Colonel J. W. Phelps, and several New York regiments, General Butler, then being in command, ordered Colonel Phelps to make a reconnoissance in Hampton and vicinity. Upon approaching the bridge over Hampton Creek, Colonel Phelps discovered that the enemy had fired it. The flames were partially extinguished, but the bridge was so nearly destroyed, that the troops were obliged to cross the river in scows and flat-boats. Upon the arrival of the Vermont troops, the Confederate militia and all the inhabitants, save the negroes and one white family, fled the town, leaving behind them, in many instances, their household furniture and other personal effects.
On the afternoon of the same day, General Butler, with Company B of the Third Regiment and Captain Tyler’s company, proceeded some seven miles into the enemy’s country, in the direction of Yorktown. This was the first reconnoissance which the volunteers had made, and consequently proved very interesting to them.
There was no lack of work for these troops, and every day found them engaged in some highly necessary, though not always pleasant, service.
The summer was at its height, the days were hot and sultry, while the nights were often cold and damp. The men were frequently obliged to engage all day in the most laborious occupations, and at night go on guard.
The work was indeed severe. Through the treachery of arch traitors while in government office, the fortress had been dismantled to a great extent of its customary armament. These ravages had to be repaired, guns mounted upon the high parapet, and others, whose carriages had gone to decay, remounted.
Of draught-horses or mules, there were few, if any, in the department; but there were plenty of wagons, and into these the men were harnessed, drawing heavy loads of ammunition and stores from the wharves into the fortress. While one party was doing this labor, another was engaged in unloading vessels and steamers at the piers, and still another employed in the very severe work of mounting heavy guns, a work which consisted in slinging the gun (oftentimes a large columbiad, weighing several thousand pounds) between two heavy iron wheels, dragging the whole from the ordnance-yard into the fort, up the steep embankment, and then placing it in position. This labor was often performed while the mercury was ranging in the vicinity of 100°, and was not seldom followed by a drill.
On the first day of July, the regiment was ordered to Hampton Village. Here it occupied a number of deserted houses, and picketed the country for several miles around the town. On the 4th, it marched from the village to Camp Hamilton, where, in connection with other troops, it was reviewed by Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War.
Returning to its quarters in the town, it remained there till July 16, the latter date making the expiration of its term.
On this day, the regiment was ordered to Fortress Monroe. Here it and the Fourth Regiment, whose term expired the same day, were reviewed by General Butler and Colonel Justin Dimick. Colonel Dimick was in command of the fortress at the time of the arrival of these regiments. He was an old soldier, having seen service in Mexico and in several Indian wars. Like most professional soldiers, he rarely indulged in speech-making; but the trying circumstances under which he had been placed during the early days of the Rebellion; the timely and almost Providential arrival of these troops, which enabled him to hold the fortress against the machinations of several of his former associates in arms, who had resigned their commissions in the regular army and espoused the cause of the Confederacy; the intelligent appreciation of the situation which the volunteers had manifested, and their willingness to do any service required of them, no matter how menial or severe, had touched very deeply the heart of this old officer, and he could not suffer them to be dismissed without expressing to them his sense of gratitude for what they had done. Mounted upon his little dapple gray, with uncovered head, and voice as tremulous with emotion as that of an aged father taking leave of a beloved son, he recounted the exciting events in the early service of the regiments at that place, the confusion and distrust that prevailed at the time of their arrival, bore eloquent testimony to the manner in which they had performed their duties, and concluded by thanking them in the name of the Republic which they had helped to save.
When the old hero turned away, his eyes were suffused with tears, and the troops sent up cheer upon cheer as their only response.
The reception tendered these regiments upon their arrival in Boston proved that their services were as well appreciated by the people of Massachusetts as by their veteran commander.
CHAPTER X.
The Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Militia at Fortress Monroe—The Service It Rendered the Country—Ordered to Newport News—Battle of Great Bethel—Return to Massachusetts.
For the reasons already stated, it seems necessary to give a brief account of the doings of the Fourth Regiment while in the field, embracing as they do a part of the record of the companies of Captains Barnes, Leach, and Clarke, of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.
