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THE RIFLE BRIGADE

LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET

Plate I.

RIFLE CORPS,
1800.

THE HISTORY
OF THE
RIFLE BRIGADE

(THE PRINCE CONSORT’S OWN)

FORMERLY THE

95th

BY

SIR WILLIAM H. COPE, BART.

LATE LIEUTENANT RIFLE BRIGADE

WITH MAPS AND PLANS

London

CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY

1877

TO

FIELD-MARSHAL

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS

THE PRINCE OF WALES, K.G.

&c. &c.

COLONEL-IN-CHIEF

THIS RECORD OF THE SERVICES OF

THE RIFLE BRIGADE

IS

BY HIS GRACIOUS PERMISSION

MOST RESPECTFULLY

DEDICATED

[PREFACE.]

A wish had long been entertained and often expressed by Riflemen, both by those serving in the Regiment and by those who had formerly served in it, that a detailed record of its services should be compiled. It was suggested to me by many of my friends that I should undertake this task. The will certainly was not wanting; but the ability to carry out their wish has not, I fear, been equal to their partial opinion, or to my own desire to do justice to the subject.

The materials for such a compilation were not wanting. The late Colonel Leach published a very brief sketch of the Services of the Regiment,[1] and his ‘Rough Notes’[2] give many and accurate particulars of events during the time he served in it. The Autobiography of Quarter-Master Surtees[3] is a most valuable record of the events in which he took part. Surtees came as a private into the 95th from the 56th Regiment in 1802. His good conduct raised him through the various grades of non-commissioned officer to Quarter-Master of the old 3rd Battalion. His book I have found, on comparing it with other records, most accurate in every particular. As the 3rd Battalion was disbanded before the order for drawing up and preserving regimental records issued from the Horse Guards, no formal record of its services exists;[4] and had it not been for the facts and dates preserved and recorded by Surtees, I should have found it difficult, if not impossible, to have given any detailed account of the actions of that Battalion in the Peninsula and at New Orleans. Though tinged with the peculiar religious opinions which Surtees adopted, and which perhaps scarcely have place in a military record, his work is written with a distinctness and in a style which do him honour. And the high character of the man which breathes through his work has led me to place every confidence in his statements.

Very different are Sir John Kincaid’s two books.[5] These, though written in too jocular and light a strain for regular history (‘ad jocos forte propensior quam decet’) contain many anecdotes and facts of which I have gladly availed myself. And I have found his dates and statements confirmed by other and more formal materials to which I had access.

Costello’s little work[6] has also afforded me much information; and he has recorded many circumstances unnoticed or lightly touched upon by others.

The ‘Recollections of Rifleman Harris’[7] have also been of considerable service to me in compiling this record, especially as preserving many particulars, elsewhere unnoticed, of the retreat to Corunna and of the expedition to Walcheren. His editor, however, seems to have used the materials Harris wrote or dictated without any attempt at arrangement; so that it is difficult, and in some cases almost impossible, to disentangle the narrative, or to arrange the events he describes in chronological order.

The valuable List of the Officers of the Regiment, compiled by Mr. Stooks Smith,[8] has also been of much use to me; and I have to thank that gentleman for some additional information, and for permission to republish that list with continuation to the present time, of which I hope at some future period to avail myself.

Nor can I close this list of printed works bearing on the history of the Regiment without mentioning the ‘Recollections of a Rifleman’s Wife,’ by Mrs. Fitzmaurice, to which I am indebted for many facts and anecdotes, many of them especially valuable because they relate to the less stirring times of peace; nor without expressing my thanks for her permission to use the materials she has thus preserved.

When I proceed to acknowledge the personal recollections and the journals of services in the Regiment which have been placed at my disposal, I scarcely know how adequately to express my obligations to those who have aided me. Everyone who has worn the green jacket, from Generals to private Riflemen, to whom I have applied, or who has heard of my endeavour to preserve a record of the services of the Regiment, has, almost without exception, most kindly placed journals and letters in my hands, or assisted me by personal reminiscences.

The aid of my friend Lieutenant-General Sir Alfred Horsford procured for me the transcript of many valuable records and the elucidation of many points which I could not otherwise have obtained. Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Lawrence not only communicated to me many particulars of the services of the 2nd Battalion in the Crimea, but placed in my hands his private letters written from thence, which afforded me most valuable information. Major-General Hill was so good as to draw up for me a detailed statement of the services of the 2nd Battalion, which he commanded during the Indian Mutiny. To Major-General Leicester Smyth I am indebted not only for a narrative of the battle of Berea, but also for the perusal of a private letter written by him directly after, and describing that engagement, and for much valuable information. By permission of Brigadier-General Ross, Lady Ross transmitted to me his letters to his family both from the Crimea and from India, to the perusal of which I cannot attach too great importance.

Colonel Smith, now I believe the oldest officer of the Regiment living,[9] has freely and kindly communicated to me his recollections of services in the Peninsula and elsewhere, and has patiently borne with my many enquiries which his accurate memory has enabled him to answer. To Colonel Dillon I am indebted for much valuable information which he kindly obtained for me. Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander was so good as to write out for me from his journals a detailed account of the movements and actions of the 3rd Battalion in India, in which he took part. Lieutenant-Colonel Sotheby had the kindness to transcribe for me his journal during the Indian Mutiny, and to illustrate it with sketch-maps. Lieutenant-Colonel FitzRoy Fremantle, Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, Captain Percival, Captain George Curzon, and Major Harvey placed in my hands their valuable journals and diaries. Colonel H. Newdigate and Captain Austin favoured me with detailed and important particulars as to the services of the companies of Riflemen who formed the Camel Corps. To Lieutenant-Colonel Green I am indebted for his own narrative and that of Mr. Mansel (drawn up at the time) of the affair at Jamo in which he was so desperately wounded. I have to thank Captain Boyle for allowing me to see his continuation to the year 1860 of Mr. Stooks Smith’s List of Officers, and for much other information. To Captain Moorsom I am under great obligations, not only for the three plans (of New Orleans, of Cawnpore, and of Lucknow) which he has contributed to this work, but for materially aiding me in obtaining important information. And to Surgeon-Major Reade I am indebted for an accurate and interesting account of the march to Cawnpore of Colonel Fyers’ detachment, to which he was attached.

Sergeant-Major Bond, of the Sligo Militia, and formerly of the 1st Battalion, gave me a detailed account, from his journal, of the Kaffir War of 1847–9; and Corporal Scott, late of the 1st Battalion, communicated to me a most minute and accurate journal which he kept in short-hand during the Kaffir War of 1851–52, during the Crimean campaign, and during his service in Canada. It is not too much to say that without the valuable contributions of these two non-commissioned officers it would have been impossible to give any detailed account of the doings of the 1st Battalion during these wars. Sergeant Fisher, late of the 2nd Battalion, placed in my hands an interesting journal kept during the Indian Mutiny; and Sergeant Carroll, of that Battalion, has communicated many particulars respecting the Camel Corps.

To these and to other Riflemen I owe my thanks, not only for the documents they have communicated to me, but for the kindness with which they have entertained, and the courtesy with which they have replied to my many questions for further information or details.

The officers commanding the four Battalions have given free access to, or transcripts of the several Battalion Records. These, though drawn up in obedience to an order issued in 1822, do not seem to have been compiled till some years afterwards.

That of the 1st Battalion appears to have been written by, or under the eye of, Sir Amos Norcott, who then commanded it, and by whom the transcript transmitted to the Horse Guards is signed. For it is very full and explicit in relating the actions in which he was personally engaged (as, for instance, the account of the engagement at Buenos Ayres, which bears internal evidence of having been drawn up by an eye-witness) but is rather slight and meagre in the narrative of many Peninsular and other victories.

The Record of the 2nd Battalion, transmitted to the Horse Guards, and dated March 10, 1831, is a model of what such a document should be. It has been compiled with great accuracy; and the movements and engagements of the Battalion, the lists of killed and wounded, and the distinctions won by its officers and men, are recorded under separate heads and with great minuteness.

These Records have been continued to the present time, for the most part with great accuracy and precision.

The Records of the 3rd and 4th Battalions have also been placed in my hands. The latter, containing, of course, only the movements of the Battalion, calls for no comment; that of the 3rd Battalion has been, in the earlier parts, kept irregularly, probably in consequence of the Battalion being broken up and constantly in the field; and no one perusing it could form an idea of, or trace accurately the distinguished service of that Battalion during the Indian Mutiny.

Nor is it to Riflemen alone that I am indebted for assistance. I have to thank Major-General Sir John Adye for permission to use the plan of Cawnpore, published in his account of those eventful days; Major-General Payn for an interesting letter on the same subject; the author of the articles on Ashantee in ‘Colburn’s United Service Magazine’ for his liberal and unsolicited authority to use them as materials for my narrative; and especially Lieutenant-Colonel Home, R.E. for his kindness in giving me tracings of the plans of the operations at New Orleans deposited in the Quarter-Master General’s Office, and for permission to have copies made of the plans prepared in the topographical department of that office for the Record of the 52nd.

I have expressed in another place the assistance I have derived from the accurately kept journal of the late Major George Simmons, and from his separate memoir on Waterloo, which were placed in my hands by his widow.

I have not attempted to trace the strategical or tactical movements of the armies of which the Battalions have formed part, for two reasons: my own inability to record what has been so well described by abler pens; and also because any attempt to have done so would have swelled this book to an extent altogether disproportionate to its object.

For it must be borne in mind that I profess to be the historian, not of wars, but of this particular Corps only, and of that part it alone bore in them.

So, in like manner, I have not recorded the deeds of other regiments which may have acted with the Riflemen, save in a very few instances where it was impossible to separate the narrative of their movements from that of the movements of regiments which fought beside, or supported them. In the case of their old and most frequent companions in arms, the 43rd and 52nd, it was unnecessary that I should record their actions, since the histories of both these distinguished Corps have been fully and well written.[10] And if others who have fought, and fought well, beside the Riflemen are here unnoticed, and as yet without a special history, they must believe that their gallant deeds, albeit unrecorded here, live in the recollection and the praise of many Riflemen.

To some readers some of the facts and anecdotes I have here recorded may appear trifling and unworthy of mention. But it must be borne in mind that I write for Riflemen, at the desire of Riflemen, and to preserve the memory of the deeds of Riflemen. By them I am sure nothing will be considered trivial, nothing out of place in a history of the Regiment, which records the valour, the acts, the sufferings or even preserves an anecdote of any (of whatever rank) of the members of that brotherhood.

W. H. C.

Bramshill: December 1876.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] ‘Sketch of the Field Services of the Rifle Brigade from its Formation to the Battle of Waterloo.’ London, 1838, pp. 32.