The Fourth Regiment was originally composed of nine companies. Of these, Norfolk County contributed four: Company “A” of Canton, Captain Ira Drake; “C” of Braintree, Captain Cephas C. Bumpus; “D” of Randolph, Captain Horace Niles; and “H” of Quincy, Captain Franklin Curtis. Bristol County, three: Company “B” of Easton, Captain Milo M. Williams; “G” of Taunton, Captain Timothy Gordon; and “F” of Foxborough, Captain David L. Shepard. And Plymouth County, two: Company “E” of South Abington, Captain Charles F. Allen; and “I” of Hingham, Captain Luther Stephenson, Jr.
The regiment mustered for duty, at the time of its departure from Massachusetts, 636 officers and enlisted men.
Its field and staff were as follows: Colonel, Abner B. Packard, Quincy; Lieutenant-Colonel, Hawkes Fearing, Jr., Hingham; Major, Horace O. Whittemore, Boston; Adjutant, Henry Walker, Quincy; Quartermaster, William H. Carruth, Boston; Surgeon, Henry M. Saville, Quincy; Surgeon’s Mate, William L. Faxon, Quincy.
As was the case with nearly all the militia regiments that entered the service of the United States in 1861, the Fourth Regiment afterwards furnished from among its officers and men, a large number of officers, some of them of high rank, for the various three years’ regiments of Massachusetts and other States.
For instance, Captain Charles F. Allen of South Abington became Major in the Thirty-eighth Massachusetts. Lieutenant-Colonel Fearing subsequently became Colonel of the Eighth New Hampshire; Major Whittemore, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirtieth Massachusetts; Captain Luther Stephenson, Jr. (Co. I), Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirty-second Massachusetts; and Corporal W. D. Tripp (Co. G) became Captain of Company F of the Twenty-ninth Regiment.
While waiting at the State House, on the 17th of April, where the regiment had reported itself for duty upon only twelve hours’ notice, it was addressed by Governor Andrew in the following manner:—
“Officers and Soldiers of the Fourth Regiment:
“It gives me unspeakable pleasure to witness this array from the good Old Colony. You have come from the shores of the sounding sea, where lie the ashes of Pilgrims, and you are bound on a high and noble pilgrimage for liberty, for the Union and Constitution of your country. Soldiers of the Old Bay State, sons of sires who never disgraced their flag in civil life or on the tented field, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for this noble response to the call of your State and country. You cannot wait for words. I bid you God-speed—an affectionate farewell!”
A special train conveyed the regiment to Fall River, where it arrived on the afternoon of this day, and embarked upon the steamer “State of Maine,” for New York. Quite late in the afternoon of the 18th, it reached the latter city, and on the following morning sailed for Fortress Monroe on the same steamer.
At the time of the departure of the regiment from New York, great fears were entertained for the safety of this fortress. It was known that Colonel Dimick, its commander, had but a meagre garrison; that the fort was in a poor state for defence, and was being closely besieged by the hostile militia of Virginia, then under cunning and able officers, formerly of our regular army, who knew every weak point about the works. The fortress was momentarily expected, therefore, to fall into the hands of the enemy, and when the steamer “State of Maine” hove in sight, on the morning of the 20th of April, it was not considered prudent by the officers of the regiment to attempt a landing, till daylight should solve the troublesome mystery.
The steamer lay off and on for an hour or more; the men were all on deck, looking anxiously in the direction of the fortress, waiting with throbbing hearts for the first gleam of approaching day; questioning, doubting, the while, which flag—that of their country or the insurgents—would reveal itself to their sight.
Meanwhile the dark form of the steamer had been observed from the fortress, and doubts as to the character of the vessel, not less troublesome than those of the volunteers on board, had seized fast hold upon the garrison. The guns of the “Water Battery” were shotted and manned, and every preparation made to repel the attack of the possible foe.
At last the morning sun lighted up the low walls and green parapets of the fort, and from its tall flagstaff the Stars and Stripes were seen floating gracefully in the wind. The old flag flying from the peak of the steamer caught the watching eyes of the garrison at the same moment; the grim guns in the “Water Battery” were unshotted, and, instead of angry defiance, sent out loud peals of welcome. The men on board the steamer replied with hearty cheers; the boat hauled up to the wharf; the men immediately disembarked and marched into the fortress, where they were received with every manifestation of joy. The safety of the fort was now assured, confidence took the place of dark doubts, and the cause of the Government in that department wore a brighter hue.