[2] ‘Rough Sketches in the Life of an Old Soldier.’ London, 1831.

[3] ‘Twenty-five Years in the Rifle Brigade.’ Edinburgh, 1833.

[4] The order for keeping regimental records is dated September 1822. The 3rd Battalion was disbanded in 1818.

[5] ‘Adventures in the Rifle Brigade’ and ‘Random Shots from a Rifleman.’

[6] ‘Adventures of a Soldier.’ London, 1852.

[7] Edited by Henry Curling. London, 1848.

[8] ‘Alphabetical List of the Officers of the Rifle Brigade from 1800 to 1850.’ London, 1851.

[9] He joined the 1st Battalion in April 1808.

[10] ‘Historical Records of the 43rd Regiment.’ By Sir Richard G. A. Levinge, Bart. 1868.

‘Historical Records of the 52nd Regiment.’ Edited by Capt. W. S. Moorsom. 1860.

[CONTENTS.]

LIST OF PLATES.

⁂ I have not inserted plans of the Crimean actions, as accurate and detailed plans of these battles are to be found in Mr. Kinglake’s ‘Invasion of the Crimea,’ and in other works of the period, which are generally accessible.

FOOTNOTE:

[11] The position of the troops on this plan is that of November 27, 1857; but the plan will explain the actions on the other days.

Erratum.

Page 337, line 31: the name of the sergeant who distinguished himself is James Harrywood.

THE RIFLE BRIGADE.

[CHAPTER I.]

Towards the close of the last century Colonel Coote Manningham and Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable William Stewart addressed a representation to the Government, pointing out the importance of having a corps furnished with arms of precision, and the advantage of training such a corps in the special duties of Riflemen. It would have been interesting to preserve the text of this document; but I regret that it does not now exist. Every search has been made in the records of the War Department, by the kindness of Mr. Denham Robinson, of the War Office, but, I regret to say, without success; and it has been suggested that it may probably have been transferred to the Small Arms Department, and may have perished with the records of that office in the fire at the Tower of London in 1841.

However, in consequence of the suggestions it contained, the following Circular was issued to the commanding officers of fourteen regiments of infantry:—

Circular.

Horse Guards: January 17, 1800.

Addressed to Officers Commanding the 2nd Battalion Royals, the 21st, 23rd, 25th, 27th, 29th, 49th, 55th, 69th, 71st, 72nd, 79th, 85th, and 92nd Regiments.

Sir,—I have the honour to inform you that it is His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief’s[12] intention to form a corps of detachments from the different regiments of the line for the purpose of its being instructed in the use of the rifle, and in the system of exercise adopted by soldiers so armed. It is His Royal Highness’s pleasure that you shall select from the regiment under your command 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 30 private men for this duty, all of them being such men as appear most capable of receiving the above instructions, and most competent to the performance of the duty of Riflemen. These non-commissioned officers and privates are not to be considered as being drafted from their regiments, but merely as detached for the purpose above recited; they will continue to be borne on the strength of their regiments, and will be clothed by their respective colonels.

His Royal Highness desires you will recommend 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, and 1 ensign of the regiment under your command, who volunteer to serve in this corps of Riflemen, in order that His Royal Highness may select from the officers recommended from the regiments which furnish their quota on this occasion a sufficient number of officers for the Rifle Corps. These officers are to be considered as detached on duty from their respective regiments, and will share in all the promotion that occurs in them during their absence.

Eight drummers will be required to act as bugle-horns, and I request you will acquaint me, for the information of His Royal Highness, whether you have any in the — Regiment qualified to act as such, or of a capacity to be easily instructed.

I have, &c.
Harry Calvert.
A. G.

Thus we see that the Regiment was formed as a corps d’élite; and as regards the officers there was a double selection, eight of each rank of company officers being selected from the fourteen originally recommended.

The detachments so selected assembled at Horsham, in Sussex, in March 1800, and their first parade as ‘An Experimental Corps of Riflemen’ took place there on April 1 in that year; Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable William Stewart being apparently in command.

The following is the Return of the state and strength of the Corps on this its first formation:

The Corps being now formed marched to a camp of exercise at Swinley in Windsor Forest in May, and proceeded actively with their training as Riflemen. They are mentioned with great approbation by Mr. W. H. Fremantle in a letter, dated July 15, 1800, to the Marquis of Buckingham, as being ‘good, and much more useful’ than some other regiments then in that camp.[13] The camp broke up at the end of July, and at the request of Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart three companies of the corps (Captains Travers’,[14] Hamilton’s, and Gardner’s) were ordered to embark, under his command, with the expedition against the north coast of Spain, under Lieutenant-General Sir James Pulteney, Bart., and Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, K.B.

The expedition arrived before the harbour of Ferrol on August 25, and immediately commenced its disembarkation. This was effected without opposition in a small bay near Cape Prioriño; but on the troops proceeding to occupy a ridge of hills adjoining the bay, the Rifle Corps, which covered the advance, just as they gained the summit fell in with a party of the enemy which they drove back. In this skirmish Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart was dangerously wounded through the body. On the next morning, at daybreak, the position was attacked by a considerable body of the enemy, who were repulsed with much loss, and the English troops remained in complete possession of the heights. But in this action Captains Travers and Hamilton, and Lieutenant Edmonston, attached to the Rifle Corps, and eight rank and file were wounded. Sir James Pulteney being, however, of opinion that Ferrol could not be taken, or the ground he occupied be held, re-embarked the troops.[15] It was subsequently stated in the House of Lords that at the very moment he did so the proper officer was on his way with the keys of the place, to surrender it. And Mr. Ford affirms that ‘had the expedition sailed boldly up to the Ferrol, the Gallicians were only waiting to surrender, being, as usual, absolutely without means of defence.’ He attributes the failure to the combined indecision of the leaders.[16]

Of this, the first affair in which the Regiment was engaged, it may be observed that it has the high honour of having shed its first blood before its actual embodiment, and while it consisted only of detachments experimentally assembled for instruction. It was the only corps engaged on the day of disembarkation, and (with the exception of one officer of the 52nd) the only officers wounded were attached to it. August 25, the day on which it was first engaged, was the date of the commissions of its first officers when it was formally embodied.

The expedition then proceeded to Malta; and an order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief for all officers and men of the Rifle Corps, whose regiments formed part of the expedition, to rejoin them, and for those whose regiments were not so employed to be attached to corps serving with the expedition.

Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, Captain Travers, and Lieutenant Edmonston returned to England.

The Rifle Corps was immediately re-formed, principally from detachments of fencible regiments serving in Ireland, and I presume also, on the return of the expedition, from the men originally selected as Riflemen. These detachments began to assemble at Blatchington in Sussex, near Lewes, about the end of August, and continued to join during the autumn. The whole of the officers who had been attached to the experimental corps were appointed to it; their commissions being ante-dated, as I have observed, to August 25, the anniversary of which has been since observed as the foundation-day of the Regiment. A second lieutenant-colonel and two majors were appointed, and some others were added to complete the Corps to eight companies, with a captain and two subalterns to each. The establishment was, therefore, on December 25, returned as follows:

The officers on its formation were:

Colonel.
Coote Manningham.
Lieutenant-Colonels.
The Honourable William Stewart. Alexander Houston.
Majors.
George Callander. Hamlet Wade.
Captains.

The Regiment, as it has existed since, and as it has won lasting renown in so many fields, as ‘a Corps of Riflemen,’ ‘the Rifle Corps,’[17] ‘the 95th,’ and ‘the Rifle Brigade,’ was then and thus organised under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart. For though Manningham was the colonel, and justly shares the honour of its formation, he seems seldom to have been present with it; for he was equerry to George III., and often at Court.

William Stewart was the fourth son of John, seventh Earl of Galloway, and at the early age of thirteen was appointed Ensign in the 42nd Regiment; but subsequently served in the 22nd and 67th, and with the former had seen service at the capture of the French West India Islands in 1793. We have seen that it was owing to Manningham’s and his suggestions that the Rifle Corps was formed; and after its embodiment he also addressed a long letter to the Adjutant-General on the discipline and internal economy of such a corps. His recommendations (which were adopted) were: that it should first be formed of volunteers from infantry battalions which best could spare them, and by men from the undrafted part of the Irish militia; and he added the (rather singular) opinion that Irishmen were preferable for Riflemen, as ‘perhaps from being less spoiled and more hardy than British soldiers, better calculated for light troops.’[18]

He now set himself vigorously to organise and discipline the Corps thus formed at his suggestions. The standing orders of the Regiment, which, though issued of course in Manningham’s name, were probably principally compiled by Stewart, testify not only to his capability for organising and disciplining it, but in a most remarkable way to his pre-eminence above and beyond the military ideas of his time. The germs, if not, indeed, the actual existence of most of the late improvements for the training and advantage of the soldier are found in these orders. The good-conduct medal; the medals for acts of valour in the field; the attention given and the methods adopted to secure accurate shooting, dividing men into classes according to their practice at the target, and instituting a class of Marksmen; the rules for a regimental school, and for periodical examination of its scholars; the institution of a library; the provision for lectures on military subjects, tactics and outpost duties; the encouragement of athletic exercises; these and many other plans, carried out in the British army only after the middle of the nineteenth century, are inculcated in the original standing orders, and were adopted in the Regiment from its formation.[19]

Sir Charles Napier, who was appointed to a lieutenancy in the Rifle Corps, December 25, 1800, and joined it at Blatchington, in his letters to his family, bears high testimony to Stewart’s ability in organising the Corps; though he seems not to have liked him, and eventually to have quarrelled with him. ‘Stewart makes it a rule to strike at the heads. With him the field-officers must first be steady, and then he goes downwards: hence the privates say: “We had better look sharp if he is so strict with the officers.”’[20]

In 1801 Colonel Stewart was selected to command the troops (the 49th Regiment and a company of the Rifle Corps) ordered to embark on board the fleet commanded by Admiral Sir Hyde Parker. And on February 28 Captain Beckwith’s[21] company, consisting of 1 captain, 2 first lieutenants, 1 second lieutenant, 5 sergeants, 2 buglers, 1 armourer, and 101 rank and file, embarked at Portsmouth on board H.M.S. ‘St. George,’ bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson. On arrival in Yarmouth Roads the right platoon of Captain Beckwith’s Riflemen was shifted to the ‘London,’ Sir Hyde Parker’s flag-ship. But the men of the Rifle Corps seem to have been distributed, on arrival in the Baltic, among the ships of Nelson’s squadron, which on April 2 attacked and reduced the Danish fleet at Copenhagen.

In this action First Lieutenant and Adjutant Grant was killed ‘whilst gallantly fighting the quarter-deck guns of H.M.S. “Isis.”’ He was the first officer of the Regiment killed in action. He had volunteered for this service. His head was taken off by a cannon-ball as clean as if severed by a scimitar. Stewart recommended Second Lieutenant Pendergast, who was in the expedition, for the vacancy, and he was accordingly promoted on May 9. Two rank and file were also killed; and 1 sergeant and 5 rank and file wounded, of whom some subsequently died of their wounds.[22]

Lord Nelson, in his despatch, says: ‘The Honourable Colonel Stewart did me the favour to be on board the “Elephant;” and himself, with every officer and soldier under his orders, shared with pleasure the toils and dangers of the day.’

It is said in the Record of the 1st Battalion that ‘an appropriate medal was issued upon this occasion by Admiral Lord Nelson to the non-commissioned officers and several soldiers.’ I have not been able to find any trace of this medal, which does not seem to have been given to the officers. For it appears from a correspondence between Stewart (then Lieutenant-General Sir William Stewart), Earl St. Vincent, and Lord Sidmouth in 1821–2, that Nelson had been desirous of obtaining a medal for the captains of his squadron who were engaged at Copenhagen, and had recommended Stewart for one; but that Lords St. Vincent and Sidmouth opposed the issue of any such medal, on the ground that it would be a very invidious distinction from those captains who, being with Parker’s fleet, were not engaged. Stewart advanced a request for this medal in 1821, on the plea that, being a military man, his case was essentially different from that of the captains. But though his application was then supported by Earl St. Vincent, it was refused (in very flattering terms however) by Lord Sidmouth.[23]

The Regiment marched to Weymouth in the early part of the summer, and was encamped there. Their being near Windsor the year before, and now at Weymouth, the summer residence of George III., was probably due to Manningham’s being attached to the person of that sovereign. They returned to Blatchington barracks in the autumn.

On June 25 the establishment of the Corps was again changed, and companies were given to the field-officers, as was then the case in line regiments. But this arrangement was of short duration, for on March 27 following field-officers’ companies were abolished, and effective captains were appointed in their place.

In the autumn of 1802 the Regiment marched to Chatham. On this march, at Maidstone, some of the men broke open the plate-chest of the officers’ mess. One of the offenders was discovered, and being tried by court-martial, was sentenced to receive 800 lashes, the whole of which were inflicted at one time.

The Regiment appears, even at this early period, to have been a favourite one with volunteers from the line and militia; and Surtees mentions four men in the ranks who had been commissioned officers; one of whom, indeed, was drawing half-pay, and was eventually recalled to full pay as lieutenant.

After a short stay at Chatham, the Regiment was moved for the winter to Shorncliffe and forts in the vicinity.

On December 25, 1802, the Rifle Corps was ordered to be numbered as the 95th Regiment, and thus assumed the name under which it was long known, and which its services on the continent of Europe made famous.

In May 1803, the head-quarters, with five companies, returned to their old quarters at Blatchington, and in November moved to Colchester, and eventually to Warley and Woodbridge barracks; the other five companies, under Colonel Beckwith, remaining during the summer at Shorncliffe, where, on Colonel Stewart’s promotion to Brigadier-General and command of a district, the head-quarters and other five companies joined them. Here they formed part of that camp of instruction under Sir John Moore, the marvellous results of which have been so truly and eloquently described by Sir William Napier;[24] and here they first met and were brigaded with their compeers, the 43rd and 52nd, in united action with whom, as the Light Division in the Peninsula, so many of their laurels were won.

During the time the Regiment was encamped at Shorncliffe, Colonel Manningham, carrying out the intentions of his own standing orders, delivered a course of lectures on the duties of Riflemen in active service, which he published.[25]

On the breaking up of that camp, the Regiment moved into Hythe barracks till April 1805, when it appears to have returned to Shorncliffe.

On May 6, 1805, the 2nd Battalion was formed by the transfer of 21 sergeants, 20 corporals, 7 buglers, and 250 privates from the original Corps (now the 1st Battalion); the remainder of the proposed establishment being made up by volunteers from the militia; 1 major (Gardner), 6 captains and 3 first lieutenants being promoted from the 1st Battalion, which also supplied the adjutant. The command and formation of the Battalion was conferred on Wade,[26] of the 1st Battalion, who was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel; and so vigorously did he proceed in its organisation, that in less than three months it wanted only 7 sergeants, 6 buglers, and 98 privates to complete its full strength. It was formed at Canterbury, but moved to Brabourn Lees, near Ashford, in June, where it was brigaded with the 1st Battalion.

It was while the two Battalions were stationed at Brabourn Lees that a singular instance of self-control and magnanimity was shown by Sidney Beckwith, then commanding the 1st Battalion. Some men, volunteers from the Irish militia, meeting Mrs. Beckwith, with her child and nurse, on the Ashford Road, most grossly insulted them, proceeding to such lengths (Surtees says) as delicacy forbids to mention. The culprits were discovered, but not punished; for Beckwith next day on parade forming the Battalion into square, addressed them; and, after relating the outrage, added: ‘Although I know who the ruffians are, I will not proceed any further in the business because it was my own wife whom they attacked; but had it been the wife of the meanest soldier in the Regiment, I solemnly declare I would have given the offenders every lash to which a Court-Martial might have sentenced them.’ It is no wonder that by such acts of generosity, as well as by his leading them in the field, this man ‘won the heart of every soldier in the Battalion;’ as Surtees tells us, who served in the ranks under him.

So rapidly and effectually had the 2nd Battalion been organised, that it was in September of this year ordered on service; the right wing being marched to Dover to embark for the Continent, and the left wing to Winchester, to prepare to embark for the Mediterranean. However, it was subsequently countermanded; the right wing, from Dover, being marched to Hailsham in October, and the left from Winchester to Eastbourne; and both in November assembled at Bexhill, where they were quartered till March 1806.

In October 1805 the head-quarters and five companies of the 1st Battalion, under Beckwith, marched to Deal, and embarked at Ramsgate for Germany, in the expedition commanded by Lord Cathcart. After a stormy passage, in which some part of the Battalion seems to have been in great danger from the misconduct of the master of a transport,[27] they reached the Elbe in November, and on the 18th disembarked at Cuxhaven, and marched at once for Dorum, a village twelve or fourteen miles distant, and proceeded by Osterholz and Bremerlehe to Bremen, the Riflemen forming the advanced guard. On their arrival before Bremen on the 24th, the barriers were shut, and the commandant of the Prussian garrison refused to let the troops enter; the Senate of Bremen also demurring to General Don’s request for a passage through the place, on account of its neutrality. However, Beckwith, who commanded the advanced corps, was not the man to be daunted by such refusals. He accordingly informed the Prussian commandant that unless his corps was admitted he should force an entrance. This he did on the morning of the 26th, opening the barriers by force, apparently without any armed resistance; and the refusal of the Senate seems to have been prompted rather by coyness than dislike, for the authorities of the town and the inhabitants generally received the advanced guard with expressions of friendship and satisfaction, the Prussian garrison alone looking on these tokens of welcome with great dissatisfaction. The Riflemen passed on, still in advance, to Delmenhorst, a Prussian regiment accompanying them through the city and across the bridge over the Weser, in order to guard their magazine of corn at Bremen for the use of their army on the Weser. From Delmenhorst the Riflemen were detached: three companies at Oldenburg, and two, under Major Robert Travers, at Wildeshausen, on outpost duty. These last were soon moved back to Delmenhorst, and shortly after reunited to the other three companies at Oldenburg. Here they were welcomed and entertained by the inhabitants, and by none more than by the reigning Grand-Duke of Oldenburg, who became extremely fond of the Regiment, officers and men. In consequence of the battle of Austerlitz in December, and the powerful armies set free by that event, and by Mack’s surrender of Ulm, to act against us in the North of Europe, the outposts were withdrawn to Delmenhorst, and eventually into Bremen; and on their march from Oldenburg the Duke sent forward plentiful refreshments for the Riflemen, both officers and men.

They continued at Bremen till February 1806, when the army moved towards a place of embarkation, Beckwith’s force covering the retreat; but as great numbers of the Germans, who formed part of the British army there, were deserting, the 95th were directed to remain in the villages in order to intercept them. However, eventually Beckwith’s Riflemen also retreated, and embarking at Cuxhaven, arrived and landed at Yarmouth on the 19th; thence they marched, by Lowestoft, to Woodbridge barracks, where they rejoined the remainder of the Battalion. During this abortive expedition they had never, I believe, been engaged with the enemy.

From Woodbridge the Battalion marched, in the spring of 1806, to Deal, and afterwards to quarters at Ospringe and Faversham, where they joined the 2nd Battalion, which had moved there from Bexhill.

On June 13 three companies of the 2nd Battalion (Captains Macdonald’s, Elder’s, and Dickenson’s), under the command of Major Gardner, marched from Faversham and embarked at Portsmouth, as part of the force under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, destined for service in South America. The transports in which the troops were embarked were in such bad condition that they were obliged to put into Rio; and it was not until January 16, 1807, that a landing was effected at Maldonado, near the mouth of the river La Plata. This operation was not accomplished without opposition, in which one bugler was killed and Lieutenant Chawner wounded. The General moved forward and occupied the suburbs of Monte Video, with a view to investing the place. On the morning of the 20th the enemy made a sortie, and attacked our troops with a force of 6,000 men. They advanced in two columns, one of which pressed our picquet so hard, that Colonel Gore Browne, of the 40th, who commanded the left of our line, ordered up three companies of that regiment in support. These companies fell in with the head of the enemy’s column and very bravely charged it. The charge was as bravely received, and great numbers fell on both sides. At length the column began to give way, when it was suddenly and impetuously attacked in flank by the Riflemen and by a light battalion which Auchmuty had ordered up. The column then gave way on all sides, and was pursued with great slaughter to the town. The other column, observing the fate of their companions, retired without coming into action. In this sortie the Riflemen lost 5 men killed and 25 wounded.

A breach having been effected, Auchmuty resolved to assault the place; and an hour before daybreak on the morning of February 3 the attacking column moved forward. It was headed by the Riflemen under Gardner; the storming party being led by Captain Dickenson at the head of his own company. They got near the walls before they were discovered, when a destructive fire was opened from every gun that could bear on the column and from the musketry of the garrison. The enemy had piled up hides in the breach; and unfortunately, in the darkness, its situation was not immediately discovered, and the troops remained under a heavy fire for a quarter of an hour. At last the breach was discovered and pointed out by Captain Renny, of the 40th (which formed part of the attacking column), who fell in the assault. Our troops at once mounted it, led by Dickenson and the Riflemen, and forced their way into the town; and though cannon placed at the head of all the principal streets opened a destructive fire, the place was taken and occupied.