By this opportune arrival of the Fourth Regiment, and the Third also, which came a little later in the day, Fortress Monroe was undoubtedly saved to the Government, and for this almost priceless service to the country, the people are largely indebted to the unsleeping vigilance of John A. Andrew, and to the ardent patriotism of the volunteers of the Third and Fourth regiments of Massachusetts Militia. From the time of the arrival of the Fourth Regiment till the 27th of May, its men were almost constantly on duty in and about the fortress, mounting cannon, and having an experience similar to that of the Third Regiment.
On the 21st of May, the steamer “Cambridge” arrived from Boston, bringing, among other troops, the companies commanded by Captains Doten, Leach, Chipman, and Barnes. Captains Leach’s and Barnes’s companies, and, subsequently, that of Captain Clarke, were assigned to the Fourth, and the others to the Third Regiment.
The number of troops in and about the fortress was now sufficient to justify the occupation of a greater extent of territory. On the 26th of May, an order was issued, directing the establishment of a camp at the mouth of the James River, at a place known as and properly written “Newport’s News,” though more commonly written Newport News,[10] which spelling we adopt, as it is better known to our soldiers by that name. Newport News was a cultivated plateau of nearly two miles in length, extending back from the river a distance of half a mile, where it bordered upon an extensive forest of pine. The banks of the James here rose to a height of thirty feet, from the sides of which bubbled out numerous springs of pure water.
Colonel John W. Phelps was given charge of this expedition. He was a celebrated artillerist. Born in Vermont in 1813, he graduated at West Point in 1836, and was brevetted to the Fourth Artillery. A First Lieutenant in the Mexican war, he served with distinguished gallantry on Scott’s line. At Contreras and Churubusco, in command of a company in the storming brigade of Riley, his services were conspicuous and exceptionally brilliant. For this he was brevetted a Captain, but declined the distinction. He was the originator of the text-books for heavy artillery in use before the war, and commanded a battery in the Utah expedition of Albert Sidney Johnston, and at one time commanded Fort Brown, Texas. He was an uncompromising enemy of human slavery, and, becoming dissatisfied with what he regarded as the pro-slavery sentiment of both the army and the administration, in 1859, resigned his commission and at once settled in Brattleborough, Vt. In the spring of 1861, he was made Colonel of the First Vermont Militia, and shortly afterwards came to Fortress Monroe, as has already been stated. Colonel Phelps was a superior soldier, and a most valuable acquisition to the army in any department.
The troops which composed the expedition to Newport News were the Fourth Massachusetts Militia, First Vermont Militia, and Colonel Bendix’s Seventh New York (German),—all infantry. Captains Barnes’s and Clarke’s companies went with the Fourth Regiment, while Captain Leach’s company was, by order of General Butler, retained in the fort to perform garrison duty. The troops embarked at an early hour on the morning of the 27th. As the steamboat which had on board the Fourth Regiment was passing into the mouth of the James River, the Confederate batteries on Sewall’s Point opened a brisk fire upon it. One of the shots, a huge missile, passed over the decks, just above the heads of the men, while the others fell short.
The Fourth Regiment was sent from Fortress Monroe to this distant post with a very small supply of ammunition. Captain Barnes’s company had only twenty rounds of cartridges and ten percussion-caps to each man; while Clarke’s company, which had a kind of arm different from the rest of the command, had brought from Boston a large supply of ammunition, about 14,000 rounds of ball-cartridges and 20,000 extra percussion-caps. No tents were supplied the troops that went to Newport News until about a week after they reached there. In the meantime, the men lived in huts made of rails and covered with branches of trees and bushes.
As soon as Colonel Phelps arrived, he began the erection of earthworks. These were of semi-circular form, terminating at either extremity on the bank of the river, and were nearly half a mile long. In the ditch in front of the works were placed obstructions of the nature of chevaux-de-frise. On the main works commanding the plain and forest were mounted a number of heavy guns, while on the bluff facing the river was a battery of five large pieces, and among them a Sawyer and James rifle. Upon these works the men of the Fourth Regiment and those of Barnes’s and Clarke’s companies labored for many days, and at a time when the weather was extremely hot. The men were wholly unaccustomed to such work, being compelled, from the scarcity of draught animals in the department, to draw from the adjacent forest the logs which were used on the fortifications.
On the 5th of June, the troops here had an opportunity to witness for the first time a battle. The United States gunboat “Harriet Lane,” a low side-wheel steamer, came up the river and attacked a Confederate sand-battery on Pig Point, directly opposite Newport News. The fight was a lively one, though of short duration, in the course of which the vessel was several times struck, and a number of her men badly wounded. During the affair, the steamer captured a supply-sloop of the enemy, and towed it down to the fort.
June 6, a body of mounted Confederates made a sudden dash upon a working party near a place afterwards known as “Number Nine Picket,” in the forest, in front of the centre of our main works. The long roll was beaten, and the camp quickly put under arms. Captain Barnes was ordered out with his company, but the enemy had fled before his arrival at the place of attack. The company then went forward on the main road to “Lee’s House.” On the way out, one of Barnes’s scouts saw one of the enemy leading his horse along a road that ran near the edge of the forest. The scout fired upon the enemy, who, unhurt, mounted and fled. At Lee’s House, a large number of negroes were congregated, old and young, and considerable information was obtained from them in relation to the movements of the enemy in that vicinity, and especially in regard to the mounted men that had made the assault upon our working party. While here, and just as the company was returning, Captain Luther Stephenson of the Fourth Regiment came up rapidly with his company, having been ordered by General Phelps to go out to Barnes’s support. After a brief pause, both companies returned to camp. The information obtained was reported to the General, and Barnes and Stephenson were ordered to return after dark that night to Lee’s House with their commands, with directions to use their discretion as to how far they should proceed into the country. The two commands spent the night at this place, throwing out pickets into the fields and on the edge of the woods. The next morning, the companies of Captains Barnes and Stephenson reconnoitred in the direction of “Smith’s Farm,” about six miles up the river.
During the day, small bodies of Confederates were several times seen, but no collision occurred. When the companies were near Smith’s place, a negro was observed skulking in the bushes. He was brought before the officers and questioned by them concerning the country and the location of the enemy’s camp. From this negro the Captains obtained very valuable information relating to the enemy’s works at a place called Great Bethel. The colored man was taken to Newport News, where he was examined by Colonel Phelps and one of the staff officers of General Butler. In a few days after this reconnoissance, General Butler issued his orders for the expedition against Great Bethel.
The movement on Great Bethel occurred on the 10th of June, 1861. Great Bethel was the name of a church located in the midst of a sparsely-settled country, about nine miles on the road leading south from Hampton, in the direction of, and some twelve miles from, Yorktown, in York County. Here, and also at another place near by called Little Bethel, were bodies of Confederate troops, being a part of the command of Colonel J. Bankhead Magruder.[11] The latter place was an outpost or picket-station of the camp at Great Bethel. The Federal movement was made in two columns: one from Hampton, consisting of Colonel Townsend’s Third New York Infantry, Colonel Duryea’s Fifth New York (Zouaves) Infantry, with two mountain howitzers; and the second column from Newport News, consisting of one field-piece (6-pounder), under Lieutenant Greble of the United States army, three companies of the Seventh New York[12] Infantry, under Colonel Bendix, three companies of the Fourth Massachusetts Militia Infantry, namely, Companies “G” of Taunton, “F” of Foxborough, and “H” of Quincy, the companies commanded by Captains Clarke and Barnes, and five companies of the First Vermont Militia Infantry.
The last-named ten companies formed a battalion, and were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn of the First Vermont, assisted by Major Whittemore and Adjutant Walker of the Fourth Massachusetts and Adjutant Hiram Stephens of the First Vermont. The expedition was commanded by Brigadier-General Ebenezer W. Pierce of the Massachusetts Militia. The column from Newport News marched at about midnight of the 9th, and the column from Hampton earlier in the evening, the distance being greater. The two columns were to form a junction in the vicinity of Little Bethel early on the following morning.
The advance of the column from Hampton, consisting of Duryea’s Zouaves, passed the junction of the road from Newport News with the main road from Hampton, the point designated for the two columns to unite, shortly before daybreak, moved rapidly forward, and surprised the enemy’s outpost at Little Bethel.
Immediately afterwards, at about daybreak, the column from Newport News arrived at the point named for uniting, and in the absence of any knowledge that the Zouaves had already passed the point, turned to the left, and entering upon the main road, moved rapidly forward toward Little Bethel, with the view of accomplishing what had already been done without their knowledge.