In this gallant affair Dickenson fell gloriously at the head of his company; 10 rank and file were killed, and Lieutenants Scanlan and Macnamara, 4 sergeants, and 15 rank and file were wounded. The Riflemen engaged were specially thanked in General Orders; and eleven sergeants received silver medals under the sanction of the Duke of York, Commander-in-Chief, for their gallantry on this occasion.

The three companies under Gardner remained in La Plata until they were joined in May by a wing of the 1st Battalion.

This force, consisting of five companies (Norcott’s,[28] O’Hare’s,[29] Jenkinson’s, Ramage’s, and Bennett’s), under the command of Majors M’Leod and Travers, and numbering 25 sergeants and 370 rank and file, marched from Faversham on July 23, 1806, and embarked at Gravesend on the 26th on board the ‘Chapman,’ armed transport. Their voyage was a slow one. They sailed on the 27th, remained at anchor in the Downs from the 30th till August 4, arrived on the 21st in Plymouth Sound, were disembarked on September 2, and encamped on Buckland Down till the 13th, when they re-embarked, Norcott’s and Bennett’s companies being placed on board the ‘Alexander’ transport. They did not sail, however, till October 6, and then only to Falmouth; the other ship, with the head-quarters, having preceded them on September 28.

On October 24, Brigadier-General Robert Craufurd (under whom the Regiment served subsequently so long and so gloriously in other fields) arrived at Falmouth and took command of the troops assembled in that harbour for (as it was then called) ‘the remote expedition.’

It sailed on November 12, and arrived in Porto Praza Bay, in the island of St. Jago (Cape Verde) on December 14. Here Craufurd, with the zeal for discipline which always distinguished him, minutely inspected the troops forming the expedition, on board the several transports. The companies of the 95th were frequently landed for exercise during their stay at this island. They sailed from St. Jago on January 11, 1807, and anchored in Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, on March 14, and in Table Bay on the 20th.

Here General Craufurd received instructions to proceed, not to the coast of Chili, to which the expedition was originally destined, but to the river La Plata to join the force under Sir Samuel Auchmuty. The troops therefore sailed on April 6, and arrived at St. Helena on the 21st; sailed again on the 26th, and anchored in the river La Plata on the 27th. They were not, however, disembarked; and on June 4 a most violent gale drove the ships out to sea, and they did not reach Monte Video till the 14th. Every preparation having been completed for the service on which it was about to be employed, the expedition, comprising the troops under General Craufurd and those already at Monte Video under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, sailed on June 17. General Whitelocke had been appointed to command the whole force, most unfortunately, as the event proved, and assumed his command at Monte Video. On the 27th they arrived at Ensenada de Barragon, about thirty miles to the eastward of Buenos Ayres, where they disembarked on the morning of the 28th, at nine o’clock.[30] After some fatiguing marches through a country much intersected by swamps and muddy rivulets, the army reached Reduction, a village nine miles distant from the bridge over the Rio Chuello, on the opposite bank of which the enemy had constructed a formidable line of defence. The General resolved to cross the river higher up and to turn this position. On the evening of July 2, the light division of General Gower’s column crossed at the ford of Passo Chico; the Chuello was about waist-deep, and the Riflemen carried their pouches on their shoulders. They were soon seriously engaged with the enemy. They charged rapidly, and overthrew their opponents in a few minutes, with great loss, taking twelve guns. In this affair Major Travers and the officers and men of both Battalions serving with this force greatly distinguished themselves. One sergeant and 1 private of the 1st Battalion were killed, and 2 sergeants and 10 rank and file wounded; and 1 private of the 2nd Battalion was killed, and Captain Elder and 10 rank and file wounded.[31]

The left column, with the Commander of the Forces, united with that under Major-General Gower in the suburbs of Buenos Ayres on the afternoon of July 3, and the whole army was placed in position. Two companies of the 1st Battalion, under Major Norcott, were immediately detached to occupy an advanced post, and became warmly engaged until dark; by which time they had completely dislodged a very superior force of the enemy from every point in their front which they were ordered to occupy.

On the morning of the 4th this picquet was furiously attacked by several hundreds of the enemy, whose continued exertions to dislodge it proved fruitless. Major M’Leod joined the post about the middle of the day, and distinguished himself by his gallantry and judicious arrangements. This affair lasted until dusk, and our loss amounted to 2 officers (Lieutenants James Coane and Charles Noble) severely wounded, 1 sergeant and 1 rank and file killed, and 2 sergeants and 2 rank and file wounded. The two companies were relieved at night by a detachment of the 36th, and joined the army in its position.

Orders were received during the early part of the night for the attack of the town at daylight on the 5th. The five companies of the 1st Battalion formed a part of the column of attack under Brigadier-General Craufurd and Lieutenant-Colonel Packe, leaving one company as an advanced guard to each division, supported by a light company. Major Travers commanded the advance of the right column and Major Norcott that of the left.

The companies of the 2nd Battalion seem to have been attached to Sir Samuel Auchmuty’s division, the light battalion of which was divided into wings, each followed by a party of the 95th. These troops were all unloaded, and were directed not to fire until the columns had reached their final points and formed.

At the appointed signal the troops were in motion. The right column proceeded down the line of street it was directed to take, until it nearly reached the river; when, turning to the left, with the view of making for the Franciscan Convent and taking possession of it, it was assailed from the parapets and windows of every house along the whole street in so vigorous a manner as to render it impossible to penetrate further without the probable loss of every officer and man. Orders were at this moment given to retire; and General Craufurd took post in the great Convent of St. Domingo, occupying as many houses as his means enabled him to break into, on the flat parapetted tops of which the troops formed. Every possible effort was made to assail the enemy from all parts of the Convent, but without success; for those points which the men were enabled to reach were mostly commanded by the neighbouring houses on one side, which the Riflemen had not been able to force open, and from which fire they suffered dreadfully. With the exception of the operations of the force under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, and of the 45th Regiment, every point of attack failed.

The capture of the 88th Regiment, together with the Light Brigade under Lieutenant-Colonels Packe and Cadogan, and the immense loss of killed and wounded, furnished the enemy with such powerful means of attack that at three o’clock he had dislodged our force from every house they occupied, and confined our operations entirely to one or two points of the Convent. The loss of officers and men at this time increased most considerably. Every effort was made to preserve the posts; but, finding his troops deprived of all means of succour, or prospect of success in holding out, having ascertained the fate of the neighbouring columns, and further resistance proving quite useless, the Brigadier surrendered with his column at four o’clock in the afternoon, and the officers and men were immediately marched as prisoners to the citadel and other buildings. Major M’Leod, of the 95th, however, on Craufurd consulting the field-officers in the Convent, was the only one who demurred to the necessity of surrendering. But when Craufurd offered, if M’Leod was decidedly of opinion that they could force their way out, to head the column with him, he declined the responsibility.[32]

The left column moved as directed until it came in view of the river; it had scarcely approached the Franciscan Convent when, by an almost invisible fire, it lost nearly half its officers and men. Finding it impossible to penetrate to the objects of attack, Lieutenant-Colonel Packe acceded to Lieutenant-Colonel Cadogan’s taking possession of some houses. This was effected, and they were afterwards defended to the last extremity by that officer and Major Travers; but they were at length compelled to surrender, having suffered most severely in killed and wounded, and all chance of further resistance being deemed useless on account of the capture of the column on their left. Nothing could exceed the persevering gallantry and conduct of every officer and man of the Regiment engaged on this unfortunate day.[33]

The loss of the five companies of the 1st Battalion was Captain Jenkinson, 2 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 36 rank and file, killed; Captain O’Hare, Lieutenants Cadoux, Macleod, and Turner,[34] wounded severely; Majors Travers and M’Leod, and Lieutenant M’Cullock, wounded slightly; and 8 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 73 rank and file wounded; and 2 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 39 rank and file missing.

Of the three companies of the 2nd Battalion the loss was 3 sergeants, 1 bugler, and 46 rank and file killed; and Lieutenants Hill[35] and Scott, 6 sergeants, and 40 rank and file wounded.

In consequence of the treaty which had been concluded on the 7th, the prisoners were released on the morning of the 8th July, and joined the different posts occupied by the army.

Every arrangement having been completed for the evacuation of the country on the south side of the river La Plata, the army was embarked by the 12th, sailed on the 13th, and anchored at Monte Video on the 15th.

On August 8 the five companies of the 1st Battalion sailed for England, and arrived at Falmouth on November 9. They proceeded to Dover by sea about the end of January, 1808, whence they marched to Shorncliffe barracks, and soon after to Colchester to join the other five companies of the Battalion, to which station they had moved after their return from Germany.[36]

The three companies of the 2nd Battalion embarked also, under Major Gardner, on July 12th. They landed at Portsmouth on December 2, and joined the Battalion at Hythe on the 18th.

But we must return to the companies of both Battalions which remained in England. In July, 1807, five companies of the 1st Battalion, under Colonel Beckwith, and five companies of the 2nd Battalion, under Colonel Wade, embarked at Deal with the expedition to Denmark under Lord Cathcart. They arrived in the Sound on August 18, and disembarked at Veldbeck, about ten or twelve miles from Copenhagen, on the 16th. Immediately on landing, the Riflemen of both Battalions were sent on in advance towards Copenhagen. And here first they served under the immediate command of the great chief, who commanded the advance; under whose eye they were so often to fight; whose praise they were so often to receive: their future Colonel, then Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley.

To this march no opposition was offered by the enemy; a small patrol of cavalry appeared in their front, but retired on the approach of the Riflemen. They halted for the night at Lingbye, rested on their arms all night, and early next morning again advanced, and about mid-day took up a position within a long gunshot of Copenhagen, and invested the place.

About three o’clock on that day (August 17) a considerable body of the enemy advanced from the town and attacked the picquets on the left of the line towards the seashore. This small force, consisting of four companies of the 2nd Battalion and six of two line regiments, in all not more than 1,000 men with two light field-pieces, were opposed to about 3,000 of the enemy. But almost as soon as they came in contact the Danes gave way and retired into the town, leaving a good many dead and wounded. The detachment of the 2nd Battalion lost 1 man killed, and 2 men were wounded.

On the 19th the 2nd Battalion was moved further to the right, and nearer to the town; and from this day till the 24th a constant fire was kept up between the advanced posts and the place; by which, however, no loss seems to have been inflicted on the Riflemen. On the 24th they were under arms at two o’clock in the morning, and immediately advanced, driving in the Danish outposts; in this operation they encountered considerable opposition, and had some skirmishing among the gardens and suburbs. During the 25th a constant fire both of artillery and small arms was kept up from the place, by which a battalion of the German Legion suffered rather severely. They were relieved on outpost duty a little before dark by the 2nd Battalion, who did not lose a man at this post. On the 26th a division was formed, under Sir Arthur Wellesley, to which the two Battalions of the 95th were attached; and they were ordered to proceed into the interior to disperse a large body of militia and armed peasantry. They marched about three P.M., and made their way through the country on the left of the great road to Roeskild. They halted that night at Cagstrup; and next morning continued to advance towards Kioge, halting in the evening at a village near Roeskild. The troops were now, or just previously, formed into two brigades, the five companies of the 1st Battalion being attached to that under the immediate command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and those of the 2nd Battalion to General Baron Linsingen’s brigade.