At this stage of affairs, the Vermont and Massachusetts troops being all upon the main road, following the Zouaves and the rear of the Newport News column, consisting of the three German companies (Seventh New York) and a piece of artillery, dragged by hand, being just at the junction, not having made the turn into the main road, the head of Colonel Townsend’s regiment, the rear of the Hampton column, made its appearance over the top of the hill, on the main road from Hampton, rapidly approaching the junction. A small belt of woods, without undergrowth, at the intersection of the two roads, lay between the three German companies and the main road, on which Townsend’s men were moving. At the head of Colonel Townsend’s column rode General Pierce and many other mounted officers, giving it the appearance, “in the magnifying dusk of the early morning,” of a body of cavalry. Colonel Bendix, supposing from these circumstances that the approaching column was a body of Confederate cavalry, and the column from Hampton being under a similar delusion as to the character of the Germans, partially hid as they were by the woods, the two columns immediately fired upon each other, and a brisk interchange of musketry ensued, to which the Germans added the fire of their 6-pounder, as soon as they could run it into position on the main road.
The column from Hampton then fell back behind the crest of the hill to form, leaving several of their number killed and wounded on the field. The heads of the two columns moving toward Little Bethel, as already indicated, at once countermarched on the double-quick to the scene of action. Upon arriving there, the firing had ceased. Colonel Townsend’s regiment was not in sight, and the Germans were in line of battle in an open field, having moved through the belt of woods toward their supposed enemy. The Vermont and Massachusetts troops of the advanced column, being nearest, reached the place first, and formed in line in front of the German companies, with the exception of Captain Clarke’s company of this command, which, as support to Lieutenant Greble’s gun, moved with that officer up the road to the brow of the hill. Lieutenant Greble, who was in advance, mounted, came upon the wounded of Townsend’s regiment, and the fatal error was at once apparent. Meantime Townsend’s regiment had formed behind the hill, and on the appearance of the troops at the brow of the hill, discharged their howitzer, happily without effect. Duryea’s Zouaves had also returned and taken position.
The mistake having been discovered, the several bodies united and proceeded toward Bethel. A surprise was now out of the question, the enemy having undoubtedly been alarmed by the firing.
It was well into the forenoon when our troops arrived in front of the enemy’s works at Great Bethel. As our column was moving slowly by the flank, on the main road, an officer from the front came up and informed each company commander that they were near the enemy, and directed them to keep their men well closed up. Shortly after, while our force was still on the main road and not yet in sight of the enemy’s works, a heavy gun was fired from that quarter, and the shot passed over the heads of our men, through the tops of the trees. The column at once halted, and the several regiments quickly moved out of the road. Duryea’s went to the right and halted, while the battalion of Colonel Washburn moved to the left into an open field, and formed in line of battle near a fence, a belt of woods in front shutting off a view of the enemy. Soon after this, the Zouaves were ordered forward; they went by the flank through the woods on the edge of the road, and came suddenly upon the enemy’s works, which proved to be quite formidable, being nearly a fourth of a mile in length, mounting several guns, and defended by a body of infantry and a battery of field-pieces. There was but one direct approach, and this was across a narrow wooden bridge that spanned a brook in front of the works, about three feet deep and from twelve to fifteen feet wide. The right of the enemy was protected by an impassable morass or swamp, and their left by fallen timber and other obstructions. The Zouaves attempted to charge directly across the bridge, but encountering a terrible fire of both artillery and musketry, fell back with a loss of four killed and eleven wounded, and, among the latter, Captain Kilpatrick (afterwards General Kilpatrick of cavalry fame).[13] Colonel Washburn’s battalion remained in the position we have indicated for nearly thirty minutes, during all of which time there was heavy firing at the front, and was then moved by the right flank across the main road into the woods on the right of the road, and halted just inside of the edge of the woods, an open field being in their front; and although from this position the enemy’s works were still invisible, yet their bullets were coming into the woods literally in showers. To this point a considerable number of the Zouaves had retired, and were seen lying flat upon the ground. In the near vicinity was Lieutenant Greble, with his gun, actively engaged with the enemy, Captain Clarke’s company being his main support. The battalion was again put in motion, and after passing a short distance to the right, came to “a sort of dry ditch, with a high embankment in front,” opposite the left of the enemy’s position, with an open field between them and the enemy. Only three Massachusetts companies were now with the battalion; namely, Captain Barnes’s company, Company G of Taunton, and Company H of Quincy (Fourth Regiment). Captain Shepard’s company (“F”) had been left at Little Bethel as a guard. Soon the order came from Colonel Washburn to charge. The Massachusetts men climbed the embankment, and sprang forward toward the enemy’s works in their immediate front, under a severe though wild and random fire of both musketry and cannon. The ground was somewhat descending, and after a rapid run of a few minutes, the men came to the brook before referred to. Captain Barnes led his company, and jumped at once into the brook, Lieutenants Osgood and Keen doing likewise; and the men following their brave example, all were quickly on the enemy’s side, at the very foot of the works. Here they were greeted with a severe volley of musketry, mingled with grape; but our men were unharmed, and, rising from the ground, ran up the embankment and discharged their pieces among the enemy, who were now considerably confused, and in some parts of their works apparently falling back. Our soldiers were also much excited, and probably fired wildly, doing little execution, for this was the first time they had faced a hostile gun; but they kept at it till ordered to stop, running up the bank to fire, and then dropping back to load. This was the golden moment in the battle, which, had it been improved by the commanding officer of our forces, would have unquestionably resulted in the capture of the works; but instead of seconding the brave efforts of our assaulting party, all the rest of the Federal force (excepting Greble and his gun) were allowed to remain inactive. This state of things continued for several minutes,—perhaps fifteen,—when Horace Colby of Barnes’s company was instantly killed, and Frank L. Souther of Company H (Fourth Regiment) mortally wounded. There were less than two hundred men across the brook, these being mainly Massachusetts men of the companies of Barnes, Gordon, and Curtis. Colonel Washburn, Major Whittemore, and Adjutants Walker and Stephens were also there. The enemy observing the utter cessation of hostilities at all other points, had recovered from their first surprise, and now held all parts of their works. Finally, Colonel Washburn, perceiving that he was not to be supported, and that his men on the breastworks were liable at any moment to be flanked or driven into the ditch and captured (for the enemy greatly outnumbered them), gave the order to withdraw. The East Boston men seized the dead body of Colby and attempted to carry it off, but found it impossible to do so. The men fell back more deliberately than veterans, for veterans would have run; while these proud and inexperienced soldiers of Massachusetts, thinking it unmilitary to run, walked steadily backward to the woods, often pausing to load and fire. One of them, Stewart (Barnes’s company), whose gun was so foul that it could not be discharged, showed his pluck by snapping caps at the enemy as he went away.
About this time, Major Winthrop of General Butler’s staff was killed, and, shortly after, Lieutenant Greble, at his gun. No further effort was made to capture the works, and the order to retreat was given to our whole force, which now retired in good order, no pursuit whatever being attempted by the enemy. Lieutenant Greble’s gun was hauled from its exposed position into the woods, and the body of that gallant officer was lashed to it and conveyed to Fortress Monroe, where it was received with many manifestations of grief. The body of Major Winthrop, together with several others killed and wounded, were left upon the field.
The casualties among the Massachusetts troops were as follows: Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company, and Matthew Fitzpatrick of Captain Clarke’s company, were killed; Sergeant A. H. DeCosta of Captain Clarke’s company, and Frank L. Souther of the Fourth Regiment, were wounded, the latter mortally.
The total Union loss in this battle has been variously estimated at from twenty-five to forty, killed and wounded. The loss of the Confederates was small, one authority giving it as one killed and seven wounded. A few days after the battle, a flag of truce was sent out from our lines, to discover the condition of our dead and wounded. Major Cary of the Confederates met our flag, and informed the officer in charge that our dead had been properly buried upon the field, and our wounded suitably cared for. The personal effects of Major Winthrop, including his gold watch, were given up to our officer in charge of the flag.
The contemporary estimate of the importance of this affair is very ludicrous, when viewed in the light of the subsequent events of the war. General Butler comforted himself by saying, “Our troops have learned confidence in themselves under fire, the enemy have shown that they will not meet us in the open field, and our officers have learned wherein their organization and drill are inefficient.”[14] The Northern press regarded it as “a severe engagement”; while in the South it was spoken of as “a brilliant victory,” and was even made the subject of a spirited lyric published in the New Orleans “Delta.” One Frank I. Wilson of Raleigh N. C., in 1864, published a pamphlet of twenty-eight pages, mostly devoted to a description of this skirmish, prefaced by various heroic mottoes and quotations from Halleck and other authors. The book contains many extravagant statements, and besides giving the names of some of the officers and troops engaged, is of little value as a contribution to the history of the war, which statement is well illustrated by the assertion of its author, on page 19, that the loss of the Federals “was about three hundred killed and as many more wounded.”