On the 29th Sir Arthur Wellesley attacked the Danish army, which was established in position on the north side of the town and rivulet of Kioge. He sent round Baron Linsingen’s brigade to cross the rivulet at Salbye and fall upon the enemy’s left flank, while Sir Arthur himself advanced on his front, covered by the 1st Battalion skirmishers. The enemy gave way at once before an attack by the 92nd, and retreated in disorder, ‘followed in the most gallant style by the 1st Battalion of the 95th,’[37] and eventually by the whole infantry. Major-General Oxholm, the second in command of the Danish army, attempted to make a stand with the rear-guard in the village of Hervolge, but was briskly attacked by some German hussars and a company of the 2nd Battalion; and though he took up a strong position in the churchyard, which was considerably higher than any other part of the village, he was, after a short resistance, compelled to surrender with several officers and about 400 men. In this action at Kioge the loss suffered by the 95th appears to have been inconsiderable; no mention of casualties appears in the 2nd Battalion Record; Sir Arthur Wellesley says that ‘a few men of the 95th fell.’[38] They must have belonged to the 1st Battalion. The conduct and steadiness of the 1st Battalion of the 95th, under Colonel Beckwith, are ‘mentioned particularly’ in Sir Arthur Wellesley’s despatch.[39]

The two Battalions were engaged all the remainder of the 29th and during the 30th in scouring the woods near Kioge, in order to complete the dispersion of the Danish force and to prevent its reassembling. They reached Ringstæd on the 31st; and as the regular portion of the troops of the enemy had retired into one of the islands, and the militia had entirely disbanded itself, they halted here till after the surrender of Copenhagen on September 7. But during this halt detachments were occasionally sent out to search for and disperse any lurking parties of the enemy, and to bring in arms or stores. One of these detachments, consisting of 100 men of the 2nd Battalion, mounted in light German waggons, scoured a considerable tract of country, and took possession of ten guns of small calibre, forty rifles, and a number of muskets.

The terms of the capitulation of Copenhagen extended only to the British and Danish forces in the Island of Zealand, and the troops were, therefore, still liable to attack from any Danish force which might be reassembled on the mainland or in the other islands. Strong outposts were therefore established in the towns and villages along the Belt, and the two Rifle Battalions were employed on this service; the 1st Battalion occupying Callundborg, Slagelse, Corsoer, and Skielskior; and the 2nd Battalion, Nestved, Lundbye, Wordingborg, and Præstoe. They remained in their cantonments till October 15, when they retired towards Copenhagen, which they reached on the 17th. The two Battalions embarked on board the ‘Princess Caroline,’ 74, a Danish prize, sailed on the 21st, arrived in Yarmouth Roads in November, and (after a stormy passage) at Dover on the 15th, landed next day at Deal, and joined their Battalions at Hythe.[40]

On April 8, 1808, three companies of the 1st Battalion (Major Norcott’s, Captains Ross’[41] and O’Hare’s), under the command of Major Gilmour, marched to Harwich, embarked the next day, sailed the following day, and joined the troops assembled in Yarmouth Roads destined for the Baltic, under Sir John Moore, to co-operate with Sweden. They arrived at Gottenburg on May 17, but owing to misunderstandings with the King of Sweden they never landed; and having remained on board their transports nearly ten weeks, they sailed at the latter end of July, and eventually landed in Portugal, at Peniche, at the end of August, and formed a junction with the force under Sir Arthur Wellesley.

But previously to their arrival there, two companies from those of the Battalion remaining in England (Captains Cameron’s[42] and Ramage’s), under Colonel Beckwith, embarked at Harwich early in July. The strength of this detachment was about 180 men;[43] these landed on August 19, a few days before Major Gilmour’s force, which was immediately united to it.

About the same time four companies of the 2nd Battalion, under the command of Major Robert Travers, had embarked at Dover on June 8, and formed part of the force destined for Portugal under Sir Arthur Wellesley. The transports assembled in Cork harbour early in July. The strength of the detachment of the 2nd Battalion was 1 field-officer, 4 captains, 13 subalterns, 1 staff, 20 sergeants, 8 buglers, and 399 rank and file.[44] These disembarked at Figueira, in Mondego Bay, on August 1, 1808.

These four 2nd Battalion companies were attached to General Fane’s brigade; and, immediately after disembarkation, pushed on, keeping their right towards the sea, several miles over an unbroken plain of white sand. The men, who had been many weeks on board ship, were much fatigued by this their first day’s march, as the weather was hot, and the sand so loose that they sank ankle-deep every step. They encamped at night near the village of Lavaos, to which the rest of the army moved up as soon as they disembarked. On August 9, these companies, forming part of the advance, marched from Lavaos about three o’clock in the morning. Their destination was Leiria, and their orders were, if the enemy were in strength at Leiria not to drive him out till the 10th, but to halt in the pine-woods which cover the country between Lavaos and Leiria. And General Hill was ordered to let 200 Riflemen and a few dragoons feel their way into Leiria, and if they obtained possession to support them with his whole corps.[45] However, the French had evacuated Leiria before the Riflemen entered it, and it bore terrible marks of their cruelty and excesses.

The army marched hence towards Lisbon, the Riflemen still forming the advance, and daily expecting to fall in with the enemy, who were gradually retiring before them. The first meeting took place at Obidos on the evening of August 15, where, after a long march, a party of French cavalry and infantry were found. These were immediately attacked by the Riflemen under Major Travers, together with some of the 60th, and forced to retire. In the eagerness of this first encounter the pursuit was continued too far, and the Riflemen pushed on to a distance of three miles from Obidos, and quite away from any support. They were then attacked by a superior body of the enemy, who attempted to cut them off from the main body of the detachment to which they belonged, which now advanced to their support. Larger bodies of the enemy appeared on both flanks, and it was with some difficulty that General Spencer, who had gone out to Obidos, when he heard that the Riflemen had advanced, was able to extricate them.[46] In this sharp skirmish Lieutenant Bunbury and 2 men were killed, and Captain Pakenham[47] and 6 men wounded. Ralph Bunbury was the first English officer who fell in the Peninsula. Harris says that he was ‘the first man that was hit;’ and he was much regretted by his brother officers. It is painful to add that this first blood was spilt, in Sir Arthur Wellesley’s opinion, unnecessarily. ‘The affair,’ he writes to Lord Castlereagh, ‘was unpleasant, because it was quite useless; and was occasioned solely by the imprudence of the officer and the dash and eagerness of the men; they behaved remarkably well, and did some execution with their rifles.’[48] And to the Duke of Richmond he says, ‘that it was foolishly brought on by the over-eagerness of the Riflemen in the pursuit of an enemy’s picquet; the troops behaved remarkably well, but not with great prudence.’[49]

They held possession that night of an extensive knoll near the road by which the enemy had retired, and were under arms till morning, when they occupied the village of Obidos till the morning of the 17th.

Early on that day they advanced towards Roleia,[50] where, after a march of two or three hours, they found the enemy, under General Laborde, posted in a strong position on high ground, having Roleia and several passes into the mountains in his rear. The four companies formed part of General Fane’s brigade, which attacked the enemy’s position in front; but some were detached to cover the advance of General Ferguson’s brigade, which operated on the right of Laborde’s posts at Roleia. As soon as the army moved, the Riflemen of Fane’s brigade were sent into the hills on the left of the valley, in order to keep up the communication between the centre and the left columns, and to cover the advance of the former; and the enemy’s outposts were rapidly driven in. He was pressed by the attacking force in his front; Hill’s division advanced against his left, and the Riflemen were in the hills on his right. From this position he extricated himself by a rapid retreat by the passes into the mountains, where he took up a formidable position. The Riflemen were already on his right, and no time was lost in supporting them and attacking the different passes. These were all difficult of access, and it is well known that they were forced with great courage and impetuosity, especially by the 9th and 29th Regiments. Here, however, I have only to do with the part borne by the 95th; and their conduct during the day elicited the approval of Sir Arthur Wellesley. They were almost all young soldiers, and few of them had ever been under fire; yet, engaged with the French light troops during an intensely hot day, they succeeded in driving them before them from pass to pass, and mountain to mountain, in spite of a destructive fire from thick heath and brushwood, which hid their opponents from them. During this fight the Riflemen were fearfully galled by the fire from two houses which the French light troops occupied, and some high ground in front of the buildings gave them a further advantage. At last the Riflemen could stand it no longer; and one of them, jumping up and rushing forward, exclaimed, ‘Over, boys! over, over!’ In a moment every one of them was dashing forward, repeating the cry, ‘Over, over!’ and fixing their sword-bayonets as they ran up the rising ground. The voltigeurs could not stand this, but turned and fled; and the Riflemen soon entered and cleared out the houses. Their loss was 17 rank and file killed, and Captain Creagh and Lieutenants Hill and Cochrane, and 30 rank and file wounded. It was during this action that an incident occurred, which I give in Leach’s own words, who records it[51]:

‘Having driven the enemy from one of the highest mountains, and in the act of collecting our men on its summit to renew the attack on a second position to which they had retired, one of my brother officers, whilst holding his canteen to my mouth to give me some wine, well mulled by the sun, received a musket-shot through his hand and through the canteen, which latter it split, splashed my face thoroughly with wine, spoiled my draught, gave me a sharp blow, which cut my mouth, and spun me round like a top. For a few moments I concluded that I was wounded; but the mystery was soon explained by my seeing my friend on the ground bleeding profusely, and the broken canteen at his side. I sent a soldier with him to the rear; and notwithstanding that his wound was for a length of time afterwards painful and troublesome, we had the pleasure to see him rejoin us in a few weeks. A more gallant soldier, sincere friend, or a more independent, straightforward, manly fellow than Cochrane, never wore His Majesty’s uniform. In proof of the high estimation in which he was held by his Corps, suffice it to say, that his brother officers erected a monument to his memory in Ireland,[52] where he died a few years after the termination of the war in the Peninsula and Waterloo, in both of which he was actively engaged.’

On the 20th the two companies of the 1st Battalion which had embarked at Harwich, and had landed at Maceira on the day before, joined the army, which was then in position near Vimiera.

On the night of the 20th, a detachment of the 2nd Battalion, with some of the 60th, in all about 200 men, were on picquet in a large pine wood, on the road from Lourinha to Torres Vedras. About eight in the morning of the 21st, a cloud of light troops, followed by a strong column of the enemy, entering the wood, vigorously attacked this picquet and drove it in on the 97th, which was in support. As soon as the Riflemen had cleared the front of this regiment, passing by its right flank to the rear, the 97th poured a steady fire on the advancing column and held it in check, while the 52nd took it in flank and drove it back in confusion.[53] This picquet, on being driven in, rejoined the other 2nd Battalion companies. With this attack began the Battle of Vimiera. The Riflemen were soon assailed by a swarm of light troops, who covered the advance of large masses of infantry. These pressed on up the hill on which the Riflemen were posted, in spite of a deadly fire which they poured upon them; until, the Riflemen running in, the 50th received them with a destructive volley and a furious charge, which sent them, broken, down the hill in confusion, with the loss of seven guns and many prisoners. In this fight, three brothers of the name of Hart, privates in the 2nd Battalion, pressed on the French with such daring intrepidity, that Lieutenant Molloy, who himself was never far from his opponent in action, was obliged repeatedly to rebuke them: ‘D—n you!’ he cried, ‘keep back and get under cover. Do you think you are fighting with your fists, that you run into the teeth of the French!’

In the meanwhile the enemy were attacked in flank on our left by General Acland’s brigade, to which the two 1st Battalion companies were attached.

In his despatch of this victory and in General Orders Sir Arthur Wellesley particularly notices the valour and discipline of the 2nd Battalion of the 95th under Major Travers.[54]

In this battle the 2nd Battalion suffered severely; 3 sergeants and 34 rank and file having been killed; and Lieutenants Manners, Hill, James Johnson, William Cox, 3 sergeants, and 40 rank and file wounded. As they had left England about 400 strong, and had suffered at Obidos and Roleia, about one-fourth of their effective strength was put hors-de-combat at Vimiera.

No record exists of the casualties, if any, of the 1st Battalion companies on this day.

The two 1st Battalion companies, which had landed with General Acland’s brigade, were immediately after the action transferred to General Fane’s brigade, where they joined the four 2nd Battalion companies.

As I am the historian not of the War but of the Regiment, I need only add that, owing to the evacuation of Portugal by Junot’s army, and the Convention of Cintra, the portion of the Corps in the Peninsula was not actively employed for some months.

But at the end of August, the three companies of the 1st Battalion, which had been to Sweden with Sir John Moore, and had been disembarked in the Mondego on the 28th, joined their comrades in camp at Torres Vedras. There were now, therefore, five companies of the 1st and four of the 2nd on active service.

Early in September the five 1st Battalion companies moved across the Tagus to Villa Viciosa, where they were quartered; and the four 2nd Battalion companies soon after drew towards Lisbon, and encamped near it. The French army had not yet embarked, and the best feeling existed between our men and their late opponents; Riflemen and French soldiers walking about the streets of Lisbon and drinking together in the wine-shops.

Sir John Moore soon after assumed the command of the army; and moved from before Lisbon at the end of October. The Riflemen, marching with the central division, under Moore himself, on the 27th, by way of Abrantes, crossed the frontier into Spain on November 12, and proceeded by Ciudad Rodrigo to Salamanca, where they arrived about the 13th.

Meanwhile, five companies of the 1st Battalion still at home, embarked, under Major Norman M’Leod, to join the other companies already in Portugal; and four of the remaining companies of the 2nd Battalion embarked at Harwich, under Colonel Wade. After a short detention at Falmouth, they sailed for Spain, and disembarked at Corunna on October 26.[55] They were attached to the force under the command of Sir David Baird, and the Riflemen of both Battalions formed the advanced guard. A day or two after landing they marched to Betanzos, and thence through Lugo, Villa Franca, and Cacabelos, to Astorga, which they reached on November 26. Already on this march they experienced great privations, owing to the defective arrangements of the Commissariat; and it was not until they reached Celada, a village a few miles in advance of Astorga, where they halted for some days, that they were sufficiently supplied with provisions. They were then sent forward to La Bañeza; but after a few days’ halt they were, on account of a report that the enemy were in force in their front, recalled to Celada. Hence, on account of the utter rout of the Spanish armies, under Palafox and Castaños, at Tudela, Moore ordered Baird’s force to retire again to Corunna; and they retreated, the Riflemen now forming the rear-guard and halting at Cacabelos, while the army moved on to Villa Franca. But after a few days, Baird’s force was again ordered forward; and the Riflemen, now again forming the advanced guard, moved up through Astorga and La Bañeza to Benevente, which they reached on December 15. They marched again on the 17th, through Valderas, Mayorga, and Sahagun, and reached the Convent of Trianon, about a league from the latter place, on the 20th.

The companies of Riflemen were here reunited with those already in the Peninsula; the five companies under Major M’Leod joining the five head-quarter companies of the 1st Battalion under Colonel Beckwith; and the four companies of the 2nd Battalion, under Major Travers, which had served at Roleia and Vimiera, uniting themselves to the head-quarter companies under Colonel Wade, which had come out with Sir David Baird. When these men met, a few miles from the Trianon Convent, the new comers gave a loud cheer to the ‘heroes of Portugal,’ as they called their comrades who had fought at Roleia and Vimiera; which was heartily returned.[56] The worn and sunburnt appearance of the one set of Riflemen contrasted strangely with the trim and neat look of the other. They were soon all to be alike in the tokens of toil, want and suffering. A new distribution of the army taking place, consequent on the junction of Moore’s and Baird’s forces, the 1st Battalion were attached to the reserve, under Sir Edward Paget; and the 2nd Battalion, with a battalion of the 43rd and one of the 52nd, formed a brigade under Brigadier-General Robert Craufurd.

I will first trace the services of this Battalion till their separation from Moore’s army. On the evening of December 23 the Battalion was called to arms, with a view it was believed of attacking Soult in his position on the Carrion. In a cold and bitter night they moved forward; but had not marched far when they were countermanded, and returned to the quarters at Trianon. Surtees records an instance of Craufurd’s severe and impartial discipline during this night march. An officer of the Battalion, who was unwell, in passing a brook, of which there were many on the road, left his section and went round it. Craufurd, who happened to be by, recalled him, and made him walk through and through it several times.[57] The retreat commenced on the 25th, in terrible weather and over ground covered with snow. On that night they fell back to Mayorga; and the next day, though they started early, the state of the ground they had to get over was such that they did not reach the village of San Miguel till midnight. The day following they marched to Castro Pipa, near Castro Gonzalo. Here there was a bridge, the passage of which Craufurd was to guard until the army, the stragglers and the baggage had passed over, and then to destroy it. During this operation, while half the brigade worked at its destruction, the other half held the enemy at bay; for his cavalry hovered all round and frequently attacked them, and the Riflemen had some smart skirmishing. At last, at midnight on the 28th, the brigade passed over in single file by planks laid over the broken arches, and fell back to Benevente.[58]

On the next morning the 2nd Battalion left Benevente, and after a toilsome march of thirty miles, reached La Bañeza late at night; and on the following day moved on to their old quarter, Celada. On the 31st they marched into Astorga, and halted for an hour or two there while the magazine was destroyed; observing the road from Astorga to Leon, by which it was thought the enemy were advancing. However, they did not appear; and the Battalion moved on another wearisome march of twenty miles to Foncevadon. Here Craufurd’s brigade, which had hitherto formed the rear-guard, was detached, and proceeded by Orense to Vigo, in order to seize the passage of the Minho should Moore’s army find it necessary to retreat by that route. On January 1, 1809, therefore, the Battalion marched by most difficult mountain roads to Ponferrada. Here the men suffered great privation, the Alcalde having given all the bread to his countrymen of Romana’s army, which was marching with ours, and thus left our people without provisions after their wearisome march.

On the next day they marched over rugged snow-clad mountains; and while they were toiling over them another instance of Craufurd’s iron discipline occurred. The word being passed to open out to allow the General to pass, a hungry Rifleman called out that ‘he had more need to give them bread.’ This, unhappily, reached the General’s ears, who at once halted the brigade, ordered the offender to be tried by drum-head Court-Martial, and flogged on the spot: a terrible, perhaps a necessary, check to murmuring under such privations. So, labouring in hunger and fatigue, the Battalion toiled on to San Domingo-Flores, which they reached at ten o’clock at night, and after a scanty ration of black bread, lay down, wet and weary, till dawn, when another long and difficult march brought them at night to La Rua. These terrible marches caused many stragglers; many perished on the inhospitable hills; many fell into the hands of the yet more cruel enemy; and some, with the help of some refreshment from the sparse and poor population, dragged on wearily and rejoined the Battalion at Orense or Vigo.

In such want and sufferings the Battalion reached Orense on January 7, having pushed on a detachment by forced marches to secure the bridge over the Minho there. A halt on the 8th enabled the men to wash their linen and take off their clothing and accoutrements; a relief they had not had for many days; and a supply of provisions much refreshed the starving soldiers.

On the 9th they resumed their retreat, marching that day to Rivadavia, through roads inundated by the overflowing of the Minho and Avia, swollen by the incessant rains and melting snow. Three more such toilsome marches brought them to Vigo. And when they crowned the hills at some distance from the town, and, looking down on the bay and ria of Vigo, saw the ships which were there waiting to convey them home, the hearts of the weary, foot-sore Riflemen bounded for joy, and the rest of the day’s march was performed with a long unwonted cheerfulness. They immediately embarked; and after waiting in the bay a few days to give a chance to stragglers to come in, sailed on the 21st, and landed on February 1 at Portsmouth, whence they marched to their old quarters at Hythe barracks.

Meanwhile, the 1st Battalion continued with the force under Sir John Moore; and being in the reserve, under Sir Edward Paget, which formed the rear-guard, besides the almost unparalleled sufferings from hunger, fatigue and exposure to unusually inclement winter weather, were daily engaged with the enemy.

On December 28 the reserve passed the Esla at Castro Gonzalo and fell back on Benevente, and the bridge (as we have seen) was destroyed. During the whole day and night there was sharp skirmishing between the picquets of the Battalion and the enemy, who came up with the rear-guard for the first time on this day.

On the next day the outposts were withdrawn, and the infantry marched; but the cavalry was left in Benevente, with outposts on the bank of the river.

On January 3 the enemy again came up. The Battalion, forming the rear-guard of the reserve, was formed in front of the village of Cacabelos. This place, scarcely more than a hamlet, is situated on the declivity of a high hill, sloping down to a deep stream, a branch or tributary of the Sil, which is crossed by a bridge at the foot of the village street. Two companies (Captains Norcott’s and O’Hare’s) and a small party of the 15th Hussars were detached to cover the retreat of the Battalion. These troops were soon warmly engaged with a very large body of cavalry, advanced by the enemy as a reconnoitring party; but, as this was soon after joined by a still more formidable force, they were directed to retire and follow the Battalion through the village, and to take post on the other side of the river and bridge, situated at the extremity of the street.