Some of the statements of Northern writers are nearly as much at variance with the truth as those above quoted. Mr. Abbott, in his “History of the Civil War” (Vol. I., p. 151), says of Major Winthrop, that “he fell dead nearer the enemy’s works than any other man”; while Mr. Parton says, quoting from the report of the Confederate Colonel, D. H. Hill (“Butler in New Orleans,” page 146), that Major Winthrop “was the only man in the Union force who displayed even an approximation to courage.” While the author has no desire to detract from the fame of Major Winthrop, who was unquestionably a brave man, yet these statements are grossly false, and cruelly unjust to the other officers and men who took part in the battle. Colonel Duryea’s men charged the enemy’s works with great bravery, as did also the Massachusetts troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn; and had there been proper concert of action, these assaults would have doubtless led to victory. Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company fell on the slope of the enemy’s works, and his comrades, in endeavoring to recover his body, were obliged to drag it off by the legs; while, according to the best authority, Major Winthrop fell thirty yards from the enemy’s works, being shot while standing on a log viewing the Confederate position on their right.
Since the author has had the subject of this battle under consideration, he has consulted very high and reliable Confederate authority in regard to it, from which he has obtained the following facts: On the 8th of June, 1861, the First North Carolina Regiment of Infantry, under Colonel Daniel H. Hill (General D. H. Hill), moved down from Yorktown, where it had been in camp, to the near neighborhood of Great Bethel. On the 9th of June, Colonel Magruder (General Magruder) came from Yorktown and ordered Colonel Hill to move before day of the 10th, to rebuild a bridge near Hampton, that had been destroyed by the Federals. Colonel Hill did not like the movement, and requested Colonel Magruder, his senior, to accompany him. Magruder consented, and before daylight on the 10th, the Confederate troops, consisting of Hill’s regiment, 700 strong, some Virginia companies of infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, about 200, a company of Virginia Howitzers (Richmond Howitzers), numbering about 100 men, started on their march. After having gone three or four miles, day broke upon them, when they met a Mrs. Trumbell, who informed them that the Federals had been at her house that morning, and but for an accident which had occurred, whereby they had fired upon one another, they would have reached Bethel by daylight. Upon receiving this information, Magruder ordered the troops to halt, and then ordered them to fall back toward Great Bethel. Upon reaching the ground on the south side of the intersection of the two roads, between Little and Great Bethel, Colonel Magruder thought he would divide his force and send a portion of his command, together with the Howitzers, down the Back River road; but Colonel Hill, who was an excellent soldier, suggested that they had better keep together, occupy their works at Great Bethel, and wait for the approach of the Federals. This was finally agreed upon, and the wisdom of such a course is apparent from what followed.
When the movement was made by the Federals on the enemy’s left flank, “it created some alarm”; and when the movement on their right flank was made by Townsend’s regiment, “Magruder ordered the Virginians, who were holding the pits in advance of the creek, to abandon them”; but Colonel Hill sent Captain Bridger, with his company, to reoccupy them, which he did. About this time, Magruder, supposing his whole right flank to be enveloped, ordered a retreat of all his forces on Yorktown. This order was, however, recalled, when, soon after, Colonel M. discovered his mistake.
The Federal movement on the enemy’s left flank, “which created some alarm,” referred to by our informant, and spoken of above, was unquestionably that of the battalion of Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn, one of our Massachusetts officers engaged in it having always insisted that the enemy were retreating when our men reached their works. That the works charged by the battalion were the enemy’s main works, is beyond dispute; and the fact that the Confederates temporarily retired from them, is distinctly stated by Mr. Pollard, in his book entitled the “First Year of the War,” page 77.
The author has not gone into the numerous details of this battle with any erroneous idea of its importance, but simply because it was the first pitched battle of the war, and the facts concerning it have been much in dispute, and because it shows how the raw troops of both armies fought at that very early period.