During the execution of this movement the enemy’s cavalry pressed forward so rapidly and in such large masses that they compelled the 15th Hussars, who were in rear of the two companies, to retreat at full gallop. And Sir John Moore and his Staff also dashed past. The Riflemen, having opened to let them pass, immediately faced about, and forming across the whole breadth of the street of the village which they had now entered, poured on the enemy’s cavalry such a rapid and well-aimed fire that many saddles were emptied and the pursuit instantly checked. But it was still necessary to go through the village to pass the bridge, and to gain the opposite bank of the river; and this was at length effected, not without great exertion and fatigue, and the loss of about 40 men, killed, wounded, or prisoners.

The Reserve formed in position on a range of heights about five hundred yards from the river, the 95th being advanced as a support to their rear-guard, and in that position awaited the enemy’s attack. He was not long in fording the river to our right and left with a large body of cavalry and about a thousand Voltigeurs, which latter had not until then come up with the retreating army. They had been passed over the river on the horses of the cavalry.

The attack by this infantry began at about four o’clock in the now rapidly approaching evening, on the flanks of the Rifle picquets and on the Battalion of Riflemen formed for their support; and the enemy moved at the same time a large force of cavalry over the bridge on the high road to Villa Franca. After some severe skirmishing both with the picquets and the Battalion, these were obliged to fall back and occupy a more defensible position; and five companies extended behind the banks, and in the vineyards on each side of the road, on which the British cavalry and some guns were posted. Scarcely had this movement been effected when a warm attack was made by the Voltigeurs and cavalry against the Riflemen, the dragoons, and the guns. After an hour’s hard fighting it was found impossible to withstand the superior force of the enemy, and the advanced wing of the Battalion was withdrawn, and joined the other five companies, with the view of following the main body of the Reserve, which had just before been ordered to retire.

It was now nearly dark; and General Colbert, who commanded the enemy’s cavalry, conceiving probably that the Riflemen had retired, and that the English cavalry and guns were unprotected, made a most rapid and furious charge upon them with a mass of cavalry. The Riflemen again instantly threw themselves into the vineyards, and from the banks lining the road poured so hot and well-aimed a fire that the attacking cavalry were instantly checked. It was at this moment that Thomas Plunket, a private of the Battalion, noted for his excellent shooting, crept out with some expression that he ‘would bring that fellow down,’ and throwing himself on his back on the snow-covered ground he caught the sling of his rifle over his foot, fired with deliberate aim, and shot General Colbert dead. His orderly trumpeter rode up to assist him, but Tom Plunket had reloaded, and he also fell before his unerring rifle.[59] He had just time to jump up, and, amidst the cheers of his comrades, by running in upon one of the rear sections, to escape the sabres of a dozen troopers who spurred after him in pursuit.

By the fire of the Riflemen the enemy’s cavalry suffered severely. Besides their General, some two hundred horsemen were killed, wounded, or prisoners.

Night had now fallen, and no further attack was attempted: the Riflemen retained the position till about ten at night, in order to give the rest of the army time to fall back. They then retired, marching all night, a most difficult and fatiguing march, part of it through vineyards, and arrived at Curtro about daybreak.

This most gallant action may be said to have been fought altogether by the 1st Battalion; for no troops assisted them except a few of the 15th Hussars, who, being hard pressed by the enemy, rode through the two rear companies at the first onset, and formed on the rising ground beyond the bridge on the Villa Franca road; and ‘a few of the 52nd,’[60] who, as night fell, appeared on that ridge to their assistance; but Colbert’s final charge had then been checked by the Riflemen. Mr. Moore, in his Life of his brother, says that ‘to arrest the enemy, four hundred Riflemen, with a small detachment of horse, were posted,’ while the Reserve crossed the bridge; but in fact scarce half that number remained on that side of the river. Only two companies (Norcott’s and O’Hare’s) were there posted; and their strength would not have been a hundred men each after the casualties of several days’ march, in weather of unusual severity, and amidst almost unparalleled toils.

The march was resumed in a few hours; the weather was intensely cold, the road rugged and difficult, and the snow knee deep, and the fatigue and exhausted state of the men were extreme; yet amidst all these sufferings the Reserve preserved order, ‘covered the retreat, and protected, as much as lay in their power, the stragglers.’[61]

On the road from Villa Franca to Herrerias the French patrols during the night attacked the Rifle picquets, and wounded a few men; but the Riflemen drove them back, and the enemy did not ascertain that the retreating army had abandoned the position. After a march of eighteen miles the Reserve reached Herrerias on the morning of the 4th. A forced march of thirty-six miles brought them on the 5th to Nogales. Thence they started again, and towards evening of that day, when near Constantino, the enemy came up with them. Moore was with them, and his position was difficult. A river was to be crossed, and a hill overlooking and close to the bridge would, if the enemy should occupy it, give him such an advantage as would render the passage of the Reserve very difficult. Moore posted a battery on the top of the hill, ‘and guarded it, as usual, by the brave Rifle Corps.’[62] They held the enemy in check while the Reserve defiled over the narrow bridge; as soon as they were safely over, the guns were limbered up, and trotted down the hill; the Riflemen followed at the double, and passed the bridge without the loss of a man. The French rushed on in pursuit; but when they reached the bridge the Reserve were in position, and after maintaining the post till nightfall General Paget fell back towards Lugo.

During all this retreat Moore accompanied the Reserve, and rode beside his friend General Paget, their chief. His cheerful demeanour sustained the spirits of the way-worn, suffering soldiers; he praised their superior discipline on the march, and warmly applauded their gallant conduct in action.

The whole of Sir John Moore’s forces were now in position in front of Lugo. On the 6th the French came in sight, and collecting in considerable numbers, took up a position in front of the rear-guard. On the next day the outposts were attacked, and the enemy repulsed. And on the 8th another attack was made, and with a similar result.

On the 9th Sir John Moore drew up his whole force in position, and offered battle. After waiting in line of battle till towards evening, the General ordered the army to retire in the night, the Reserve covering their march. They kept up bright fires to deceive the enemy, and then, in a night of terrific weather, and in drenching showers of rain and sleet, they fell back towards Betanzos. Near this town the enemy came up with them, and attacked them during their passage over a bridge, with some loss.

The sufferings of the Battalion in the next few days were terrible. The men were in a state of starvation; many without shoes, and almost all in rags. The officers were, many of them, barefooted; and some, from hunger and fatigue, so incapable of further exertion that they had to be carried on mules. In this state they arrived, on the 11th, at El Burgo (the main body of the troops having entered Corunna), their discipline unimpaired and their courage undismayed. ‘For twelve days,’ says Napier, ‘these hardy warriors had covered the retreat, during which time they had traversed eighty miles of road in two marches, passed several nights under arms in the snow of the mountains, were seven times engaged with the enemy, and now assembled at the outposts, having fewer men missing, including those who had fallen in battle, than any other division of the army: an admirable instance of the value of good discipline.’

As soon as they had passed the river at El Burgo the bridge was blown up, and two companies of Riflemen, under Major Norcott, were posted in the village; the remainder of the Battalion being, with the Reserve, cantoned upon the high road to Corunna, at a little distance.

The enemy’s cavalry again came in sight on the morning of the 12th, and, after reconnoitring, dismounted a part of their force, and attacked the companies at El Burgo vigorously. This skirmishing continued during the day; but their efforts to drive the Riflemen from the post were ineffectual.

On the 14th, however, this post was withdrawn, as the enemy had forded the river on our left. The Battalion therefore joined the Reserve in the position taken up by the army on the heights about two miles in front of Corunna; while the enemy was employed in concentrating his forces on a very strong range of hills opposite and nearly parallel to the British line, and distant from it about five hundred yards.

The Battalion was advanced, in the course of the morning, about half-a-mile in front of the Reserve, in order to occupy several detached and commanding pieces of ground, on the right of Lord William Bentinck’s brigade, and just opposite a battery of guns on the left of the French position.

The enemy’s troops continued to pour into his position during the whole night. Their bands played, and shouts, plainly heard by the Riflemen, announced their joy at the certainty of a general action on the morrow, and the anticipated destruction or capture of the British army.

On the 16th several movements of cavalry, artillery and infantry were observed in the French lines, and about two o’clock in the afternoon the Riflemen could distinctly see their first line getting under arms on the brow of the hill. The assault was not long in coming. At three o’clock a furious onset of three thousand skirmishers burst upon the whole line of English picquets; which, although at first driven back, rallied under cover of the numerous stone walls which intersected the valley, and kept the enemy in check for a considerable time; particularly at the village of Elvina, which was watched by the brigade under Major-General Coote Manningham.

The enemy finding his first efforts to drive in our picquets unavailing, reinforced his first line with several battalions, and compelled them to fall back to their respective brigades. The action immediately became general, and the attacks particularly severe from the Corunna road to the extreme British right (comprising about half the English forces). It was evidently Soult’s great object to turn the right, whilst on the left and left centre the attack was not pushed with much energy, and was intended only as a feint. Lord William Bentinck’s brigade was so roughly handled about five o’clock, and was losing so many men by the fire of the enemy’s guns on our right (by which Sir John Moore fell at this time), that Colonel Beckwith pushed on with the whole Battalion; and dashing into the very midst of the enemy’s artillery, would inevitably have captured or destroyed them in a few minutes, had not two battalions of Voltigeurs moved out so rapidly from the second line to their assistance, that the Riflemen were obliged to fall back for the moment. They were checked, not quelled; a sharp skirmish, kept up for two hours between the Riflemen and the Voltigeurs, ended in the complete repulse of the latter, with considerable loss, leaving seven officers and one hundred and fifty-six men prisoners in the hands of their opponents, whom the Battalion took on ship-board and brought to England.

By this time the enemy had been completely defeated at all points, and retired to his position.

The troops embarked during the night. The 1st Battalion of the 95th was the last corps that entered the gates of Corunna, having acted as the rear-guard; and scarcely had it reached its ship, when the enemy made his appearance, with several guns, on the heights commanding the bay, from which he fired on all the vessels within range. The fleet, however, was soon under sail, and arrived at Spithead on the 21st. The Battalion was landed and marched to Hythe.

I have reserved till now the details of its losses during that memorable retreat.

At Cacabelos, on January 3, 2 sergeants and 17 rank and file were killed; and Captain Bennett, who died of his wounds on the 11th, and Lieutenant Eeles were wounded; and on that occasion 4 sergeants and 44 rank and file were taken prisoners. In the skirmish on the 5th, 1 man was killed and 1 man also on the 10th. One sergeant, 1 bugler, and 13 rank and file died of want, sickness, or fatigue during the retreat; and 31 men, wounded or exhausted, fell into the enemy’s hands. In the final fight before Corunna on the 16th, Lieutenant Charles Noble, 1 sergeant, and 10 rank and file were killed, and 8 rank and file were taken prisoners. Thus the total loss of the Battalion in twenty days was 2 officers, 8 sergeants, 1 bugler, and 125 rank and file dead, or prisoners in the hands of the enemy. Lieutenant Eeles, 1 sergeant, and 33 rank and file wounded disembarked in England.

But the condition of the survivors and unwounded was deplorable. The appearance of the Battalion was squalid and miserable. Most of the men had lost some of their appointments; many were without shoes; and their clothing was not only tattered and in rags, but in such a state of filth and so infested with vermin, that on new clothing being served out it was burnt at the back of Hythe barracks.

Among the losses of the Regiment consequent on the retreat to Corunna, not the least conspicuous was that of their first Colonel, Major-General Coote Manningham, who died at Maidstone on August 26, 1809, in his forty-fourth year. A short sketch of the life of one who may be called the originator of the Regiment, may well be given in this place. He was the second son of Charles Manningham,[63] Esq., of Thorp, in Surrey, who was Governor of Bengal in 1758, by the daughter of Colonel Charles Hutchinson, Governor of St. Helena, through whom he was nearly related to two distinguished Generals, Sir Robert Boyd and Sir Eyre Coote, who had married her sisters. Under the former, and in his Regiment, the 39th, his services commenced at the siege of Gibraltar. On the breaking out of the war of 1793, Manningham, then a Major in the 45th, was appointed to a light infantry battalion, formed in the West India Islands, in order to join Sir Charles Grey, on his coming out to attack the French West India possessions. With it he took part in the reduction of Martinique, St. Lucia, and Guadaloupe. He soon after became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 41st, and in 1795 was appointed Adjutant-General to the force under General Forbes at St. Domingo. While on this service he was severely wounded by an ambuscade of the enemy. On or soon after his return to England he was, in 1798, appointed Aide-de-Camp to King George III., with the rank of Colonel, and soon after one of His Majesty’s Equerries. He was promoted a Major-General in 1805; and after serving some time on the home staff, he was appointed to command a brigade in the division which went out with Sir David Baird in 1808. On the junction of this force with that under Sir John Moore, he had a brigade under Moore, and took part in the retreat; and, as we have seen, held the position of Elvina in the final action at Corunna. The fatigues and sufferings he had undergone during this campaign, acting on a constitution impaired by service and by wounds in the West Indies, brought on, soon after his return to England, an illness from which he never rallied. He is buried at Little Bookham,[64] in Surrey, where this inscription to his memory remains:

In this vault are deposited the remains of
Major-General Coote Manningham, equerry to the king
and colonel of the 95th or rifle regiment of foot;
This corps he originally raised and formed, and by his
unvaried zeal and exertion, as well as excellent discipline
and good example, brought to the highest state of
military reputation and distinction.
He died at Maidstone, on the 26th day of August 1809
in the 44th year of his age.
An early victim to the fatigues of the campaign in Spain
operating on a constitution already enfeebled
by long service in the West Indies
and honourable wounds received in that climate.

A monument to his memory was also erected in the North Transept of Westminster Abbey, by his friend Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Hislop, in 1813; which records that ‘In him the man and the Christian tempered the warrior;’ and that ‘He was the model of a British soldier.’

His only surviving child married Sir Edward Buller, Bart., and more than one of her sons has served with distinction in the Regiment, in which they may be said to bear the honourable distinction of ‘founder’s kin.’

FOOTNOTES:

[12] Frederick, Duke of York.

[13] ‘Memoirs of the Court and Cabinet of George III.,’ vol. iii. 88.

[14] Major-General Sir Robert Travers, C.B., K.C.M.G., died at Cork, December 24, 1834.

[15] Sir James Pulteney’s Despatch, August 27.

[16] ‘Handbook of Spain.’

[17] It was popularly known as ‘Manningham’s Sharpshooters.’

[18] ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 23.

[19] ‘Regulations for the Rifle Corps formed at Blatchington Barracks by Colonel Manningham:’ London, 1801. Stewart also published ‘Outlines of a Plan for the General Reform of the British Land Forces:’ a pamphlet, of which a second edition, enlarged, appeared in octavo. London, 1806.

[20] ‘Life of Sir C. J. Napier,’ i. 19.

[21] Lieutenant-General Sir T. Sidney Beckwith, K.C.B., died January 19, 1831.

[22] Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart’s Despatch, ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 41.

[23] ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 50, 51, 52. This service seems to have established a friendship between Stewart and Nelson, which terminated only with the great admiral’s life. Several letters from him, written in very affectionate terms, to Stewart, are printed in the ‘Cumloden Papers;’ the last dated only thirteen days before his death off Trafalgar. Stewart also mentions incidentally that his son Horatio (who served in the Regiment) bore that name ‘by the express wish of that great man who fell off Trafalgar.’ He must have wished him to call his first son after him, for Horatio Stewart was not born till after Nelson’s death.

[24] ‘Life of Sir Charles Napier,’ i. 58, 59.

[25] ‘Military Lectures delivered to the officers of the 95th (Rifle) Regiment, at Shorn-Cliff Barracks, Kent, during the Spring of 1803.’ By Coote Manningham, Colonel of the 95th (Rifle) Regiment. Octavo, London, 1803, pp. 70. And see [p. 7].

In the same year appeared ‘Regulations for the Exercise of Riflemen and Light Infantry in the Field,’ octavo, pp. 70, with diagrams and two pages of bugle sounds. What share, if any, Manningham or Stewart had in these books, I am unable to trace. A preface (signed by the Adjutant-General) states that it is founded on a work written by a German officer of distinction.

[26] Hamlet Wade was one of the original members of the Regiment, having been promoted to a majority on its formation, from captain in the 25th Foot. He was an extraordinary, gallant, dashing Irishman (he was one of the Wades of Clonabraney, County Meath), and anecdotes of him were still rife when I was in the Regiment. Surtees mentions Wade’s praise and his rewards to him for his good shooting, when he joined as a volunteer. He was an admirable shot with the rifle himself. He and a private of the name of Smeaton used to hold a target for each other at 150 yards; and it is said (Smith’s ‘List of Officers,’ 58) that he and John Spurry, a private in the Regiment, held the target for each other at 200 yards: a wonderful feat, while the Baker rifle was still in use. There used to be a story of him at an inspection by the old Earl of Chatham, who expressed a wish to see some practice with the rifle; and having made some remark on the danger of the markers, Wade said: ‘There is no danger;’ and calling one of the men (no doubt Smeaton or Spurry), bade him hold a target, and he himself taking a rifle fired and hit it. Lord Chatham’s horror at this was extreme, on which Wade said: ‘Oh, we all do it.’ And bidding the other to take a loaded rifle, he ran out himself and held the target for the soldier’s fire. Probably no other men in the Regiment but themselves could have done this. Colonel Wade, C.B., died February 13, 1821, having retired from the army.

[27] Surtees gives the story at length, 53-55.

[28] Major-General Sir Amos G. R. Norcott, K.C.H., died January 8, 1838.

[29] Major O’Hare was killed at Badajos.

[30] The five 1st Battalion companies had thus been eleven months on board ship.

[31] The three companies of the 2nd Battalion at Monte Video had been engaged, on June 7, at San Pedro, when Major Gardner and Assistant-Surgeon Turner, 1 sergeant and 26 rank and file were wounded. I find no particulars of this affair beyond the mention of it, and the casualties, in the Record of the 2nd Battalion.

[32] ‘Brigadier Craufurd’s Evidence on Whitelocke’s Court-martial,’ p. 335-6.

[33] Two majors, 5 captains, 19 subalterns, 3 staff, 24 sergeants, 12 buglers, and 495 rank and file of the Rifle Corps (including the wounded) surrendered to the enemy. ‘Return in Whitelocke’s Court-Martial,’ Appendix, p. 45.

[34] Lieutenant Patrick Turner died of his wounds.

[35] Major-General Sir Dudley St. Leger Hill, K.C.B., died February 21, 1851.

[36] ‘Annual Register,’ xlix.; ‘London Gazette,’ September 13, 1807; and Record of the 1st Battalion. This narrative is evidently drawn up by an eye-witness: no doubt Sir Amos Norcott, by whom the regimental Record is signed.

[37] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 4.

[38] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 10. It is strange that no mention of their services in this expedition appears in the 1st Battalion Record. That of the 2nd Battalion mentions only the casualties on the 17th before Copenhagen.

[39] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 4.

[40] Surtees, 60-72. Leach, 28-38. ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. and: Supplementary Despatches,’ vi.

[41] Major-General Sir John Ross, K.C.B., died April 31, 1835.

[42] Major-General Sir Alexander Cameron, K.C.B., died July 20, 1850.

[43] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 28.

[44] Ibid. iv. 27.

[45] Ibid. iv. 77.

[46] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 94.

[47] Afterwards Major-General Sir Hercules R. Pakenham, K.C.B. The Duke of Wellington, applying for his promotion on October 15 following, mentions his being wounded in this affair, and adds ‘that he is really one of the best officers of Riflemen that I have seen.’ (‘Supplementary Despatches,’vi. 160.) He was his brother-in-law. He remained in the Regiment till 1810.

[48] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 95.

[49] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 115.

[50] Properly Roliça. I retain the name granted to the Regiment, and borne on its badge.

[51] Leach, 47.

[52] At Kinsale, where is this inscription in the church:

SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF
LIEUTENANT THOMAS COCHRANE
OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
HE DIED IInd OF JULY MDCCCXXIII., AGED XXXIV. YEARS.
AS A SOLDIER
HIS ZEAL, GALLANTRY, AND INTELLIGENCE
RENDERED HIM VALUABLE TO HIS COUNTRY;
AS A MAN
HIS PRIVATE VIRTUES, EMBRACING EVERY ENNOBLING AND ENDEARING
QUALIFICATION,
SECURED TO HIM THE ESTEEM AND LASTING ATTACHMENT OF HIS BROTHER
OFFICERS, WHO HAVE RAISED THIS MONUMENT TO HIS MEMORY.

[53] Leach, 50, who was on this picquet.

[54] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. III; and ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 121.

[55] Surtees, 74. I take the dates from Surtees, who was with this force. The dates in the 2nd Battalion Record are here in inextricable confusion.

[56] Harris, 160.

[57] Surtees, 80.