General Butler thought the enemy cowardly because they fought behind works; but the fact that they did so, proves that they were commanded by good officers, who knew something about fighting; while the fact that General Butler failed to place some experienced officer—like General Phelps, for instance—in command of the expedition, shows that he had quite as much to learn as his troops, and even more than some of his lieutenants. The battle was, perhaps, well planned, but was fought by the Federals with very little skill. There was something of the same assurance of easy victory on our part which characterized the battle of Bull Run, that so soon followed.
On the 29th of June, a scouting party went out from Newport News and captured four of the enemy, who were in full zouave uniform, and belonged to a Louisiana regiment. On the same day, the Fourth Regiment was ordered to embark, but for some reason its departure was delayed until the second day of July, when, in pursuance of orders from General Butler, it proceeded by steamer to Hampton, and occupied that town with the Third Regiment.[15] In the forenoon of the 4th, both regiments marched to Camp Hamilton, were reviewed by General Pierce, and in the afternoon by General Butler and Secretary Cameron. On the 11th of July, the regiment marched to Fortress Monroe, preparatory to embarking for home, and there exchanged their Springfield muskets “for old, altered, flint-lock guns.”[16] While stopping at Fortress Monroe, the men were addressed by General Butler and Colonel Dimick.
On the 15th, the regiment went on board the steamer “S. R. Spaulding,” and after a passage of about fifty-six hours, reached Boston Harbor, landed on Long Island, and there remained till the 22d; on the latter day proceeding to the city, and being reviewed on Boston Common by Governor Andrew.
The disaster of Bull Run had so far depressed the feelings of the people, that the reception in Boston was not attended with that degree of enthusiasm which the soldiers had reason to expect; but every loyal heart was sorrow-stricken then, and the appearance of the bronzed faces of the men, and their well-worn uniforms, served only as a reminder of the sad realities of war. The local receptions given the various companies were, however, most cordial: bells were rung, flags displayed, and speeches of welcome were made.
These and other soldiers of our militia performed, in the early days of the war, a part similar to that of the Minutemen of the Revolution, and the gratitude of a liberty-loving people will ever be accorded to them.
CHAPTER XI.
The Review in Fortress Monroe—A Fourth of July Battle—Formation of the Massachusetts Battalion—Captain Leach’s Company Sent to the Rip-Raps—Guarding Prisoners—Burning of Hampton by the Confederates—The Battalion Sent to Newport News.
We have already spoken of the presence in the department of the Secretary of War, and his review of the Third and Fourth regiments at Camp Hamilton. On the fourth day of July, the garrison of Fortress Monroe was reviewed by that officer, General Butler, and Colonel Dimick. At that time Captain Leach’s company was stationed at the fort, and was reviewed with the rest of the troops. Probably no member of that company will soon forget the chagrin which he and all his comrades experienced that day on account of the shabbiness of their uniforms. There was not one soldier in ten of the company whose trousers were not in tatters, and whose shirt—for they had neither dress-coats nor blouses—was not faded to a dingy yellow and out at the elbows. The grotesque style of their uniforms, which are particularly described in a previous chapter, and the poor quality of their arms, added to their generally ragged condition, made them disagreeably conspicuous, especially as they formed on the immediate left of the regulars, a well-drilled and finely-uniformed and equipped body of soldiers. When the inspecting party, in full dress, came riding down the line, and their eyes fell upon the shabby-looking Massachusetts boys, Secretary Cameron was so much surprised, that he turned to General Butler and asked, “What terribly ragged troops are these?” The General was greatly mortified to be compelled to state in reply, that they were Massachusetts volunteers. When the equipments of the men were inspected by one of the staff officers, he found that their cartridge-boxes were empty, although they had been on duty there for more than a month.[17] The public disgrace which the men were compelled to suffer on this occasion was partially compensated on the following day, by an issue to them of a full suit of United States infantry uniform, including the dress-hat and coat.
Beside this inspection, the Fourth was attended by two other incidents of an entirely different nature. A little after noon, the United States gunboat “Pawnee” weighed anchor, and, steaming across the Roads, commenced a spirited attack upon the Confederate land-batteries at Sewall’s Point. The fight took place in plain view of the whole garrison, the troops off duty lining the parapets and watching every movement and every shot with the most intense interest. The steamer was very rapid in her movements, and managed to expose but little of her hull to the enemy’s gunners. Her shell were often seen to explode in the tree-tops and about the shore, while those of the hostile batteries frequently passed through her rigging and plunged into the water near her, throwing up beautiful jets of silvery spray and foam.